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1O0CTG1967

Unesco 1967

SHC.67/I.79/A

Printed in France by Imp. Crl, Paris

international
social science journal
Published quarterly by Unesco

Vol. X I X , N o . 3, 1967

Social functions of education

A n d r e w Pearse
Zygmunt B a u m a n
Pierre Bourdieu
Albert E . Gollin
Peter Heintz
Luis Scherz-Garcia

Aldo Solari,
Nester Campiglia
and Susana Prates

Introduction: sociologists and education

S o m e problems in contemporary education
Systems of education and systems of thought
Foreign study and modernization: the transfer of
technology through education
Education as an instrument of social integration
in underdeveloped societies
S o m e dysfunctional aspects of international assistance and the role of the university in social change
in Latin America
Education, occupation and development
Selected bibliography 1958-1966

3'3
325
338
359
378

387
404
416

The world of the social sciences

Research and training centres and professional bodies

Belgium
France
Ireland
Nigeria
U.S.A.

N e w institutions and changes of n a m e and address

International Institute for Labour Studies
Centre d'tudes en Criminologie et Mdecine
Lgale
cole Pratique des Hautes tudes: Preparatory
course in social science research
Economie and Social Research Institute
Nigerian Institute of International Affairs
International Social Science Institute
Disaster Research Centre, Ohio State University

433
434
437
437
446
448
449
450

Meetings
Approaching international conferences in the social
sciences
International Conference on Social Psychological
Research in Developing Countries (Ibadan, D e cember 1966 to January 1967)

451

456

International appointments vacant

Announcements

45g
467

Documents and publications of tfie United Nations and

Specialized Agencies
468
Books received

482

Social functions
ofeducation

Introduction:
sociologists and education
A n d r e w Pearse

Five phases of sociologists' approaches to education in society are identified. A discussion of

the analysis of internal problems of education systems is followed by a more detailed consideration of education and the values-consensus of social classes as it arises particularly in the work
of French, Eastern European and Latin American sociologists. In conclusion, the sociological
approach to education is set in historical perspective.

O f the thirty-two papers contributed to the R o u n d - T a b l e o n the Sociology

of Education held at the Sixth World Congress at Evian in September 1966,
six are reprinted in the present issue of the International Social Science Journal.
W e shall discuss here s o m e of the differences between the positions taken
by various sociologists o n the question of the role of education in society,
especially as manifest in the R o u n d - T a b l e .
This variety of positions amongst these sociologists derives essentially
from the fact that the purely scientific role must be supported by other
subsidiary roles for scientific activity to take place at all. Sociologists are
civil servants, university teachers, chairmen of departments, advertisers,
priests, experts in social administration, journalists a n d planners. T h e y
are citizens. T h e y are products of distinct cultures, through which they
express themselves. T h e individual sociologist, therefore, is the meeting
point of m a n y sets of rights and duties (including the norms of his discipline)
which clash inevitably, producing tensions that are both frustrating a n d
creative. Nevertheless as he communicates his scientific experience he
achieves a n individuality of style which also reflects his accommodation
to and reconciliation of the conflicting pressures of the role set.
In the present papers, it is frequently found that a particular piece of
thinking or research is initiated by the secondary role, performed vigorously according to the n o r m s of the primary (scientific) role, and passed
back again to the initiating role for use. T h u s , m a n y of the papers
follow a n episodic scheme in five phases: in thefirst,the writer in one
of his non-scientific roles, e.g. as citizen or as educator, manifests
awareness of a problem because of a personal or institutional identification

Int. Sac. Sei. J., VoL X I X , N o . 3, 1967

314

Andrew Pearse

with the set of values or norms by which the problem is defined.

In the second phase, the problem-situation is simplified and generalized
as a problem of sociological thinking within a given model of the society
or other social system, a n d some preliminary hypothetical explanations
are put forward. T h e third phase consists of the assembly and ordering of data relevant to the problem in order to see whether, or to what
extent, or in what conditions, the different orderings of the data bear out
the essayed explanation. This m a y be done by making a systematic ad hoc
collection of data, or by an analysis of existing data or by re-ordering one's
accumulated intellectual baggage. These three ways of putting one's
explanations to the test, involving different degrees of empiricism, are used
by Gollin, Solari and Bourdieu, respectively, in the contributions which
follow. In the fourth phase, the results of the confrontation of the tentative
explanatory schemes with the selected data are described and a modified
sociological explanation given. Afifthphase m a y follow in which the sociological explanations are decoded and discussed again in terms of the original
problem, with a possible offering of modified or alternative lines of action.
Neither phase one nor phase five are essential parts of the episode, since
they imply the putting on and the taking off of the scientist's persona. In
papers contributed to reviews of the specific discipline, the point of departure is usually the sociological problem and the end point is the new explanation arising out of the method used, and its implication for further
scientific work. O f the six papers which follow, only one appears atfirstsight
to be concerned with a purely scientific problem: '. . .the intention of this
paper is to show the complexity of the problem . . . of the relationships
between education and social integration in underdeveloped societies'
(Heintz). In the larger collection of thirty-two papers, the involvement and
the preoccupation with social and educational problems is nearly always
manifest or implicit as that which gives meaning and importance to the
scientific operation and the tools used.
T h e papers m a y be divided into two characteristic groups and one
residual one: eleven c a m e from Latin America, and twelve from France;
the remaining nine contributors were one each from Poland, R o m a n i a ,
U . S . S . R . , Italy and South Africa, and three from U . S . A . S o m e five of the
papers given as 'from Latin America', like Heintz's, were by Europeans or
North Americans w h o have become involved over a n u m b e r of years in
the Latin American milieu as sociologists.

Internal problems of education systems

In the general array of problems a certain number m a y be described as
in-system problems. These are usually pragmatic evaluations of means,
and concern the adequacy of norms and programmes to the purposes of
the system, or the relation between some internal factor and the educational performance.

Introduction: sociologists a n d education

315

T h u s , Gollin describes s o m e of the results of an evaluation of United

States technical training programmes in twenty-nine foreign countries.
As the reader will see, he tries to identify in-system factors favourable to
success of the p r o g r a m m e , interpreted as, for instance, a high level of utilization of skills learnt in the training period, the measurement of which is
the degree to which they are communicated to others. A s Gollin points out,
the purposes of the paper were administrative, and the study instruments
necessarily 'limited in their scope of inquiry'. T h e sociologist's secondary
role, that of providing a service to a government p r o g r a m m e destined to
improve its efficiency is inferentially annotated in thefirsta n dfifthphase
of the paper. T h e difficulties which the 'house-sociologist' is likely to encounter in his scientific work are clearly suggested.
Perhaps the key problem lies in the fact that whatever the explicit purpose of the system to be evaluated in the logic of the model, in reality it
seems to face outwards and to have m o r e relevance to the m a n a g e m e n t of
the systems' relations with the society than with guiding the norms and performance of the system itself. A i m s seem to be the public banner of the
system, capable of modification according to political expediency, and dissociated from the career of the system itself, which answers to the pressures
of a different combination of forces.1
T h u s the scientist often finds himself in the false position of measuring
performance against a veryfictitious'purpose', and is prevented b y the
implicit taboos of the system from freely examining its social function in
such a w a y as to detect both its intended and its unintended consequences.
In short, in seeking a sociologist's evaluation, the sponsors of a system are
likely to impose as parameters their o w n image of it. T h e institutional
categories within which explanations are confined do not coincide with
sociological categories within which explanations might achieve some
validity.2
In Gollin's case the complexity of the problem as a sociological one is
c o m p o u n d e d by the fact that w e can consider the p r o g r a m m e as a single
'education system', though its performances are enacted in thirty different
societies. O u r concept u p to n o w has given functional significance to 'education systems' within the structure of a single society. A foreign aid prog r a m m e requires a model for relations between societies to structure 'the
whole matrix of donor-host-country relationships' relevant to it. A s it happens the debate which Gollin opens willy-nilly is carried on in Scherz's
paper, which deals with a 'foreign' aid p r o g r a m m e within a recipient
1. Cf. V . Isambert-Jamati, 'Structure scolaire et systmes de valeurs', Revue franaise de
sociologie. Vol. VII, N o . 3. M a d a m e Jamati and her associate Jacqueline Chobaux m a d e
further contributions to the round-table on the subject of explicit aims of education system
which support the view that aims are not likely to be either a motor or a directing force of
systems, but are important for the system's external relations.
2. Cf. R . E . Marchak writing about applied natural sciences: 'But the point is that applying
science to certain specific needs of m a n automatically involves the social group which has
spelled out this particular set of needs, and w e must expect this social group or agency or
organization (whether governmental or private) to call the tune'. Science, December 1966,
Washington, D . C .

3i6

Andrew Pearse

society, and therefore from the other end, and which gives importance
less to the 'donor-host' relation and more to the interaction between a n
autonomous-expansive and a dependent-developing society. Gollin insists
that as prime requisite for the effective transfer of skills one must seek 'to
identify and influence, wherever possible, the institutional arrangements
which (the trainees) will confront, in ways favorable to their effective use
of training'. T h e full sociological implications of programmes of this kind
which seek to penetrate deeply into the other society are the subject of
Scherz's analysis.

Education and social class

T h e French contributions are penetrated by a n awareness of a series of
painful contradictions between the moral implications of their official
democratic ideology, and the actual performance of their education system. Bourdieu, in his essay appearing here, insists o n the divisive function
of the 'learned culture' purveyed by the secondary school system, and the
most prestigeful sectors of the universities, which endows those strata which
acquire it with a whole uniform of distinction, thereby setting a seal upon
their separate and superior status as an elite.
A number of supporting studies were presented at the round-table1 which
showed the operation of various mechanisms whereby young people of the
lower social strata are encumbered by handicaps which accumulate as they
ascend the academic ladder.
A s regards the nature of these handicaps, three kinds of explanations
are offered.
In another article2 Bourdieu argues that the greater degree of success
in academic studies achieved b y children of the middle and upper class
is due to the congruence between the culture in which they are brought
u p and that of the school. It follows from this that m a n y of the difficulties
experienced b y children of the popular classes arise from the additional
burdens of learning, if not a n e w culture, then at least m a n y n e w cultural
elements to which their family ambience did not introduce them. T h e
lower strata must struggle u p through acculturation as well as enculturation.
A second set of explanations refer to drawbacks inherent in the differences in economic level of families, such as the varying quality of local
1. T h e ideas which follow are based especially on the following reports of empirical studies:
' L a barrire et le niveau: le baccalaurat' b y Oligierd Lewandowski; 'L'engrenage: les
tudiants en sciences originaires des classes populaires' b y Monique Saint-Martin; 'Slection
l'universit et stratification social' b y Nolle Bisseret; and the case study of one of the
technical training centres with its interpretative c o m m e n t s : 'Apprentissage d ' u n mtier
ou acquisition de la culture: les apprentis l'cole' b y Claude Grignon. T h e first, second
and fourth of these papers were distributed in mimeographed form b y the Centre de Sociologie Europenne, io, rue Monsieur le Prince, Paris-6e.
2. Pierre Bourdieu, 'L'cole conservatrice. Les ingalits devant l'cole et devant la culture',
Revue franaise de sociologie, Vol. VII, N o . 3, 1966.

Introduction: sociologists and education

3'7

schools and the necessity which weighs upon most working class students
at the university of working part-time, or intermittently full-time, so that
they are unable to devote so m u c h attention to their studies as those from
better-off families.
T h e third kind of explanation is in terms of values-consensus about
'learned culture' and stereotypes about social classes. T h e shunting of
working class students, for instance, into the faculties of science or engineering is not contrived but results from the coincidence of two stereotypes
in the traditional school ethos: that the crowning glory of scholarship is
literary and rhetorical brilliance, and the m a n a g e m e n t of abstractions;
and that the children born to peasants or industrial workers cannot b e
expected to have aptitude for these skills but rather for the kind of 'serious'
studies whose mastery require great diligence and ability to learn by heart.
These stereotypes are a bias to decision-making and action, and in so far
as there is consensus amongst the actors, the cumulative effect can mould
the whole process. It is not only that the administrators and school staff
w h o m a n a g e the mechanisms by which aptitudes are judged, believe in
them. Parents and students of the popular classes seem to share them too,
and their attitudes, which show themselves in apparently free decisions
about careers, are the manifestation of the 'internationalization' of a
destiny assigned to their class.
T h e appropriation of 'learned culture' by the dominant class and its
use as discriminatory insignia has widespread repercussions in the education system. A study of one of the n e w technical training centres showed
the effects 01" the dominance of this supreme value, and the w a y in which
it adjudicates prestige to occupations o n a scale running from the most
manual to the most literary. Even the trades taught in the centre are
ranked by these values, so that the pupils with most prestige are those w h o
do not produce objects or manhandle utensils but w h o read instruments.
Signs of a traditional craft-culture prizing quality in materials, or nurturing the value of 'fine workmanship' or of a 'good finish' were sought but
only found as rather apologetic values used by apprentices of the most
manual craft (e.g. the boilermakers) to defend themselves against the gibes
of their colleagues, and without weight in the true scale of prestige which
everyone was obliged to acknowledge.
These vestigial values, a sort of consolation prize to the lower skilled
occupations, are perpetuated in literary manuals used in the centres,
where the crafts are likened to the fine arts. T h e author suggests that, like
the traditional school, perhaps the centres have the function of instilling
into the children of the c o m m o n people destined to be workers a professional ethic which adds a consolatory whiff of culture to labours of purely
economic significance.
But the low prestige level of the establishment itself is an important
conditioner of the relations between the various groups involved in the
system, namely the apprentices, the teachers of technical operations, and
the teachers of liberal subjects, and produces the personal tensions of status

3i8

Andrew Pearse

disequilibrium which Heintz talks about. T h e teachers of liberal subjects

'relegated' to the institution are arts drop-outs or students in economic
difficulties, strongly aware that their present status represents comparative
failure. T h e technical teachers are autodidact tradesmen, without the
security of any diploma. Feeling dclass but impressed by their proximity
to academic culture, they take the marginal teachers of liberal arts as their
models and tend to abandon demonstration and instruction in the rules of
the craft in favour of formalism, generalization, and so on, giving instruction
in techniques as if they were humanities. T h e ideology of the larger education system requires that technical education be accompanied by liberal
arts, but neither the apprentices nor their parents perceive this as helpful to
advancement in the trade. This m a y be looked at as one of the mechanisms of social dominance operating through the school system. Perhaps
both school and society profit by the blocking of the attempted acculturation of working-class children. B y offering the formal possibility of
access to academic culture to those whose economic position would deny
it, the school makes them appear unregenerate, and attributes indifference to innate disposition. In this w a y the centres seem to be able to m a k e
the future workers responsible for refusing to acquire the culture of the
upper class w h e n it is offered to them.
T h e French sociologists apparently perceive in their midst a formally
open and universal system of education receiving its annual cohorts from
all sectors of the society, and depositing o n the labour market an annual
harvest of skills ranked precisely according to the n u m b e r of years successfully completed and to the proximity to the charisma of learned culture.
Each position in this ranking corresponds to a socio-economic status about
which are grouped appropriate occupational roles through which the status
m a y be realized. But as w e have observed, it is of the character of the system to produce an academic ranking of the n e w generation which follows
very closely the socio-economic ranking of their parents.
At the same time, according to its official aims, the n e w unified system
of education, consisting of a sequence of linked teaching cycles, bestows
a n e w universal right by assuring to every child its full unfolding and by
endowing h i m with access to the highest levels of culture according to
his taste and aptitudes. A sharp contradiction at once springs to view between the school or university collectivity as a mise en scne for the unfolding
of a variety of personalities as they progress towards enjoyment of the
higher culture, and as the main battleground for the prize of future social
rank.
T h e most obvious c o m m e n t on the French contributors, seen side-byside with the Latin Americans and those from the socialist countries, is
that although they take off in phase one with a moral-political problem
concerned with democracy and equality of opportunity, they do not land
again in phase five for the decoding of their sociological explanations, nor
do they suggest explicitly or implicitly that a modification of the institution
could follow identification of the defeat of the system's democratic pre-

Introduction: sociologists a n d education

39

tensions. It is not surprising that there is no hint of acceptance of the model

of education systems as instruments of a national policy (whatever the
prize-giving day speeches m a y say) having both economic and social implications, a n d operating through mechanisms of legislation, planning,
administration, etc. T h e Durkheimian concept of education as a means
whereby society perpetually renews the conditions of its o w n existence
leaves the sociologist standing to one side like the chorus in Aeschylean
tragedy, while the masses lie under the spell of la culture savante and the
dominant class continues to manipulate their fate through the mechanisms
of the school system.
It is doubtful that this is the sociologists' true image of his role. But if
he has another image, it would be interesting to k n o w whether he sees
himself as a link in some kind of chain or circuit whereby the experience of
m a n in society can be analysed and fed back into the normative and planning institutions which are daily gathering m o r e importance in the direction
of h u m a n life. O n e of the possible circuits, compatible with the existing
degree of democracy and popular representation, would lead from the
sociologist to the parents and students of the popular classes rather than
to the planners and administrators. A s the level of popular schooling rises,
it is legitimate to consider s o m e part of the research-won knowledge accumulated by sociologist as 'citizens' knowledge' since it consists of a kind
of behaviour-mapping which is likely to be a better guide to action than
traditional precept. Perhaps the democratization which must accompany
modernization consists of the popular diffusion of a sociological awareness,
of a sophisticated knowledge of society, to stand u p against traditionalist
d o g m a and populist slogans, the stereotypes of commercial entertainment
and the dazzle of upper-class culture.
B a u m a n ' s paper, from Poland, offers several significant contrasts to
those of Bourdieu and his colleagues. Both are concerned with the negative
effects of the conservatism of their respective education systems, whether
in its failure to realize democratic ideology or its inadequacy to equip the
younger generation emotionally and morally for the conditions of the n e w
industrial society. But B a u m a n ' s image of society is one in which the rational use of education systems in pursuit of their social policy is presupposed,1
and in which the sociologist devotes his tools to diagnostic analysis and also
to the elaboration and application of policy.
T h e contrast is well illustrated in the handling of two very similar concepts
by the two writers. According to Bourdieu, school systems within a given
culture o w e their homogeneity and their special character to the existence
of a complex of fundamental patterns or prototypes which uniform and
set limits to the mental process and to its various expressions. It is the
latent strength and persistence of these master-patterns of the culture,
transmitted b y traditional education, which makes possible c o m m o n
i. A s might he expected, the same assumptions were implicit in the general accounts of
researches in the sociology of education presented by contributors from Romania and

U.S.S.R.

