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The 4th International Conference of the International Forum on Urbanism (IFoU)

2009 Amsterdam/Delft
The New Urban Question Urbanism beyond Neo-Liberalism


Susanne Komossa*
*Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology, Spoorsingel 23, NL- 3033GE Rotterdam,
ABSTRACT: This paper will discuss the physical structure of architectural and urban models in relation to
the public realm as a locus of (ex)change and economic activity. The research The transformation of the
Dutch urban block in relation to the public realm; Model, rule and ideal1 shows that in Dutch planning and
design practises this relationship was underestimated during the last 100 years by a one-sided focus upon
social, cultural and hygienic aspects of dwelling that banned almost all economic activities from the new
Typo-morphological research of paradigmatic Dutch blocks dating from 1600-2000 and the urban
models connected, is applied to question the relation between urban block and public realm. Based on this
research I will try to formulate the criteria for the physical structure of future urban and architectural models
that facilitate space for the new small-scale urban economy of the creative industries as well for starting
businesses of migrants as means of economical emancipation.
KEYWORDS: architectural & urban form, architectural model, urban model, urban economy,
typo-morphological research


Why should architects and urban planners discuss the relationship between the urban block, public
domain and city economy?
When we analyse the transformation of the Dutch urban block during the last hundred years in its
relation to the public domain, it becomes evident that in the Netherlands social cultural ideals dominated the
transformation of the urban blocks architectural model. With the exception of stores for daily needs,
economic activity and small-scale urban economy in general, were excluded from the new blocks that
formed the building block, the basic entity of the new neighbourhoods and areas of city extension.
Small-scale urban economy was understood as something that was fundamentally harmful to the living
quality of neighbourhoods. (Changing ideals of urban blocks and economic activity, figures 1,2,3,4,5,6)
In order to understand the importance of economic activity, especially small-scale enterprises for the
public domain, and the neighbourhood quality of contemporary living quarters, the Hypermarch in Bagnolet
near Paris is a good example. Bagnolet is one of those neighbourhoods in the Paris banlieue that has been hit
by violence during the past few years. The former mayor of the satellite city who had become the managing
director of a highway supermarket discovered that there was almost no relationship between his
supermarket and the inhabitants of the area next to it. In order to change the sometimes hostile relationship
he offered the inhabitants the opportunity to organise a mini market on the parking area next to supermarket.
Nowadays the inhabitants of Bagnolet sell all manner of products there. At the same time, the stock of the
supermarket has changed. Today it contains more products that appeal to the locals. The economic activity of
the mini market has changed the character of the whole area. Bagnolet received a centre where people
engage in economic activity and which they visit in order to participate in public life. The presence of the

Susanne Komossa, De transformatie van het Hollandse bouwblok in relatie tot het publieke domein; Model,
regel en ideaal, Dissertatie TU-Delft november 2008, see also: author: Komossa


mini market directly influences everyday life in Bagnolet. The big scale of Bagnolet is shed by another light
by the new active character of playgrounds and commercial spacesThe neighbourhood has discovered a
new public realm to which it can relate. A new urban coherence has emerged.i

The one-sided focus in the Netherlands on social-cultural aims of dwelling in the past, resulted in the
collapse of the public realm in and around urban blocks in areas dating from the nineteen-fifties, -sixties and
-seventies ii. In Dutch neighbourhoods the public realm as the domain of (ex)change of opinions, goods,
labour and locus of debate and sometimes potential conflictiii was abandoned in favour of harmonious
collective green spaces directed towards active recreation, always accompanied by decreasing densities of
buildingsiv and designed for segregated groups of users that usually shared the same background. Nowadays
one has to realise that in fact this exclusive emphasis upon social and cultural aspects and collective space
during the past, has caused major problems today. Neighbourhoods, like Rotterdam Pendrecht catch political
attention. Euphemistically called magnificent neighbourhoods, almost all of them are in the process of


