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As for PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, he has his own agenda and not necessarily in
the best interest of the country and the people.
Lately, Lim Kit Siang has been ridiculous. When it is the democratic right for PAS to table the
hudud enactment in Kelantan and Parliament, why is LKS making so much noise? Let PAS table it
and wait and see, if not Umno, the numbers will sum up the answer.
If LKS is worried on the hudud being imposed on non-Muslims as reported, the Amended Kelantan
Hudud Act 2015 has clearly stated that it is only applicable to Muslims. By the way, why is LKS so
worried as if the 28 million of us are hardcore criminals.
So with nobody to remove Najib from power, all the efforts to remove him have failed, the
opposition leaders are hopeless, the 48.6% voters unaware of anything and the remaining 51.4%
being let down by the PR, who can save Malaysia from the incompetent Najib? March 25, 2015.
* Nawawi Mohamad reads The Malaysian Insider.
* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the
views of The Malaysian Insider.
- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/sideviews/article/who-can-save-our-countrynawawi-mohamad#sthash.JevoP6aW.dpuf
cks an hour ago
Very good comment.
Zionchar11 an hour ago
this post make me cry.. I cant believe someone actually understand how the situation of this
country.. well said to you sir..ir well written to e exact...
bcos its leaders are mostly Chinese,the malays wont want it to be.The only choice is from
PKR.People like Azmi,Raffizi look capable.
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Only practicing meritocracy by electing those leaders who are best regardless of race, religion and
gender can save this country!!
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JS 4 hours ago
Thank you for speaking on behalf of most of us
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Many accolades have been heaped on modern Singapores founding father, Mr Lee Kuan
Yew (LKY hereafter), since his passing on March 23, 2015. But rather than examining his
legacy and what he meant to Singapores development as a nation, allow me instead to share
how his vision for Singapore affected me as an individual.
As a recipient of the Asean scholarship way back in 1991, I started my secondary school
education in LKYs alma mater, Raffles Institution, in the year which he stepped down as
prime minister. His shadow still loomed large as senior minister, even though I often saw
his predecessor, Goh Chok Tong, another Rafflesian, being driven out of his house at Namly
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Avenue while I was walking to the bus stop from Hua Zhong hostel just off Jalan Bukit
Timah. I knew, even then, consciously and sub-consciously, that I was part of LKYs grand
plan of sucking in the best brains in the region, to see if I was worthy enough to partake in
the Singapore Story.
I was most definitely a beneficiary of Singapores education system and its policy of
awarding scholarships to Malaysians starting at the age of 13. While some countries or
certain universities in some countries do award scholarships to students at the university
level, Singapore is the only country that I know of that was conscientiously broadening its
talent pool starting at the secondary school level.
Looking back, I cannot help but feel LKYs imprint in my own education experience. Being
placed in the best class in one of the best secondary schools in Singapore (and some would
argue, the best), the intense competition, the high standards in English, Mathematics and the
Sciences, the exacting teachers and the spanking new facilities in a new campus came as a
culture shock to me.
While I acclimatised myself to my new surroundings, I also began to realise that the elitist
culture around me was also highly meritocratic. Among my classmates was a son of the then
education minister, who is now himself a member of Parliament in Singapore, and the son
of a kuay teow seller who later on graduated from MIT. Half of my classmates were
Malaysian Asean scholars. They hailed from Penang, Ipoh and various parts of the Klang
Valley and were mostly from middle class backgrounds.
The willingness to invest in training high quality teachers and physical infrastructure in
schools (the microscopes in the science labs actually work!), the implementation of a
vigorous and challenging syllabus and tough exam standards, the creation of a highly elitist
and meritocratic education system and the foresight of offering scholarships to foreign
students at a relatively young age are all classic hallmarks of LKY.