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Andrew Pearse

action based on complicity rather than conspiracy amongst an elite formed

by this education, and is a main prop of their power. B a u m a n is on the
track of something akin with his 'metanorm' or cultural touchstone for
behaviour in the conditions of modern society. But while Bourdieu used
his systmes de pense in explaining the role of education in the maintenance
of a traditional social structure, B a u m a n urges the incorporation of 'metanorms', still to be elaborated, in the cultural content of schooling for a
society which has recently undergone fundamental structural change, and
which is in the grip of a rapid though uneven process of modernization.
T h e Latin American group is concerned with the problems of development, and implicitly and explicitly with government policy and with the
potentialities of education as an instrument of such policy. Moreover, they
seem to be confronting a series of widely held assumptions about education,
planning and development and, on the basis of empirical study data,
uttering warnings in the direction of educational planners and administrators and politicians w h o base their actions upon these assumptions.
T h e y look at education systems from the point of view of producers rather
than consumers.
As regards content, all contributions stress the fact that the formative
power behind the extension of secondary and higher education is associated with the social trends producing urbanization and the growth of
the middle class. Solari analyses this process for Uruguay and draws attention to some very anomalous results, such as the 'overeducation' observed
in traditionalfieldsin spite of a continued scarcity of persons trained in
modern skills required for development.
T h e most startling example is that of Brazil,1 where a twenty-five-fold
increase in secondary education has taken place between 1931 and 1964.
That this is almost entirely a middle class growth is shown by the fact that
of the present secondary school enrolments, only a very low percentage
are of working class origin, namely between 2.2 per cent in the more traditionalist regions and 8.5 per cent in the more developed.
T o what extent is the creation of a middle class a contribution to development? It is argued that the growing middle strata of the Latin American
cities constitute a phenomenon quite different from that of the frugal,
enterprising middle classes which were supposed to have impelled the
development of nineteenth-century Europe. T h e Latin American middle
strata is accused of aping the ostentatious consumption patterns of the
upper classes, of relying on clientele relationships, government protection
against competition and expansion of public employment to the neglect
of much-needed entrepreneurial activity; and of failure to provide political
leadership capable of more than a superficial modernization of the traditional structures.2
1. R . Havighurst and Aparecida Gouveia, 'Socio-Economic Development and Secondary
Education in Brazil', to appear in International Review of Education.
2. Marshall Wolfe, 'Educacin, Estructuras Sociales y Desarrollo en Amrica Latina', in
America Latina, ioth year, N o . 1.

Introduction: sociologists a n d education

321

Another writer1 sees the n e w predominance of the middle strata as a

danger to development in Brazil. His explanation goes roughly as follows:
the traditional ruling-class had no commitment to development as a policy
nor to popular education. Power is n o w passing to the middle strata. If
this class has political and economic interests which could be served by
increasing productivity and democratizing the power structure and if
it possessed a n ideological leadership capable of utilizing the marginal
strata for these goals, a dynamic force could exist in the society which
government authority could canalize in the execution of programmes.
But the middle strata do not form such a class. During the stages of development in which the increase in production, the expansion of the market and
the diversification of the economy allow the growth, creation and ascent
of the middle strata, they struggle to break the power of traditionalist
oligarchies, and especially for the 'democratization' of the education system. They achieve a full integration into the society at its partially developed stage, quickly acquiring an interest in maintaining it as it is, and
managing the education system as a m e a n s of excluding the rural and
urban populace from showing their newly acquired power and privilege.
A further warning is implied in Heintz' discussion of the effects of a very
rapid development of the educational sub-system in generalized status
disequilibria, and resulting tensions. T h e process of development is inevitably an uneven one, both in its distribution amongst institutional orders
as well as between the different geographical zones within a single country
and, though the extension of schooling can bring a n e w and important form
of participation in the national society to increasing sectors of the
population, it is accompanied by p h e n o m e n a of conflict, instability and
anomie.
T h e irrationality and dysfunction which the social scientists m e t in
education systems in Latin America has led them to put on one side models
in which education appears as an independent variable which disinterested
planners can manipulate and thereby produce alterations in a series of
dependent variables which all contribute to the process of development.
Instead, there is reversion to social change models, in which education
systems are one amongst m a n y interdpendant variables within national
societies subject to convulsive processes initiated by endogenous and exogenous stimuli.
W h a t are the lines followed by education systems as they take off? A r e
they guided by some sort of master plan or overriding purpose connected
with social justice or development? W h a t is their motor? Marshall Wolfe
insists that planners do indeed work out programmes for the extension and
diversification of education, taking into account economic trends and developmental needs, but that plans are not expected to take into account
social and political factors which might interfere with their execution,
and that they are delivered to politicians and administrators 'to do what
1. Unpublished contribution to the round-table by Wilson Cantoni, Brazil.

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Andrew Pearse

they like with', 1 After this point education systems must take their chance
in a very real social context which escapes the control of an individual
or corporate group with an articulate set of purposes. Performers are
recruited for roles in the system as parents, teachers, children, textbook
writers, supervisors, bureaucrats, etc., each with his o w n aims, each under
conflicting pressures, each with a series of competing roles subject to pressures inherent in his existing status. In the absence of strong state action,
the trajectory of the system deviates from its formal purposes and pursues
a line defined as an 'aggregate intention' or 'resultant', emerging from the
often conflicting intentions of groups of performers, whose performance is
a coming to terms with the existing norms, rather than their fulfilment.
Performance is characterized in accordance with the relative strength and
direction of the sectors in their use of the system. For this reason, the most
important relationship between the education system and the social structure is the degree of power which the different groups of performers are
able to draw from their status in the society. T h e greater the power of
the group, the m o r e weight carried in the aggregate intention or resultant
of the system. If some schooling reaches our powerless peasant, it is not
because their integration in the national society is one of the primary
education system's aims. In Ecuador the d e m a n d for schools for Indians
was due to the teachers, w h o needed jobs; the motive force in Brazilian
rural schooling w a s due to the appropiation of the system by the m u n i cipal political machine, and the practice of rewarding political followers
with teaching jobs for their daughters. T h e interest of the ecclesiastical
system provided the main motor for the rural education system in Colombia.2
T h e great m o v e m e n t of the last twenty years in Latin America has been
the political and social insurgence of the 'middle strata' and the exceptional
growth of education has resulted from it. A b o v e all the middle class has
sought in university education a certification of status which formerly only
birth could have conferred. Their pressure has m a d e most university
education free, but has held the barriers to the social ascent of the populace at the level of the secondary schools.
Comparison of the Latin American papers with the French shows marked differences. Education as a n institution in which all m e m b e r s of the
society participate is a novelty in Latin America, and its appearance on
the scene is very recent. Sociologists are not exercised by the continued
exclusion of the masses from the fuller enjoyment of it since the right of
access has not yet been fully w o n . T h e central problem is a peculiar version of the underdevelopment syndrome, affecting all classes.
T h e institutional conditions for social science research continue to be
1. Other contributions dealt with rural primary education in several countries, agricultural
education in Ecuador, university education in Central America, and more general papers
referring to the regional situation.
2. Andrew Pearse, 'La eficacia instrumental de sistemas educacionales en America Latina'
America Latina, ioth year, N o . i.

Introduction: sociologists and education

323

tenuous in Latin America. A s Scherz points out, the traditionnal universities

had n o place for it and their present rapid transformation produces conditions of instability and conflict to such a point that the completion of a
piece of basic research paid from local funds is an improbable good fortune. Sociological research has u p to n o w owed most of its financial support to programmes of bilateral and multilateral technical assistance. Its
justification is the contribution which sociologists can m a k e to programmes
of development. T h e y are thus committed institutionally to an instrumental use of education systems as means to development, though scepticism gnaws them. T h e y m a k e their recommendations, but hypothetically. T h e y are victims of a belief that in unplannable societies education
s o m e h o w is the most plannable part.
M o d e r n sociological inquiry, in its methods, and contemporary education systems in their organization and cultural content, belong to the
emergent world-culture, since both have been derived from a few widely
diffused models. But these t w o similarities d o not add u p to a universally
interchangeable sociology of education available anywhere for identifying,
examining and explaining problems of education systems. For the containing matrix of both the sociologist and the object studied is the major
variable: the national society. A n d though there are general expectations
about cultures growing towards one another under the exigencies of industrial organization, and a tendency for national societies to merge into larger
systems of relations, yet the differences in the historic present of national
societies in which both schooling and sociologists perform are deep and
insistent.
Within any given national society, variation can be expected in the
posture of sociologists vis--vis education according to differences in several
distinct dimensions. Differences in culture and values will help to define
what is or is not a problem, and determine the relevance and social function
of the cultural content of education. Position o n the developmental contin u u m is likely to account for the dynamics of d e m a n d for education and
also for the possibilities of a rationally planned and executed social policy.
T h e historic m o m e n t through which the society is passing will have an
immediate influence on decision-making and priorities through the imposition of some dominant task or as a result of submission to the rules of some
temporary conflict: it m a y have just emerged from colonial status, it m a y
be witnessing the consolidation of a n e w ruling class; it m a y be experiencing
a rapid burst of urbanization or a great structural transformation.
These historical events and phases excercise their influence through the
institutional setting, which is the most decisive context for the sociologist.
This setting, or sequence of settings, within which the scientist must look
for his livelihood and his career, m a y be a university, a corporation a foundation, an international agency, an education system, a newspaper or a
land reform agency, a national research centre or academy of sciences. W e
all k n o w the kind of part it is likely to play in the definition of the field
of action, in the indication of the problem area, in prestige-scales for styles

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A n d r e w Pearse

of w o r k or content of research, in reward-differential for fulfilment of

sociological or bureaucratic roles, a n d in the quiet m a i n t e n a n c e of taboos
a n d ideologies.
Sociologists' papers are episodes belonging to m a n y different histories.
A t the back of all of t h e m lie assumptions or at least questions concerning
the w a y deliberate m a n - m a d e systems of education serve, could serve or
fail to serve the fulfilment of society's aspirations about its future. If the
situations represented to us differ sharply group b y group, w e are entitled
to say that the differences are not simply differences in the societies, seen
b y the s a m e kind of perceptual apparatus. N o r can they b e accounted for
b y the contrasting relations between education a n d society, a n d the different paths followed b y the evolution of the social function of education
systems within each society. T h e r e are profound differences a m o n g the
sociologists themselves arising from culture, institutional setting a n d status,
not to speak of individuality. T h e sociologist is a n historical fact within
a national society a n d also a n historical force w h o is nevertheless reaching
a partial congruence of world-view with his equally restricted colleagues.
This is surely inherent in the sociological view of the sociologist.

Andrew Pearse is a British sociologist who has for many years worked in South America
where he has also undertaken missions for Unesco. He has published papers on a wide variety
of subjects, including different aspects of education, folk music and rural questions. He cha
the Round-table on Sociology of Education and Development at the Sixth World Congress
of Sociology in September ig66 and is at present with the Instituto de Capacitacin e Investi
gacin en Reforma Agraria in Santiago (Chile).

Some problems in contemporary education

Zygmunt Bauman

Three observations are dealt with, arising out of the study of a rapidly evolving industrial
society: the missing function of adolescence; extra-cultural determinants of behaviour; and
problems of emotional security. These are discussed by relating the educational system to social
demands and do not arise out of a systematic examination of the educational sector itself.
T h e author of the remarks which follow is neither an educationist by
training nor a sociologist whose work lies in thefieldof educational sociology. T h e form and content of the three sections into which the article is
divided are therefore limited by these considerations. T h e author's observations are not connected with any particular theory of education, nor are
they based on a study of the course and the educational effects of instruction
actually given at any specialized institution. In studying the particular
characteristics of the structure a n d culture of an industrial society, which
at an increasing tempo and to a n increasing extent are becoming those
of contemporary Polish society, the author c a m e to several conclusions
which m a y perhaps throw light o n the origin of certain difficulties which
are the object of constant warnings by contemporary educationists and the
educational press. It is with these considerations in mind that the author
puts forward his remarks.

T h e missing social function of youth

T h e stadial sequence of the individual h u m a n life appears as particularly
perplexing w h e n it is compared with the life process of an animal since the
two factors which divide h u m a n life into developmental stages, not being
necessarily synchronized, interact upon and interfere with each other.
These are the biological factor (the physiological maturity of the organism)
and the social factor. A s society becomes m o r e and more heterogeneous,
the period of social adaptation required for the attainment of'social maturity' becomes progressively longer; o n the other hand, since cultural development is usually accompanied b y improvements in diet and ,by advances
in pediatry, the period of biological adaptation which precedes the
attainment of 'physiological maturity' reveals the opposite tendency and

Int. Soc. Sei. J., VoL XIX, No. 3, 1967

\ ^ ,

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Zygmunt Bauman

becomes shorter and shorter. Consequently the period between the attainment of sexual maturity and the m o m e n t w h e n the maturity of the h u m a n
individual is socially acknowledged, e.g., w h e n social maturity is achieved
constitutes an unbridged gap and this gap is getting broader and broader.
It is called the period of 'adolescence', and the individuals in it are referred
to as 'adolescents'. In modern industrial societies the period of adolescence
has become greatly prolonged and the speed with which this change has
taken place, compared with the low rate of structural change and cultural
adaptation typical of past centuries, has been so rapid, if measured by
cultural-historical yardsticks, that our civilization, caught by surprise, has
been unable to keep u p with it and to provide cultural institutions, functionally relevant to the n e w social problem. Sherwood W a s h b u r n has
pointed this out in the following terms: ' M o d e r n medicine and diet have
accelerated puberty b y about three years over what it was in the beginning
of the nineteenth century. O n the other hand, social developments have
tended to postpone the age at which people take responsible positions. For
example, if puberty is at 15 and a girl is married at 17 there is a m i n i m u m
delay between biology and society. However, if puberty is at ia, and m a r riage at 20, the situation is radically different. . . . Nothing in our system
takes account of these facts.'1
In non-European cultures which are technologically and culturally
stable the m a x i m u m harmony between social and biological taxonomy
has been achieved in the past through m a n y centuries of continuous adaptation. T h e abundant data collected by anthropologists and ethnologists
all reveal one feature c o m m o n to the educational processes in relatively
stable societies: that the process of social training, e.g., preparing young
people for adult roles in society, is being completed m o r e or less at the same
time as full physical and sexual maturity is achieved. In these societies,
there is no period w h e n , because of their partial 'social illiteracy', young
but biologically mature individuals must still be subjected to the close vigilance and authority of adults; there is no period w h e n strict social prohibitions must curb these young people's natural drive to satisfy their m a n y
needs. Hence as a rule such relatively stable societies k n o w nothing of the
p h e n o m e n o n that is typical of our civilization, that is, the stormy, uneasy
period of adolescence, which is full of tensions and mental crises. For boisterous and rebellious attitudes are not at all inborn traits in adolescents,
but are rather the product of an inner cultural discord or of the breakdown
of reciprocal adaptation between cultural precepts and the functional
demands of the social structure. A n d these are p h e n o m e n a which are c o m m o n in developing, changing societies.
But the prolongation of adolescence also gives rise to conflicts that are
not confined to the relationship society-biology. Another perhaps even
m o r e important problem m a y be described as 'the missing social function
of adolescents'.
1. B . Berelson and G . A . Steiner, Human Behavior: an Inventory of Scientific Findings
N e w York, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1964, p. 83.