restructuring or even undergoing demolition. When re-structuring these areas, municipalities, planners, and
architects tend to focus once again upon social and cultural issues and problems. Tackling the lack of a fit
physical structure for a well functioning public realm and small-scale urban economy in order to improve
public space and neighbourhood quality is not (yet) a central issue.
In order to change current practices, fundamental notions have to be discussed that today form the core,
probably more than ever, of any debate about city and neighbourhoods. How do we connect tradition with
innovation, the local with the global, top down urban planning with bottom up initiatives of inhabitants,
planned order with daily chaos, the formal with the informal, old and new buildings, and diversity in
background and life styles of city inhabitants, with the identity of the Dutch city, officially recognised
culture with popular, migrant and youth culture, poor and rich, one with the other and conflict with
democracy v ? The possible answers to these questions also always contain a physical dimension that
influences or is expressed by the structural arrangements of the city and neighbourhoods. Activating and
facilitating physical structures for the process of (ex)change connected to the public realm and small-scale
urban economy could lead to many more potential qualities in these neighbourhoods.
In order to enable all the activities connected with the urban economy, fit space is needed. Small-scale
urban economy especially asks for specific physical conditions. Old and new, big and small, cheap and more
expensive buildings, and spaces have to be available. Additionally the physical interrelationship and
connection between the different activities, between dwelling and working and the public domain are
important. In the public domain economical activity and every day life take place at the same time and side
by side with living and working, the exchange of ideas and knowledge, going out, shopping, visiting schools
and cultural institutions, watching and being watched. The pre-condition for connection and overlapping of
economical activities and everyday life, for production and consumption, is a well functioning public domain
inside and around urban blocks, that is characterised by short distances and physical vicinity, high density of
buildings and uses, mixture of functions, diversity of users and kinds of activities, tolerance, dynamics and
This paper focuses on the transformation of urban blocks in the two great Dutch cities, Rotterdam and
Amsterdam, and the development of innovative architectural models in relation to public domain and urban
economy. In the large Dutch cities the public domain - and therefore city and neighbourhood quality - gain
their physical shape not only through social and cultural activities but also, or even especially, by physical
structures that accommodate economic activity as part of the everyday life of inhabitants and visitors.
The research tries to define the physical pre-conditions for adequate urban blocks by applying
typo-morphological research in combination with cultural, social and economic notions, such as urban
division of functions, segregation, and vicinity both physically and perceptually. Morphological research as
such concentrates upon the physical form of cities, blocks and buildings by selecting, producing, analysing
and interpreting maps and drawings. In this research the question is: how does the public domain and
economic activity actually take shape on different scale levelsvi of the urban block, the neighbourhood, and
the city? (Women and public domain, figures 7,8,9,10,11,12)


For example: typo-morphological drawings of buildings and urban blocks show the architectural


elements used to design the transition from private to public and to what extend the built structure can house
different kinds of functions. One glance at the city map of Rotterdam is enough to understand where large
factories, industries and harbours are situated. The morphological map of the building structures indicates
from which period a city extensions dates, and how big or small the distance to the centre is. The structural
map of rails and roads clarifies the hierarchy and accessibility of the different areas. A more careful analysis
of the structure of water and green renders, together with the position and form of squares and public
buildings, a good impression of how the position and character of the public realm is considered. (Analytical
maps of Amsterdam and Rotterdam, figures 13,14,15,16,17,18,19,20)


The morphological urban analysis based on typological-morphological research can further be directed
to more specific questions. For example: how are vicinity and distance between public domain of the city
and the urban block designed in a specific urban model, and which kind of architectural and urban elements
are used to establish this relationship? How are public buildings distributed within the city and the
neighbourhood, and how are they linked to the public domain? To what extent does the structure of the urban
block allow economic activity as an important contributor to livelihood? Does the physical structure allow
for different functions to overlap each other within a certain area and does the structure allow functional
It is clear that it is not possible to directly deduce from urban or architectural form the actual use of a
built structure, they only reflect each other. The research is therefore more focused upon the architectural and
urban mediationvii, how are architectural and urban model related to each other and how do they mediateviii
actual use? Researching the transformation of the Dutch urban block shows that changes of form coincidence
with changes in society. It also clarifies that if the form of the block changes so too will the urban model and
vice versa. Block and city model are complementary to each other. Every urban model has its own way in
which public buildings, squares, the water- and green structure are designed and positioned within the city.
Their form and position reflect how society thought during a certain period about public domain and in this
case, the quality of urban economy. And similarly, ideals developed on the scale of the urban models are
expressed in the urban block.
In 1961 Jane Jacobs published The Death and life of great American citiesix the book that made her
famous all over the world. With this book she drew attention to the social impact of urban elements, the