The second legacy of LKY from which I benefitted was his investment in the public
transportation system and public infrastructure. Prior to going to Singapore, I hardly had the
opportunity to take public buses in Petaling Jaya and KL. My school was a 5-minute walk
from home (yes, this was a time when parents still allowed their children to walk to school).
In Singapore, I took public transportation everywhere (except for the times when I had to
take a cab to rush to school before the bell rang for attendance taking). For 35 Singapore
dollars a month, one could buy a student bus pass that gave you unlimited rides on public
buses. Bus schedules were clearly displayed at the bus stops and bus interchanges to switch
from buses were conveniently located in the hubs of housing estates. Well demarcated
sidewalks, overpasses and underpasses also allowed me to run to the 7km from my hostel to
school, which I did on occasion. In my final two years in Singapore, I lived in a housing
development board (HDB) flat which is one of the great success stories on Singapore
providing affordable and good quality public housing for 80% of the population.
While many obituaries focused on how Singapores GDP per capita soured under LKYs
rule, the investment in public transportation and public infrastructure are arguably more
visible and more impactful on the everyday lives of those who live in Singapore.
The third legacy of LKY which left an imprint on me was, ironically, an increased political
consciousness. I was a voracious reader of the Straits Times on domestic, regional and
international news as well as the many opinion pieces written by its journalists. These opeds seemed reasonable, well-argued and had just enough criticism of certain government
policies to warrant some level of credibility.
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But at the same time, I could not help a niggling feeling at the back of my mind there was
trouble brewing beneath the surface. Chewing gum was banned while I was studying in
Singapore and Michael Fay was caned for public vandalism. Did a country as successful
and orderly as Singapore really need to resort to these extreme measures in order to
maintain law and order, I thought to myself.
Singapores first presidential elections took place when I was doing my A-levels. I found it
strange that a man who seemed to have been forced to campaign as an alternative to the
PAP candidate and who did so very reluctantly could somehow win 41% of the popular
vote. Did the high level of protest votes indicate an underlying sense of discontentment
among a portion of the restless masses, I wondered.
Towards the tail end of my time in Singapore, I found myself wanting to track down a copy
of Francis Seows To Catch a Tartar, which was published in 1994. I desperately wanted
to find out why this former high ranking civil servant would want to take on LKY and had
to flee the country as a result. I finally managed to procure a copy of the book in Malaysia
since it was banned in Singapore at that time.
I was also fascinated by the story of Christopher Lingle, an academic at NUS who had
written an op-ed in the International Herald Tribune that was highly critical of Singapores
judiciary and political system. After being sued for contempt and still facing a libel suit by
none other than LKY, Lingle left Singapore, never to return. I would go on to buy his book
entitled Singapores Authoritarian Capitalism Asian Values, Free Market Illusions and
Political Dependency and even tracked him down much later on Facebook where, Im
happy to report, we are friends.
Many of my fellow Malaysian Asean scholars have settled in Singapore. Some have taken
Singaporean citizenship. Most are permanent residents. Almost all are married with children
and are not likely to return to Malaysia anytime soon. They are partaking in LKYs
Singapore Story.
As LKY departs the stage, todays Singapore faces new challenges which were not part of
the landscape in the early 1990s when I was studying there. The education system which I
was part of may not be as meritocratic today as ones family income and background
become more important in determining ones education prospects. How many students in
the best class in Raffles Institution live in 2015 live in HDB flats, I wonder?
The much heralded public transportation is bursting at its seams, with additional MRT lines
not able to cope with the increased population, many of them foreigners. The rise of social
media and of a generation of voters who are not used to being muzzled and not easily scared
by yesteryear stories of political bogeymen are already posing some interesting
challenges to the PAP regime. How will all of this play out in the next general election in
Singapore, which is due in 2016? Only time will tell.
In the meantime, #RIP Harry Lee Kuan Yew. Thank you for the Sean scholarship and 4
character building and life changing years in Singapore. Thank you for showing me how to
appreciate Malaysia all the more, warts and all. March 25, 2015.
