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One of the most controversial and confusing terms in use in the fields of
Linguistics and Applied Linguistics is 'competence'. The confusion arises from
the fact that different writers use the term in different ways, very often
apparently unaware that their use of the term differs sometimes in quite
fundamental ways from that of others working in the same or closely related
fields. The reader or student may be forgiven for thinking that the same term
refers to the same thing. The result of these divergent uses of the term is that it is
very difficult to know precisely what it means in any given context.
The basic difficulty seems to be that some writers use the term to refer to
something absolute whereas others appear to mean by it something relative.
This latter group seem to include the idea of 'ability' within competence, thus
equating it with 'proficiency', which clearly admits of degrees. They consequendy misinterpret Chomsky and his followers who use the term in a strictly
absolute sense. This has caused great confusion, and indeed much of the
criticism of Chomsky turns out to be invalid because it is based on this
fundamental misunderstanding.
The source of this difficulty is the widespread interpretation of competence to
include the idea of ability. I hope to show that Chomsky's original definition of
Applied Linguistics, Vol. 9, No. 2 Oxford University Press, 1988
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The term 'competence' has been used so widely and so divergently in so many
different contexts that it has ceased to have any precise meaning. Different
writers interpret it in different ways for different purposes. As a result there is
great confusion about what the term refers to in any given instance. Writers
frequently discuss the concept without taking into account the fact that
interpretations of it differ greatly.
The article explores the different ways in which the term 'competence' has
been used, beginning with Chomsky's originalformulation of the concept. It is
shown that many current uses of the term refer to something quite different
from this original concept. A major problem is that subsequent writers, such as
Hymes, while claiming to be merely extending the notion, are in fact changing
it in ways that are not always immediately apparent to the reader. An attempt is
made to elucidate these changes and to point out in particular the grave
difficulties that arise when the concept is applied outside the domain for which
it was originally intended. A confusion between state and process is noted in
these extended applications of the term. It is suggested that making a clear
distinction between 'competence' and 'proficiency' helps to resolve many of
these difficulties.
DAVID S.TAYLOR
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the term always excluded this idea, and that much confusion has been caused by
the failure of many succeeding writers, starting with Hymes, to realize this.
In what follows I am going to try to clear up the confusion by considering
carefully what is meant by competence in different contexts. We can do this by
exploring the ways in which the term is used by different writers in different
fields, or even within the same field, and by making a clear distinction between
competence in an absolute and competence in a relative sense.
Let us first go back to the beginning and consider Chomsky's ideas about
competence as originally set out in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax and
elaborated, but not fundamentally changed, in later writings. He makes the
original distinction, between competence and performance, as follows:
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They are clearly trying to extend the term 'competence' to cover 'communicative competence', a term which they in fact use. We shall come back to this
question later when discussing the work of Dell Hymes. As far as the 'weak' and
'strong1 versions of competence are concerned, if the Campbell and Wales
discussion is hard to follow, then I suggest that it is at least partly because they
confuse competence with ability, as is already apparent in the quotation above.
But earlier (1970:246) they explicitly state that 'competence in any sphere is
identified with capacity or ability' and later on speak of 'those linguistic abilities
explicitly accounted for by recent transformational work', failing to recognize
that it is not the abilities that are being directly accounted for, but the knowledge
underlying those abilities.
A better discussion of the so-called Sveak' and 'strong' versions of competence is to be found in Greene (1972). The weak or neutral version is purely
descriptive and
such an analysis would have nothing to say about the actual rules or operations by
which a language user achieves this output (...) What this amounts to is that there is no
necessary connection between the set of rules providing the best descriptive account of
a speaker's intuitions and the set of operations by which the speaker himself arrives at
these same intuitions. (Greene 1972:95-6)
Chomsky himself has been at pains to point this out (1965:9). But Greene goes
on to say:
However, despite this logical distinction, it is very difficult not to slip into the
assumption that, if a language user's intuitive knowledge is best described by a set of
rules, then these rules must in some way be represented in his mind, even though he
may not be consciously aware of them. But this involves a shift from the neutral
definition of competence to the stronger interpretation that the rules of grammar are
internalized in the head of the speaker and provide the basis for his understanding of
linguistic relations. In other words, a step has been taken from a description of what the
linguistic usage consists of to a hypothesis about how he. operates when using language.