actual spatial organisation of buildings and neighbourhoodsx and the mixture of functions upon the quality
and safety of the public space within cities.
Typo-morphological research allows us to study the form of architectural and urban elements like stoops,
facades, canopies, access systems, corners and blocks in a more detailed way. (Corners as indicators, figures
21,22,23,24,25). Specific case studies enable us to connect their form to more general socio-cultural or
economical notions. Stoops are for example the locus of potential contact between very different peoplexi. Its
a form of contact that doesnt interfere with the anonymity and privacy of people, but notwithstanding it
causes trust and increases the liveability, diversity and variety in neighbourhoods. In terms of Sennett who
poses The city is where strangers meetxii one could say this kind of contact takes away the fear of strangers
and the other. Besides the presence of stoops and a mixture of functions, there are other physically
important conditions for a well functioning public realm: urban blocks that furnish a great number of
cornersxiii and a diversity of routes the passer-by can choose from, density and mixture of old and new,
low-cost and expensive spaces, in a way that even marginal activities have a chance to flourish. He the
passenger would have alterative routes to choose from, the neighbourhood would literally open up for him.
And in the relation to urban economy: The supply of feasible spots for commercial activity would increase

The transition from private to public in the houses of the Amsterdam ring-canals provides a clear


example of the importance of stoops and the overlap of functions during the past and even today. In the
organisation of the Dutch house in the Amsterdam ring canals dating from the seventeenth century, where
production and consumption were not yet separated, one can see how private space and public domain
literally overlap each other. In the private comptoirxv, for example the front room was used as trading office,
and the broad part of hallway next to it forms part of the public domain as of the private realm of the house.
The organisation of stoop and outdoor stairs is complex: the stairs access the house and trading office. Stoop
and hatchway give way to the basement in the front house that was usually hired out as storage and a selling
room for items of urban bulk, like wine and beer. Today this spatial arrangement is still very much
appreciated if we take into account the amount of small-scaled, often creative businesses that are housed in
this area. One can find the former comptoir in the so-called living-working dwellings, as transition between
private and public. A recent example can be found in the housing designed by Frits van Dongen
(Architectencie, 1998) for the Landtong project in Rotterdam. (Transitions from private to public, figures



Jane Jacobs was also one of the first authorsxvi who discussed the relationship between the physical
structurexvii of the city, and urban economy. In 1969 she wrote the book The economy of citiesxviii in which
she describes the city as origin, place and motor of any economical innovation. Cities (opposite to villages,
towns and farms) are the primary necessity for economic development and expansion, including rural
development.xix About the way in which the city should be organised she says: I do not mean that cities are
economically valuable in spite of their inefficiencies and impracticalities, but rather because they are
inefficient and impractical.xx
On one hand she criticises with this statement general urban planning ideas that were still current during
the nineteen sixties and which advocated the efficient functional division of dwelling, working, traffic and
recreation in order to realise clear goal orientated and easily executable policies. During the last hundred
years the municipal policies of the cities of Amsterdam and Rotterdam were mainly pointed at the social,
cultural and hygienic aspects of dwelling. Economical activity was as stated earlier foremost considered
on a large scale concentrated in the city centre or in harbour and industrial areas, and as something that is
relatively independent from dwelling. The physical policies of the cities were from halfway the thirties which
were dominated by thinking on a big scale, and at the same time reinforced by CIAM ideas and ideals.
Slowly but surely CIAM ideas entered architecture and urban planning and formalised the urban division of
functions by supplying the architectural and urban models. In the practice of urban extensions during the
years before the Second World War and from the fifties to the seventies this meant that the city was divided
into areas for dwelling, working, recreation and infrastructure. Every category had its own policies. This led
to a situation that the city - also in a physical sense - was divided into parts where one function dominated.
The division of neighbourhoods and functions literally took shape by the introduction of an extensive
structure of green that did not connect but divide. At the same time the division of functions meant a thinning
down and the reduction of density, especially in the dwelling areas. The mutual distance between dwellings
and the individual dwelling and public domain of the city was increased exponentially. During the last
decades the quality of public space in these neighbourhoods decreased because the collective green spaces
were not understood by the new inhabitants and left unused. The neighbourhoods were not able to
transform and to provide a public domain and spaces for small-scale economic activity to inhabitants with a
variety of backgrounds.
On the scale of the urban block one can distinguish during this period a comparable increase of the
separation of functions. Economic activity that formed a self-evident element of any urban block in the
seventeenth to nineteenth century city extensions gradually vanished. The one-sided emphasis upon social,
cultural and hygienic aspects of dwelling led to a considerable transformation of the urban block, not only in
relation to its programmatic and functional aspects but also in its spatial arrangements. The new
neighbourhoods and urban blocks built by the housing corporations after the Dutch Housing Act in 1901
were mainly meant to be lived in by groups of inhabitants that share the same background. (Rotterdam
Pendrecht: Collective green replaces public realm, figures 32,33,34,35)