* Dr Ong Kian Ming is the MP for Serdang. He was an Asean scholar at Raffles Institution
from 1991 to 1992 and in Raffles Junior College from 1993 to 1994.
* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily
represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.
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LKY built a highly efficient and incorrupt bureaucracy and laid a formidable foundation for a
prosperous Singapore.
He led by example to wipe out corruption because of his powerful determination and resolution.
He treasured talented people irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds. While the island republic has
no natural resources, it has been backed up by a pool of high-caliber brains hailing from across the
world.
He believed a government ought to be led by capable people in order to put in place an efficient
government.
His other strength was a deep sense of crisis. He always anticipated the worst to come and therefore
constantly upgraded the versatility of Singapore's economy, from the manufacturing industry to
entrept, free trade, financial center to services industry, pharmaceuticals to the gaming industry, he
made Singapore's economy truly diversified.
LKY can no longer watch over the country he once built up from scratch. Many would ask where
Singapore would be headed from here and whether it would retain its prosperity and stability. This
would not be problem if Lee Hsien Loong and his successors could inherit the systems and policies
he left behind.
We could safely say that history had offered LKY a good opportunity to display his competencies.
The departure of Singapore from Malaysia gave LKY some space to test out his political ideologies
which were eventually proven workable.
A mention of LKY would not be complete without touching on Malaysia. These two countries that
used to start at more or less the same level in mid 20th century have demonstrated vast differences
today. Malaysia is still plagued by a plethora of racial and religious controversies and arguments
between secularism and hudud law.
It was right for Singapore to wean itself from ethnic politics, or sensitive racial, religious and
linguistic issues will consume this tiny city-state.
Singapore was forced into independence during the turbulent years. LKY had to be firm in his
decisions and had done his utmost for his nation and people. That said, his iron-fisted rule including
his alleged control of democratic movements and liberty as well as his paternalistic leadership, had
also made him a target of merciless criticisms.
* This is the personal opinion of the writer or organisation and does not necessarily represent
the views of Malay Mail Online.
- See more at: http://www.themalaymailonline.com/what-you-think/article/lky-thepassing-of-a-giant-lim-sue-goan#sthash.NTmCNQad.dpuf
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27
In the Gallery
People lay flowers, as they mourn the passing of former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, outsi
People pen their condolences on the passing of former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, outsid
Members of the public pen tributes for Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore, March 23, 2015. TODA
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Members of the public pen tributes for Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore, March 23, 2015. TODA
Indian national Anand Ashiya, 67, pens a tribute for Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore, March 23 2
The state flag is pictured at half-mast as the National Pledge is recited during morning asse
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The state flag is pictured at half-mast as the National Pledge is recited during morning asse
Mourners gather at the Singapore General Hospital to pay tribute to the late Lee Kuan Yew
Mourners gather at the Singapore General Hospital to pay tribute to the late Lee Kuan Yew
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The hearse carrying the body of former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew arrives at the Istana in
A woman reads a newspaper bearing the image of Singapores former prime minister Lee K
Special editions of newspapers bearing images of former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew are s
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Special editions of newspapers bearing the images of former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew a
Special editions of newspapers bearing images of former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew are s
A man reads a newspaper bearing the image of Singapore's former prime minister Lee Kuan
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People queue up to pen their condolences as they mourn the passing of former prime minis
Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka Shing (2nd left) pays his respects to the late Lee Kuan Yew at th
Brunei's Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah pays his respects to the late Lee Kuan Yew next to Singap
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People pay their respects to the late former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew at Tanjong Pagar c
Singapore March 24, 2015. Reuters pic
A woman places flowers in tribute to the late former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew outside t
Flowers are placed in tribute to the late former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew outside the Pa
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Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong (centre right) lookd on as members of the Secu
Temasek at the Istana in this handout supplied by Lee Hsien Loong's Facebook Page March
Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong looks at a board of tributes penned for the late
Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong looks at flowers placed in tribute to the late for
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Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe speaks to the media after signing a condolences book fo
March 24, 2015. Reuters pic
Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (front) bows after signing a condolences book for the late
2015. Reuters pic
A main point of contention goes that LKY sparred with Western critics over democracy and human
rights, with LKY dismissing these ideas as not part of Asias values. The debate was never about
differences in values, but the justification of holding power in the hands of a few for nearly five
decades. Singapores political model is at its foundation about the elites, with Lee, his family and
loyalists at the core. In recent years, reports in Singapore have highlighted a growing trust deficit in
the PAP government that LKY founded. The real deficit that defined LKY and became embedded
within the party he molded is that he never fundamentally trusted his people.