S o m e problems in contemporary education

327

This arises not only because of the general prolongation of adolescence,

but also because of the steady loss of the function of adolescence if it is
under the influence of various other factors. It is characteristic of industrial
societies that the amount of time spent directly at work is in inverse proportion to the amount of time available to society in general. This swells
the pool of available leisure time, of which young people in particular
avail themselves to a very considerable extent. T h e m o m e n t w h e n society
begins to assign to young people a socially necessary role in the division of
productive functions is progressively postponed. T h u s the period during
which young people participate in the redistribution of the social product
without participating in production itself is becoming longer and longer.
Participation in the redistribution of goods is accompanied by an emphasis
on 'rights' in the definition of a social role, while participation in production
is associated with emphasis on 'duty'. H e n c e it m a y be said that in the life
of the individual the period w h e n people enjoy to the full the rights allocated to them by society (since they are already biologically mature and
are strong enough to insist on their rights), though still having no duties
attached to such rights, is becoming extremely prolonged. In this exceptional period, a formative one let us note, for h u m a n character, the n o r m
of reciprocity of services1 (which, extensive research tells us, is c o m m o n to
all cultures and all societies) is in abeyance. T h e sudden and revolutionary
transition to a position of full responsibility, to the qualitatively different
adult world (hence pregnant with crises of adaptation), is all the m o r e
painful because it is unprepared for and does not derive logically from the
preceding stage.
Such p h e n o m e n a are again o n the whole specific to our civilization.
Primitive societies usually clearly formulated in their cultural norms the
services expected within the general framework of this productive economy.
Primitive agricultural societies which m a n a g e d to accumulate a surplus
enabling them to postpone the m o m e n t w h e n their young people were
required to take a direct part in production, sometimes set u p military
units composed of these young m e n , w h o were housed in special settlements and subjected to strict discipline and a clearly defined set of duties.
In medieval European societies young m e n were also assigned special
functions according to their social position: the young nobleman served at
a princely court in the strictly defined role of shield-bearer or page, and
prepared himself for the ceremony at which he would be belted as a knight;
the young burgher would serve a master as apprentice or journeyman,
clearly understanding this role as preliminary to his becoming a master
himself. Until quite recently traditional rural societies in Poland retained
the custom of naming young m e n according to the functions which, as
they grew older, they were assigned in the social division of labour. Boys were
divided into the following age-groups: a 'chiopocek' w a s a boy aged 5 or
1. See Alvin W . Gouldner, 'The Norm of Reciprocity', American Sociological Review, April i960;
Howard Becker, Man in Reciprocity, N e w York, 1956; L . T . Hobhouse, Morals in Evolution,
London, 1906.

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Zygmunt Bauman

6; a 'pastuch' was a boy between the ages of 6 and io w h o looked after the
cows; a 'pastuch do bydla i koni', ora 'koski pastuch' was aged io-i6 and
looked after both cattle and horses, or horses alone; while a 'podparobcok'
or 'podparobek' was a youth aged 16-20; from the age of 20 or so up to the
time of his marriage a young m a n was called a 'parobek' or a 'parobcak'. 1
All these societiesin contradistinction to modern industrial society
attach extreme importance to the detailed distribution of functions according to age, and carefully introduce young people to their n e w duties
as they pass each succeeding age barrier. Such solicitude gave rise to a set
of rites which the Dutch anthropologist V a n Gennep called rites de passage,
most universal from the functional point of view, although extremely
diverse in form. In contemporary societies w e find only a functional relic
of these rituals in certain spheres of life (e.g. the award of P h . D . degrees).
But, and this is most important, w e are almost completely unaware of
their structural connexions. In modern societies emergence from the period
of childhood in the strict sense ofthat term is, if w e compare it with similar
transitions in other types of society, really a 'transition to nowhere', just
as the transition to adulthood m a y also in m a n y other respects be regarded
as a 'transition from nowhere'. August Hollingshead, one of the most
eminent specialists on American youth, after scrupulous research c a m e to
the conclusions that 'an ill-defined no-man's-land lies between the protected dependency of childhood, where the parent is dominant, and the
independent world of the adult, where the person is relatively free from
parental controls. This no-man's-land is a place where the maturing person
works out the extremely important developmental tasks of freeing himself
from the family, making heterosexual adjustments, selecting a vocation,
gaining an education and establishing a h o m e of his o w n . . . . T h e adolescent's ambiguous position in the society m a y be a product of the loss
of function for this age group in our culture'.2
H o w does our civilization try to fill this gap? W h e n the particular
social function attached to youth disappears, there are only two ways of
closing the gap between the period of childhood and the period of adulthoodeither by retarding the age limit of one of these periods or advancing that of the other. T h e information w e have about all industrial countries shows that of these two theoretically possible palliative alternatives,
the one that has actually been adopted is the tendency to keep moving
upwards, to older and older age categories, that social role which is traditionally associated with the period of childhood. This means that progressively older age groups are freed from the precisely delineated duties
which w e expect of adults; it means that society grants to progressively
older age groups the right to be completely dependent on their parents for
financial support, and services, and that w e are pushing further and further u p the age scale the m o m e n t w h e n w e begin to m a k e young people
1. D . Markowska, Rodzina w srodowisku wicjskim [The family in the rural environment],
Warsaw Ossolineum, 1964, pp. 50-1.
2. August B . Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth, N e w York, Wiley, 1945, p. 149.

Some problems in contemporary education

329

responsible for their o w n deeds a n d cease to hold their parents fully

responsible for them.
In short, this means that young people remain 'children', in the sociocultural sense of that term, up to a greater age. There seems to be a distinct tendency to raise the upper boundary of childhood to reach the lower
boundary of adulthood, that is, there is a tendency for the role of the child
to absorb completely the whole ground available for training for adult life;
implying the complete abolition of 'the apprenticeship of youth'.
I a m inclined to regard this tendency as one of the objective problems
that lie at the source of the difficulties experienced in education today. It
is m y belief that the frequently observed maladjustment of young people
to adult life, the helplessness and crises experienced by young families, the
lack of occupational stability a m o n g young people, etc., can be ascribed
only partly to the inadequacies of education. Changes in education cannot be m o r e than partly successful in counteracting the breakdown of
cultural functions. Society's retreat from the responsibilities of dealing
with this transition, simply reducing the transitory stage between childhood
and adulthood to school-leaving examinations, or delegating its responsabilits to amorphous a n d anonymous bodies such as student hostels, are
all manifestations of the institutional shortcomings of m o d e r n education,
and not of a crisis in educational patterns.

Extra-cultural determinants of behaviour

Still another difficulty confronting m o d e r n education lies beyond the
reach of educational influence, at least in the narrow, traditional sense.
A preliminary step which must be taken in overcoming this difficulty is
to widen the concept of education and to pay more attention to the educational aspect of social influences not usually examined from this point of
view.
Surely all will agree that the aim of a n ambitious educator is to mould
future h u m a n behaviour and not merely to mould people's ideas about
h o w to behave. Thus the ambitious teacher will judge the effect of his
work not by the fluency with which his pupils can recite his lessons b y
heart, but by the w a y they actually behave in natural situations occurring in actual life, as distinguished from the artificial situations of the
schoolroom. Hence the criteria by which educational w o r k is judged lie
outside the sphere of educationeducation as instrumental to social life.
If the worried educator n o w observes a discrepancy between his pupils'
actual behaviour and his o w n educational ideals, then theoretically speaking the reasons for this discrepancy m a y be of two kinds: (a) he m a y have
inculcated in his pupils wrong behavioural norms at odds with his ideal,
or he m a y have used faulty and ineffective means to inculcate these norms;
(b) the actual behaviour of young people m a y have been affected not only
by the norms inculcated by teachers, but also by other determinants
resistant to the teacher's manipulative efforts.

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Zygmunt Bauman

In this paper I a m not concerned with the intensity of the effects of (a),
although I a m inclined to agree with the majority of those w h o study
modern educational institutions, that the violent changes which have
been taking place in civilization have taken educators by surprise and found
them unprepared, and that in consequence w e still have n o educational
patterns and methods relevant to the conditions of life they are supposed
to serve. Suffice it to mention the well-known difficulties which the mass
media m a y cause to even a very capable and qualified teacher, by supplying rival, m o r e up-to-date and more prestigious information. These
matters, however, still c o m e within the sphere of education in the traditional sense. T h e y should beand, m o r e important, can besolved
by educational practitioners or theorists, although in this case, too, they
will be unable to do without the aid of sociologists; for example, all teachers should read Komorowska's excellent study of the educational role
of television.1
T h e second problem is m o r e serious and the teaching profession alone
will definitely be unable to cope with its effects. T h e greater the role played
by external influences, the m o r e radically w e shall have to revise our ideas
as to what is and what is not education.
Roughly speaking, individual behaviour in a given situation is determined by factors of two types: (a) the pool of information, the required
behavioural and evaluative patterns deriving from the process of education
in the form of the 'socialization' of personality, or the 'internalization' of
skills applied in the social world in such a w a y as to match expectations
and postulates; these m a y be described as cultural determinants, since
their concrete form and direction are determined by the culture of the
given environment; (b) factors which are external to the individual not
only genetically but also at the time of action: for example, the availability
of things necessary for the realization of one of the alternatives, or the
system of rewards and punishments attached to diverse alternatives, or the
range of choice determined by the set of social influences; factors of this
latter type m a y be called structural determinants, since it is the social
structure which determines their form and the influence they exert on
behaviour.
For our purpose it is particularly important to note that in modern technical civilizationssignificant features of which are both the heterogeneity
of society (society as a system of interlocking and autonomous decisionmaking centres) and the multiplicity of forms of h u m a n dependence on
external factors (man's decreasing self-sufficiency owing to productive
activities beyond his direct control)the structural determinants are
becoming m o r e and m o r e influential u p o n individual h u m a n behaviour.
T h e role of internalized behavioural patterns is pushed into the background by the increased pressure of external necessities in conflict with
them. A p h e n o m e n o n occurs which is called 'breakdown of the dynamic
I. J. Komorowska, Felewizja w zyciu dzieci i mUdzie zy [Television in the Lives of Children and
Adolescents], Ldz-Warszawa, Polish Scientific Publications, 1963.

Some problems in contemporary education

331

stereotype' by Pavlov or 'frustration neurosis' by contemporary psychologists, leading either to increased aggression or to apathy and escapism.
There are only two ways of avoiding such conflicts (or rather, of trying
to avoid them, for owing to the dynamism and heterogeneity of society,
it is probable that there will always remain a residuum of conflict proportional to the extent of social change) : either by adjusting the internalized
patterns tofitcurrent external necessities, or by taking the contrary course
of trying to manipulate these external necessities so as to bring their pressure into line with the direction of the cultural determinants. W h i c h of
these alternatives is chosen as the basis of educational strategy will, of
course, depend o n which is the accepted educational ideal not just on
which of the alternatives is pragmatically the m o r e effective.
T h e planning and direction of social processes is an integral feature of
socialism; for this very reason the second of the two theoretically possible
alternatives has been chosen in Poland. T h e building of socialism is mainly
an effort to mould a n e w type of m a n w h o will be m o r e noble, more worthy
of the h u m a n destiny than those types of personality produced by other
systems. But socialist societies, like all other m o d e r n societies are based
on a technical civilization, and bear all the attributes peculiar to such
civilizations. Therefore in socialist societies, too, it m a y be said that the
structural determinants are becoming more important in moulding h u m a n
behaviour
A few years ago I was struck most forcibly by the results of research on
success patterns amongst W a r s a w youth, confirmed by all other similar
studies. There was found to exist a fundamental discrepancy between the
ideals of those young people remaining at school and those w h o had already
left. Briefly, the ideals professed by attenders were largely activist, socially
committed, and showing optimism and conviction as to the great opportunities open to will and endeavour. T h e ideals of young people w h o had
already left school and were employed, and w h o were therefore subject
to the influence of the non-school environment, were m u c h m o r e minimalistic, egocentric, defensive; the impression one had was that these latter
young people were anxious above all to carve out for themselves from an
uncertain, incomprehensible and, most important, uncontrolled world
outside, a small private world, consisting of matters and things which were
certain and which they themselves could control. In the light of modern
psychology, one can almost certainly say that these attitudes to life are reactions to a suddenly-discovered discrepancy between structural determinants and the hitherto internalized patterns which w e called cultural
determinants.
It would almost be possible to prove deductively that the permanence of
the teacher's influence on the pupils' attitudes depends on h o w far the
ideals inculcated fit typical situations in which pupils find themselves
after leaving school. T h e fact that pupils of Eton or R u g b y bear all their
life the stamp of their schools impressed visibly o n their w a y of thinking
and their behaviour should be attributed not so m u c h to the ingenuity

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Zygmunt Bauman

of the teaching methods, as to the fact that educational patterns were in

complete harmony with the circumstances of life of the English upper
class. O n leaving the school, an old boy of Eton moved in a milieu consisting of similar public school boys, and whether he found himself in the
Indian Civil Service, or on a c o m p a n y board of directors, or in the lobbies
of the House of C o m m o n s , he continually found around him innumerable
confirmations of the view that the style of life he had internalized was the
right one. In ancient times Latin authors stressed the effectiveness of the
system of education whereby young patricians were trained for political
leadership and for oratory. A s Tacitus says, 'the young m a n w h o wished
to become an orator was given by his father or guardian into the care of
one of the splendid orators of the times. H e learned to accompany him,
to be always by his side; he was present w h e n the orator spoke in the courts
or at public assemblies, so he heard h i m argue with his opponents, he
learned to take part in the same struggle. Therefore he had no lack of
teacher, or opponents, or rivals w h o fought with real weapons, not with
wooden swords, nor did he lack an auditorium, but had one that was
always full and always new, that wasfilledwith both friends and enemies,
so that neither good nor bad speeches remained in concealment'.1 Anthropologists agree as to the rigidity and persistance of attitudes inculcated in
the members of tribal societies by educational means m u c h more primitive than our o w n . T h e exceptional durability of these pedagogical effects
is due not to the excellence of the educational methods used, but to the fact
that there is m a x i m u m agreement between the educational precepts and
the real situational demands which a m a n comes u p against in tribal life.
T h e cultural and the structural determinants here are two parallel and at
the same time cumulative vectors. Education and life each confirm the
other, so that acceptance of the pattern imposed by them is intensified.
Until recently it was still possible for us to observe a similar rigidity and
durability of internalized patterns in traditional rural areas, so long as
rural inhabitants, w h o had practically no other choice, spent their lives
in the same society as the one they had been educated in.
W h a t is the situation like in Poland, as regards the consonance of cultural and structural determinants, which is a prerequisite for the permanence of educational effect? S o m e light is thrown on this by the situation
which Jan Szczepanski describes as follows: 'If w e wish to illustrate the
social mechanism which at present governs employment in the labour
market, w e m a y greatly simplify the position by comparing this mechanism to a machine which produces various balls offixeddimensions; these
balls then fall from the machine (the college) on to a system of sieves with
holes of different sizes, and they revolve on the sieves until they c o m e to
a hole of suitable dimensions, into which they fall. . . . Hence the employment of n e w workers is a spontaneous process, since the graduate's desiderata meet the desiderata of the employers or, in short, w h e n the ball happens
i. G . E . Zurakovsky, Ocherkipe istorii antiehnoy pedagogiki, Moscow 1963, p. 353.