Today the attention paid to employment, dwelling, recreation, and traffic and transportation as large
separate spatial entities, shifts to the mutual connection of these urban functions. There is a growing interest
in those parts of urban economy that are characterised by the integration of dwelling and working, or put into
other terms, of production and consumption. Especially for the so-called creative industries, policy makers
start to understand the meaning of the city as place and motor of economical innovation. That cities and
neighbourhoods are also the places of socio-economical emancipation of migrants is less clear.
The integrated industries, in which dwelling, working and everyday life are closely interconnected are
by definition small-scale economies. Once companies, especially manufacturing businesses, grow bigger
they have to search for other locations.
The small-scale urban economy is expected to be the incubator for the development of new ideas,
products and services, the so-called knowledge and creative industries. One assumes that they will generate
in the short run impulses for the over-all western knowledge industry so that it will be able to meet the
challenges and compete by specialisation, knowledge and creativity with the upcoming Asiatic economies
that are focused on mass production and distant-service. Western cities and regions, like Amsterdam and
Rotterdam, state that through the development and specialisation of the knowledge and creative industries
with their spin-off of new companies, todays level of welfare of city inhabitants can also be maintained in


the future.
The small-scale urban economy can also be understood as a means for integration and emancipation of
Dutch citizens that have a non-western background. The possibility to start ones own businesses, and as a
consequence attain economic independence, offers the means to achieve an equal position in Dutch societyxxi.
Already today the majority of start up entrepreneurs in Rotterdam and Amsterdam are of non-western
background. But if we look at recent projects in neighbourhoods with a great number of inhabitants with a
non-western background, for example the restructuring of Rotterdam Tussendijken or Transvaal in The
Hague, this notion often seems to be lacking in the new block models designed for these areas. (Urban
enclaves: double rings in closed composition, figures 36,37,38,39)

Small-scale economical activities and the dynamics of old and new, cheap and expensive, can also


contribute to what one would call a sustainable group of inhabitants and users that want and can dwell and
work over a longer period in the neighbourhood. The key link in a perpetual slum is that too many people
move out of it too fast and in the meantime dream of getting out xxii . For the Dutch
problem-neighbourhoods, a second item, the absence of (possibilities for) active involvement applies, which
may also explain the devastation of public space. Many people do not live voluntarily in these so-called
magnificent neighbourhoods but are forced to due to poverty and the lack of other prospects. In that case
they ask themselves why should one pay a lot of attention to their area? Above that the chances to start a
business in a neighbourhood like Pendrecht in Rotterdam are minimal with little potential, for example, to
find a fit spot with enough people passing by in order to start a viable shop or workplace.
Sustainability of quarters and neighbourhoods also means that one has to accept that areas and
neighbourhoods know periods of decline. The Amsterdam ring canals and Amsterdam South have known
these periods of relative decline, impoverishment and low house and apartment prices. The same happened
before in De Pijp in Amsterdam. So it is not enough to examine a neighbourhoods wellbeing or not at a
certain moment, but one has to also analyse the transformative potential of its physical structure over the
course of time.
Jos Gadet xxiii who works as a social geographer at the Physical Planning Department of the
municipality of Amsterdam (Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordening) points to a necessity for the knowledge and
creative industries that is usually not specifically recognised: the need for knowledge exchange and vicinity.
Gadet distinguishes knowledge that is generally available in libraries, the Internet, etc and specific
knowledge bound to individuals. In his eyes only people talking to each other, i.e. in a situation of physical
proximity, transfer certain specific knowledge. This explains why certain enterprises search for each others
physical proximity, and public spaces like cafes, in order to exchange thoughts and ideas. Physical vicinity
also seems to be important in a psychological sense. By seeing and talking to each other it is easier to trust
one another. Vicinity, and concentration of different disciplines, also facilitates dropping in to each others
office spaces and (work)shops in order to gather fast (and cheap) expertise and services from other
disciplinesxxiv. This applies in fact to all starting and small-scale businesses.
Already in 1969 Jane Jacobs discussed the nature of the physical structure of the city where economical
innovation and new businesses emerge. Consider too the physical arrangements that promotes the greatest
profusion of duplicate and diverse enterprises serving the population of the city, and lead therefore to the
greatest opportunities for plentiful division of labour on which new work can potentially arise xxv
Summarised in short the physical arrangements are vicinity and connectivity, the mixture of small functions,
where some functions like cafs and shops are used by everybody. High density of users and visitors, short
routes and a mixture of living and working spaces, different types of buildings, like old and new, cheap and
expensive, big and small, form other important preconditions.
In the Netherlands we can ask ourselves whether and how these kinds of ideas are echoed in projects
like the restructuring of the Oude Westen in Rotterdam during the seventies, the GWL terrain in Amsterdam
during the nineties and more recently the development of the Wilhelmina Pier in Rotterdam? Do the new
plans incorporate changing insights and thoughts related to the mixture of functions and healthy chaos in
their architectural model? And if yes, how do they do it? What are the forms, organisations and meanings of
the Dutch urban block in the new plans?
Now at the beginning of the twenty first century the Dutch urban block needs once again a
transformation if one considers global economical changes and worldwide migration. The contemporary
Dutch urban block should as in the seventeenth and at the end of the nineteenth century be able to offer a
public domain to city inhabitants, visitors and migrants that are characterised by very different backgrounds.
For the future of the western European city, the development of the service, knowledge and creative
industries is of fundamental importance. These industries especially when starting depend for their