The group that received the special focus of LKYs distrust was the Malay population, who now
comprise over 10 per cent of the countrys population. Even as LKY matured as a politician, he
continued to reinforce negative stereotypes of this community that rioted over their grievances in
1950, 1964 and 1969 when LKY was in his early years in power, and with whom he expressed hard
judgments about their religion, Islam. This distrust was shaped in part by a worldview that was not
only shaped by his early experiences in political life but had sharp racial cleavages, drew from
eugenics and believed in a clear social order. Part of LKYs outlook prioritized women as
homemakers and disparaged single women who opted not to marry or follow a career another
group similar to Malays that faced discrimination within LKYs Singapore.
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In the heyday of Singapores economic miracle, the 1970s through the 1990s, the LKY PAP
government worked to win over the trust of its people. It did so by providing for the basic welfare
of its citizens, with an impressive housing program, affordable food prices, a living wage, job
security, safety, education and opportunity. This involved hard work of LKYs founding team of
PAP cadre, as well as the sacrifice of ordinary Singaporeans. It also reflected the wise realization of
LKY that fear was not enough to stay in power. There needed to be a healthy balance of
deliverable. The LKY decades of economic growth translated into real rewards at least through
the 1980s.
Singapores trajectory of sharing the benefits of development has followed a pattern of diminishing
returns, as the country now boasts the highest per capita of millionaires and is the worlds most
expensive city, with a large number its citizens unable to save and afford the lifestyle promised in
the nations early narrative. As much as LKY deserves credit for Singapores success, he also
should be seen to be part of todays shortcomings. Elitism has breed arrogance, and a distance
between those in power and those governed. Most of the new leaders of the PAP have come from
subsequent wealthy generations that do not fully understand the sacrifices of the countrys working
poor shocking in number and the obstacles elderly and young people face in an era of high
costs. Years of following the LKYs example and being told that the PAP is made up of the best
and brightest has imbued a mindset of superiority, a lack of empathy, and frequent dismissal of
difference in engagement with the public.
While LKYs son Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has worked to win over support, he has suffered
consecutive drops of support in the two elections he has led since he assumed office, failing to
match the 75% popular vote height of the predecessor Goh Chok Tong in 2001. Unlike in the
information controlled era of his father, Lee Hsien Loong is not able to effectively censor and limit
public discussions in todays wired and connected Singapore. His recent expansion of social
services and incentive packages that provide small sums for pensioners, modest support for health
and childcare and tax reductions for the middle class are a drop in the bucket for the growing
grievances and costs faced by ordinary citizens.
This has to do in part with the challenge Lee Hsien Loong faces in dealing with his fathers legacy.
In 2007 LKY claimed that he governed without ideology. This was not quite true. The ideological
foundation of LKYs pragmatic tenure was materialism. This obsession with money, saving it and
forcing the public to save it in rigid regulated ways, assuring that government funds were only
given to those worthy and loyal and defining the value of the performance of his government
ministers by pegging their salaries to growth numbers comprised the lifeblood of LKYs state. With
annual bonuses to perform, there is a focus on short-term gains rather than long-term investments.
