Viscount Lymington and British Fascism During The 1930v4

Robert Chambers CHA11038465
Individual Study
Canterbury Christchurch University

History Department
Dissertation
Year 3
Viscount Lymington and British Fascism during the

1930s
Robert Chambers
10,224 words
Supervisor: Dr John Bulatis
Robert Chambers
Table of Contents
Page numb
Introduction
1. Background early years
2. Historiography
Y3. Definition of Fascism
4. British Fascism
7
7
Chapter one: English Mistery
Chapter two: English Array
20
Chapter three: Political writings and meetings
29
Conclusion
35
Bilbography
40
Annotated Bilbography
46
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Introduction
Viscount Lymington (Gerard Vernon Wallop) was a prominent
figure in British politics during the interwar years. He was a Conservative
Member of Parliament (MP) for Basingstoke from 1929 to 1934. He
championed numerous causes ranging from agriculture to politics.
Viscount Lymington was also a leading figure in organisations called the
English Mistery and the English Array. His involvement in these and other
organisations raises questions about the links between a prominent
member of the British establishment and fascism, and more widely about
the nature of fascism in the 1930s. This dissertation considers Viscount
Lymingtons life and British Fascism during the 1930s, and covers a
number of different aspects, including Viscount Lymingtons involvement
in the English Mistery, the English Array and his political writings and
meetings. It also covers his involvement in many aspects of politics and
agriculture during the 1930s and how his political writings and meetings
influenced British Fascism during the 1930s. Finally, it sets out
information gathered about Viscount Lymingtonss known involvement in
British Fascism during the 1930s, and the extent to which this may have
been under or over estimated.
Background-early years
Gerard Vernon Wallop was born in Chicago in 1898.1 His mother was
American and his father was English.2 He moved to England in 1915.3 In
1916 he joined the British Army as one of the last volunteers: he was
officially an American citizen and could not be conscripted, as America
had not entered the war.4 His first role was as an orderly in a hospital for
1 Phillip Cornford Organic Society: Agriculture and Radical Politics in the
Career of Gerald Wallop, Ninth Earl of Portsmouth (1898-1984), The

Agriculture History Review, Vol. 53, pp.78-92(p.82).
2 The Earl of Portsmouth, A Knot of Roots (London: Geoffrey Bles LTD,
1965), p.1.
3 The Earl of Portsmouth, A Knot of Roots, p.25.
4 The Earl of Portsmouth, p.31.
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French soldiers on the Western Front.5 In 1917 he was commissioned as a

temporary Second Lieutenant in 2nd Life Guards.6 In 1918, after the end of
the War, he applied for demobilisation and went up to study modern
history at Oxford followed by a post-graduate farming year at the Oxford
School of Agriculture.7 In 1920 Wallop applied for British nationality8 and
in the spring of 1923 took over his first farm in Hampshire.9 He was a
member of the Conservative party; he became a county councillor for
Whitchurch in 1923.10 In 1926, Gerard Wallop became Viscount
Lymington, when his father became the Earl of Portsmouth. The title of
Viscount was a courtesy title: he explained I was, while Lord Lymington,
officially a commoner, and so could sit in the House of Commons, if I could
get elected, until my fathers death.11 He was elected as an MP for
Basingstoke in 1929.
Historiography
Viscount Lymington became involved in the English Mistery in 1930.
William Sanderson formed the English Mistery in 1930 and the name of
the organisation came from his book, That Which Was Lost: A Treatise on
The Earl of Portsmouth, p.31.
6 The London Gazette, no. 29918, The Gazette Official Public Record,
supplement 934, 25th January, 1917,

https://www.thegazette.co.uk/London/issue/29918/page/934 (accessed
March 5, 2014)
7 The Earl of Portsmouth, p.33-34.
8 The London Gazette, no.31978, The Gazette Official Public Record,
p.7486, 12th July, 1920,

https://www.thegazette.co.uk/London/issue/31978/page/7486 (accessed
March 5, 2014)
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Freemasonry and the English Mistery.12 Historians have not reached a

consensus on how the English Mistery should be categorised. The word
Mistery, came from the phrase Crafts and Misteries.13 Historian E.H.H
Green describes the English Mistery as A Conservative fringe movement of
the early 1930s, which advocated the restoration of the feudal system as
a solution to Britains social and political problems14, whilst historian
Thomas Linean describes the English Mistery as A reactionary ultraroyalist, anti-democratic body.15 Historians Peter Barberis, John McHugh
and Mike Tyldesley say the English Mistery was a back to the land
movement.16 These different interpretations of the English Mistery
illustrate the difficulties of defining the organisation.
The same divergence of historical views applies to the English Array.
The definition of Array means, to prepare, and implying militant response
to duty, the name used by the old feudal levies, the cry of the archers of
Agincourt.17 Some historians describe the English Array, as it was an
overtly fascist splinter group from the English Mistery.18 Other historians
12 William Sanderson, That Which Was Lost: A Treatise on Freemasonry
and the English Mistery (London: Constable & Co Ltd, 1930, Kessinger
Legacy Reprints).
14 E. H. H. Green, Ideologies of Conservatism (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2002), P.151.

15 Thomas Linean, British Fascism, 1918-1939: Parties, Ideology and
Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 200), p.141.

16 Peter Barberis, John McHugh and Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopaedia of
British and Irish Political Organisations (London: A Continuum Imprint,

2000), p.182.
17 Lord Lymington, English Mistery Surfleet Camp, The Quarterly Gazette
of the English Array, September 1937.London: British Library, General

Reference Collection P.P.7000.ab.
18 Malcolm Chase, >> North Sea and Baltic<<: Historical Conceptions in
the Youth Movement and the Transfer of Ideas from Germany to England in
the 1920s and 1930s, in Stefan Berger, Peter Lambert and Peter
Schumann, Historikerdialoge(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003),
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describe the English Array as Lymington calling for back to the land
policies which would prevent any social disorder caused by possible
famine.19 The differing definitions or descriptions illustrate that ideologies
on the far right of the political spectrum had overlapping aims.
Historians have covered, in detail, Viscount Lymingtons
involvement in agriculture and also how influential he was in this field. An
example of this is from Julie V. Gottlieb Viscount Lymington, the latter the
most openly fascist of prominent back-to-landers.20 This quote illustrates
that Viscount Lymington arguably thought that fascist ideology was in
return of agriculture to its former glory during the medieval times.
Also, historians have analysed Viscount Lymingtons involvement in
the English Mistery and the English Array. His memberships of these
organisations highlight his politics. Martin Pugh agrees; Lymington
resigned his seat (MP) in 1934, claiming that the principles of the Mistery
were incompatible with party politics.21 This demonstrates that Viscount
Lymingtons politics and political purpose became more idealistic, because
he left the House of Commons, the only place of influence he was part of
during the 1930s.
Historians have also considered how Viscount Lymingtons interests
in agriculture and his politics are linked, because he promoted his
agricultural interests in political circles. Historian Phillip Cornford states
that Viscount Lymington used politics to pursue his agricultural interests
Conversely, does an interest in Wallops career imply sympathy with his
politics; rather, it indicates recognition of his significant role in midtwentieth century agriculture. This analysis suggests that Viscount
p.313.
19 Peter Barberis, John McHugh and Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopaedia of
British and Irish Political Organisations, p.181.

20 Juile V. Gottlieb, Thomas P. Inehan, The Culture of Fascism: Vision of the
Far Right in Britain (London: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2004), p.187.
21 Martin Pugh, Hurrah for the Blackshirts! Fascists and Fascism in Britain
between the Wars (London: Pimlico, 2006), p.72.

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Lymington was more focused on helping the agricultural sector instead of

advancing his own political career. This focusing on agriculture helps to a
certain to explain Lymingtons involvement in Fascism, because both had
similar concerns about agriculture.
22
Viscount Lymingtons agenda whilst participating in the English

Mistery and the influence he had over the organisation have been debated
by historians and have tended to focus on whether the English Mistery
could be labelled fascist or traditional Conservatism.23 One of the main
aims of the English Mistery was to preserve English patriotism and to
revert back to when the Monarch of England had vast amounts of power
that influenced England , to regenerate the English nation and to recreate
a body politic with properly functioning members.24 This historiography
surrounding the English Mistery and Viscount Lymingtons involvement
highlights their ideology and whether the Mistery and/or Viscount
Lymington could be called fascist.
There is debate over why Viscount Lymington created the English
Array and whether it was fascist or not. The debate concentrates around
what was Viscount Lymingtons purpose in forming it. Peter Barberis et al
state that Viscount Lymington formed the English Array, He [Lymington]
declared that the English should only cross-breed with other Nordic
stocks and warned against alien influences on British life.25 The question
is whether Viscount Lymingtons interests in Fascism were substantial, as
his personal ideology seemed vague and therefore could be interpreted as
fascist or reactionary. Viscount Lymington stated We were often accused
22 Phillip Cornford Organic Society: Agriculture and Radical Politics in the
Career of Gerald Wallop, Ninth Earl of Portsmouth (1898-1984), pp.7896(p.82).

23 Patrick Glenn Zander, Right Modern Technology, And Britain's Extreme
Right in The Interwar Period., p.70.

24 Dan Stone The English Mistery, the BUF, and the Dilemmas of British
Fascism, The Journal of Modern History, Vol.75, (2003), pp.336-358

(p.339.).
25 Peter Barberis, John McHugh and Mike Tyldesley, p.181.
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of being fascist which was far from the case. We had no Fuhrer prinzip,
no mass rallies, no street parades, and no uniforms. We believed in
government by sane consent. 26
Definition of Fascism
The most applicable definition of Fascism adopted for this
dissertation is by the historian Roger Griffin and is Generic Fascism is a
genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its permutations is a
palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism. Viscount Lymingtons
leanings, to a limited degree, fit within this definition because he believed
Absolute Monarchy was the mythic core, and this belief in Absolute
Monarchy was a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism as the
Absolute Monarchy would enable England to be great again. However,
there are number of questions that need to be considered before
suggesting that Viscount Lymington was a Fascist.27
British Fascism
The overarching theme of British Fascism during the 1930s focuses on the
British Union of Fascists (BUF) as historian David Renton mentions
historians influenced by these theories of general or generic fascism
increasingly describe BUF as if it had a positive role.28 Historian Richard
Thurlow defines British Fascism by saying, British Fascism was to be a
strange blend of these pre-existent modernising and anti-modernising
elements.29 This strange blend30, that Thurlow argues, helps to explain
Viscount Lymingtons views, as the ideals he held were a strange blend31
and arguably incompatible.
26 The Earl of Portsmouth, p. 129
27 Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (Abingdon: Routledge, 1993), p.26.
28 David Renton, Fascism: Theory and Practice (London: Pluto Press,
1999) p.2.
29 Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918-1945 (London: I.B.
Tauris & Co Ltd, 1998), p.1.