(op.citl972:96)
But this does not follow at all. Even if 'the rules of grammar are internalized in
the head of the speaker' (and it is not necessarily the rules of grammar that are
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from which by far the most important linguistic ability has been omittedthe ability to
produce or understand utterances which are not so much grammatical but, more
important, appropriate to the context in which they are made. (Campbell and Wales
1970:247)
DAVIDS. TAYLOR
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tions:
To know a language, I am assuming, is to be in a certain mental state, which persists as a
relatively steady component of transitory mental states. What kind of mental state? I
assume further that to be in such a mental state is to have a certain mental structure consisting of a system of rules and principles that generate and relate mental representations
of various types. Alternatively, one might attempt to characterize knowledge of languageperhaps knowledge more generallyas a capacity or ability to do something, as a
system of dispositions of some kind, in which case one might be led (misled, I think) to
conclude that behavior provides a criterion for the possession of knowledge. In contrast,
if such knowledge is characterized in terms of mental state and structure, behavior simply
provides evidence for possession of knowledge, as might facts of entirely different order,
electrical activity of the brain, for example. (Chomsky 1980:48)
Chomsky could hardly make his position plainer. He sets out to describe
knowledge, which he conceives of as a state. On one occasion he refers to a
'steady state' (1980: 234), and on another to an 'attained state' (1981). He is not
particularly concerned with how the state is attained. Indeed he specifically puts
aside this process, making a point of 'abstracting the linguistic system as a
separate object of study' (1980:234). Elsewhere he states that the linguist's
generative grammar is a theory of the knowledge that a person has. ... The
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(...) I want to consider mind (in the narrower or broader sense) as an innate capacity to
form cognitive structures, not first-order capacities to act. The cognitive structures
attained enter into our first-order capacities to act, but should not be identified with
them. Thus it does not seem to me quite accurate to take 'knowledge of English' to be a
capacity or ability, though it enters into the capacity or ability exercised in language use.
In principle, one might have that cognitive structure that we call 'knowledge of English',
fully developed, with no capacity to use this structure; and certain capacities to carry
out 'intellectual activities' may involve no cognitive structures but merely a network of
dispositions and habits, something quite different. Knowledge, understanding, or belief
is at a level more abstract than capacity. (Chomsky 1975:23)
DAVIDS. TAYLOR
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Once the steady state is attained, knowledge of language and skill in language may still
be refined, as in the case of learning to see. Wilhelm von Humboldt argued that the
resources of a language can be enriched by a greater thinker or writer, without any
change in the grammar. An individual can expand his facility or the subtlety of his
comprehension of the devices of language through his own creative activities or
immersion in the cultural wealth of his society. But as in the case of the visual system, it
seems quite appropriate to set this matter aside in abstracting the linguistic system as a
separate object of study, (op. ciL 1980:234)
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DAVIDS. TAYLOR
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principles constituting pragmatic competence determines how the tool can effectively
be put to use. (Chomsky 1980:224)
Clearly this corresponds very largely to what Hymes had in mind when talking
about 'competence for use' (1971:19; 1972:279) as a component of his overall
concept of communicative competence. Indeed, he says:
Here, he seems to be saying much the same as Chomsky above. This, then, is the
positive side of Hymes's contribution. He has succeeded in tightening up the
concept of performance, isolating from it that aspect which can be 'characterized by a certain system of rules represented in the mind' (Chomsky
1980:59), thus showing that there are certain aspects of language use that can
be explained in terms of underlying knowledge which we can represent as a
system of rules.