The irony is that it is not even clear how much money the government of Singapore and its linked
companies actually have. Singapore is one of the few countries in the world that does not follow the
International Monetary Fund guidelines on its budget reporting. It also does not transparently report
losses in many of the financial accounts of the government-linked companies (GLCs). Lee Hsien
Loong has had to tackle head-on the ingrained pattern of limited government spending on social
welfare and services, as he attempts to move away from his fathers restrictive parsimony and
secretive mindset that originated from a lack of trust in people.
Lee Hsien Loong also has to address the problems of a government-dominated economy. Singapore
Inc emerged out of the political economy LKY put in place, with the government and its linked
companies controlling over half the countrys economy and undercutting almost all domestic
business. LKY did not trust local capital, and did not want to strengthen an alternative power center
to his own. As such, Singapores economy is not a genuinely competitive one. It favors big
business, especially property developers, and those allied with government rather than independent
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entrepreneurs. Those in the system have apparently disproportionately benefited from it, although
the exact amounts and assets remain unknown. The accumulated assets of individuals remain
hidden as the estate tax was removed in 2008. What is known is that workers have limited rights in
the LKY-shaped political economy. A recent example is the sexual harassment bill passed in
parliament that excludes employer liability. The harsh response to the bus driver strike in in 2012 is
another. Much is made about the limited corruption of Singapore, but few appreciate that the
country ranks high on the Economist crony-capitalism index, an important outgrowth of the
government dominance of the economy. The ties between companies and government are close, at
times with government and family members on their boards and a revolving door that never really
closes.
Singapores economy also favors foreigners. LKY was to start this trend, with the appeal to
outsiders for capital rather than a focus on domestic business. Foreigners may have been easier to
engage, as they could always be kicked out. Foreign investment has been extremely important in
Singapores growth numbers initially in manufacturing and later in services. To maintain global
competitiveness, keep wages low and maintain high growth numbers, Singapore also turned to
foreign labor cheap workers to staff their construction sectors and to work as domestic help and
foreign talent to bring in ideas and the occasional sports medal. This prioritization of outsiders has
fostered resentment. When LKY assumed office he worked to force a nation, but with his passing
many in Singapore feel the government he left behind is working for others and undermining the
fabric of the nation. The crowded trains, strain on services and displacement of Singaporeans in the
job market and advancement have angered many, who now see LKYs legacy as one that in fact left
many Singaporeans vulnerable and worried about survival.
No one can take away LKYs contributions. He lived a long meaningful life, and shaped the lives
of all Singaporeans. This does not mean that there is agreement on what he left behind. Singapore
now faces the challenge of moving beyond LKYs ideas and shaping a more promising future for
all of its citizens. An integral part of this dynamic will be moving away from fear, promoting more
effective policies for inclusion in the economy and society and building trust. It starts with placing
more trust in Singaporeans.
It is arguably the latter that is the hardest. LKY lived in an era where societies trusted their leaders.
He was given the benefit of the doubt. The PAP remains a relatively closed institution, with the
distrust of those not inside deeply embedded. Today in the age of social media and instant
messaging there is not as much leeway to work behind closed doors. There is an urgent need to
forge genuine dialogue, connectivity and understanding that moves beyond materialism, and
reignites the sense of belonging that LKY forged in his early years.
Singapore today has become a more politically divided nation, with those who strongly defend
LKYs incumbent government, die-hard opponents and the majority in the middle. As the country
marks its 50th year it moves toward a different narrative, the task at hand is to forge a new
Singapore story, one in which LKY is a valued part of its past, but not a constraint on the dreams
and aspirations of Singaporeans future.
* Bridget Welsh is a Senior Research Associate of the Centre for East Asia Democratic Studies of
the National Taiwan University where she conducts research on democracy and politics in
Southeast Asia. This article first appeared here.
** This is the personal opinion of the writer or organisation and does not necessarily
represent the views of Malay Mail Online.
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