30 Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918-1945, .1.
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The questions considered are, was there a pattern developing from

Viscount Lymingtons politics from the early 1930s to the late 1930s?
What was his motivation? How influential was he in British Fascism? Then
focus on whether or not there was a progression from the early 1930s to
the late 1930s with Viscount Lymington becoming more fascist in his
politics. We will also take in consideration whether the role-played by the
English Mistery and the English Array could broaden the debate about
British Fascism and move away from just focusing on the British Union of
Fascists (BUF).
English Mistery
The first two clauses in the first edition of the English Mistery
Constitution, explains the English Mistery and its purpose, The English
Mistery is a company of Englishmen bound together for a common
purpose by an accepted discipline and the purpose is to regenerate the
English Nation.32 Most importantly the English Mistery was organised to
serve and fulfil the purpose of the English race.33 The English Mistery did
not allow people from Scotland, Wales or Ireland because the English
Mistery says in its Orders of 1931, There cannot be a British Mistery for
each of the British nations is of separate origin with its own distinct
features, characteristics and traditions. There can therefore be English,
Scottish and Welsh Misteries.34 On this basis the English Mistery could be
construed as fascist, because only Englishmen35 could join: but this
31 Richard Thurlow, p.1.

32 15M84/F396. Bundle of English Mistery 'Orders' for 1930. Give detail
about the organisation, constitution, rules and finance, 1930 Winchester:

Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.
33 15M84/F396. Bundle of English Mistery 'Orders' for 1930. Give detail
about the organisation, constitution, rules and finance, 1930.

34 15M84/F398. Booklet containing English Mistery 'Orders' of 1931
(numbers 1-6). Winchester: Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

35 15M84/F396.
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separate origin36 most probably comes from that during the Medieval
times of the Feudal System in England, when Scotland, Wales and Ireland
were separate countries. The requirements for membership to the English
Mistery were extensive; if men or women37 wanted to become Associate
[member]38 they had to show they are of pure English origin (such origin
being proved as from the first of January, 1870).39 This onerous exclusive
membership requirement illustrates that the English Mistery could be
construed as fascist, that English people were treated more favourably
then people from other nations.40
The constitution and the objectives of the English Mistery changed
several times from its foundation in September 1930.41 The English
Mistery Orders (constitution and objectives) of 1932 illustrates its
confused nature, It aims at no unconstitutional actionable action in
English politics. The English Mistery is not a party; it is not a secret
society; it is not a fascist organisation.42 This quote demonstrates, how
the English Mistery arguably put themselves in an untenable position,
because the Mistery was against taking no unconstitutional actionable
action in English Politics, which could have meant they were against
overthrowing the current system, but at the same time they disliked
participating in Parliamentary democracy.43 This lack of clarity from their
primary document, the Orders of the English Mistery, appears to
36 15M84/F396.
37 15M84/F398. Booklet containing English Mistery 'Orders' of 1931
(numbers 1-6).
38 15M84/F398.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
41 15M84/F396.
42 English Mistery, afterwards English Array (London), Order of 1930. No.
2. (-7.), London: British Library, General Reference Collection W.P.15082.

2. (-7.).
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demonstrate how they were debatably unrealistic in their aims. However,

the English Mistery was clear that it was not a fascist organisation,
because it did not believe in dictatorship, but believed in Absolute
Monarchy.44
The principles of the English Mistery indicate that the Mistery had
some similar principles to fascist groups as The English Mistery is
composed of members sworn to loyalty to the King of England and the
principles of English Royalism.45 The definition that English Mistery use to
define English Royalism46 is from the book That which was Lost47, and
it says, For royalism is the only political creed that is not based upon
illusions, and the regeneration of England will assuredly be marked by a
revival of the royal powers and prestige of English kingship.48 This
definition of the English Mistery demonstrates that the Mistery could be
labelled fascist. Fascism and English Mistery Royalism had overlapping
beliefs, as there are elements in both that had similar aims, such as the
overthrow of Parliamentary democracy. Nonetheless, some English
Mistery Royalists did not agree with Fascism, because it would not
reinstate the powers that the Monarchy used to have before Parliamentary
democracy.
49
The membership of the English Mistery was small compared to the

high point of the BUF membership of 50,000 in 1934.50 There were about
2. (-7.).
45 15M84/F396.
46 15M84/F396.
47 Ibid.
48 William Sanderson, That Which was lost a treatise on Freemasonry and
the English Mistery , p.58.

49 15M84/F364/48 P.2. Correspondence file of F J Hunt, Clerk to the Array.
Winchester: Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

50 Nicholas Atkin, Withstanding extremes: Britain and France, 1918-1940
in Nicholas Atkin and Michael Biddis, Themes in Modern European History,

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870 members at the high point: and several of the members had
considerable influence within Government and the British
establishment.5152 The most famous member of the English Mistery was
Stanley Baldwin MP53, who was firstly leader of the Conservative Party in
1930 and then became for the third time Prime Minister of the United
Kingdom in 1935.54 Other members, who had influence within the
establishment and government, include George Balfour M.P., Randolph
Churchill (the son of Winston Churchill)55 and Viscount Lymingtons father,
the Earl of Portsmouth.56 Also, there were other members who worked in
the Foreign Office57 and the Bank of England.58 In summary, although the
membership of the English Mistery was small compared to other
organisations during the 1930s, the small membership included some
members who held positions of considerable influence throughout British
society during the 1930s.
1890-1945(Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp.243-273 (p.260).

51 15M84/F378. Bundle of completed application forms and forms of
declaration on joining the English Mistery. Winchester: Hampshire

Archives and Local Studies, n.d.
52 15M84/F379. Index cards for members English Mistery. Winchester:

53 15M84/F379. Index cards for members English Mistery.
54 Stanley Baldwin, History Past Prime Ministers, GOV.UK,
https://www.gov.uk/government/history/past-prime-ministers/stanleybaldwin (accessed 13th April 2014)

55 Chris Wrigley, Winston Churchill: A Biographical Companion (Santa
Barba: ABC-CLIO, 2002) p.125.

56 15M84/F378/299. Bundle of completed application forms and forms of
declaration on joining the English Mistery.

57 15M84/F378/278.
58 15M84/F378/504.
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The English Misterys main activity was to focus on being a school

for leadership.59 The focus on leadership60 was implemented by the
setting up of individual Kins.61A Kin62 consisted of ten to thirty people,
a sort of cell system designed ultimately to permeate and set the
standard for districts, villages and crafts and trade.63 Kins64 were meant
to train its member by, 1. Instructions by the Chief Mister on health,
leadership and the art of living. The instructions should follow a plan. , 2.
Talks on current affairs, showing the Mistery attitude towards them, 3.
Definite tasks allotted to members to be achieved in a given time, 4.
Training in public speaking and the expositions of Mistery principles. ,5.
Reports from every member from time to time as to what he has done: a
rota of people reporting must be made when the Kin is large.65 This
training in Kins66 shows that the main activity was to try and create a
form of feudal system, as the Kins67 represented a community their
leader was a philosophic keeper68 and Sanderson and I [Lymington]
[were] at the centre69 of the English Mistery instructing the Kins.70
William Sanderson was Chancellor or leader of the English Mistery where

61 15M84/F383/1 P2.
62 15M84/F383/1 P2.
64 15M84/F383/1 P2.
65 15M84/F383/1 P2.
66 Ibid.
67 Ibid.
70 15M84/F383/1 P2.
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Chancellor in Medieval times was the most senior royal minister71 to the
King of England and Viscount Lymington was the Vice Chancellor or
Chief Syndic.72 Thus, the main activity of the English Misterys was not
overtly fascist, but arguably attempted to lay the ground for the return of
Absolute Monarchy.
There were some activities of the English Mistery, which were
contradictory to their beliefs. For example one activity contradictory to
the English Mistery rules was that some members of the Mistery
contemplated standing for elections to local authorities73, this was
contradictory as participating in democracy was against their aims.
However, the English Mistery arguably had a fundamental flaw as shown
in a policy paper of the English Mistery dated 1933, no Orders which
prevents members of the English Mistery from serving on elected
assemblies.74 So, the leadership of the English Mistery got around this
contradiction by stating that, But whether their election should be
actively supported by the strength of the English Mistery exercised
through a Kin will depend upon the motive of the Kin.75 This stance
appears contradictory because the Mistery was against democracy, but
did not have any rules stating that members were barred from standing in
elections. Also, this contradiction can be seen with Viscount Lymington
being an MP in 1933, and so the English Mistery was not precise about its
stance on elections. Arguably certain members with in the English Mistery
saw the benefits of people in elected assemblies76, such as their
71 Lisa Benz St. John, Three Medieval Queens: Queenship and the Crown
in Fourteenth-Century England (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012),

p.45.
72 15M84/F378/20.
73 15M84/F1416/14. Files of English Mistery. Winchester: Hampshire

74 15M84/F1416/14. Files of English Mistery.
75 Ibid.
76 Ibid.
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influenced Viscount Lymington had when he was on the Government Milk

Marketing Board.77
Viscount Lymington became a member of the English Mistery on March 3rd
1931.78 He was the Chief Syndic, whose responsibilities were to be the
Misterys spokesman.79 His role as the Chief Syndic, from the creation of
the Mistery to when he effectively became in charge of the English
Mistery, appears to demonstrate how his and the Mistery beliefs
overlapped with Fascism.80
Viscount Lymingtons personal ideology and that of the English
Mistery could be categorised as a different subset of Fascism from the
1930s British Fascism, which focused particularly on Mosleys Fascism.81
The problem with categorising Viscount Lymingtons personal ideology
and that of the Mistery as fascist is when considering their attitude to
other fascist groups: they both saw themselves as traditionalists. An
example of this is taken from an extract of the minutes of a meeting on
March 20th 1933, In opposing English tradition fascists can never be more
than capable of giving a temporary respite of strong government, behind
which forces of revolution will gather for disaster.82 This quote is
significant in explaining Viscount Lymingtons personal ideology and that
of the Mistery, because the quote indicates that the English Mistery was
77 15M84/F1416/06.
78 15M84/F378/20.
79 15M84/F376/3. File of minutes of the 99th-102nd, 104-106th, 118th-
145th Audiences of the English Mistery, Feb1933-Feb1934. (Weekly

meetings usually held in London). Winchester: Hampshire Archives and
Local Studies, n.d.
80 15M84/F376/3. File of minutes of the 99th-102nd, 104-106th, 118th-
145th Audiences of the English Mistery, Feb1933-Feb1934. (Weekly

meetings usually held in London).
81 Matthew Jefferies and Mike Tyldesley, Rolf Gardiner: Folk, Nature and
Culture in Interwar Britain, p.156.