Some problems in contemporary education

333

to find a hole of the required dimensions.'1 This is, of course, only a planned model; it is all the m o r e significant that this planned model is based
on the rules of the market and on the role of education in regulating, 'suitability', and that it leaves the demands of life to mere chance. Even in Poland,
a country with planned development, the fate of h u m a n beings is still left
to the forces of the market. A n d the actual processes of mutual adaptation
between a young man's personal equipment and the demands of life o w e
m u c h more to chance than does the theoretical model.
But w e are not concerned solely with the employment of young people
after they leave school or college. W e have simply mentioned this as one
of the m a n y elements of a m u c h wider problem: the confrontation of the
cultural equipment offered to a young person by the school, with the structural determinants awaiting him w h e n he leaves school. A s soon as he
takes a job the young m a n w h o was brought u p by his school to admire n e w
ideas and to be courageous, at once encounters those bureaucratic barriers
to n e w ideas, which the school (sincerely anxious to preserve the young
man's optimism) neglected to tell him about, and he soon learns from his
o w n experience h o w little courage pays. T h e young m a n , w h o in school
was brought u p to follow the traditions of the romantic heroes, suddenly
awakes to find himself in extremely prosaic situations where romanticism
is of little use. Being determined to keep strictly to the rules of equality
and justice, the young m a n goes into retreat, helpless in the face of unexpected signs of indifference to h u m a n injustice and in face of other people's
strict observance of the differentiations of people's rights and duties. If
the school has managed to inject in him a friendly and frank relationship
toward people, the insensitivity and cynicism of his first superiors will
soon convince him that his ideas are nothing but illusions. T h e first experiences a young person has in his adult role, unless carefully controlled,
m a y easily destroy everything that his teachers have managed to teach him.
Thus, if cultural and structural determinants are not reconciled by the
very homogeneity of society or because the type of education is m a d e to
fit the type of situations which occur in life, then, at least in the socialist
countries, this concordance must be achieved by deliberately moulding
those situations which are the source of structural pressures on a m a n w h e n
he has ceased to be cared for by educational institutions in the strict sense.
Education, that is the deliberate moulding of a man's personality, must be
extended to cover as wide a ground as possible, and situations which do not
formally fall within the sphere of education. Thus educators must extend
their interest and their responsibility to their pupils'firstplace of employment, to the neighbourhood group which their pupils will join w h e n they
leave their family environment, and even the innumerable organizations
which help to satisfy the multifarious needs of the young m a n or w o m a n .
In extending their solicitude to such spheres, the educators must m a k e

i. J. Szczepanski, Scejelogiczne zagadnicnia wyzszego wyksztalcenia [Sociological Problems of

Further Education], W a r s a w , Polish Scientific Publishers, 1963.

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Zygmunt Bauman

sure that the neccessities a n d possibilities of choice which they give to the
young confirm and consolidate, and d o not upset the conviction that values
absorbed at school are basically correct. In Poland, which is a planning
country, not only must the educator be a planner, but the planner must
also be an educator.

Problems of emotional security

Both the problems w e have considered so far lie outside the boundaries of
education proper, and cannot be overcome by educators themselves.
W h a t I should like to discuss n o w is probably m u c h m o r e an 'internal'
difficulty of education, and arises out of the shortcomings of education
itself.
It, too, is closely connected with the fact that m o d e r n societies are internally differentiated and heterogeneous. Because of the growing specialization and environmental isolation of occupations, the tremendously high
rate of social mobility a n d ease of communication, m o d e r n m e n in the
course of a lifetime successively, or even simultaneously, contact dozens
of groups of people differing from each other in social views, experience,
interests, preferences, n o r m s of behaviour and ideology. T h e y therefore
rapidly conclude that there is no such thing as a single general principle
which would enable them to predict with any precision the behaviour of
all the people with w h o m they c o m e into contact in one situation or a n other. W h a t is more, they become convinced that different people behave
differently in the same kind of situation, which probably means that
various patterns of behaviour are accepted, and that each of these patterns is sanctioned even though it m a y be in contradiction to others. W h e n
individuals examine their o w n image in the eyes of others, they are forced
to take disparate elements into account, and as a rule find it impossible to
combine them into a coherent system free of inner contradictions. This
leads most frequently to a relativistic approach to k n o w n rules and patterns,
and to the conviction that n o norms or patterns are absolute.
According to m o d e r n psychology, even the best integrated m o d e r n
personality is nothing but a 'bundle of roles'. A n y o n e whose personality
is not pathological is able to m o v e freely about the contemporary world
precisely because he k n o w s which learnt roles he should apply to various
situations, and because he knows it would be quite inappropriate to perform in one situation as he might quite properly d o in another. His behaviour at w o r k is quite different from his behaviour within the family, which
is different again from the w a y he behaves at an office party, and this in
turn differs from the w a y he behaves on a platform at a meeting, etc. Since
each of these roles is protected by its o w n system of sanctions, the various
roles which m a k e u p an individual's personality d o not have to be consistent and as a rule are not. O n e speaks then of a 'conflict of roles', and
w e should remember that this conflict, too, is internalized; the personality

Some problems in contemporary education

335

of modern m a n is full of inner contradictions. T h e question is complicated

still further by the fact that there are few situations to which everybody
would attach the same role. T h e behaviour d e m a n d e d by one group is
different from that postulated by another and differs again from the code
observed by still another. T h u s m a n today is faced not only with a diversity
of situations that are independent of each other and not associated in one
c o m m o n system, but also with a diversity of views as to what kind of behaviour is proper in each situation. This intensifies still more his feeling of
relativity, the inconclusiveness of all precepts and prohibitions.
This continuous state of structural and cultural disintegration lies at
the root of the intense attention which contemporary philosophers pay to
the problem of 'the norm not being implicit within reality', as well as to
the emotional instability of m o d e r n m a n , frequently mentioned in scholarly
treatises and manifested in characteristic feelings of threat and anxiety.
In social psychology today a view (which has not yet been contradicted
by findings in non-European cultures) is generally accepted that e m o tional securitythat state of psychological equilibrium which arises from
the feeling of the Tightness of one's o w n behaviouris necessary to a
'healthy' h u m a n personality in every culture and every type of society.
T h e lack of such confidence in one's o w n behaviour, the irrational, inexplicable anxiety which comes from ignorance of the norms of behaviour
and from the resultant inability to predict other people's behaviour,
anxiety which is caused by the complexity of the situation, by the inability
to justify one's o w n deeds by referring to patterns of a 'higher order' which,
by their very authority, offer us the feelings of security and free us from
disquieting responsibilityis regarded by most people as unpleasant. This
unpleasantness is probably one of the most important stimuli that have
acted on people at various periods of history to construct moral authorities
or to submit to already existing authorities. This emotional experience, and
not intellectual reasoning, has always been, and remains, the secret of
the attraction and otherwise inexplicable durability of religious beliefs
whose function can alternatively be performed only by something of
equally high emotional intensity.
T h e anxieties experienced b y a m e m b e r of a modern heterogeneous
society looking for n e w sources of emotional security are of greater importance to the educator than is generally supposed. T h e school today still
tries to give its pupils that indispensable feeling of emotional security by
means traditional enough to be completely unsuited to the real d e m a n d s
of modern society. Teachers insist that there is only one accepted pattern
of behaviour, of absolute a n d unwavering, as well as objective Tightness, and therefore unaffected by any of the critical stances accepted in
contemporary culture. T h e only thing the pupils have to do is to study this
pattern intellectually and diligently adapt themselves to it, in order to acquire a feeling of invincible power in their actions, save themselves from the
feeling that they are responsible for their o w n actions, regard themselves
not as actors but as an instrument or tool of some supra-individual cause.

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Zygmunt Bauman

T h u s in thefirstplace the teacher encourages his pupils to try to solve the

problems of emotional security by traditional m e a n s which today are
ineffective. In the second place he condemns them to discovering at their
o w n expense the relativity of patterns of living, and withdraws at the very
m o m e n t which is most traumatic and decisive for the formation of personalitywhen the young person is experiencing the profound mental
shock of this discovery, w h e n his whole world is collapsing.
T h e effect of thefirstpedagogical error is that people begin to identify
emotional security with the impersonality of their o w n actions; in trying to
escape responsibility for their o w n choice, they acquire the conviction that
their o w n beliefs and good faith provide insufficient grounds for their
attitudes. T h e effect of the second error is that people turn their discovery
of the relativity of patterns into rebellion, mainly against the principles of
'absolutist' educators. T h e person w h o comes to the conclusion that he
has been cheated will direct his suspicions mainly against those 'truths'
presented to h i m most forcefully as being absolute. Left to himself at the
m o m e n t w h e n he is experiencing the most painful emotional crisis, the
m a n w h o has discovered for himself the relativity of the principles of
behaviour will be more liable than anyone else to react to his o w n disillusionment by adopting cynical, nihilistic attitudes to all rules and principles, by denying not only absolute truths, but also the value of any criteria at all for distinguishing right actions from less right, or noble actions
from less noble. It is m y belief that those educators w h o wish to counter
relativism with absolutism defeat their ends: they intensify the unavoidable
relativism, and indeed inflate it till it reaches the dimensions of cynicism
and moral nihilism.
A t the same time, contrary to all c o m m o n sense, and to the incontrovertible evidence of the modern world, such educators seem to regard as
disgraceful any suggestion that codes of behaviour are relative, or that
these codes m a y be ascribed to different social circles and their interests,
or that every m a n should be responsible for the path he chooses, or that
the reasons for h u m a n action should be attributed to these same choices.
T h e proposition that codes of behaviour are relative, which is a descriptive statement, is identified with cynicism, which after all is an evaluative
attitude; and since as a result of this logically untenable equation all the
sins and abominations of cynicism are ascribed to that proposition, it is
expelled from the c o m p a n y of truths which educators regard as respectable. In this hopeless struggle between insufficiently dynamic education
and the excessively dynamic world, it is the young w h o become the m a i n
victims; at the most dramatic m o m e n t s of their lives they are thrown back
on their o w n resources, ill-equipped to solve real conflicts in real situations,
as distinct from the Utopian problems and situations envisaged by their
educators.
In all periods of history the most enlightened teachers have always
protested against 'glasshouse' education. T h e y have protested against
constructing educational systems so as to prepare the young for artificial,

S o m e problems in contemporary education

337

illusory situations that h a v e n o resemblance to real life. T h e intensity with

w h i c h the slogan 'closer to life' is propagated a n d put into practice m a y
almost b e regarded as a measure of the progressiveness of educational
thought. W h e t h e r the idea of real life w h i c h the educational m o d e l reflects
is based o n reliable knowledge of the conditions a n d d e m a n d s of social
life, or whether it contains Utopian elements derived from past experience
w h i c h has nothing to d o with the present system o f social relations, is
another matter.
T h e idea of life acceptable to a present-day society must include such
elements as multiplicity a n d diversity, a n d hence it m u s t recognize relativity in codes of behaviour. T o be 'closer to life', educators must consistently a n d frankly s h o w their pupils genuine features of the world in which
they will h a v e to m o v e . If this is lacking, n o matter w h a t they d o their
pupils will still discover the truth, but in so doing will turn against their
teachers a n d their precepts.
T h e teacher will b e confronted with a n e w a n d complicated task if h e
is to replace the vision of a single, absolute pattern of behaviour, a n d
deviations from this pattern, b y a vision of m a n y simultaneously occurring,
rival patterns. But this course will also o p e n u p n e w perspectives a n d ,
m o r e important, m a k e it m u c h m o r e likely that his influence is m o r e effective a n d permanent. I n performing these n e w tasks, the teacher's m a i n
stress will not be o n learning b y heart or o n the intellectual mastery of
a given a n d complete set of behavioural n o r m s , but o n the necessity for
a person to have his o w n ' m e t a n o r m s ' n o r m s for choosing between different patterns, criteria enabling a m a n to choose between alternatives, a
guiding ethos b y which to evaluate situations of different types. Greatest
emphasis m u s t b e placed o n the individual's personal responsibility for
the choices h e m a k e s . T h e y o u n g person m u s t be prepared, b y a n enlightened teacher, a n d not b y chance influences, for the fact that his life will
consist of a whole series of individual decisions a n d choices, a n d that n o
o n e a n d nothing, either divine providence or historical necessity, can
relieve h i m of the responsibility for his actions. T h e s e are the n e w tasks
awaiting the educators. A n d w h a t are the prospects offered b y the fulfilment of these tasks? T h e prospect is that w e will produce a personality
that is creative, inventive, strong in the knowledge that the individual is
forced to rely o n his o w n resources, a personality that is m u c h better safeguarded against disillusionment and cynicism, against a frustrating retreat
into a private world. This prospect is sufficiently attractive to justify the
undertaking of these n e w tasks, however great the effort they m a y d e m a n d .

Zygmunt Bauman occupies the Chair of General Sociology at the University of Warsaw.
He is the editor of the quarterly Studia Socjologioznc and the author of two recent books:
A n Outline of the Marxist Theory of Society (1964) and Culture and Society (ig66).
A previous contribution by him to this Journal, on economic growth, social structure and elite
formation in Poland, appeared in Volume XVI, No. s (1964.).

Systems of education
and systems of thought
Pierre Bourdieu

Like religion in primitive societies, scholarly culture provides a common framework of thought
which makes communication possible. By its very functioning, the school modifies the content
and spirit of the culture which it transmits. The connexion between schools of thought and
class cultures is analysed, especially by reference to the prominence given to certain aspects of
reality. In conclusion, there are some observations on the intellectual personality of a nation.
Speaking of the course of his intellectual development in A World on the
Wane, Claude Lvi-Strauss describes the techniques and rites of philosophy teaching in France:
'It was then that I began to learn h o w any problem, whether grave or
trivial, can be resolved. T h e method never varies. First you establish the
traditional "two views" of the question. Y o u then put forward a c o m monsense justification of the one, only to refute it by the other. Finally
you send them both packing by the use of a third interpretation, in which
both the others are shown to be equally unsatisfactory. Certain verbal
manoeuvres enable you, that is, to line u p the traditional "antitheses" as
complementary aspects of a single reality: form and substance, content and
container, appearance and reality, essence and existence, continuity and
discontinuity and so on. Before long the exercise becomes the merest verbalizing, reflection gives place to a kind of superior punning, and the
"accomplished philosopher" m a y be recognized by the ingenuity with
which he makes ever-bolder play with assonance, ambiguity and the use
of those words which sound alike and yet bear quite different meanings.
'Five years at the Sorbonne taught m e little but this form of mental
gymnastics. Its dangers are, of course, self-evident: the mechanism is so
simple, for one thing, that there is no such thing as a problem which cannot be tackled. W h e n w e were working for our examinations and, above
all, for that supreme ordeal, the leon (in which the candidate draws a
subject by lot, and is given only six hours in which to prepare a comprehensive survey of it), w e used to set one another the bizarrest imaginable
themes. . . . T h e method, universal in its application, encouraged the
student to overlook the m a n y possible forms and variants of thought,

Int. Sac. Set. / . , Vol. X I X , No. 3, 1967

Systems of education and systems of thought

339

devoting himself to one particular unchanging instrument. Certain elementary adjustments were all that he needed . . .'.x
This admirable ethnological description of the intellectual and linguistic
patterns transmittedimplicitly rather than explicitlyby French education, has its counterpart in the description of the patterns that direct the
thinking and behaviour of the Bororo Indians w h e n they build their villages to a plan every bit as formal andfictitiousas the dualistic organization of the agrgation exercises, patterns whose necessity or, to put it another
w a y , whose function is recognized in this case by the ethnologist, probably
because he is, at once, more detached and more intimately involved:
'. . . T h e wise m e n of the tribe have evolved a grandiose cosmology which
is writ large in the lay-out of their villages and distribution of their homes.
W h e n they met with contradictions, those contradictions were cut across
again and again. Every opposition was rebutted in favour of another.
Groups were divided and re-divided, both vertically and horizontally,
until their lives, both spiritual and temporal, became an escutcheon in
which symmetry and asymmetry were in equilibrium . . .'.2
As a social individual, the ethnologist is o n terms of intimacy with his
culture and therefore finds it difficult to think objectively about the patterns governing his o w n thought; the more completely those patterns have
been mastered and have become a part of his m a k e - u p a n d therefore
coextensive and consubstantial with his consciousnessthe more impossible is it for him to apply conscious thought to them. H e m a y also be reluctant to admit that, even though acquired through the systematically organized learning processes of the school, and therefore generally explicit and
explicitly taught, the patterns which shape the thinking of educated m e n
in 'school-going' societies m a y fulfil the same function as the unconscious
patterns he discovers, by analysing such cultural creations as rites or myths,
a m o n g individuals belonging to societies with n o educational institutions,
or as those 'primitive forms of classification' which are not, and cannot be,
the subject of conscious awareness and explicit, methodical transmission.
D o the patterns of thought and language transmitted by the school, e.g.,
those which treatises of rhetoric used to call figures of speech and figures
of thought, actually fulfil, at any rate a m o n g members of the educated
classes, the function of the unconscious patterns which govern the thinking
and the productions of people belonging to traditional societies, or do they,
because of the conditions in which they are transmitted and acquired,
operate only at the most superficial level of consciousness? If it be true
that the specificity of societies possessing a scholarly, cumulative, accumulated culture lies, from the point of view that concerns us here, in the fact
that they have special institutions to transmit, explicitly or implicitly,
explicit or implicit forms of thought that operate at different levels of
consciousnessfrom the most obvious which m a y be apprehended by
1. C . Lvi-Strauss, A World on the Wane, Hutchinson, Loudon, 1961, pp. 54-5.
2. ibid., p. 230.