development, knowledge exchange and risk spreading in a well functioning public domain and small
business spaces that are not too highly priced. These are also important for migrants that initiate their own
businesses. In fact the urban block, the city, and the public domain form for both groups the natural
In order to understand the relation between economical dynamics and the transformation of urban
models, the careful analysis of the architectural models of the urban block is essential. Not only does the
urban block transform under the influence of changes in the socio-cultural and economic context, but also the
relation between the private space of dwellings and the public domain of the city is highly relevant.
As architects and urban planners we have to understand the relationship between socio-cultural and
economic changes, and the transformation of architectural and urban models. In order to develop adequate
new architectural models for the Dutch urban block we have to consider urban economy and the public
domain as categories that constitute the city.
There are some encouraging initiatives and designs, like Amsterdam IJburg and the Solids that show the
physical dimensions that architects and urban planners have to reflect upon and design. (Promising
architectural models IJburg & Solids, figures 40,41,42,43,44,45)


Boxel, E. van, Koreman, K., ZUS-Zones Urbaines Sensibles (2007) Re-public, naar een nieuwe ruimte
politiek (Rotterdam, NAI uitgevers) pp. 19.
Neighbourhoods in the Netherlands dating from the nineteen-fifties, -sixties and -seventies that suffer from
severe social and economical problems and are often characterised by a relative poor and segregated group of
Hajer, M., Reijndorp A. (2001) Op zoek naar nieuw publiek domein (Rotterdam, NAI uitgevers) pp.11.
English edtion: Hajer, M., Reijndorp A. (2002) In search of a new public domain domein (Rotterdam, NAI
number of dwellings/hectare in relation to the average dwelling size, see also: (19 paradigmatically )
projects, Komossa, S., Meyer, H. e.a.(2005); Atlas of the Dutch urban block, (Bussum, Thoth).
The city as place to negotiate conflict without going to war very differently than countries and nations.
Saskia Sassen (21 January 2008) emphasises the importance of cities above nations in: I have a dreamde rol
van de stad; Lezingen en debat, Felix Meritis Amsterdam. Jacobs (1984) made a comparable statement earlier
in her book Cities and the wealth of nations (New York, Random House).
In order to research the relationship between economic activities, daily life and urban blocks - that in fact
constitute almost 80% of the cities built volume - one can follow two approaches. Economical-geographic
research that maps where companies are and why. Morphological and typo-morphological research
addresses the how by investigating the architectural and urban models focussing also upon the physical
structure of blocks, buildings and city extensions.
See also: Transformatie van stadsmodel en bouwblok: De mercantiele stad, De verfraaide
civieltechnische stad in de negentiende eeuw, De stad van de sociale hervormers, De sociaal culturele
stad, Komossa, S. (2008) De transformatie van het Hollandse bouwblok in relatie tot het publieke domein;
Model, regel en ideaal, PhD-thesis, (Delft,
Publication of an English edition Dutch urban block and public domain; model, rule, ideal is expected
spring 2010 (Nijmegen, Vantilt).
Mediation: ...that the development of form is not directly related to the translation of a social aim, but that
form during the development of the design uses mediations that are specific for architecture. Dutch: ....dat
de uitwerking van de vorm niet terug is te brengen tot de directe vertaling van de sociale opdracht, dat zij