82 15M84/F376/14.
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sceptical of Fascism as a form of revolution, which it opposed.83 The

personal ideology of Viscount Lymington could possibly be labelled as
reactionary because he feared revolution and arguably saw Fascism as a
form of revolution.84 Viscount Lymington and the Mistery were not fascist
in this respect, because they did not believe in revolution.85 The Mistery
was inconsistent how it would work with the British Union of Fascists86, as
the BUF wanted to overthrow Parliamentary democracy, but their outcome
differed from the desired outcome of the English Mistery.
Viscount Lymingtons adherence to the English Mistery constitution
is unclear, because he continued to maintain his political connections and
agriculture. An example of this is set out in the minutes of an English
Mistery meeting held on 20th February 1933, The Chief Syndic [Viscount
Lymington] pointed out that [member] Burton could be a Conservative
Agent, because he could have a strong influence in important affairs.
This related back to Viscount Lymington and his connections, because
during this time he was still an M.P. for Basingstoke and so could support
Burton and assist him in influencing important affairs. Nonetheless,
Viscount Lymingtons connections would eventually cause problems for
him, when his relationship with William Sanderson (Leader of the English
Mistery) started to deteriorate.87
William Sanderson approved Viscount Lymingtons original
membership and he was appointed to the important role of the Chief
Syndic within five months of joining. He supported the organisation
financially and introduced some of his influential connections. This could
83 15M84/F376/14.
84 Ibid.
85 Ibid.
86 15M84/F376/12.
87 15M84/F376/3 p.3.
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explain why Sanderson approved his membership, as the Mistery needed

Viscount Lymingtons wealth and influence for it to thrive.88
Initially Viscount Lymingtons working relationship with Sanderson
was good and Sanderson fully supported him, even to the extent of
suggesting him as a potential successor and ruler of England. Historian
Dan Stone mentions this positive relationship: in a letter of August 1933 to
Viscount Lymington Sanderson wrote If you can succeed in leading this
body, you will find it comparatively easy to be Lord Protector of the whole
country. This illustrates that Viscount Lymington was crucial for the
English Mistery to succeed, as this quote implies that Sanderson knew
that he could not lead the Mistery to success. This positive relationship
started to deteriorate in 1934.
89
In February 193490 when Viscount Lymington resigned as a M.P., one

of the main reasons given was, according to Martin Pugh, . that the
principles of the Mistery were incompatible with party politics.91 This view
of Pugh correlates with primary evidence: Viscount Lymington states in a
letter to his constituents dated February 1934 Under it present leadership
the Conservative party has sacrificed all its old Tory principles of the past
to the easy methods of expedients.92 Following his resignation Viscount
Lymington became alienated from Parliamentary democracy, as he felt it
was unable to help him to achieve his aims.
88 15M84/F396.
89 Dan Stone The English Mistery, the BUF, and the Dilemmas of British
Fascism, pp.336-358 (p340).

90 Viscount Lymingtons resignation, Western Daily Press and Bristol
Mirror, p.8, Wednesday 21, February, 1934. British Newspaper Archives,

http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000513/19340221/0
94/0008?browse=false&_=1396968828978 (accessed January 26, 2014).
91 Martin Pugh, Hurrah for the Blackshirts! Fascists and Fascism in Britain
between the Wars, p.72.

92 15M84/F416/12.
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From 1934 Viscount Lymington focused on the Mistery but his

relationship with Sanderson continued to deteriorate. The extent of this
continuing deterioration is set out in a letter to Viscount Lymington from
William Sanderson dated 4th February 1936, In July 1934 I told you that I
could no longer advise you in the conduct of your private affairs even
when they had vital reactions on my career as well as yours.93 This quote
demonstrates the dilemma that William Sanderson was in when it came to
dealing with Viscount Lymington, because Viscount Lymington appeared to
be abusing his position within the English Mistery; and Sanderson could do
little about it, as he knew that the Mistery needed Viscount Lymington.
During early 1936 the relationship between William Sanderson and
Viscount Lymington was at breaking point. The true nature of their
relationship came to the surface in a letter from William Sanderson to
Lymington dated 25th March 1936, I have no doubt that your popularity is
unshaken throughout the Mistery.94 This demonstrates that no matter
what Viscount Lymington did he would always be popular within the
Mistery.95 Moreover this explains why Viscount Lymington arguably felt
above any scrutiny. Also he knew that he could possibly control the
Mistery, because of his connections within the political establishment and
his wealth.
By 1936 the finances of the English Mistery were in a parlous state
and without Viscount Lymington, the Mistery could have collapsed
financially. It appears that Sanderson knew this and resented it. Finances
was the reason Sanderson invited Lymington to join; however Lymington
saw as a vehicle for achieving his own ideological aims. It is likely that
Sanderson may was aware of this when he encouraged Viscount
Lymington to join. Viscount Lymington was the only member from the
upper echelons of the Mistery who deployed was wealth and influence in
93 15M84/F390/3/1. Files labelled English Mistery- Special Letters.
Winchester : Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

94 15M84/F390/4. Files labelled English Mistery- Special Letters.
95 15M84/F390/4 .
18
Robert Chambers
order to propel the Mistery to achieve its goals. An example of this is

given in a letter from William Sanderson to Lymington dated 10th February
1936, Elwes [member] has made it a personal attack upon me and has
said that I am compromised on account of financial assistance received
from you. This may also demonstrate that Viscount Lymington took
advantage of his wealth and status in his dealings with the Mistery, and
assumed that no-one within the English Mistery would hold him to account
for his actions.96
Viscount Lymingtons involvement in the English Mistery, from
Sandersons perspective, was mainly financial, as the English Mistery did
not have enough funding to be an effective organisation. An example of
this is set out in a private letter from William Sanderson to Viscount
Lymington dated February 4th 1936, In the grave perplexity I think I must
write and tell you that [it] has become practically impossible for me.97
Shortly after the relationship between Viscount Lymington and Sanderson
became untenable and collapsed. Viscount Lymington eventually formed
the English Array, but also became leader of the English Mistery.
William Sanderson had started to lose support within the English
Mistery and appeared to become more erratic about his beliefs. The
majority of members of the Mistery noticed this erratic behaviour and
removed him. The reasons for demise is set out in an extract in the first
issue of the first edition of the Quarterly Gazette of the English Array
dated September 1937, Since last December, when a minority had
refused to accept the order of the Council of Strength removing William
Sanderson from the Chancellorship. This extract illustrates that William
Sanderson probably sealed his own fate, because he was trying to fight
Viscount Lymington, who was popular with members of the Mistery and
able to provide much needed funds. The removal of William Sanderson
96 15M84/F390/16.
97 15M84/F390/3/1 .
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Robert Chambers
from the post of Chancellor enabled Viscount Lymington to become leader

of the English Mistery.98
1937 was a crucial year for Viscount Lymington: it was the year
when he became de factor leader of the original English Mistery and then
eventually, changed the name to the English Array. 1937 saw how
Viscount Lymington used his influence, connections and financial power to
his advantage. An example of this is given in a letter from Viscount
Lymington to Captain Roy Wilson dated 30th April 1937, Myself [Viscount
Lymington] as High Steward, leader of the Mistery. There will be many
occasions in future in the House of Stewards when I shall ask for advice,
and other occasions when I shall give orders and ask for no advice.
Viscount Lymington becoming the High Steward, the head of the English
Mistery, demonstrates he used his influence and financial power. As High
Steward he was able to set the ground such that he could easily control
the events of the English Mistery and eventually create the conditions
where he could form the English Array.99
Correspondence between Viscount Lymington and English Mistery
members during 1937 indicated confusion over their fascist stance. This
is shown in a letter from Viscount Lymington to Captain Roy Wilson dated
30th April 1937, Take your local Fascists, or any other patriotic society:
[you] should watch them and send out emissaries to collect useful
people. The phrase, Take your local Fascists, indicates that Viscount
Lymington and the Mistery were not concise over working with fascists,
because previously mentioned, the Mistery could not work with fascists,
as they did not hold the same view as the Mistery when it came to
Absolute Monarchy.100
98 Lord Lymington, English Mistery Surfleet Camp, The Quarterly Gazette
of the English Array, September 1937

99 15M84/F195/126 (p1).
100 15M84/F195/126 (p2).
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Robert Chambers
When Viscount Lymington became leader of the original English

Mistery he was in a position to move it forward using his agenda. He
could pursue his personal interests and enhance his own self-importance.
An example of this is, specifically a letter from D.P Radcliffe to Lord
Lymington dated August 20th 1937,I really do think you ought to know
now exactly what sort of thing it is that I have had to supress.101 The
letter explains that a member of the English Mistery complained about
Viscount Lymington, but the complaint was quashed. Viscount Lymington
was using his popularity to protect himself from scrutiny by other
members because he knew without him the original English Mistery would
fail.
Viscount Lymington continued with the original English Mistery after
the creation of the English Array in the summer of 1937. At the General
Assembly on Saturday 28th August of 1937 at 6:30pm [at] the English
Mistery Camp at the Iceni Estate, Surfleet, Lincolnshire he gave the
background and the context of why the English Array was formed and
proposed a change of name for English Mistery to the English Array. The
Quarterly Gazette of the English Array in September 1937 mentions, Lord
Lymington, in an address, recapitulated the difficulties that had arisen
within the movement [the English Mistery] since last December, when a
minority had refused to accept the order of the Council of Strength
removing William Sanderson from the Chancellorship. This minority
had set up a separate organisation, also called the English Mistery. This
quote confirms that after 1937 there were two English Misteries, but also
the English Array was created. Moreover this General Assembly at
Surfleet shows how the English Mistery and the subsequent English Array
were under Viscount Lymingtons control.102
After Viscount Lymington created the English Array in 1937 he
continued leading the original English Mistery.103 He organised bank
101 15M84/F195/119. Correspondence files relating to English Mistery.
102Lord Lymington, English Mistery Surfleet Camp.
103 Lord Lymington, English Mistery Surfleet Camp.
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Robert Chambers
accounts so that the Mistery came under the English Arrays bank
account. A letter from Lloyds Bank Limited to F.J Hunt dated 23rd
November 1937 states Account at present standing order in your name as
English Mistery to be altered to English Array and appeal, which has
been shut down.104
Meanwhile William Sandersons English Mistery Faction was still
active and he was still writing and his fourth edition of Statecraft was
published in 1940.105
English Array
Following the union of the original English Mistery and the English
Array Viscount Lymington proposed, and this was accepted, a
reorganisation of Mistery titles to Array titles. The last event of the
Surfleet Camp meeting was Viscount Lymington being appointed the
Marshal of the Array, the leader of the English Array.106
The purpose of the English Array was, to co-ordinate the services of such
individuals under the King. This purpose was similar to English Mistery,
as the founding principles of the Mistery were to serve the King.
Viscount Lymington formed the Array for numerous reasons, ranging from
personal to ideological.107
The top position of the hierarchy of the English Array was Marshal
of the Array, which Viscount Lymington held. The next position was the
Officer of the Muster who was responsible for regions within England and
for looking after a local Muster.108 A Muster was men from a local area
104 15M84/F364/ P.1. Correspondence file of F J Hunt, Clerk to the Array.