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Pierre Bourdieu

irony or by pedagogical thinking to the most deeply buried forms which

find expression in acts of cultural creation or interpretation, without being
thought about specificallythe question then arises whether the sociology
of the institutionalized transmission of culture is not, at any rate in one of
its aspects, one of the paths and not the least important, to the sociology
of knowledge.

T h e school and cultural integration

T o appreciate h o w unusual this approach is, w e need only note that
Durkheim and, after him, most of the authors w h o have dealt with the
sociology of education from an anthropological standpoint emphasize the
school's 'moral' integration function, relegating to second place or passing
over in silence what might be called the cultural (or logical) integration
function of the educational institution. Is it not paradoxical that, in his
writings on education, the author of Formes primitives de classification and
Formes lmentaires de la vie religieuse should have failed to realize that, like
religion in primitive societies, the culture that comes from schooling provides individuals with a c o m m o n body of thought categories which m a k e
communication possible? It is perhaps less paradoxical that Durkheim,
in his sociology of knowledge, should try to establish the social origin of
logical categories without mentioning the role of education, since he is
concerned in the above-mentioned works with societies in which the transmission of these logical categories is not generally entrusted to an institution specially designed for the purpose, but it is none the less surprising
that he should regard schooling as one of the most effective means of
securing the 'moral' integration of differentiated societies and yet not realize that the school is tending, more and more completely and exclusively
as knowledge advances, to assume a logical integration function. 'Prog r a m m e d ' individualsendowed with a homogenous programme of perception, thought and actionare the most specific product of an educational system. Those trained in a certain discipline or a certain school have
in c o m m o n a certain 'mentality' as the 'arts' or 'science' mentality or, in
France, the normalien or polytechnicien mentality. Minds thus patterned in
the same w a y are pre-disposed to immediate communication and understanding a m o n g themselves. A s Henri-Irne M a r r o u points out, this
applies to individuals trained in the humanistic tradition; the traditional
form of education makes sure that there is, ' a m o n g all minds, those of a
given generation and those of a whole period of history, a fundamental
homogeneity which makes communication and c o m m u n i o n easier. . . .
Within a classical culture, all m e n share the same treasury of admiration,
patterns, rules and, above all, of examples, metaphors, images, words, a
c o m m o n idiom'.1 T h e aphorisms, m a x i m s and apologues of Graeco-Latin
i. H.-I. Marrou, Histoire de l'ducation dans l'antiquit, sixth edition revised and enlarged,
Paris, Seuil, 1965, p. 333.

Systems of education and systems of thought

341

culture, like the metaphors and parallels inspired by Greek or R o m a n

history, play a part comparable in all respects with that which traditional
societies allot to proverbs, sayings and gnomic poems. If it be accepted
that culture and, in the case in point, scholarly or academic culture, is a
c o m m o n code enabling all those possessing that code to attach the same
meaning to the same words, the same types of behaviour and the same
works and, conversely, to express the s a m e meaningful intention through
the same words, the same behaviour patterns and the same works, it is
clear that the school, which is responsible for handing on that culture, is
the fundamental factor in the cultural consensus in as far as it represents the
sharing of a c o m m o n sense which is the prerequisite for communication.
Individuals o w e to their schooling, first and foremost, a whole collection
of commonplaces, covering not only c o m m o n speech and language but
also areas of encounter a n d agreement, c o m m o n problems and c o m m o n
methods of approaching those c o m m o n problems: educated people of a
given period m a y disagree o n the questions they discuss but are at any rate
in agreement about discussing certain questions. A thinker is linked to
his period, a n d identified in space and time, primarily by the conditioning
background of problem approach in which and by which he thinks. Just
as linguists have recourse to the criterion of inter-comprehension for determining linguistic areas, so intellectual a n d cultural areas and generations
could be determined by identifying the sets of dominant conditioning questions which define the culturalfieldof a period. T o conclude in all cases,
on the basis of the manifest divergences which separate the intellectuals
of a given period on what are sometimes k n o w n as the 'major problems of
the day', that there is a deficiency of logical integration would be to allow
ourselves to be misled by appearances; disagreement presupposes agreement
on the areas of disagreement, and the manifest conflicts between trends
and doctrines conceal from the people concerned in those conflicts the
implied basic concurrence which strikes the observer alien to the system.
T h e consensus in dissensus, which constitutes the objective unity of the
intellectual field of a given period, i.e., participation in the intellectual
background of the daywhich is not to be confused with submission to
fashionis rooted in the academic tradition. Authors having nothing else
at all in c o m m o n are yet contemporary in the accepted questions on which
they are opposed and by reference to which at least one aspect of their
thought is organized: like the fossils that enable us to date prehistoric eras,
the subjects of discussioncrystallized remains of the great debates of the
dayindicate, though probably with certain shifts in time, the questions
which directed and governed the thinking of an age. W e might, for instance,
in the recent history of philosophic thought in France, distinguish a period
of dissertation on judgement and concept, a period of dissertation on
essence and existence (or fear and anxiety) andfinally,a period of dissertation on language and speech (or nature and culture). A comparative
study of the commonest subjects of academic essays or treatises and of
lectures in different countries at different periods would m a k e an important

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Pierre Bourdieu

contribution to the sociology of knowledge by defining the necessary

frame of problematic reasoning, which is one of the most fundamental
dimensions of the intellectual programming of a society and a period.
This was what R e n a n foreshadowed w h e n he wrote: 'Will it be believed
that, at ceremonies similar to our prize-givings, w h e n in our country
oratory is essential, the Germans merely read out grammatical treatises
of the most austere type, studded with Latin words? C a n w e conceive of
formal public meetings taken u p with readings of the following: O n the
nature of the conjunction; O n the G e r m a n period; O n the Greek mathematicians; O n the topography of the battle of Marathon; O n the plain of
Crissa; O n the centuries of Servius Tullius; O n the vines of Attica; Classification of prepositions; Clarification of difficult words in H o m e r ; C o m mentary on the portrait of Thersites in H o m e r , etc.? This implies that our
neighbours have a wonderful taste for serious things and perhaps, too, a
certain capacity for facing u p bravely to boredom w h e n circumstances
require.'1
There m a y be coexisting in the thought of a given author, and a fortiori
of a given period, elements which belong to quite different scholastic
periods;2 the cultural field is transformed by successive restructurations
rather than by radical revolutions, with certain themes being brought to
the fore while others are set to one side without being completely eliminated, so that continuity of communication between intellectual generations remains possible. In all cases, however, the patterns informing the
thought of a given period can be fully understood only by reference to the
school system, which is alone capable of establishing them and developing
them, through practice, as the habits of thought c o m m o n to a whole generation.
Culture is not merely a c o m m o n code or even a c o m m o n catalogue of
answers to recurring problems; it is a c o m m o n set of previously assimilated
master patterns from which, by an 'art of invention' similar to that involved
in the writing of music, an infinite n u m b e r of individual patterns directly
applicable to specific situations are generated. T h e topoi are not only c o m monplaces but also patterns of invention and supports for improvisation:
these topoiwhich include such particularly productive contrasting pairs
as thought and action, essence and existence, continuity and discontinuity, etc.provide bases and starting points for developments (mainly
improvised), just as the rules of h a r m o n y and counterpoint sustain what
seems to be the most inspired and the freest musical 'invention'. These
patterns of invention m a y also serve to m a k e u p for deficiency of invention,
in the usual sense of the term, so that the formalism and verbalism criticized
i. E . Renan, L'avenir de la science, Paris, Calmann Lvy, 1890, p p . 116-17.
2. Because of its o w n inertia, the school carries along categories and patterns of thought
belonging to different ages. In the observance of the rules of the dissertation in three
points, for example, French schoolchildren are still contemporaries of Saint T h o m a s . T h e
feeling of the 'unity of European culture' is probably due to the fact that the school brings
together and reconcilesas it must for the purposes of teachingtypes of thought belonging to very different periods.

Systems of education and systems of thought

343

by Lvi-Strauss are merely the pathological limit of the normal use of any
method of thought. Mention m a y be m a d e , in this context, of what Henri
Wallon wrote about the function of thinking by pairs in children; 'contrasts
of images or of speech result from such a natural and spontaneous association that they m a y sometimes override intuition and the sense of reality.
T h e y are part of the equipment constantly available to thought in the
process of self-formulation and they m a y prevail over thinking. T h e y c o m e
under the head of that "verbal knowledge" whose findings, already formulated, are often merely noted, without any exercice of reflective intelligence and whose workings often outlast those of thought in certain states
of mental debilitation, confusion or distraction'.1
Verbal reflexes and thinking habits should serve to sustain thought but
they m a y also, in m o m e n t s of intellectual 'low tension', take the place of
thought; they should help in mastering reality with the m i n i m u m effort,
but they m a y also encourage those w h o rely on them not to bother to refer
to reality. For every period, besides a collection of c o m m o n themes, a
particular constellation of dominant patterns could probably be determined, with as m a n y epistemological profiles (taking this in a slightly
different sense from that given to it by Gaston Bachelard) as there are
schools of thought. It m a y be assumed that every individual owes to the
type of schooling he has received a set of basic, deeply interiorized masterpatterns on the basis of which he subsequently acquires other patterns,
so that the system of patterns by which his thought is organized owes its
specific character not only to the nature of the patterns constituting it but
also to the frequency with which these are used and to the level of consciousness at which they operate, these properties being probably connected
with the circumstances in which the most fundamental intellectual patterns were acquired.
T h e essential point is probably that the patterns which have become
second nature are generally apprehended only through a reflexive turning-backwhich is always difficultover the operations already carried
out; it follows that they m a y govern and regulate mental processes without
being consciously apprehended and controlled. It is primarily through the
cultural unconscious which he owes to his intellectual training and m o r e
particularly, to his scholastic training, that a thinker belongs to his society
and ageschools of thought m a y , m o r e often than is immediately apparent, represent the union of thinkers similarly schooled.
A n exemplary confirmation of this hypothesis is to be found in the famous
analysis by Erwin Panofsky of the relationship between Gothic art and
Scholasticism. W h a t the architects of the Gothic cathedrals unwittingly
borrowed from the schoolmen was a principium importons ordinem ad actum
or a modus operandi, i.e., a 'peculiar method of procedure which must have
been thefirstthing to impress itself upon the mind of the layman whenever
i. H . Wallon, Les origines de la pense chez l'enfant, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France,
1945, Vol. I, p . 63.

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Pierre Bourdieu

it c a m e in touch with that of the schoolman'. 1 T h u s , for example, the principle of clarification (manifestatio), a scheme of literary presentation discovered by Scholasticism, which requires the author to m a k e plain and explicit
(manifestare) the arrangement and logic of his argumentwe should say
his planalso governs the action of the architect and the sculptor, as w e
can see by comparing the Last Judgement on the t y m p a n u m of Autun
Cathedral with the treatment of the same theme at Paris and Amiens
where, despite a greater wealth of motifs, consummate clarity also prevails
through the effect of symmetry a n d correspondance.2 If this is so, it is
because the cathedral-builders were subject to the constant influenceto
the habit-forming forceof Scholasticism, which, from about 1130-40
to about 1270, 'held a veritable monopoly of education' over a n area of
roughly 100 miles around Paris. 'It is not very probable that the builders
of Gothic structures read Gilbert de la Porree or T h o m a s Aquinas in the
original. But they were exposed to the Scholastic point of view in innumerable other ways, quite apart from the fact that their o w n work automatically brought them into a working association with those w h o devised
the liturgical a n d iconographie programs. T h e y had gone to school;
they listened to sermons; they could attend the public disputationes de quolibet which, dealing as they did with all imaginable questions of the day,
had developed into social events not unlike our operas, concerts or public
lectures; and they could c o m e into profitable contact with the learned
on m a n y other occasions.'3 It follows, according to Panofsky, that the connexion between Gothic art and Scholasticism is 'more concrete than a
mere "parallelism" and yet m o r e general than those individual (and very
important) "influences" which are inevitably exerted on painters, sculptors or architects by erudite advisors'. This connexion is 'a genuine causeand-effect relation' which 'comes about by the spreading of what m a y be
called, for want of a better term, a mental habitreducing this overworked
clich to its precise Scholastic sense as "a principle that regulates the act",
principium importons ordinem ad actum'.,4 A s a habit-forming force, the school
provides those w h o have been subjected directly or indirectly to its influence
not so m u c h with particular a n d particularized patterns of thought as
with that general disposition, generating particular patterns that can be
applied in different areas of thought and action, which m a y be termed
cultured habitus.
Thus, in accounting for the structural homologies that he finds between
such different areas of intellectual activity as architecture and philosophical thought, Erwin Panofsky does not rest content with references to
a 'unitarian vision of the world' or a 'spirit of the times'which would
c o m e d o w n to naming what has to be explained or, worse still, to claiming
to advance as an explanation the very thing that has to be explained; he
1.
2.
3.
4.

E . Panofsky, Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism, N e w York, 1957, p. 28.

ibid., p. 40.
ibid., p. 23.
ibid., pp. 20-1.

Systems of education and systems of thought

345

suggests what seems to be the most nave yet probably the most convincing
explanation. This is that, in a society where the handing on of culture is
monopolized by a school, the hidden affinities uniting the works of m a n
(and, at the same time, m o d e s of conduct and thought) derive from the institution of the school, whose function is consciously (and also, in part,
unconsciously) to transmit the unconscious or, to be m o r e precise, to produce individuals equipped with the system of unconscious (or deeply
buried) master-patterns that constitute their culture. It would no doubt be
an over-simplification to end our efforts at explanation at this point, as
though the school were an empire within an empire, as though culture had
there its absolute beginning; but it would be just as nave to disregard the
fact that, through the very logic of its functioning, the school modifies the
content and the spirit of the culture it transmits and, above all, that its
express function is to transform the collective heritage into a c o m m o n
individual unconscious. T o relate the works of a period to the practices
of the school therefore gives us a means of explaining not only what these
works consciously set forth but also w h a t they unconsciously reveal in as
m u c h as they partake of the symbolism of a period or of a society.