But when Hymes comes specifically to discuss the notion of competence, a
certain degree of confusion creeps in. He starts off well enough, with a clear
definition of linguistic competence that seems to indicate a firm understanding
of the term as used by Chomsky:
Linguistic competence deals with the knowledge that enables the speaker to produce
and understand an infinite set of sentences; this is the meaning of 'creative' when
applied to language. (Hymes 1971:5)
But, at the same time, having displayed this apparently accurate understanding
of Chomsky's position he goes on two pages later to say this:
Since the theory [Chomsky's theory] intends to deal with the 'creative' use of language,
that is with the ability of a speaker to devise novel sentences appropriate to new
situations, it would seem to be retrenchment, if not more, to account for only a shared
ability to understand novel sentences produced by others, (op. cit. 1971: 7)
Here Hymes is clearly introducing an element of 'ability' not present in
Chomsky's formulation of the idea. Having made this shift, he has soon fully
incorporated ability into his idea of competence, as is seen for example when he
talks about 'competence in production' (1972:275), and 'the specification of
ability for use as part of competence' (1972:283).
Further confusion is added when Hymes uses the term 'differential competence' (1971:7; 1972: 274), referring to differences among individuals, and
introducing a comparative and relative dimension, thus losing sight of the fact
that for Chomsky, as pointed out earlier, competence is an absolute notion, the
property of the individual, not allowing of any meaningful comparison. This
whole discussion about differential competence introduces a social element,
which simply confuses the issue. All Hymes is really saying is that different
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There are rules of use without which the rules of grammar would be useless. Just as
rules of syntax can control aspects of phonology, and just as rules of semantics perhaps
control aspects of syntax, so rules of speech acts enter as a controlling factor for
linguistic form as a whole. (Hymes 1972: 278)
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(...) we hesitate to incorporate the notion of ability for use into our definition of
communicative competence for two main reasons: (i) to our knowledge this notion has
not been pursued rigorously in any research on communicative competence (or
considered directly relevant in such research) and (ii) we doubt that there is any theory
of human action that can adequately explicate 'ability for use'. (Canale and Swain
1980: 7)
This view clearly reflects that of Chomsky quoted earlier (Chomsky 1975:138),
and the fact of stating it so explicitly makes an important contribution to
clarifying the debate. (Unfortunately, but typically in this field, Canale, in a later
article meant to be a refinement of this one, backslides when he explicitly
associates grammatical competence with 'skill' (Canale 1983:7). The rest of
Canale and Swain's article is concerned with the development of communicative competence (including grammatical competence) in second language
learners. As one component of their overall conception of communicative
competence they develop the interesting notion of 'strategic competence' to
deal with the knowledge and ability learners need to develop in order to take
part in communicative interaction. This is clearly important, but on the one
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As they say, 'it is common to find the term "communicative competence" used to
refer exclusively to knowledge or capability relating to the rules of language use
and the term "grammatical (or linguistic) competence" used to refer to the rules
of grammar' (1980: 5). However, they maintain that just as there are rules of
grammar that would be useless without rules of language use (Hymes 1972), so
there are also rules of language use that would be useless without rules of
grammar. Hence they see communicative competence as consisting of grammatical competence plus sociolinguistic competence. Thus, for them, there are
two clearly defined and distinct sub-components of communicative competence. They use the term "communicative competence" to refer to the relationship and interaction between grammatical competence, or knowledge of the
rules of grammar, and sociolinguistic competence, or knowledge of the rules of
language use' (1980:6). This is a welcome clarification, and one is grateful to
have a position so clearly stated. It can be seen that this corresponds very closely
to Chomsky's position, as his 'pragmatic competence' can easily be related to
Canale and Swain's 'sociolinguistic competence'.
Another very welcome clarification (which at the same time brings them into
line with Chomsky) is Canale and Swain's decision to exclude explicitly from
their notion of communicative competence any idea of 'ability for use', unlike
Hymes, who makes this an important feature.
DAVID S. TAYLOR
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hand they fail to distinguish between knowledge and ability, or rather they
incorporate both, and on the other hand they do not distinguish between those
strategies which all speakers have, both native and non-native, and those which
are peculiar to non-native speakers. Once again we see the difficulties that arise
when the notion of competence is extended beyond the domain to which it was
originally applied.