105 William John Sanderson, Statecraft, etc.(Fourth Edition)(Wentworth:
R.G. Cooke, 1941),p.15., London: British Library,General Reference

Collection X.809/24036.
107 15M84/F370. Booklet The English Array. Winchester : Hampshire

22
Robert Chambers
form small groups.109 This structure is arguably demonstrates that

Viscount Lymington had a romanticised view of Absolute Monarchy,
because the structure possibly comes from Medieval England. The
position of Marshal most probably refers to that of a Marshal in
Medieval England, who would have been an Officer of the Royal
Household110 and that a Marshal was to physically lead the army on
campaign.111 The term Muster means brings troops in preparation for
battle.112 Arguably the whole structure of the Array was based on
Viscount Lymingtons romanticised view on Absolute Monarchy, because
Viscount Lymington as Marshal he can call on the Musters to fulfil their
Array and fight for a return of an Absolute Monarchy.
113
The difference between the original Mistery and the Array organisations
demonstrates to some degree Viscount Lymingtons personality. The
Mistery was to do about leadership114, but the Array more to do with a
collective of Englishmen115 to come together to fight for the return of
Absolute Monarchy. Viscount Lymington appeared to be becoming more
profound in his thinking with leanings to sympathise with Fascism and
Nazism, because their overarching themes were militaristic, similar to the
structure of the English Array.
108 15M84/F370. Booklet The English Array.

109 Ibid.
110 Angus Stevenson and Maurice Vaite, Concise Oxford English
Dictionary: Luxury Edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), p.788.

111 Christopher Rothero, Armies of Crecy and Poiters (Men-At-Armies)
(Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1981), pp.15-p.16.

112 Oxford Dictionaries, Colour Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2011), p.453.

113 15M84/F370.
115 15M84/F396.
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Robert Chambers
Viscount Lymingtons views on Fascism, and Fascism within the

English Array, are perplexing, and his views appear contradictory and
difficult to assess. An example of this contradiction is in The Quarterly
Gazette of the English Array July 1938 issue Did Englishmen but base
their own mode of government in the lesson they should have learnt from
their own history and experience, having aims of national and racial
integration similar to Fascism and National-Socialism, but not resembling
them in organisation. This quote illustrates incomplete views of Viscount
Lymington, as he does not explain how an English Government with
aims of national and racial integration similar to Fascism and NationalSocialism cannot be a dictatorship. However, Viscount Lymington did not
believe that parliamentary democracy or Fascism would be the route, to
get to his aim of Absolute Monarchy.116
Viscount Lymingtons views on refugees were in line with fascist
views. An example of this is in sixth edition of the Quarterly Gazette of
the English Array dated September 1939, The first is racial reason. In
ninety-nine cases out of a hundred they meant a lowering of each in the
English sense, but their danger has been even more marked in the crossbreeding to which they have given rise. This quote illustrates that
Viscount Lymington views were akin to Fascism, because he wanted a
pure English race.117
As already emphasised Viscount Lymington held a strong belief in
the concept of Absolute Monarchy. This was a key ideological pillar of the
English Array and members were encouraged to do everything in their
power to achieve this key aim. An example of this was in the sixth edition
of the Quarterly Gazette of the English Array in January 1939, It is part of
the creed of all true monarchists that the Crown should, in fact, be above
all parties, classes, creeds and factions in the State in order that each
116 Lord Lymington, Democracy and dictatorships The Quarterly Gazette
of the English Array, July 1938.

117 Lord Lymington, Influx of refugees The Quarterly Gazette of the
English Array, January 1939.

24
Robert Chambers
individual Monarch may be able to protect the great mass of his subjects
from being exploited by any one section or interest. This is what the
English Kings before 1689 were able to do.118 This quote, gives more
detail about Viscount Lymingtons view on the Monarchy, as he is saying
he would prefer the Monarchy to be able to do what it could before 1689
and this was reactionary. 1689 was when the Bill of Rights was
introduced, which significantly reduced the power of the Monarchy to,
curb[ed] the future arbitrary behaviour of the monarch and to guarantee
parliaments power vis a vis the Crown, thereby establishing a
constitutional monarchy.119 It seemed that the Bill of Rights was
everything Viscount Lymington disliked about Parliamentary democracy,
because the Bill further reduced the powers of the Monarch.
The English Array was Viscount Lymingtons vehicle for his aim of
restoring the Monarchy to what it was before 1689120 and this arguably
was why the Array and Viscount Lymington were reluctant to be affiliated
with the, British Union of Fascists. This reluctance came from the British
Union of Fascists view on the Monarchy. An example of this is set out in
correspondence between N Francis-Hawkins, Director-General of British
Union of Fascists121 to Lord Lymington dated 14 March 1938, British Union
policy is that the constitutional position of the Crown will remain
unchanged and that no member of the Array could for one moment
adhere.122 This difference of view from the British Union123 means that
Viscount Lymington and the Array could never join British fascist groups.
118 Lord Lymington, Is the Crown above party? The Quarterly Gazette of
the English Array, January 1939.

119 Lucinda Maer and Oonagh Gay, The Bill of Rights 1689, SN/PC/0293,
London: House of Commons (5 October, 2009), p.2.

120 Lucinda Maer and Oonagh Gay, The Bill of Rights 1689,
SN/PC/0293(5 October, 2009), p.2.

121 15M84/F195/5 P.2.
122 15M84/F364/48 P.2.
123 15M84/F364/48 P.2.
25
Robert Chambers
They saw the Crown124 as the leader of their group and so the British
Fascism paradigm during the 1930s was not compatible with their belief in
the Monarchy.
The two main ways that the English Array communicated was two
publications in The New Pioneer125 magazine and the The Quarterly
Gazette of the English Array.126 The differences between these
publications that, The New Pioneer127 focused on wider political issues,
while the The Quarterly Gazette128 focused on the internal affairs of the
English Array.
Viscount Lymington edited The New Pioneer129 magazine and he
heavily influenced the contents of it. Historian Thomas Linean mentions,
The New Pioneer project grew out of his [Viscount Lymington] earlier
attempts to promote his vision of society.130 Looking at an early edition of
the The New Pioneer, Viscount Lymingtons personal ideology does come
through, It will be party political, since it will seek to play its part in
unifying the country.131 This partly illustrates that Viscount Lymington
124 Ibid.
125 Thomas Linehan, British Fascism, 1919-1939 (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 2000), p.141.

126 15M84/F366/1. Bundle of papers (not original bundle) of English Array
circulars, correspondence and statements (some duplicates material in

F364-F365). Winchester : Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.
127 Thomas Linehan, British Fascism, 1919-1939, p.141.
128 15M84/F366/1. Bundle of papers (not original bundle) of English Array
circulars, correspondence and statements (some duplicates material in

F364-F365).
129 Thomas Linehan, p.141.
130 Thomas Linehan, p.141.
131 15M84/F177/5. Files relating to the Muster Rolls and membership of
the English Array (the Muster Rolls give rank, name and permanent
address. Winchester : Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.
26
Robert Chambers
formed the English Array, because he thought his views were important
and he was above party politics.
The Quarterly Gazette of the English Array highlights a contrasting
perspective of Viscount Lymington and demonstrates how he linked his
views of racial purity and wellbeing of the nation. An example of this is in
the fourth edition of the Quarterly Gazette of the English Array in July
1938, In considering the first group, which includes all the so-called
Democracies, our own country will suffice. The degenerate and mentally
deficient are free to propagate their bad stock, which becomes a charge
on the rest of the community.132 This demonstrates that Viscount
Lymington had views that can be categorised as fascist, because the
disdain he is showing about people who in his words are, mentally
deficient.133 Fundamentally, Viscount Lymington created the Array to fulfil
his agriculture, racial, political views, but also his views on the role of
women.134
Viscount Lymingtons view on women was a mixture of the belief that
women should directly not get involved in politics, but at the same time
the role of women in society was important. An example of Viscount
Lymingtons view is in the sixth edition of the Quarterly Gazette of the
English Array in January 1939, We are not treating the English people as
so many equal "votes", but as functioning members of the Body politic,
each with an important but different and complementary use in the life of
that body.. There is an invaluable role that women can and should
play in the work of the Array. If they will not only set a good example
themselves, but also start a snowball of good advice circulating amongst
their friends they will be doing a great service to England... This view of
132 Lord Lymington, Democracy and dictatorships The Quarterly Gazette
of the English Array, July 1938.

133 Lord Lymington, Democracy and dictatorships.
134 Lord Lymington, Women and the English Array The Quarterly Gazette
of the English Array, January 1939.