Schools of thought and class cultures

Apart from collective representations, such as the representation of m a n
as the outcome of a long process of evolution, or the representation of the
world as governed by necessary and immutable laws instead of by an
arbitrary and capricious fate or by a providential will, every individual
unconsciously brings to bear general tendencies such as those by which
w e recognize the 'style' of a period (whether it be the style of its architecture and furniture, or its style of life) and patterns of thought which organize reality by directing a n d organizing thinking about reality and m a k e
what he thinks thinkable for him as such and in the particular form in
which it is thought. A s Kurt Lewin remarks, 'Experiments dealing with
m e m o r y and group pressure on the individual show that what exists as
"reality" for the individual is, to a high degree, determined by what is
socially accepted as reality. . . . "Reality" therefore, is not an absolute. It
differs with the group to which the individual belongs.'1 Similarly, what
is a 'topical question' largely depends o n what is socially considered as
such; there is, at^every period in every society, a hierarchy of legitimate
objects for study, all the m o r e compelling for there being n o need to define
it explicitly, since it is, as it were, lodged in the instruments of thought that
individuals receive during their intellectual training. W h a t is usually
k n o w n as the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is perhaps never so satisfactorily
applicable as to intellectual life; words, a n d especially the figures of speech
and figures of thought that are characteristic of a school of thought, mould
i. K . Lewin, Resolving Social Conflicts, New York, Harper & Brothers, 1948, p. 57.

346

Pierre Bourdieu

thought as m u c h as they express it. Linguistic and intellectual patterns are

all the more important in determining what individuals take as worthy
of being thought and what they think of it in that they operate outside all
critical awareness. 'Thinking . . . follows a network of tracks laid d o w n in
the given language, a n organization which m a y concentrate systematically
upon certain phases of reality, certain aspects of intelligence, and m a y
systematically discard others featured by other languages. T h e individual
is utterly unaware of this organization and is constrained completely within
its unbreakable bounds.' 1
Academic language a n d thought effect this organization b y giving prominence to certain aspects of reality: thinking by 'schools' and types (designated by so m a n y concepts ending in 'ism') which is a specific product of
the school, makes it possible to organize things pertaining to the school,
i.e., the universe of philosophical, literary, visual and musical works and,
beyond or through them, the whole experience of reality a n d all reality.
T o use the terms of Greek tradition, the natural world becomes meaningful
only w h e n it has been subject to diamsisan act of separation introducing
the 'limit' (peras) into indeterminate chaos (apeiron). T h e school provides
the principle for such organization and teaches the art of effecting it.
Basically, is taste anything other than the art of differentiatingdifferentiating between what is cooked and what is raw, what is insipid and what has
savour, but also between the classical style and the baroque style or the
major m o d e and the minor mode? Without this principle of separation
and the art of applying it that the school teaches, the cultural world is
merely an indeterminate, undifferentiated chaos; m u s e u m visitors not
equipped with this basic stock of words and categories b y which differences
can be n a m e d and, thereby, apprehendedproper n a m e s of famous painters which serve as generic categories, concepts designating a school, an
age, a 'period' or a style and rendering possible comparisons ('parallels')
or contrastsare condemned to the monotonous diversity of meaningless
sensations. In the words of a w o r k m a n from Dreux: ' W h e n you don't
k n o w anything about it, it's difficult to get the hang of it. . . . Everything
seems the same to m e . . . beautiful pictures, beautiful paintings, but it's
difficult to m a k e out one thing from another'. A n d another w o r k m a n , from
Lille this time, comments: 'It's difficult for someone w h o wants to take an
interest in it. All you can see are paintings and dates. T o see the differences, you need a guide, otherwise everything looks the same'. 2 A s the
systems of typical pre-knowledge that individuals o w e to the school grow
richer (in other words, as the standard of education rises), familiarity with
the organized universe of works becomes closer and m o r e intense. T h e
school does not merely provide reference marks: it also m a p s out itineraries,
that is to say methods (in the etymological sense) or programmes of thought.
T h e intellectual and linguistic master-patterns organize a marked-out area
i. Whorf, 'Language, Mind and Reality', in Language, Thought, and Reality, p. 256.
2. Cf. P. Bourdieu and A . Darbel, with D . Schnapper, L'amour de l'art, les muses et leur public,
Paris, ditions de Minuit, 1966, pp. 69-76. (Coll. 'Le sens commun').

Systems of education and systems of thought

347

covered with compulsory turnings and one-way streets, avenues and blind
alleys; within this area, thought can unfurl with the impression of freedom
and improvisation because the marked-out itineraries that it is bound to
follow are the very ones that it has covered m a n y a time in the course of
schooling. T h e order of exposition that the school imposes on the culture
transmittedwhich, most of the time, owes at least as m u c h to school
routines as to educational requirementstends to gain acceptance, as
being absolutely necessary, from those acquiring the culture through that
order. B y its orderly treatment of the works of culture the school hands
on, at one and the same time, the rules establishing the orthodox manner
of approaching works (according to their position in an established hierarchy) and the principles on which that hierarchy is founded. Because the
order of acquisition tends to appear indissolubly associated with the culture acquired and because each individual's relationship with his culture
bears the stamp of the conditions in which he acquired it, a self-taught
m a n can be distinguished straightaway from a school-trained m a n . Having
no established itineraries to rely on, the autodidact in Sartre's La Nause
sets about reading, in alphabetical order, every author possible. It is
perhaps only in its decisive rigidity that this p r o g r a m m e seems m o r e arbitrary than the usual syllabus sanctioned by the school and based on a chronological order which, though apparently natural and inevitable, is in
fact equally alien to considerations of logic and teaching; nevertheless, in
the eyes of people w h o have gone through the ordered sequence of the cursus,
a culture acquired by such a curious process would always contrast as
sharply with an academic culture as a tangled forest with a formal garden.
Being responsible for instilling these principles of organization, the
school must itself be organized to carry out this function. If it is to hand on
this programme of thought k n o w n as culture, it must subject the culture
it transmits to a process of programming that will m a k e it easier to hand
on methodically. Whenever literature becomes a school subjectas a m o n g
the Sophists or in the Middle Ageswe find emerging the desire to classify, usually by genre and by author, and also to establish hierarchies, to
pick out from the mass of works the 'classics' worthy of being preserved
through the m e d i u m of the school. Collections of excerpts and textbooks
are typical of such works designed to serve the school's allotted function
of ordering and emphasizing. Having to prepare their pupils to answer
academic questions, teachers tend to plan their teaching in accordance
with the system of organization that their pupils will have to follow in
answering those questions; in the extreme case, w e have those prose c o m position manuals providing ready-made essays o n particular subjects. In
the organization of his teaching and sometimes of his whole work every
teacher is obliged to m a k e s o m e concessions to the requirements of the
educational system and of his o w n function. Gorgias's Encomium of Helen
is perhaps thefirsthistoric example of a demonstration of professorial skill
combined with something like a 'crib'; a n d surely m a n y of Alain's essays
are but consummate examples of what French students in rhtorique

348

Pierre Bourdieu

suprieure (the classical upper sixth), w h o m he taught for the best part of his
life, call topos, i.e., lectures or demonstrations closely tailored to the letter
and spirit of the syllabus and meeting perfectly, in themes, sources, style
and even spirit, the examination requirements for admission to the cole
Normale Suprieure. T h e p r o g r a m m e of thought and action that it is the
school's function to impart thus owes a substantial n u m b e r of its practical
characteristics to the institutional conditions in which it is transmitted and
to specifically academic requirements. W e therefore cannot hope fully to
understand each 'school of thought', defined by its subjection to one or
other of these programmes, unless w e relate it to the specific logic governing
the operation of the school from which it derives.
It follows that the gradual rationalization of a system of teaching geared
more and more exclusively to preparation for an increasing variety of
occupational activities could threaten the cultural integration of the educated class if, so far as that class is concerned, education, and m o r e particularly what is k n o w n as general culture, were not at least as m u c h a
matter for the family as for the school, for the family in the sense of parents
and their progeny and also in that of thefieldsof knowledge (many scientists are married to w o m e n with an arts background) and if all types of
training did not allot a place, always a fairly important one, to classical,
liberal education. T h e sharing of a c o m m o n culture, whether this involves
verbal patterns or artistic experience and objetes of admiration, is probably one of the surest foundations of the deep underlying fellow-feeling
that unites the members of the governing classes, despite differences of
occupation and economic circumstances. It is understandable that
T . S. Eliot should regard culture as the key instrument in the integration
of the elite: ' A society is in danger of disintegration w h e n there is a lack
of contact between people of different areas of activitybetween the political, the scientific, the artistic, the philosophical and the religious minds.
T h e separation cannot be repaired merely by public organization. It is
not a question of assembling into committees representatives of different
types of knowledge and experience, of calling in everybody to advise everybody else. T h e elite should be something different, something m u c h
more organically composed, than a panel of bonzes, caciques and tycoons.
M e n w h o meet only for definite serious purposes and on official occasions
do not wholly meet. T h e y m a y have some c o m m o n concern very m u c h at
heart, they m a y , in the course of repeated contacts, c o m e to share a vocabulary and an idiom which appear to communicate every shade of m e a n ing necessary for their c o m m o n purpose; but they will continue to retire
from these encounters each to his private social world as well as to his solitary world. Everyone has observed that the possibilities of contented
silence, of a mutual happy awareness w h e n engaged upon a c o m m o n
task, or an underlying seriousness and significance in the enjoyment of a
silly joke, are characteristics of any close personal intimacy; and the congeniality of any circle of friends depends upon a c o m m o n social convention,
a c o m m o n ritual, and c o m m o n pleasures of relaxation. These aids to inti-

Systems of education a n d systems of thought

349

m a c y are n o less important for the communication of meaning in words

than the possession of a c o m m o n subject u p o n which the several parties are
informed. It is unfortunate for a m a n w h e n his friends and his business
associates are two unrelated groups; it is also narrowing w h e n they are one
and the same group. 1 Intimacy and fellow-feeling, congeniality, based o n
a c o m m o n culture are rooted in the unconscious and give the traditional
elites a social cohesion a n d continuity which would be lacking in elites
united solely by links of professional interest: 'They will be united only b y
a part, a n d that the most conscious part, of their personalities; they will
meet like committees'.2 It would not be difficult to find, within the ruling
class, social units based o n the 'intimacy' created by the same intellectual
'programming'affinities of schooling play an extremely important part
once a body can be recruited by co-option.
Unlike the traditional type of education, setting out to hand on the
integrated culture of an integrated societyall-round education producing
people equipped for their various roles in society in generalspecialized
education, imparting specific types of knowledge and k n o w - h o w , is liable
to produce as m a n y 'intellectual clans' as there are specialized schools.
T o take the most obvious and crudest example, the relations between arts
people a n d science people are often governed, in present-day society, by
the very laws to be seen in operation in the contacts between different
cultures. Misunderstandings, borrowings removed from their context a n d
reinterpreted, admiring imitation and disdainful aloofnessthese are all
signs familiar to specialists o n the situations that arise w h e n cultures meet.
T h e debate between the upholders of literary h u m a n i s m and the upholders
of scientific or technological h u m a n i s m is usually conducted in relation to
ultimate valuesefficiency or disinterestedness, specialization or general
liberal educationjust because each type of schooling naturally tends to
be shut into an autonomous and self-sufficient world of its o w n ; and because
any action for the handing on of a culture necessarily implies an affirmation of the value of the culture imparted (and, correlatively, an implicit
or explicit depreciation of other possible cultures); in other words, any type
of teaching must, to a large extent, produce a need for its o w n product
and therefore set u p as a value, or value of values, the culture that it is
concerned with imparting, achieving this in and through the very act of
imparting it.3 It follows that individuals whose education condemns them
to a kind of cultural hemiplegia, while at the same time encouraging them
1. Notes towards the Definition of Culture, Faber & Faber, London, 1962, pp. 84-5.
2. ibid., p. 47.
3. A s disparagement of the rival culture is the most convenient and surest means of magnifying
the culture being imparted and of reassuring the person imparting it of his o w n worth, the
temptation to resort to this means is all the greater in France because of the teachers'
leaning towards charismatic instruction (which leads them to feel that subjects and teachers
are on competitive teams), towards the charismatic ideology that goes with it, which
encourages them to regard intellectual careers as personal vocations based upon 'gifts' so
obviously mutually exclusive that possession of one rules out possession of the other: to
proclaim that you are no good at science is one of the easiest ways of assuring others and
yourself that you are gifted on the literary side.

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Pierre Bourdieu

to identify their o w n worth with the worth of their culture, are inclined to
feel uneasy in their contacts with people with an alien and sometimes rival
culture; this uneasiness m a y be reflected in a compensatory enthusiasm
serving as a means of exorcism (we need only think, for example, of the
fetichism and Shamanism to be seen a m o n g certain specialists in the sciences
of m a n with regard to the formalization of theirfindings)as well as in rejection and scorn.
T h e primary causes of the opposition between 'intellectual clans', of
which people in general are aware, are never all to be found in the content
of the cultures transmitted and the mentality that goes with them. W h a t
distinguishes, for example, within the large 'arts' group, a graduate of the
cole Normale Suprieure from a graduate of the cole Nationale de
l'Administration or, within the 'science' group, a graduate of the cole
Polytechnique from a graduate of the cole Centrale is perhaps, quite as
m u c h as the nature of the knowledge the y have acquired, the w a y in which
that knowledge has been acquired, i.e., the nature of the exercises they
have had to do, of the examinations they have taken, the criteria by which
they have been judged and by reference to which they have organized
their studies. A n individual's contact with his culture depends basically
on the circumstances in which he has acquired it, a m o n g other things
because the act whereby culture is communicated is, as such, the exemplary
expression of a certain type of relation to the culture. T h e formal lecture,
for instance, communicates something other, and something more, than
its literal content: it furnishes an example of intellectual prowess and thereby indissociably defines the 'right' culture and the 'right' relation to that
culture; vigour and brilliance, ease and elegance are qualities of style
peculiar to the act of communication which m a r k the culture c o m m u nicated and gain acceptance at the same time as the culture from those
receiving it in this form.1 It could be shown in the same w a y h o w all teaching
practices implicitly furnish a model of the 'right' m o d e of intellectual
activity; for example, the very nature of the tests set (ranging from the
composition, based on the technique of 'development', which is the predominant form in most arts examinations, to the 'brief account' required
in advanced science examinations), the type of rhetorical and linguistic
qualities required and the value attached to these qualities, the relative
importance given to written papers and oral examinations and the qualities required in both instances, tend to encourage a certain attitude
towards the use of languagesparing or prodigal, casual or ceremonious,
complacent or restrained. In this w a y the canons governing school work
proper, in composition or exposition, m a y continue to govern writings
apparently freed from the disciplines of the schoolnewspaper articles,
public lectures, s u m m a r y reports and works of scholarship.
i. Although there is no necessary link between a given content and a given w a y of imparting
it, people w h o have acquired them together tend to regard them as inseparable. Thus,
some people regard any attempt to rationalize teaching as threatening to desacralize
culture.