It is worth considering briefly at this point the views of Halliday, who is
notorious for rejecting the whole notion of competence and performance and
the distinction between them. Halliday would prefer to distinguish between
what a speaker does and what he could do; in other words he is interested in the
idea of'potential'either 'meaning potential' (i.e. what the speaker can mean) or
'behaviour potential' (i.e. what the speaker can do). This is because he takes
what he calls 'an inter-organism perspective' on language, which he conceives of
as 'part of the social system'. He rejects a psychological level of interpretation as
'unnecessary', no doubt because it emphasizes too much the individual point of
view (Halliday 1978:38-9). He puts it this way:
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DAVID S.TAYLOR
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Here we have the problem in a nutshell. How can we apply the essentially static
idea of competence to a 'body of knowledge which we hope is constantly
developing'? The product and the process are mixed up again, perhaps
inevitably so. This question has arisen whenever a competence-based approach
to the study of 'interlanguage' (as the language of the learner considered as a
system in its ownrightcame to be called), has been tried. For interlanguage is an
essentially dynamic phenomenon, inherently unstable and variable, full of
backsliding and regressions, as Corder himself points out (1981:87-94). Some
have concluded from this that competence is not therefore a valid concept,
while others, such as Hymes, have simply widened the concept to include in it
that which they want to include. Either way, understanding is not really
advanced.
Some of the same problems may be seen in other discussions of the concept in
the context of language learning. A notable example is Stern's wide-ranging and
important survey of the field (Stern 1983). In general, Stern seems to equate
competence with 'proficiency'. He says that 'Among different learners at
different stages of learning second language competence or proficiency ranges
from zero to native-like proficiency' (1983: 341), explicitly identifying competence with proficiency. Even more revealingly, later (1983:344) Stern,
discussing the fact that native speakers use the first language 'creatively', says
that 'competence is active and dynamic, not mechanical or static'. He is thus
clearly linking competence with language use, and confusing state and process.
And when Stern states that 'different first language users are likely to have
competence to a different degree' (1983:345) this recalls Hymes's 'differential
competence' and takes us away once more from Chomsky's original absolute
conception. It is clear that, once the idea of relativity creeps in, the distinction
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problems of language teaching. Also, as we can see very clearly here, introducing the idea of 'skill' in this connection tends to blur the competence/
performance distinction, as skill is associated with performance, not
knowledge.
In fact Corder himself tried to use the term strictly. In an article originally
written in 1967, he introduced the term 'transitional competence' (Corder
1981:10) in an attempt to use the Chomskyan framework to throw light on
what was systematic about a learner's language. Corder clearly intends to use
the term in a descriptive way, to describe the knowledge of the language learner
at any particular stage, and is fairly faithful to the Chomskyan sense. However,
the use of the term in the second language situation still gives rise to difficulties.
For example, Corder is led to speak of 'errors of competence' (1981:10),
showing a relative and comparative dimension which is not present in
Chomsky's absolute sense of the term (see above). As he later explains in
another article:
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such writers apply the notion of competence to its original domain, i.e. that of
the native speaker, they introduce their fundamentally different view, as may be
seen in the following extract from Savignon:
Here again we see the identification of competence with proficiency and the
inclusion of elements specifically excluded by Chomsky (see Chomsky
1980:234). What is important is that there does not seem to be any awareness in
any of these instances that a changed concept of competence is being used.
Under these circumstances it is very difficult to know in any given instance what
exactly is meant by the term 'competence'.
As far as the term 'communicative competence' is concerned, it generally
seems to mean, in the context of language teaching and learning, 'ability to
perform' or 'ability to communicate' in the second language. More generally,
associating competence with communication inevitably seems to bring in some
aspects of performance. It is difficult to escape the conclusion, therefore, that
when we talk about communicative competence in the context of language
teaching or learning we are really talking about communicative performance.
Especially when we talk about aims and about specifying them for teaching and
learning purposes, we are interested mainly in performance, no matter what
terms we use. Hence in all these discussions, as we have noted, the distinction
between competence and performance tends to become blurred and the exact
meaning of the terms used is difficult to determine.