27
Robert Chambers
Viscount Lymington, illustrates that the Array was for an English society,
which was patriarchal and did not believe in equal votes for all.135
One way the leadership of the Array organisation kept in touch with
members was by questionnaires. These extensive questionnaires were
split up into Rural and Urban: they focused on the lifestyle of the member
and not his political views. The questions included How much agricultural
land do you control, what is its general nature and what is the nature of
your tenancy?.136 The other questions were similar and just focusing on
agriculture. This suggests the Array leaders were concentrating on
agriculture and the countryside and not on members political affiliation.
Moreover, these questionnaires demonstrate that Viscount Lymington
created the Array in part to feed his interest in agriculture, because
throughout his involvement in English Mistery and English Array, his
beliefs in one way or another came back to agriculture.
The activities of the English Array were extensive and correlate with
Viscount Lymingtons wide range of interests. The activity that achieved
both the Arrays objectives and Viscount Lymingtons interests were the
Circulars137 that Viscount Lymington sentout as Marshal of the Array.138
These Circulars139 set out Viscount Lymingtons opinion about particular
issues issues and events. The Circular140 about Austria and Spain141
highlights that he may have been sympathetic to Fascism and Nazism,
because he says, The nearly desperate Nazi majority were being
135 Lord Lymington, Women and the English Array.
136 15M84/F177/60. Files relating to the Muster Rolls and membership of
the English Array(the Muster Rolls give rank, name and permanent
address.
137 15M84/F364/2 P.1.
138 15M84/F364/2 P.1.
139 Ibid.
140 Ibid.
141 15M84/F364/2 P.1.
28
Robert Chambers
supressed [in Austria].142 A further clue of this stance could be the

opening of a correspondence to members dated March 1938; I must
break a ruling of the English Array to treat Foreign Politics as outside their
consideration.143 This implies that Viscount Lymingtons practice re the
Arrays rules was unclear as he opposed the dictatorship element of
Nazism, but favoured the Nazi view point when it came to foreign policy
issues.
Viscount Lymington and the English Array focused on agriculture,
because what they both wanted emphasised that the lifeblood of a nation
is for people to work on the land. This belief was also expressed by fascist
organisations. An example of this is Preparing plans for a short but
concentrated Agricultural Campaign and having in mind your extensive
knowledge of the subject.144 This quote is from a British Union of Fascist
letter written by N. Francis-Hawkins, Director-General145, and relates back
to the point that Viscount Lymingtons supported some fascist beliefs to a
certain degree, because he supported agriculture but not when it came to
the forming of government.146
The English Array and Viscount Lymington were more reactionary
than fascist: certain concepts did overlap however, the BUF agreed that
Parliamentary democracy should be overthrown and be replaced with
strong leadership. Their support for the principle of strong leadership
led to close communication between the Array and the BUF, but Viscount
Lymington and the Array disagreed with the methods of the BUF. An
example of this is given in correspondence dated March 1938, the aim of
the BUF is to end the present system of democracy, all men of the Array
must sympathise with it, but question whether the Fascists are going the
142 15M84/F364/2 P.3
143 15M84/F364/2 P.3.
144 15M84/F195/5 P.1.
145 15M84/F195/5 P.2.
29
Robert Chambers
right way about it. This, sympathy towards the BUF is crucial to
understanding Viscount Lymington and the Array, because it
demonstrates the overlap between the two. In Lymingtons view the route
to Absolute Monarchy was not via either democracy or Fascism. However,
it is unclear how he intended to achieve a third way to his goal.
The Array membership compared to the original English Mistery was
even smaller: it is estimated that the English Array had two hundred fifty
five members at its peak, but still had a sufficient number for Viscount
Lymington to wield influence amongst his peers.147
Some of Viscount Lymingtons and the English Arrays aims were
neither reactionary nor fascist. An example of this is that the Arrays
overriding aims were to return to agricultural self-sufficiency and to
promote the consumption of unpasteurised milk.
Viscount Lymington
and the Array arguably did try and link this back to the health of the
nation, but these aims were agricultural and political, because
unpasteurised in part was meant to rejuvenate the nation, by making
Englishmen148 healthy to work the land again.149
Viscount Lymington intensified the Arrays activities in the late
1930s. When other far-right organisations were losing their popularity,
because of fear of war with Nazi Germany, Viscount Lymington tried to use
his role as leader to help the Array grow. An example of this is set out in a
letter from Viscount Lymington to the hierarchy of the English Array dated
September 1939; It is essential that the men of the English Array be kept
together during the War, in order to lead in the reconstruction of Britain
when Peace comes.150 This quote from a letter by Viscount Lymington
possibly demonstrates two factors. Firstly, Viscount Lymington was
147 15M84/F367.Volume containing list of 'Officers of The English Array'
and membership lists arranged by County. Winchester : Hampshire

149 Martin Pugh, Hurrah for the Blackshirts! Fascists and Fascism in
Britain between the Wars, p.72.

30
Robert Chambers
determined to continue with the English Array, even in wartime and

second he may have thought that the English Array could succeed in its
aims after the war. Nevertheless, he and the Array did show some fascist
sympathies, as some of the literature produced was to a certain degree
sympathetic towards the Nazis. Although the activies many organisations
were stopped by the Government as war started, neither Viscount
Lymington nor the English Array was ceased activities: this suggests that
Lymingtons establishment connections allowed both to continue.
When World War Two started in 1939, Viscount Lymington continued
the Array until it petered out in 1940.151
There were other organisations, such as the BUF who held
overlapping to the English Mistery, English Array and Viscount Lymington.
Viscount Lymington effectively led the English Mistery and led the Array:
he joined various other organisations that held his ideals and some of
which clearly also held fascist views. Two such organisations were The
Right Club,152 and the British Council Against European Commitments
(BCAEC).153 It appears that Viscount Lymington was becoming more
fascist in his political outlook by the end of the 1930s, but arguably many
would support the BCAEC as many did not want to go to war with
150 15M84/F176/9. First draft articles about English Mistery and Array.
Winchester : Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

152 Peter Barberis, John McHugh and Mike Tyldesley, say that the Right
Club were, Formed to co-ordinate and strengthen extreme right-wing and

fascist groups, the Right Club was led by Captain Archibald H. Maule
Ramsay, a Conservative MP and leading figure in the NORDIC LEAGUE
[661], a more overtly pro-Nazi movement. The Right Club sought to
infiltrate the establishment and to eradicate any Jewish influence upon the
Conservative Party.,p.193.
153 Peter Barberis, John McHugh and Mike Tyldesley, say that the BCAEC
were, The movement was founded by Lord Lymington (Gerard Wallop) to

promote propaganda against Czechoslovakia and to resist with Germany
over Central Europe.,p.174.
31
Robert Chambers
Germany.154 It appears that Viscount Lymington used his position within

the Mistery to escalate his own important in fascist circles and purse his
aims to promote Absolute Monarchy.155
Political writings and meetings
There are recorded meetings of Viscount Lymington with influential
and powerful people, including some of the most powerful fascists and
Nazis in Europe during the 1930s. He met Adolf Hitler twice during the
1930s156 and was held in high regard by him.157 Viscount Lymington
interviewed Adolf Hitler in 1931158 and then he met Hitler again in the
spring of 1939.159 Viscount Lymington privately met with Benito Mussolini
in 1932.160 These meetings were arguably not that profound, but after
Viscount Lymingtons first meeting with Hitler, Herman Goering said to
Viscount Lymington, Hitler remembered [Lymington] me well, because
[Lymington] you were the only Englishman who ever wrote to thank him
[Hitler] for an interview.161 Viscount Lymington appeared to admire Hitler
and Mussolini for their actions: on the other hand he could of have also
been gathering information to access whether they could further his aims,
for example for agriculture. In the wider context of the 1930s Viscount
Lymingtons perceived admiration was not odds with his views as many
British politicians met with Hitler and Mussolini to discuss issues ranging
from combating Communism to what they were doing in agriculture.

156 The Earl of Portsmouth, pp.150-151.
157 The Earl of Portsmouth,p.154.
160 The Earl of Portsmouth, pp.153-159.
161 The Earl of Portsmouth,p.154.
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Robert Chambers
Viscount Lymington is noted as having at one time a close friendship

with Sir Oswald Mosley (leader of the BUF). They exchanged personal
letters, for example a letter from Sir Oswald Mosley to Viscount Lymington
dated 9th November, 1937, It was very good of you to write to me when I
was in hospital and I look forward to seeing you now that I am back to
work.162 This indicates that their friendship was more casual, but
undoubtedly at times political, an example of this is, I see by this
mornings paper that you have been the victim of Communists at
Liverpool. I do hope that it is not serious and that you will quickly get
well.163 Thus, this friendship that Viscount Lymington had with Sir Oswald
Mosley indicates that he was associated with fascists, but this association
does not make him a fascist.
Viscount Lymingtons political writings, his essays, books on
agriculture, press articles that he was mentioned in or wrote, his speeches
in Parliament whilst a Member of Parliament during the 1930s, all bring
out his diverse personality and views. The most enlightening writings
regarding his views and beliefs are set out in press articles throughout the
1930s.
The press articles during the 1930s focused on three key areas: his
politics164 and his writings on agriculture.165 The most important area to
look is the articles that refer to his politics as these articles relate back to
162 15M84/F391/2. Correspondences between Oswald Mosley and
Viscount Lymington. Winchester : Hampshire Archives and Local Studies,

n.d.
163 15M84/F391/4. Correspondences between Oswald Mosley and
Viscount Lymington.
164 Unionist MPs Revolt, Dundee Courier, p.7, Wednesday 29, October,
1930. British Newspaper Archives,

15/0007?browse=false (accessed January 26, 2014).
165 County Politics, Cheltenham and Gloucestershire Graphic, Saturday
28, December, 1933. British Newspaper Archive,

38/0005?browse=false (accessed 26th January, 2014).
33
Robert Chambers
the English Mistery and English Array sections; because even when he was
a MP, he was on the political fringes.
The article that is most important is an article referring to Viscount
Lymingtons involvement in a Conservative rebellion against the
Conservative leadership of Stanley Baldwin in October 1930.166 This
rebellion demonstrates, Viscount Lymingtons political ideology was on
the fringes of mainstream politics, as the rebellion was against Stanley
Baldwin as leader of the party and this rebellion was on the fringes as it
only gained signatories from 44 Conservative M.P.s.167 Interestingly at
one point during the 1930s, Baldwin was a member of the English Mistery.
This minor part in a rebellion illustrates that Viscount Lymington views
were not mainstream thought he was not the only MP who held these
views about Stanley Baldwin. Historian Martin Pugh agrees with this,
Many Conservatives who despaired of the leadership of Stanley Baldwin
looked to a restoration of royal authority in Britain.168 Overall this article
shows that Viscount Lymington was not the only politician not holding
mainstream political views, as there was a common perception during the
1930s that democracy was weakening nations, such as the United
Kingdom. On the other hand, Lymington was more than flirting with far
right politics than his political colleges.
Throughout the 1930s Viscount Lymington was associated with and was
part of a number of fascist pressure groups and organisations. Association
and participation in these organisations could lead to the conclusion that
Viscount Lymington was a fascist. Peter Barberis mentions Viscount
166 Unionist MPs Revolt, Dundee Courier, p.7, Wednesday 29, October,
1930.
167 Unionist MPs Revolt,
168 Martin Pugh, We Danced All Night A Social History of Britain between
the Wars, (London: The Bodley Head, 2008), p.373.