Systems of education and systems of thought

35'

Taking it to be the fact that educated people o w e their culturei.e.

a p r o g r a m m e of perception, thought a n d actionto the school, w e can
see that, just as the differentiation of schooling threatens the cultural
integration of the educated class, so the defacto segregation which tends to
reserve secondary education (especially in the classics) and higher education almost exclusively to the economically and, above all, culturally
most favoured classes, tends to create a cultural rift. T h e separation of
those w h o , around the age of 10 or 11, e m b a r k o n a school career that will
last m a n y years, from those w h o are shot straight into adult life, probably
follows class divisions m u c h m o r e closely than in past centuries. U n d e r the
ancien rgime, as Philippe Aries points out, 'schooling habits differed
not so m u c h according to rank as according to function. Consequently,
attitudes to life, like m a n y other features of everyday life, differed not
m u c h more', notwithstanding 'the rigidly diversified social hierarchy'.1
O n the other hand, 'since the eighteenth century, the single school system
has been replaced by a dual educational system, each branch of which
is matched not to an age group but to a social classthe lyce or the collge
(secondary schooling) for the middle classes and the elementary (or primary) school for the c o m m o n people'.2 Since then, the distinct quality of
education has been matched b y a duality of culture. ' T h e whole complexion
of life', to quote Philippe Aries again, 'has been changed by the difference
in schooling given to middle class children and working class children'.3
Culture, whose function it w a s if not to unify at least to m a k e c o m m u n i cation possible, takes on a differentiating function. 'It is not quite true,'
writes E d m o n d Goblot, 'that the bourgeoisie exists only in the practice
of society and not in law. T h e lyce makes it a legal institution. T h e baccalaurat is the real barrier, the official, State-guaranteed barrier, which holds
back the invasion. True, you m a y join the bourgeoisie, butfirstyou have,
to get the baccalaurat.'* T h e 'liberal' culture of the humanist traditions
with Latin its keystone a n d the social 'signum' par excellence, constitutes
the difference while at the s a m e time giving it the semblance of legitimacy.
' W h e n , instead of thinking of his individual interests, he (a m e m b e r of the
bourgeoisie) thinks of his class interests, he needs a culture that marks out
an elite, a culture that is not purely utilitarian, a luxury culture. Otherwise, he would fast become indistinguishable from the section of the working
classes that manages to gain a n education by sheer hard work and intelligence and goes o n to lay siege to the professions. T h e educational background of a middle class child w h o will not work, despite the educational
resources of the lyce, will not bear comparison with that of a working class
child w h o studies hard with nothing but the resources of the senior

1.
2.
3.
4.

P . Aris, L'enfant et la vie familiale sous l'Ancien Rgime, Pion, Paris, 1960, p . 375.
ibid.
ibid., p. 376.
E . Goblot, La barrire et le niveau, tude sociologique sur la bourgeoisie franaise, Alean,
1930, p. 126.

Pierre Bourdieu

35a

primarys chool. E v e n w h e n schooling leads nowhere professionally, there

fore, it is still useful in maintaining the barrier.1
T h e school's function is not merely to sanction the distinctionin both
senses of the wordof the educated classes. T h e culture that it imparts
separates those receiving it from the rest of society by a whole series of
systematic differences. Those whose 'culture' (in the ethnologists' sense)
is the academic culture conveyed by the school have a system of categories
of perception, language, thought and appreciation that sets them apart
from those whose only training has been through their work and their
social contacts with people of their o w n kind. Just as Basil Bernstein
contrasts the 'public language' of the working classes, employing descriptive rather than analytical concepts, with a more complex 'formal language',
m o r e conducive to verbal elaboration and abstract thought, w e might
contrast an academic culture, confined to those w h o have been long subjected to the disciplines of the school, with a 'popular' culture, peculiar
to those w h o have been excluded from it, were it not that, by using the
same concept of culture in both cases, w e should be in danger of concealing
that these two systems of patterns of perception, language, thought, action
and appreciation are separated b y a n essential difference. This is that only
the system of patterns cultivated by the school, i.e., academic culture (in
the subjective sense of personal cultivation or Bildung in G e r m a n ) , is organized primarily by reference to a system of works embodying that culture,
by which it is both supported and expressed. T o speak of 'popular' culture
suggests that the system of patterns that makes u p the culture (in the subjective sense) of the working classes could or should, in circumstances that
are never specified, constitute a culture (in the objective sense) by being
embodied in 'popular' works, giving the populace expression in accordance with the patterns of language and thought that define its culture
(in the subjective sense). This amounts to asking the populace to take over
the intention and means of expression of academic culture (as the proletarian writers d o , whether of middle class or working class extraction) to
express experience structured b y the patterns of a culture (in the subjective
sense) to which that intention and those means are essentially alien. It is
then quite obvious that 'popular' culture is, by definition, deprived of the
objectification, and indeed of the intention of objectification, by which
academic culture is defined.

Schooling and

the intellectual make-up of a nation

Like a great m a n y features by which 'schools of thought' and 'intellectual

clans' in the s a m e society m a y be recognized, m a n y national characteristics of intellectual activity must be referrred back to the traditions of
educational systems which o w e their specific character to national history
i. E . Goblot, op. cit. pp. 125-6.

Systems of education and systems of thought

353

and, m o r e especially, to their specific history within that national history.

In the absence of a comparative study of the specific history of different
educational systems, a history of the intellectual patterns (or, to put it
another w a y , of the patent and latent programmes of thinking), that each
school transmits implicitly or explicitly in every age (history of curricula,
of teaching methods a n d of the ecological conditions in which teaching is
carried out, of the types and subjects of exercices, of treatises of rhetoric
and stylistics, etc.), w e are obliged to m a k e do with a partial treatment
bearing on the French educational system alone. T o account for such traits
as the fondness for abstraction or the cult of brilliance and distinguished
performance that are c o m m o n l y regarded as part of the 'intellectual m a k e up' of the French, w e must surely relate them to the specific traditions of
the French educational system. At the end of a study in which he shows the
extent of the influence of Aristotle's thought on French seventeenth century
literature, Etienne Gilson concludes: 'Abstraction is, for Aristotle and
the Schoolmen, the distinctive act of h u m a n thought and . . . if the
essence of the classical spirit was the tendency to generalize and abstract
the essence of things, it was perhaps because, for several centuries, young
Frenchmen had been taught that the very essence of thought was to abstract
and generalize.'1 Similarly, instead of relating the professorial cult of
verbal prowess to the national cult of artistic or military prowess, as
J. R . Pitts does,2 should w e not rather look for the cause in teaching traditions? Ernest R e n a n does so: ' T h e French educational system has patterned itself too closely o n the Jesuits, with their dull eloquence and Latin
verse; it is too reminiscent of the rhetoricians of the later R o m a n Empire.
T h e weakness of the French, which is their urge to hold forth, their tendency to reduce everything to declamation, is encouraged by the persistence of part of the French educational system in overlooking the substance
of knowledge and valuing only style a n d talent.'3 R e n a n foreshadows what
Durkheim w a s to say in his Evolution Pdagogique en France, where he sees
in the 'pseudo-humanistic teaching' of the Jesuits and the 'literary-mindedness' that it encourages one of the basic ingredients of the French intellectual temperament. 'Protestant France in thefirsthalf of the seventeenth
century was in process of doing what Protestant G e r m a n y did in the second
half of the eighteenth century. All over the country there was, as a result,
an admirable m o v e m e n t of discussion a n d investigation. It was the age of
Casaubon, Scaliger and Saumaise. T h e revocation of the Edict of Nantes
destroyed all this. It killed studies in historical criticism in France. Since
the literary approach alone was encouraged, a certain frivolity resulted.
Holland a n d G e r m a n y , in part thanks to our exiles, acquired a nearmonopoly of learning. It was decided from then on that France should be
above all a nation of wits, of good writers, brilliant conversationalists, but

i. E . Gilson, ' L a scolastique et l'esprit classique', in Les ides et les lettres, Paris, Vrin, 1955,
p. 257.
2. J. R . Pitts, A la recherche de la France, Paris, Seuil, 1963, p . 273.
3 E . Renan, Questiotis contemporaines, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, n.d., p . 79.

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Pierre Bourdieu

inferior in knowledge of things and liable to all the blunders that can be
avoided only by breadth of learning and maturity of judgement.' 1 A n d
Renan, like Durkheim after him, notes that 'the system of French education
created after the Revolution under the n a m e of universit in fact derives far
more from the Jesuits than from the old universities',8 as can be seen from
its handling of literary material. 'It (the university) uses a superabundance
of classical material but without applying the literary spirit that would
bring it to life; the ancient forms are in daily use, passing from hand to
hand; but antiquity's sense of beauty is absolutely lacking . . .; never does
the arid exercise of the intellect give place to a vital nourishment of the
spiritual m a n . . . . All that is learnt is a remarkable skill in concealing from
oneself and others that the dazzling shell of high-flown expression is empty
of thought. A narrow, formalistic outlook is the characteristic feature of
education in France.' 3 This is the very language used by Durkheim: ' T h e
tremendous advantage of a scientific education is that it forces m a n to
c o m e out of himself and brings him into touch with things; it thereby
makes him aware of his dependence on the world about h i m . T h e "arts"
m a n or the pure humanist, o n the other hand, never in his thinking comes
up against anything resistant to which he can cling and with which he can
feel at one: this opens wide the door to a more or less elegant dilettantism
but leaves m a n to his o w n devices, without attaching h i m to any external
reality, to any objective task.'4 This literary teaching, based on the idea
that h u m a n nature is 'eternal, immutable, independent of time and space,
since it is unaffected by the diversity of circumstances and places', has,
according to Durkheim, left its stamp on the intellectual temperament of
the French, inspiring a 'constitutional cosmopolitanism', 'the habit of
thinking of m a n in general terms' (of which 'the abstract individualism
of the eighteenth century is an expression') and 'the inability to think in
any other than abstract, general, simple terms'.8
Renan also points out h o w the institutional conditions in which teaching
was given after the Revolution helped to strengthen the tendency towards
literary showing-off.9 'Twice a week, for an hour at a stretch, the professor
had to appear before an audience m a d e u p at random and often changing
completely from one lecture to the next. H e had to speak without any
regard for the special needs of the students, without finding out what they
knew or did not know. . . . Long scientific deductions, necessitating following a whole chain of reasoning, had to be ruled out . . . . Laplace, if
he had taught in such establishments, would certainly not have had more
i.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

E . Renan, op. cit. p. 80.

ibid., p. 81, N o . 1.
ibid., p. 277.
E . Durkheim, L'volution pdagogique en France, Alean, Vol. II, p. 55.
ibid., II, pp. 128-32.
B y making the formal lecture the type of teaching with the highest prestige, the French
system of education encourages works of a certain kind and intellectual qualities of a certain kind, pre-eminent importance being attached to qualities of exposition. Considerations should be given to the question whether an institution such as the British lecture
system is associated with other habits of thought and other values.

Systems of education and systems of thought

355

than a dozen students. O p e n to all, having become the scene of a kind of

rivalry inspired by the a i m of drawing and holding the public, what kind
of lectures were therefore given? Brilliant expositions, 'recitations' in
the manner of the declamators of the later R o m a n Empire. . . . A G e r m a n
visitor attending such lectures is astounded. H e arrives from his university,
where he has been accustomed to treat his professor with the greatest respect. This professor is a Hofrat and some days he sees the Prince ! H e is an
earnest m a n whose utterances are all worth attention, and takes himself
extremely seriously. Here, everything is different. T h e swing-door which,
throughout the lecture, is forever opening and closing, the perpetual coming
and going, the casualness of the students, the lecturer's tone, which is
hardly ever didactic though sometimes declamatory, his knack for finding
the sonorous commonplace which, bringing nothing n e w , is unfailingly greeted with acclaim by his audienceall this seems queer and outrageous.'1
A n d w e can only agree with R e n a n once more w h e n , reviewing a book by
a G e r m a n observer, Ludwig H a h n , 2 he shows that such a procedure for
selection as the competitive examination merely accentuates the weight
and advantage given to qualities of form: 'It is most regrettable that the
competitive examination is the only means of qualifying for a teaching post
in secondary schools, and that practical skill allied to sufficient knowledge
is not accepted for this purpose. T h e m e n with the most experience of
education, those w h o bring to their difficult duties not brilliant gifts, but
a sound intellect combined with a little slowness and diffidence will always,
in public examinations, c o m e below the young m e n w h o can amuse their
audience and their examiners but w h o , though very good at talking their
w a y out of difficulties, have neither the patience nor thefirmnessto be good
teachers.'3 R e n a n finds everywhere signs of this tendency to prefer eloquence to truth, style to content. 'The institution to which France has c o m mitted the recruitment of its secondary and university teachers, the Ecole
Normale, has, on the arts side, been a school of style, not a school where
things are learnt. It has produced delightful journalistic writers, engaging
novelists, subtle intellects in the most varied linesin short, everything
but m e n possessing a sound knowledge of languages and literatures. O n
the pretext of keeping to general truths concerning ethics and taste, minds

1. E . Renan, op. cit. pp. 90-1.

2. L . H a h n , Das Unterrichtswesen in Frankreich, mit einer Geschichte der Pariser Universitt,
Breslau, 1848.
3. li. Renan, 'L'instruction publique en France juge par les Allemands', Questions Contemporaines, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, n.d., p. 266. It would be easy to show h o w the values involved
in the selection system govern the whole of intellectual life owing to the fact that, since, as
they are deeply interiorized, they dominate the relationship of every creator with his work.
This would explain, for example, the evolution of the thesis for the doctorate: individuals
fashioned by a system requiring from each the unmatchable perfection that can give top
place in competitive examinations are inclined to m a k e steadily greater demands on themselves; thus, despite the ritual character of the actual ordeal of upholding the thesis, the
authors of 'theses for the doctorate' set out, at it were, to outdo each other in intellectual
ambition, erudition and lengthiness, devoting ten tofifteenyears to producing their professional masterpiece.

356

Pierre Bourdieu

have been confined to the commonplace.' 1 It is indeed in the traditions of

the school, and in the attitude to scholastic matters that the school fosters,
that thefirstcause of what M a d a m e de Stal called 'le pdantisme de la
lgret' should be sought. T o quote R e n a n again: ' T h e word pedantry,
which, if not clearly defined, can be so misapplied and which, to superficial minds, is m o r e or less synonymous with any serious scholarly research,
has thus become a bogey to sensitive and discriminating people, w h o have
often preferred to remain superficial rather than to lay themselves open
to this most dreaded charge. This scruple has been taken to such a point
that extremely distinguished critics have been k n o w n deliberately to leave
what they are saying incomplete rather than use a word smacking of the
schools, even though it is the appropriate one. Scholastic jargon, w h e n
there is n o thought behind it or w h e n it is merely used, by people of limited
intelligence, to show off, is pointless and ludicrous. But to seek to proscribe
the precise, technical style which alone can express certain fine or deep
shades of thought is to fall into an equally unreasonable purism. K a n t and
Hegel, or even minds as independent of the schools as Herder, Schiller and
Goethe, would certainly not, at this rate, escape our terrible accusation
of pedantry. Let us congratulate our neighbours on their freedom from
these shackles, which would nevertheless, it must be said, be less harmful
to them than to us. In their country, the school and learning touch; in
ours, any higher education which, in manner, still smacks of the secondary
school is adjudged bad form and intolerable; it is thought to be intelligent
to set oneself above anything reminiscent of the classroom. Everyone plumes
himself a little on this score and thinks, in so doing, to prove that he is
long past the school-teaching stage.'2
Because they always relate the 'intellectual m a k e - u p ' of the French to
the institutional conditions in which it is formed, Renan's and Durkeim's
analyses represent a decisive contribution to the sociology of the intellectual
m a k e - u p of a nation. Although the school is only one socializing institution
a m o n g others, the whole complex of features forming the intellectual m a k e u p of a societyor more exactly of the educated classes of that society
is constituted or reinforced by the educational system, which is deeply
marked by its particular history a n d capable of moulding the minds of
those w h o are taught and those w h o teach both through the content and
spirit of the culture that it conveys and through the methods by which it
conveys it. A good m a n y of the differences dividing intellectual universes
differences in intellectual and linguistic patterns, like the techniques of
composition and exposition, and m o r e especially in the intellectual frame
of reference (discernable, for example, through implicit or explicit, optional
or inevitable quotations)could be linked u p with the academic traditions of the various nations and, m o r e specifically, with the creative
i. E . Renan, op. cit. p. 94. It would be easy to show that there are affinities between the values
directing educational activity and the values of the educated classes (cf. P . Bourdieu and
J. C . Passeron, Les hritiers, les tudiants et la culture, ditions de Minuit, Paris, 1964).
2. E . Renan, L'avenir de la science, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, 1890, p. 116.