One of the few writers to face up to these difficulties is Widdowson, who had
earlier contributed a valuable and helpful distinction between usage on the one
hand and use on the other (Widdowson 1978:1-3). These are similar to
competence and performance but are defined more from the teacher's or
learner's point of view. In other words, in dealing with the pedagogical
perspective Widdowson manages to avoid confusion by introducing two
separate terms to be used specifically in this context. Many teachers have cause
to be grateful for this clarification. Recently he has attempted further clarification by trying to distinguish between competence and capacity (Widdowson
1983:7-8,23-8). This distinction clearly recognizes one of the main difficulties
(the confusion of competence with proficiency) and attempts to deal with it.
Widdowson is very clear about the proper nature of competence and its
necessary limitations, and on the whole supports Chomsky's views on the
matter. In introducing the term 'capacity* he wants to bring in a user's perspective, as he regards the concept of communicative competence (as originally
developed by Hymes) as too 'analytic'. While Hymes undoubtedly intended his
concept to be analytic in character we have seen that, by introducing social and
other dimensions, he in fact changes the nature of the concept so that in fact it
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The competence of native speakers, well developed though it may be, is relative.
Mother-tongue proficiency varies widelyfromchild to child and from adult to adult
Vocabulary range, articulation, critical thinking, persuasiveness, and penmanship are
but a few of the many, many facets of competence wherein native speakers differ, (op.
cit. 1983: 53)
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does have a user orientation, despite what Widdowson says. Hence there is
some similarity between Hymes's communicative competence and Widdowson's capacity. As we saw earlier, Munby had already noted the similarity in
thinking between Hymes and Widdowson. The point is, however, that
Widdowson has explicitly recognized and faced up to the problems that arise
when the term competence is associated with learning and use.
His term 'capacity1 inevitably invites comparison with Chomsky's use of the
term. We have already referred to the tatter's various discussions, from which it
is clear that for him capacity has to do with ability to make use of knowledge
(linguistic knowledge in this case). Chomsky is, though, on the whole more
concerned with cognitive capacity in general, whereas Widdowson has in mind a
more precise application of the term to what he calls 'the ability to create
meanings by exploiting the potential inherent in the language for continual
modification in response to change' (Widdowson 1983:8). This, I take it, is
merely spelling out what Chomsky variously refers to as the creative aspect of
language use' (Chomsky 1975:138) and 'the creative use of language'
(Chomsky 1980:222). We can conclude, then, that Widdowson's distinction is
not altogether a new one. Nor is the concept to which he gives the name
'capacity' new. Nevertheless, the discussion is valuable and helpful in that it
focuses attention on crucial issues, although it does leave rather unclear the
place and status of performance .The importance lies in the fact that, almost for
the first time, the limitations of the concept of competence outside its original
sphere are clearly recognized.
How then, can we try to bring some order and consistency to the use of the
term 'competence' and the various associated terms? We have seen that most of
the difficulties arise when competence is extended to include process as well as
product, function as well as formin other words when no distinction is clearly
drawn between states and dynamic processes. This seems to happen automatically when we move outside the original domain of the 'ideal speaker-hearer',
particularly when we move into what might be called the 'applied' domain of
language, which inevitably has to take a broader view and also calls on other
disciplines such as psychology and education. In an important discussion of the
nature of applied linguistics Brumfit (1985:42) warns against the confusion of
procedures which are in essence investigatory and descriptive with those that
are developmental and pedagogical'. It seems to me that this is precisely what
has happened with the concept of competence. It is an investigatory and
descriptive device, valid in a certain domain, but causing many difficulties
outside it. Many writers have pointed out, for example, that Chomskyan
competence cannot cope properly with variation and change (e.g. Milroy 1985).
It is a restricted, narrow, static concept This is not necessarily a criticismit
simply reflects the nature of Chomsky's preoccupations, which he has made
very clear.
But once we try to concern ourselves with matters of language development
(in either a first or second language) and language use, it becomes necessary to
take into account processes and functions, which in this perspective are not
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easily separable from states and forms. Brumfit, talking about this wider
perspective, has put it well:
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