34
Robert Chambers
Lymington was part of the Right Club169 and the British Council against
European Commitments (BCAEC).170 These groups are significant in
reviewing Viscount Lymingtons personal ideology and the progression of
his involvement in far right politics. He founded the far right organisation
BCAEC171 in 1938 with William Joyce172 who later became infamous as
Lord Haw-Haw, the Nazi Propagandist who broadcast to Britain during
World War Two.173 Viscount Lymingtons association with Joyce174 could
not be considered a mistake, as arguably by 1938 Joyces views were
clear about Nazism and Lymington must have been aware of this.175 On
the other hand, these friendships do not mean that Viscount Lymington
can be categorised as fascist, because his professed primary concerns
were agriculture and the recreation of an Absolute Monarchy. Lymington
also associated with other fascist and Nazi sympathisers such as Sir
Oswald Mosley and Captain Archibald Ramsey, who were interned at the
start of World War Two.
176
Viscount Lymington was not interned at the beginning of the World

War Two as were many of his associates: this suggests that he had
maintained his influential contacts in government and probably
moderated his views to fit with the paradigm of the moment. Pugh
concurs with this by mentioning, Viscount Lymington, who escaped
detention, had distanced himself by abandoning the New Pioneer and
173 Nicholas J. Cull, David Culbert, and David Welch, Propaganda and
Mass Persuasion: A Historical Encyclopedia, 1500 to the Present (Santa

Barbara: ABC-ClIO, INC., 2003),p.233.
176 Ibid.
35
Robert Chambers
joining his local Home Guard as a platoon Commander. This

abandonment of the New Pioneer shows that Viscount Lymington
abandoned his long-term ideology in order to avoid internment, as he
could not pursued his ideology from an internment camp. Although he
avoided internment, he was under suspicion for the rest of the war.177
The activities of Viscount Lymington at the start of the war were kept
under close scrutiny by Government departments and local authorities
and still he was not interned. However, his previous friendships and
associates did cause him problems; In October 1940, Viscount Lymington
had to resign from the Home Guard, the reason is unclear, but Viscount
Lymington believed he had been accused of fifth column tendencies,
because of his previous company. He could not dissociate himself from
the past and in any event many of his previous company had been
interned or fled to Nazi Germany. It is clear why the Government did not
intern him: it could be that the Government of the day did not want to
intern a son of a Peer as it could be highly damaging to their credibility.
Or possibly he was not put in the same category because of his social
status and his interests in fascist politics were arguably more to do with
his agricultural connections and bringing back Absolute Monarchy, and
making peace with Nazi Germany.178
Viscount Lymington wrote and published numerous books and
articles concerning agriculture. These focused particularly on working the
land and how agriculture is vital to a nations interest and survival. This
emphasis on agricultural matters, and the language he used, could
explain how his involvement can be interpreted as fascist. An example of
is Those reared only on bread and circuses may claim the more unreal
responsibility of a vote, but they can and do lose the tradition of


36
Robert Chambers
trusteeships and the instinct of sound perpetuation.179 This particular use

of language has connotations of Fascism, because during the 1930s the
rejuvenation of agriculture was a benchmark in many fascist groups as it
linked in with not favouring democracy. However, Viscount Lymingtons
beliefs were agricultural and connected to the recreation of Absolute
Monarchy before 1689.180
Viscount Lymington was part of the British aristocracy whose influence in
the 1930s was in decline because of the decline in agriculture and the
economic austere times of the 1930s. This decline could explain why he
explored connections with British fascist elements, as he arguably saw,
along with other aristocrats, aspects of Fascism as a way to restore the
British aristocracy, but also wanted to avoid another World War. Martin
Pugh agrees with this Lord Lymington was a staunch supporter of Edward
VIII during the abdication crisis of 1936, as Edward offered the best
prospect of overthrowing the liberal democracy. Some aristocrats saw
Edward VIII as a King that could sue for peace if war came with Nazi
Germany and then Edward VIII would revitalise the aristocracy to what it
was before liberal democracy. Thus Viscount Lymington and British
fascist groups shared the same goals and possibly Lymington saw this as
an opportunity to build a coalition for some of these aims. Nevertheless,
focusing on restoring the British aristocracy and Monarchy to what it was
before parliamentary democracy was not a popular idea during the 1930s
and Viscount Lymington seemed to change his focus to matters that could
gain popular support such as supporting farmers.181
179Viscount Lymington, Nature, the Family and the Nation in Eric Gill, D.
Liam OHullachain and John Sharpe, Distributist Perspectives Volume II

Essays on the Economies of Justice and Charity (Norfolk: IHS Press, 2008),
pp.31-41 (P.39).
180 Lucinda Maer and Oonagh Gay, The Bill of Rights 1689,
SN/PC/0293(5 October, 2009), p.2.

181 Martin Pugh, We Danced All Night A Social History of Britain between
the Wars, p.362.

37
Robert Chambers
Viscount Lymington throughout the 1930s was keen to advocate the

protection of farmers and making sure that the farming communities were
supported in every way possible. This concern with farming, links with
fascist groups during the 1930s as they were trying to appeal to the
farming community to get support for elections and also that farming was
a key part of their ideology. An example of this is the BUF wooed also the
small farmer, who was assured that fascist policy in regard to food and
land would lead to a prosperous agricultural sector.182 This point shows
that Viscount Lymington was associated with this British Fascism, but it
does not mean he was a fascist by default. His interest in agriculture
overlapped with British fascist interests as Viscount Lymington worked
with fascists to achieve his goal of a revitalised agricultural sector.
Fundamentally, Viscount Lymingtons interest in agriculture was vital in
understanding his ideology.
It can be argued that Viscount Lymington throughout the 1930s was on
the political spectrum ambiguously between being reactionary and fascist.
This ambiguity enabled him to pursue his interests in agriculture and
other subjects without being too concerned about the consequences of his
actions. Phillip Cornford agrees with this statement, Gerard Wallop was a
shrewd man who knew the establishment from the inside, had many
contacts in government and was realistic about what he could achieve.
This indicates that Viscount Lymington could manipulate situations to suit
his own purpose and makes it difficult to define precisely his ideology. It is
clear that his social connections played a major part in his freedom from
internment.
183
Viscount Lymingtons political writings are extensive and covered

different subjects, but focused on agriculture particularly. The writings
that focus on British Fascism need to be considered in the context of the
182 David Stephen Lewis, Illusions of Grandeur: Mosley, Fascism and
British Society, 1931-1981(Manchester: Manchester University Press,

1987), p.72-73.
183 Phillip Cornford, pp.78-92 (p.82).
38
Robert Chambers
time when they were written: Lymington did favour fascism, along with
many of his peers, as the 1930s was the time when politics was polarised
between Fascism and Communism. People from across the classes in
Britain thought that Communism would be detrimental to their way of life
and so was sympathetic to Fascism, because it was better than
Communism. Viscount Lymingtons interest in British Fascism was not
frowned upon, but sometimes actively encouraged by others. This
illustrates that Viscount Lymington was a sympathiser of Fascism but most
probably saw Fascism as the means to an end (agricultural policies) as
previously suggested.
Although during the 1930s Viscount Lymingtons main interest was
supporting the agricultural sector, this sector appeared to be going into
decline. His agricultural interest appeared to be overwhelmingly the basis
of his political interest: this most probably explains why he did not get
interned as he was no threat to Britain and would never jeopardise the
security of the Monarchy, even if he had an interests in Fascism.
Conclusion
The conclusion of this dissertation addresses the questions set out
in the introduction, but in particular answers the question whether
Viscount Lymington was a fascist or an opportunistic politician that did not
fully comprehend what he was getting into. Viscount Lymingtons actions
appear to demonstrate a reflection of his confused ideologies in relation to
his involvement in British Fascism during the 1930s.
There are four main career or life changes, or attempts to fine tune
his ideology, that Viscount Lymington made which indicate a reflection of
his confused ideologies of his increased involvement with British Fascism
during the 1930s.
The first is his early career: this was rooted in Conservative politics
and the Parliamentary process. Viscount Lymington was a Conservative
M.P. for Basingstoke in the early 1930s.
39
Robert Chambers
The second was his involvement in the English Mistery: as

Lymington resigned as the M.P. for Basingstoke in 1934. He found the
Parliamentary process incompatible with his English Mistery involvement
and work.
184
The third change was Viscount Lymington becoming leader of the

original English Mistery and setting up of the English Array in 1937. 185 The
Array was arguably a more idealistic or romanticised organisation under
which he could promote his personal beliefs and overriding passion for
agriculture.
Finally the fourth change was a sort of searching for organisations
to promote his ideologies. Viscount Lymington associated with fascist and
Nazi sympathisers as they emerged over the 1930s and help create the
BCAEC in 1938 with William Joyce. Many of these sympathisers were
interned when war broke out.186 Viscount Lymington could not have
pleaded ignorance of the views of William Joyce who later famously
became, Lord Haw Haw for the Nazis during World War Two187 and Sir
Oswald Mosley of the BUF.188 However there is evidence that his
motivation for these associations were mainly concerned with agriculture
and to bringing back Absolute Monarchy that would a version of an English
Feudal System.
Viscount Lymington had a life long passion for agriculture: he studied
agriculture when he was at university, he owned his own farm189 and when
he was an M.P. he focused particularly on matters of agriculture. He firmly
believed that a thriving agriculture section was vital for England as a

188 15M84/F391/2.
40
Robert Chambers
nation to succeed. He connected this belief in agriculture with his

ideology of bringing back Absolute Monarchy and structure, as he had
little faith in the ruling leadership of England. His motivation was more to
do with trying to reach his idealistic goals and that is why he left
Parliament in 1934 and focused on his work with the English Mistery and
Array.190
Viscount Lymington pursued paths that he thought could help him
achieve his ideological aims. He never joined the British Union of Fascists.
He may have agreed with some of the BUF beliefs relating to agriculture
but did not share their view on the Monarchy. However, he did join the,
Pro-Nazi fascist group, the British Peoples Party in 1943 (the same year
when he succeeded to the Peerage as 9th Earl of Portsmouth.)191 Hence,
Viscount Lymington was sympathetic towards some fascist aims, but the
evidence suggests that if he had to make a decision he would not have
supported a fascist dictatorship.
Viscount Lymingtons influence on British Fascism during the 1930s does
not appear significant, because he could not mould British Fascism to
support his beliefs and he was not an ardent believer in all fascist
principles. He supported some of its minor aims, such as its views on
agriculture and getting rid of Parliamentary democracy. Viscount
Lymington was not interested in enhancing the cause of British Fascism
but to use Fascism pragmatically to get rid of democracy and bring back
Absolute Monarchy. The evidence shows that Viscount Lymingtons
association with Fascism focussed on his expertise in agriculture and his
connections within the British aristocracy. It is noted that during the
1930s there were more influential people within the British establishment
and political circles who had greater influence over Fascism than Viscount
Lymington. After 1934 his influence on British Fascism was limited as his
ideological beliefs overlapped in a number of areas with British fascist