tijdens het totstandkomen van het ontwerp gebruik maakt van voor de architectuur specifieke bemiddelingen..
, Castex, J., Depaule C.-Ch., Panerai Ph. (1984), De rationele stad, Van bouwblok tot wooneenheid,
(Nijmegen, SUN) pp.222, First French edition: Castex, J., Depaule C.-Ch., Panerai Ph.(1977) Formes
Urbaines: de lilt la barre (Parijs, Bordas).
Jacobs, J. (1961) The death and life of great American cities (New York , Random House). Plans to demolish
Greenwich Village, New York, in 1960 caused Jacobs to analyse this neighbourhood where she lived more
closely. According to her, Greenwich Village was not the problem that had to be sanitised by demolition but
the modernistic neighbourhoods elsewhere in Manhattan: they had become ghettos that were one-sidedly
orientated around dwelling and they criminality and un-safety formed a daily routine. Compared to these areas
The Village was a safe area because of the intensive, sometime chaotic mixture of functions with shops and
businesses on the ground floor and dwellings above.
Jacobs, Jane (1972 (first edition 1969)) The economy of cities (Harmondsworth, Penguin). In The economy
of cities (1972) Jacobs underlines the importance of small-scale urban economy for the liveability and public
realm of great American cities.
According to Jacobs (1961) every participant of everyday daily life on the stoops plays an important role.
And even the idler, the good-for-nothing has in Jacobs (1961) an important task. Because he doesnt do
anything all day, hes especially able to watch continuously whats happening in the street and by doing so he
contributes to the prevention of small criminality.
Sennett, Richard (1992) The fall of public man (New York, Norton) pp.39.
Street corners express the nature of the city as meeting place, a place of superposition and conflict.
Sola-Morales, M. de (april 2003) Cities and urban corners in: monographs #4, pp.133 cited from:
Carr, Nanine (14 april 2008) Street corners, place of interaction an identification in: B-nieuws 11, pp. 14
(Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology).
Jacobs, J.(1992 (1961)) The death and life of great American cities (New York, Random House, Vintage
Books Edition) pp.180.
French: comptoir, Dutch: balie, English: counter.
in the perception of architects and urban planners.
The English word physical is here used a synonym for the Dutch word ruimtelijk (spatial).
Jacobs, Jane (1972 (first edition 1969)); The economy of cities (Harmondsworth, Penguin).
Jacobs (1972), pp. 85.
Jacobs (1972), pp. 50.
Saskia Sassen and Richard Sennett (21 January 2008) talk about The city as space of the not-haves to bring
forward change. On one hand they refer here to parades and events where the not-haves of power can
manifest themselves socio-culturally and politically. On the other hand Sennett/Sassen point to the (physical)
places of potential, like edges, periphery, pockets, forgotten spaces as cheap spaces for growth. During: I
have a dreamde rol van de stad; Lectures and debate (Amsterdam, Felix Meritis).
Jacobs, J.(1992 (1961)) p.271.
Jos Gadet during a conversation 29 May 2006, see also: Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordening Amsterdam, Jos
Gadet e.a. (2006) Aantrekkende stadsmilieus, een planologisch-stedenbouwkundig ontwikkelingsperspectief
(Amsterdam, DRO Amsterdam).
DRO Amsterdam distinguishes as parts of the creative industry: performing arts, service for arts, museums
& galleries, publishing houses, journalism, photography, film industry, radio & television, advertisement
companies, interior & fashion design, architectural & urban design. Each sector has its own pattern of settling.
They all share a preference for the historical inner city of Amsterdam. Source: Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordening
Amsterdam, Koos van Zaanen e.a., Productiemilieus van de creatieve industrie in Amsterdam, DRO
Amsterdam Januari 2006.
Jacobs, J. (1972 ) pp.100.