191Thomas Linean, pp.139-140.
41
Robert Chambers
groups but not the crucial beliefs, and his influence was significantly
reduced when he left Parliament. Fundamentally, Viscount Lymington had
little impact on the politics of Fascism, but at the same time he was
moving himself to the far right politics over the 1930s.
Viscount Lymington had moved to the far right of politics by the late
1930s: he had becane more critical of the Parliamentary system and was
trying harder to protect the agriculture sector. These observations should
be considered in the wider context of the 1930s , as it was not uncommon
for politicians across the political spectrum to become more sympathetic
towards Fascism. The Great Depression at the start of the 1930s, the rise
of Communism and the rise of fascist dictatorships caused politicians to
question the integrity of democracy. Thus, Viscount Lymingtons move to
the far right of the political spectrum was not uncommon.
Viscount Lymingtons personal beliefs were more reactionary than
fascist as he was a firm believer in trying to reinstate the Feudal System
which was not a fascist belief. Although some of his beliefs did overlap
with fascists beliefs, this is not enough to say that he was a fascist.
Viscount Lymington was part of an establishment during the 1930s, which
changed allegiances to Fascist organisations to protect itself from
Communism. Also, he linked these changing allegiances with his interests
in agriculture because pragmatically, Fascism to a certain degree might
have helped to achieve his aims.
Viscount Lymington was a part of the development of British Fascism
during the 1930s albeit an insignificant part. He was a Royalist that
believed in the recreation of an Absolute Monarchy leading England, he
believes that Absolute the Monarchy would revitalise England to what it
had been. However, Viscount Lymingtons views is that they were at odds
with every policy that had reduced the Monarchys power since 1689192
and he was reluctant to embrace even the democratic changes that had
occurred over time. He appeared to be seeking an aspiration for
agriculture and structure that could never again be achieved in Britain.
192 Lucinda Maer and Oonagh Gay, p.2.
42
Robert Chambers
In conclusion to a certain degree, Viscount Lymington could be seen

as fascist in elements of his personal ideology, however he cannot be
purely categorised as fascist, because he was not precise in his ideological
beliefs. Lymingtons personal ideology was broad, ranging from
reactionary to fascist; he was an ardent believer in the return of Absolute
Monarchy. This could not be labelled fascist, but then he did believe that
the English race should be pure, and this would be labelled fascist.
Moreover, in the wider context of his beliefs that his main aim was, to
return England back to a form of Feudal System with the Monarch as
leader, and so could not contemplate supporting the dictatorship element
of Fascism. Thus, if Viscount Lymington could not support one of the key
elements of Fascism, dictatorship, it shows that Lymington cherry picked
certain elements to bolster and achieve his main aim.
Overall, would like to finish on the note that after the war,
Lymington moved to Kenya with his family, his second wife and children.
This moving to Kenya indicates that Viscount Lymington wanted to explore
his personal ideology and wanted to face new challenges. An example of
these new challenges is when he said in his autobiography, Later in
Kenya, I found a new challenge and creative urge and paradoxically, a
new serenity in that countrys trouble times.193 This shows that looking
beyond the 1930s and the war period, Lymingtons beliefs were every
changing, and this is the difference from his fascist associates. His
associates by the 1930s were clear about they views and from the 1930s
were consistent with these views and so they could be labelled fascist.
Nevertheless, the views Viscount Lymington held during the 1930s was,
just part of a journey he was taking in his life, as he was still searching
what he truly believed in, until his death in 1984.194
193 The Earl of Portsmouth, p.x.

194 Phillip Cornford, p.78.
43
Robert Chambers
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Works on the English Mistery

15M84/F195/119. Correspondence file mainly relating to English Mistery.
1584/F376. Constitution of English Mistery and Minutes of Meetings.
Winchester: Hampshire Archive and Local Studies, n.d.
15M84/F377. English Mistery Accounts. Winchester: Hamsphire Archives
and Local Studies, n.d.
15M84/F378. Bundle of completed applications to the English Mistery.
15M84/F379. Index cards for members English Mistery. Winchester:
15M84/F383. Executive Weekend and Correspondences. Winchester:
15M84/F390. Files labelled English Mistery- Special Letters. Winchester :
15M884/F391/1-4. Correspondences between Oswald Mosley and
Viscount Lymington. Winchester : Hampshire Archives and Local
Studies, n.d.
15M84/F396. English Mistery Constitution(rare document status) .
1584/F398. Booklet containing English Mistery 'Orders' of 1931 (numbers
1-6). Winchester: Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.
15M84/F416/1-5. Files of English Mistery. Winchester: Hampshire
51
Robert Chambers
English Mistery, afterwards English Array(London). Order of 1930. No.1.(7) (Order of 1931.[etc.])[With notes on the Orders]. London: British
Library, General Reference Collection: W.P.15082, 1930.
These sources are from Hampshire Archive and Local Studies in
Winchester, the sources cover what the English Mistery did, private letters
between Viscount Lymington and members of the English Mistery, how
many members roughly were in the Mistery and financial details of the
English Mistery. The document indicates Viscount Lymingtons sympathy
with Fascism when it came to agriculture and parliamentary democracy.
Also the documents, illustrate that Lymingtons personal relationship with
leading members of the British Union of Fascists. However, these
document also show how Lymington used his wealth and political
connection to run the English Mistery. They strongly indicate show English
Mistery were inconsistent about they views on Fascism and the British
Union of Fascists. These sources explained, how unclear nature of the
English Mistery and where it shows that could not be clearly categorized
as fascist. These sources are significant compared to other the other
sources, because they have brought a new angle to the debate about
Viscount Lymington and English Mistery, as they cover certain aspects
such as membership figures and personal connections.
Works on the English Array
15M84/F176. First draft about the English Mistery and Array." Winchester:
15M84/F177. Files relating to the Muster Rolls and membership of the
English Array (the Muster Rolls give rank, name and permanent
address)." Winchester: Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.
15M84/F364. Correspondence file of F J Hunt, Clerk to the Array.
15M84/F366. Bundle of papers (not original bundle) of English Array
circulars, correspondence and statements (some duplicates material
52
Robert Chambers
in F364-F365). Winchester: Hampshire Archives and Local Studies,

n.d.
15M84/F367. "Volume containing list of members.". Winchester:
15M84/F368. (n.d.). Expenditure of English Array. Winchester: Hampshire
Archives and Local Studies.
15M84/F370. "Booklet 'The English Array'". Wiinchester: Hampshire
English Mistery, afterwards English Array (London). "The Quarterly
Gazette of the English Array". London: British Library, General
Reference Collection: P. P. 7000. ab., 1937.
These sources are from the Hampshire Archives and Local Studies
and from the British Library in London. The sources cover from how the
English Array was formed, What the English Array believed in and what
was the structure of the organization, Viscount Lymingtons personal
views ranging from the Monarchy to his views on Nazism and Italian
Fascism and then the finances of the Array. These document indicated
that transition between the English Mistery to the English Array was not
clear, they show how Viscount Lymingtons were confusing and show the
Array was not significant in the terms of far right political organizations.
The source explained how the English Array was more sympathetic
towards Nazism and Fascism, but indicates that the Array did mainly focus
on agriculture when it came to members of the Array. Compared to other
sources these are significant, because there highlights that the English
Array was formed in 1937 and not in 1936. Also these sources highlight
views of Viscount Lymington that indicate he was sympathetic to some
elements of Fascism, but also he was against some elements of Fascism.
General works on Fascism
Chase, Malcolm. >>North Sea and Baltic<<: Historical Conceptions in
53
Robert Chambers
the 1920s and 1930s. In Historikerdialoge, by Peter Lambert and Peter

Schumann Stefan Berdger, 309-331. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck, 2003.
Cornford, Phillip. SocietyOrganic Society: Agriculture and Radical Politics
in the Career of Gerard Wallop, Ninth Earlof Portsmouth (18981984). The Agricultural History Review, Vol. 53, No. 1 , 2005: 78-96.
Green, E. H. H. Ideologies of Conservatism. Oxford: Oxford University ,
2002.
Griffin, Roger. The Nature of Fascism. Abingdon: Routledge, 1993.
Howkins, Alun. The Death of Rural England: A social History of the
Countryside since 1900. London: Routledge, 2033.
Inehan, Julie V. Gottlieb and Thomas P. The Culture of Fascism: Vision of
the Far Right in Britain. London: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2004.
Lewis, David Stephn. Illusions of Grandeur: Mosley, Fascism and British
Society, 1931-1981. Manchester: Manchester Press University, 1987.
Linehan, Thomas. British Fascism, 1919-1939: Parties, Ideology and
Culture. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.
McMillian, Iain Mclean and Alistair. Oxford Concise Dictionary of Politics.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996.
Moore-Colyer, Richard. Towards 'Mother Earth': Jorian Jenks, Organicism,
the Right and the British Union of Fascists. Journal of Contemporary
History, Vol. 39, No. 3, 2004: 353-371.
Nicholas J. Cull, David Culbert and David Welch. Propaganda and Mass
Persuasion: A Historical Encyclopaedia, 1500 to the Present. Santa
Barbara: ABC-CLIO,INC., 2003.
Peter Barberis, John McHugh and Mike Tydesley. Encyclopaedia of British
and Irish political organisations. London: A Continuum Imprint, 2000.
54
Robert Chambers
Pugh, Martin. 'Hurrah for the Blackshirts!' Fascists and Fascism In Britain
between the Wars. London: Pimlico, 2006.
Renton, David. Fascism: Theory and Practice. London: Pluto Press , 1999.
.Stone, Dan. The English Mistery, the BUF, and the Dilemmas of British
Fascism. The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 75, No. 2, 2003: 336358.
These sources are from Google Books, Google searching relevant
material and books. The documents cover an arrange of different subjects
that is relevant to the dissertation, as they cover from giving a certain
definition of Fascism, what Viscount Lymington was doing with the English
Mistery, English Array and what he was doing in the late 1930s and finally
covers what the English Mistery and the English Array did. This document
gave the background and historiography on the two main subjects of how
Viscount Lymington was connected to Fascism, but was on the periphery
of British Fascism. Also these document indicated that there is no
consensus over Viscount Lymington, English Mistery and English Array
were reactionary, conservative or fascist. The documents explained how,
research on these matters have been focusing in his connection with
Fascism, because Lymingtons main focus was on agriculture and he
loosely connected that to some of his fascist believes. These documents
compared to others are on balance significant to a certain degree, but at
the same time not so significant, because other sources used credibly to
negate what some of these sources argue.
Works on Agriculture by Viscount Lymington
Lymington, Viscount. Horn,Hoof and Corn The Future of British Agriculture.
London: Faber & Faber Limited, 1932.
Lymington, Viscount. Nature, the Family, and the Nation. In Distributist
Perspctives Volume II Essays on the Economics of Justice and
Charity, by Jorian Jenks, George Maxwell, K.L Kenrick, Phillip
Hagreen, S. Sager, Viscount Lymington, Dorothy Sayers, H.J
55
Robert Chambers
Massingham, Eric Gill, Harold Robbins Hilary Pepler, 31-40. Norfolk:

IHS Press, 2008.
These sources are publications by Viscount Lymington during the
1930s and the publications are about Lymingtons views on agriculture.
What Viscount Lymington was trying to portray in these book was to say a
strong agricultural sector led to a strong nation, and so recommended
what could be done to help agriculture in England. The texts to a certain
degree did help me to understand Lymington, because there helped to
explain how Lymington linked his views on agriculture with his views on
bringing back a sort of Feudal System. Compared to other sources, these
publications were useful because it helped to build a wider picture how
agriculture was important to Lymington and how it was the foundation of
his ideological believes.
Newspaper extracts
Cheltenham and Gloucestershire. County Politics. British Newspaper
Archive. December 28, 1933.
Dundee Courier. Unionist MPs Revolt. British Newspaper Archive. 29
October 1930.
029/115/0007?browse=false (accessed January 26, 2014).
The London Gazette. The London Gazette, no. 29918,page.934. The
Gazette Official Public Record . 25 January 1917.
The London Gazette. The London Gazette, no.31978,page:7486. The
Gazette Official Public Record .13 July 1920.
56
Robert Chambers
Western Daily Press and Bristol Mirror. Viscount Lymingtons Resignation.
British Newspaper Archive. 21 February 1934.
221/094/0008?browse=false&_=1396968828978 (accessed January
26, 2014).
These articles are from the London Gazette and the British
Newspaper Archive. The articles are about Viscount Lymingtons personal
life, his politics and agriculture. These articles draw upon from what
Viscount Lymington was doing during the time of his life during World War
One, in the early 1920s, his actions as an MP and then finally his interest
in agriculture. The intent of these articles was to inform. The articles
were useful, because they help to indicate that Lymingtons views were on
the periphery of British politics during the 1930s. They helped to
understand the topic as, they brought context what Viscount Lymington
was doing during the early 1930s. Compared to the other sources they
were crucial, because they helped to correlate what Lymington wrote
about politics and agriculture.
Autobiography
Portsmouth, The Earl of. A Knot of Roots. London: Geoffrey Bles, 1965.
This source is an autobiography by Viscount Lymington. This source
covers what he has done with his life and also he reflected what he has
done with his life. This document gives context to Viscount Lymingtons
actions, but also reveals some crucial detail that he met during the 1930s.
Also the document, helped to give background and history what Viscount
Lymington did before 1930s. These sources helped considerably, because
it explained the different titles he held, his personal background and helps
to explain his personal ideology. However, have to consider that this
source could be subjective. Compared to other sources it is significant to a
57
Robert Chambers
certain degree, because tells us events that other sources did not
mention.
Works on Medieval Times
John, Lisa Benz St. Three Medieval Queens: Queenship and the Crown in
Fourteenth-Century England. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillian, 2012.
Oxford Dictionaries. Colour Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2011.
Rothero, Christopher. Armies of Crecy and Poiters (Men-At-Armies).
Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1981.
Vaite, Angus Stevenson and Maurice. Concise Oxford English Dictionary:
Luxury Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
These books were based on Medieval England and discussing what
were the certain positions within Medieval Society. The evidence these
books drawn upon medieval manuscripts and secondary sources. The
authors of these books are to inform their audience, but also raise topics
for debate, to get the audience to debate. These texts were useful, as it
helped to build an argument and helped to explain that the structure of
the English Mistery and the English Array were possibly based on
medieval societal structures. The books helped me to understand
Lymington and the organizations he was associated had a medieval theme
running through. Compared to others they helped with the trend that
Viscount Lymington was a supporter of the Feudal System and the return
of an absolute Monarch.
Website
GOV.UK. History Past Prime Ministers. 2014.
https://www.gov.uk/government/history/past-prime-ministers/stanleybaldwin (accessed April 13, 2014).
This link is from the UK government website about past Prime
Minister of the United Kingdom. This sight was useful as it gave context to
58
Robert Chambers
how significant Stanley Baldwin was and how Viscount Lymington's actions
were quite significant, as it was going against the majority consensus of
the time period. Compared to other sources it is important, since it shows
how Viscount Lymington's political connections were considerable.
Speeches and general works in Parliament

Journals of the House of Commons. Vol.185, 1929-1930: 1-583.
Lymington, Viscount. "Speech during Reparations and War Debt".
Reparations and War Debt. London:
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1932/dec/14/reparati
ons-and-war-debts-1#S5CV0273P0_19321214_HOC_297 , 14
December 1932.
Lymington, Viscount. "Speech during the Agricultural Marketing Bill".
Agricultural Marketing Bill HC Vol 276 cc49-16949. London:
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1933/mar/20/agricult
ural-marketing-bill#S5CV0276P0_19330320_HOC_420 , 20 March
1933.
These documents are from Hansard. These sources cover certain
speeches that Viscount Lymington made and also debates he was part of
when he was a M.P for Basingstoke during the early 1930s. The document
arguably indicated Lymingtons interest in agriculture and also bringing
out his conservative stance on matters. These documents helped,
because they clarified what Viscount Lymington thought on particular
issues. These sources are not significant, because these sources are
debatably just snapshots of Viscount Lymington. Only when the
documents are connected other documents, they become significant.
Agriculture
59
Robert Chambers
Lubenow, WC. From Landed Aristocracy to Intellectual Aristocracy. PHD

Thesis, Galloway: The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey ,
2003.
Matthew Keep, Social & General Statistics. Agriculture:historical statstics.
Statstical report, London : House of Commons Library, 2009.
Ogley, Bob. Kent-A Chronicle of the Century 1925-1949. Westerham:
Froglets Publications Ltd , 1997.
These publications are based on the figures from the agricultural
sector, the tithe tax in Kent during the 1930s, and the aristocracy and
connection to agriculture. The evidence these publications are drawn
from is data, articles and writings about the aristocracy during the 1930s.
These texts were useful, because helps to build a wider picture what was
happening with the agricultural sector and also what the views of the
aristocracy were. These works were not helpful when it came to
understanding Viscount Lymington and British Fascism, because the
publications focused on data and specify just views of Kent farmers and
the aristocracy. Compared to other sources, the sources were less
important, because the sources were too narrow and just looked at the
statistics.
60
Robert Chambers
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Robert Chambers CHA11038465

Canterbury Christchurch University

Viscount Lymington and British Fascism during the

Supervisor: Dr John Bulatis

1. Background early years

Y3. Definition of Fascism

Chapter one: English Mistery

Chapter two: English Array

Chapter three: Political writings and meetings

Career of Gerald Wallop, Ninth Earl of Portsmouth (1898-1984), The

French soldiers on the Western Front.5 In 1917 he was commissioned as a

The Earl of Portsmouth, p.31.

supplement 934, 25th January, 1917,

p.7486, 12th July, 1920,

Freemasonry and the English Mistery.12 Historians have not reached a

Press, 2002), P.151.

Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 200), p.141.

British and Irish Political Organisations (London: A Continuum Imprint,

of the English Array, September 1937.London: British Library, General

British and Irish Political Organisations, p.181.

between the Wars (London: Pimlico, 2006), p.72.

Lymington was more focused on helping the agricultural sector instead of

Viscount Lymingtons agenda whilst participating in the English

Career of Gerald Wallop, Ninth Earl of Portsmouth (1898-1984), pp.7896(p.82).

Right in The Interwar Period., p.70.

Fascism, The Journal of Modern History, Vol.75, (2003), pp.336-358

Tauris & Co Ltd, 1998), p.1.

The questions considered are, was there a pattern developing from

31 Richard Thurlow, p.1.

about the organisation, constitution, rules and finance, 1930 Winchester:

about the organisation, constitution, rules and finance, 1930.

(numbers 1-6). Winchester: Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

2. (-7.), London: British Library, General Reference Collection W.P.15082.

demonstrate how they were debatably unrealistic in their aims. However,

The membership of the English Mistery was small compared to the

the English Mistery , p.58.

Winchester: Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

in Nicholas Atkin and Michael Biddis, Themes in Modern European History,

1890-1945(Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp.243-273 (p.260).

declaration on joining the English Mistery. Winchester: Hampshire

Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

https://www.gov.uk/government/history/past-prime-ministers/stanleybaldwin (accessed 13th April 2014)

Barba: ABC-CLIO, 2002) p.125.

declaration on joining the English Mistery.

The English Misterys main activity was to focus on being a school

59 The Earl of Portsmouth, p.128.

in Fourteenth-Century England (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012),

Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

influenced Viscount Lymington had when he was on the Government Milk

145th Audiences of the English Mistery, Feb1933-Feb1934. (Weekly

145th Audiences of the English Mistery, Feb1933-Feb1934. (Weekly

Culture in Interwar Britain, p.156.

sceptical of Fascism as a form of revolution, which it opposed.83 The

explain why Sanderson approved his membership, as the Mistery needed

In February 193490 when Viscount Lymington resigned as a M.P., one

Fascism, pp.336-358 (p340).

Mirror, p.8, Wednesday 21, February, 1934. British Newspaper Archives,

between the Wars, p.72.

From 1934 Viscount Lymington focused on the Mistery but his

Winchester : Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, n.d.

order to propel the Mistery to achieve its goals. An example of this is

from the post of Chancellor enabled Viscount Lymington to become leader

98 Lord Lymington, English Mistery Surfleet Camp, The Quarterly Gazette