Systems of education a n d systems of thought

357

thinker's relationship with his national academic tradition, which depends,

basically, on his educational background. M a n y of the distinguishing
features of English 'positivism' or French 'rationalism' are surely nothing
other than the tricks and mannerisms of the schools? Does not the ranking
of intellectual activities (according to the degree of formalization, accessibility, abstraction and generality, or according to literary quality), which
is implicitly and even explicitly conveyed and sanctioned by each scholastic tradition and finds concrete expression in the ranking of academic
disciplines at any given point in time, govern intellectual productions just
as m u c h as the precepts of rhetoric inspired by the same values, which
encourage or discourage, for instance, abstract treatment not based on
examples, conceptual a n d syntactic esoterism, or stylistic elegance? Similarly, in each historical society, the ranking of questions worthy of interest
determines a great m a n y choices that are felt as 'vocations' and directs the
keenest intellectual ambitions towards the subjects of study carrying most
prestige. American sociologists regard the sociology of knowledge as 'a
marginal speciality with a persistent European flavour'1 because this
branch of science is still dominated b y an 'original constellation of problems', by a tradition perpetuated b y education in Europe and still alive
for European sociologists, w h o are m o r e often inclined, because of their
philosophical training, to state in sociological terms the traditional philosophical problem of the conditions in which objective knowledge is possible a n d the limits to such knowledge. T h e same logic should no doubt
apply to m a n y of the 'influences' that the historians of literature delight
in detecting between authors, schools or periods, presupposing affinities at
the level of thought patterns and problem approach a n d also, in s o m e
cases, a collective interest in groups or nations which are implicity credited
with legitimacy. T h e feeling of familiarity conveyed b y certain works or
certain intellectual themes, and conducive to their wide dissemination, is
probably largely due to the fact that minds organized in accordance with
the same p r o g r a m m e have no difficulty in 'finding their bearings' with
them. W o u l d Heisenberg's Uncertainty Principle have had such a success
in textbook literature if it had not landed, just at the right time, on a terrain already marked out between the determinism and the freedom of philosophy dissertations?2

i. ' T h e sociology of knowledge remained of peripheral concern a m o n g sociologists at large,

w h o did not share the particular problems that troubled German thinking in the 1920s.'
This w a s especially true of American sociologists w h o have in the main looked upon the
discipline as a marginal speciality with a persistent European flavour. More importantly,
however, the continuing linkage of the sociology of knowledge with its original constellation
of problems has been a theoretical weakness even where there has been an interest in the
discipline' (P. L . Berger and T h o m a s L u c k m a n n , The Social Construction of Reality, N e w
York, Doubleday and C o . , 1966, p . 4).
2. However great the affinities, borrowings are always reinterpreted b y reference to the
structures into which they are incorporated, that is, in this instance, to the patterns of
thought peculiar to each national tradition (we need only think, for example, of the changes
undergone by Hegel's philosophy in France), even when, as in the case of the philosophical
writings of phenomenological inspiration whichflourishedin France after 1945, the native

358

Pierre Bourdieu

'Because w e were all children before reaching man's estate, and for a
long time were governed by our appetites and our tutors, often at variance
with one another, neither, perhaps, always giving us the best of advice,
it is almost impossible for our opinions to be as clear or as sound as they
would have been had w e had full use of our reason from the m o m e n t of
our birth and had w e never been guided by anything other than it.'1 Descartes' utopia of innate culture, of natural culture, leads to the core of the
contradiction denning the individual's relationship with his culture. A s
the light dove might imagine that it would fly better in a vacuum, the
thinking individual likes to dream of thinking free from this unthought
deposit that has formed within him, under the rod of his mentors, and
which underlies all his thoughts.
'I received', says Husserl, 'the education of a G e r m a n , not that of a
Chinaman. But m y education was also that of the inhabitant of a small
town, with a h o m e background, attending a school for children of the
lower middle class, not that of a country landowner's son educated at a
military college.'3 Like Descartes, Husserl invites his readers to think about
the paradoxes of finitude. T h e individual w h o attains an immediate,
concrete understanding of the familiar world, of the native atmosphere
in which and for which he has been brought up, is thereby deprived of the
possibility of appropriating immediately and fully the world that lies outside. Access to culture can never be more than access to one culturethat
of a class and of a nation. N o doubt someone born outside w h o wishes to
understand the universe of the Chinese or of the Junker class can start his
education again from scratch on the Chinese or Junker model ('for example
by trying', as Husserl says, 'to learn the content of the curriculum of the
military college'), but such mediate, knowing acquisition will always differ
from an immediate familiarity with the native culture, in the same w a y as
the interiorized, subconscious culture of the native differs from the objectified culture reconstructed by the ethnologist.
forms of thought and indeed of language follow, even in their detail, the linguistic and verbal
patterns of the imported philosophy, to such a point that they seem to be aping the
labourious clumsiness of literal rather than literary translations.
1. R . Descartes, Discours de la mthode, Part II.
2. E . Husserl, A VII, 9, p. 15, quoted by R . Toulemont, L'essence de la socit selon Husserl,
Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1962, p. 191.

Pierre Bourdieu is Director of Studies of the cole Pratique des Hautes tudes, Paris, and
Deputy Director of its Centre for European Sociology. He is the author of'Les hritiers: les
tudiants et la culture, with J. C. Passeron (ig64); L ' a m o u r d e l'art: les muses et
leur public (ig66): and co-author / U n art m o y e n : essai sur les usages sociaux d e
la photographie (1965).

Foreign study and modernization:

the transfer of technology
through education 1
Albert E . Gollin

The challenges posed by new nations in process or pursuit of modernization have turned the
attention of aid planners and theorists to the strategic role ployed by education in developing
human resources. Foreign study is one means of transferring technology and knowledge. Systematic data are lacking on its actual consequences in relation to other assistance strategies or to
the societal context of the returned student. Findings from an evaluation study of recipients
of United States technical training from twenty-nine countries are used to shed light on the
transfer process. Underlying institutional arrangements emerge as significant influences upon
the outcomes of this mode of inducing technological change.

Education and development: the h u m a n resources problem

T h e comparative analysis of the functions of education a n d formal training
for the modernization process in less developed countries has been a recent
development. In the period of Europe's post-war reconstruction a n d the
renaissance of its nations' economies, the comparative social scientist
w o r k e d with a m o d e l of the development process in w h i c h inevitably the
e c o n o m y occupied the central place. T h e economic m o d e l w h i c h guided
development planning a n d the formulation of aid p r o g r a m m e s identified capital formation a n d investment as the principal m e c h a n i s m s b y
w h i c h development goals could b e achieved. A n d it w a s difficult to argue
with the success with w h i c h the application of this m o d e l w a s c r o w n e d :
the supplying of capital through the Marshall Plan quite rapidly brought
about massive changes in the structure a n d pace of E u r o p e a n economic
life. This theoretical s c h e m e , as m a n y pointed out, however, did not incorporate adequately a host of social factors, notably the extent to w h i c h
Europe's rebirth hinged u p o n its long history of building u p a w i d e range
i. This grew out of earlier work by the writer on the evaluation of a United States
technical training programme administered by the Agency for International Development.
Data reported here stem from that study; the responsibility for analysis and interpretation
rests with the writer. The full study is reported in the writer's monograph, The Transfer
and Use of Development Skills, and in four briefer regional reports published by the Office
of International Training of AID.

Int. Soc. Sei. J., VoL X I X , No. 3, 1967

36o

Albert E . Gollin

of relevant skills and institutions a m o n g its population. 'Europe', it has

been said, 'did not have to be invented; it only had to be remembered.'
(Perkins, 1966, p. 609.)
But the rise of n e w nations in the Third World posed n e w types of developmental problems for which capital formation or investment schedules
no longer seemed adequate, either in concept or practice, as the main
mechanism for achieving the goals of rapid modernization being proclaimed (if not always pursued) by their leaders. Quite often, capital
assistance could not be productively employed owing to deficiencies in
certain aspects of the relevant social organization. A more complex model
was needed which viewed development as a process of'social mobilization'
(Deutsch, 1961 ). T h e societal functions, both diffuse and specific, subserved by education (especially higher education and specialized training)
attracted growing attention on the part of planners. Influential economic
theorists showed a renewed interest in problems of investment in education
and in the concept o f ' h u m a n capital' (Schultz, 1961; Becker, 1964), stimulated in large part by the insistent challenges to conventional economic
wisdom presented by underdeveloped nations. T h e crucial role of h u m a n
resources in economic development became a c o m m o n theme in the analysis of the plight of underdeveloped nations, one which transcended ideological differences. O n e has only to compare the following two excerpts,
chosen from m a n y of a similar character.
' A solution to thefinancialproblems . . . is in itself clearly insufficient. . . .
Without creating a broad base of necessary personnel and specialists, . . .
without a skilled labour force, n o country can achieve genuine independence. Plants and factories are built by people, technical improvements
are m a d e by people, machines are operated by workers and at the helm of
production is a manager. All require education and training.' (Rimalov,
n.d. (1961?), p . 58.)
' T o develop the kinds of m e n and organizations which modern economic
activity requires is . . . (a) major precondition for initiating take-off. N o
matter h o w m u c h external aid in the form of foreign exhange m a y be
available . . . there must be m e n on the spot in sufficient numbers to supply
managerial, technical and mechanical skills. . . . {Centre for International
Studies, M I T , i960, p. 1122.)
This consensus in the formulations of Soviet and United States analysts
of one precondition for development was not based on commonly-held
theoretical principles. It arose in large part, it m a y be suggested, from the
experience gained in grappling with the practical problems and requirements of aid programmes undertaken during the period of intense EastWest competition for the support or favour of the Third World. T h e need
to provide technical assistance to accompany other forms of development
aid became increasingly apparent, and cast into sharper relief the h u m a n
resources development problem. Education and training c a m e to be seen
as one proximate solution.
A number of theoretical and practical difficulties arise in assigning to

Foreign study and modernization of technology

361

educational institutions the dynamic functions of helping to provide both

the wherewithal and the thrust for the modernization of traditional societies.
Sociological analysis usually attributes two primary functions (both shared
with other institutions) to the educational institutions of a society: the
integrative one of transmitting the cultural heritage through the socialization of the young, a n d the instrumental function of channelling its
m e m b e r s into positions in the existing social structure (Eisenstadt, 1964).
Increasingly, advanced industrial societies assign these functions to their
formal educational systems, which characteristically respond rather slowly
in meeting the altered requirements imposed upon them b y the pace of
technological or social change, or in adapting their structure at the urging
of political leadership. T h u s , education's contributions to the evolution
of national societies, while in some senses fundamental, are primarily
cumulative a n d slow-acting. T o what extent, then, can education be e m ployed as a tool for rapid social change a n d economic growth?
T h e attempt to answer this question underlies m u c h recent work in
educational planning and has produced a good deal of research and speculation o n the links between education and development (Anderson,
1963; Anderson and B o w m a n , 1965; Coleman, 1965; Hoselitz, 1965;
Piatt, 1965). In m u c h of this literature education is viewed in its instrumental guise; that is, its significance for the economic structure and its
occupational requirements. In supplying itself with professionals, trained
specialists and skilled workers, a nation is confronted with various ' m a k e
or buy' decisions. It can seek to create or expand an indigenous capacity
for producing people with the needed skills and knowledge; it can import
expatriate experts to set u p or operate development projects (including
those in the area of education); or it can send its citizens abroad for training or education.
All of these paths have well-recognized advantages a n d drawbacks
(Anderson, 1964; Maddison, 1965). For example, building u p local educational facilities, while perhaps preferable from a long-term perspective,
is slow, costly and immediately raises a host of serious problems of priorities a m o n g educational levels or curricular emphases. W i t h respect to
higher education problems of selection arise and of controlling access
to scarce openings which will serve as obvious bases for the formation or
recruitment of n e w elites or cadres of experts (Coleman, 1965, Part III).
Expatriates, being in short supply, are also very costly and tend to arouse
negative feelings whatever the attitude they adopt towards their counterparts, their administrative superiors a n d those under their supervision.
A n d study or training abroad, although m o r e immediately available and
open to larger numbers, is in practice often wasteful. A frequent criticism
of training is that it is taken (or offered) in the 'wrong' subjects, or
leads to over-qualification in relation to h o m e country needs and conditions. This 'waste' of the foreign student's time and effort is variously
related to another loss, one experienced by his country whenever he, n o w
better trained or educated, prolongs his stay abroad or emigrates, thus

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Albert E . Gollin

becoming a part of the 'brain drain', the invisible reverse flow of aid from
the underdeveloped to the m o r e affluent nations (Dedijer, 1961; H e n derson, 1965; Perkins, 1966; Gollin, 1966).
In s u m , as the part played by h u m a n resources in the development
process and the facilitating or impeding effects of prevailing patterns of
culture a n d social structure have emerged into sharper prominence, the
instrumental value of education has b e c o m e a topic of great practical
import and also a significant issue for theories of developmental change.
T h e paucity of systematic and comparative data on the consequences of
various educational programmes and strategies has hampered the efforts
of planners a n d theorists alike. This article represents a modest effort to
supply some of the requisite data and to place them in sociological perspective.
Technical training as development assistance: concepts and programmes
T h e purposive transfer of technological skills and knowledge to less developed countries through training is a process which is here conceived of
as operating at two levels. At the individual level, it involves the acquisition of a body of knowledge and techniques necessary for performing
critical occupational roles. This can be seen primarily as a process of cognitive learning the successful outcome of which hinges mainly upon the
character of the trainees and the quality of instruction. (Its ultimate relevance is a separate issue, to be discussed below.) A m o r e complex aspect
of the process at this level is the 'resocialization' of those undergoing training. T h e values and motives of the trainees must be articulated closely
with the performance of their critical work roles. In the traditional sociological formulation, they must c o m e to want to do what, from the society's
stand-point, they have to do, if m a x i m u m social value is to be realized from
their efforts. W h e r e concepts of community are narrowly defined, a n d
work discipline variably adhered to, n e w concepts must be 'caught' b y
those w h o will serve as change agents. Implicit in the idea of foreign study
is the view that through an exposure to the values, norms and practices
of economically advanced societies the trainees m a y c o m e in time to change
their perspectives on their society, their w o r k roles or themselves in ways
which will strengthen their later effectiveness as change agents. Thus, the
process of 'enskilling people' (Lepawsky, 1961), from developing nations
requires a dual focus: o n substantive skills, and on the realm of attitudes
and values which can shape future conduct. In parallel with this distinction,
the thrust of training m a y be seen as having both a technical and a social
aspect, combining with the transfer of specific occupational techniques or
skills a grasp of the wider social systemespecially its organizational
componentwithin which such work roles are performed in the training
country.
At the institutional level, this conception of the transfer process seeks to
determine those elements specific to the occupational milieux of returned
trainees which crucially affect the outcome of the process. Analysis must

Foreign study and modernization of technology

363

include not only a careful initial definition of h o w the need for foreign
training relates to the actual work settings in which it is to be employed,
but also the identification of social forces impinging upon the work place
which m a y affect the activities of the trainees. A reductionist view of the
transfer process, one that identifies the individual trainee's ability, motivation and level of effort in his change-agent role as the principal determinants of effectiveness, is both inadequate in theory and misguided in
practice. Theory and research on the diffusion of innovations and processes of technological change bear ample witness to the often vital role of
social and cultural factors (Barnett, 1953; M e a d , 1955; Rogers, 1962;
Katz, 1963).
T o s u m u p briefly, our argument so far is that in order to foster technological change through a purposive transfer process, one must simultaneously seek: (a) through education a n d training, to equip properly those
w h o will perform key occupational roles; and (b) to identify and influence,
wherever possible, the institutional arrangements which they will confront
in ways favourable to the effective use of their training. Since the latter
is m o r e costly and difficult, involving complex and often delicate political
issues which are apt to arise in m a n y institution building aid programmes,
this goal is less likely to be attempted or achieved than the technical training of individuals. Its importance as a prime requisite for effective transfer,
as our findings will indicate, is not thereby diminished.
O n e of the principal strategies used by the aid-giving nations to meet the
h u m a n resources needs of developing nations has been to offer opportunities within their o w n borders for the education and training of foreign
nationals. T h e y have done so in a n u m b e r of ways; by expanding or earmarking educational facilities for them (e.g. L u m u m b a University in
M o s c o w ) ; by offering grants and fellowships; and m o r e indirectly by establishing immigration policies, or encouraging university admissions policies which d o not unduly restrict the entry of self-sponsored students.
This last-noted mechanism can serve as a reminder that a large amount
of educational 'assistance' has an unintended or unplanned character.
Official policies and programmes must interact with patterns in the international flow of students which have deep historical roots (Gass and Lyons,
1962). In the United States of America for example, governmental sponsorship (full or partial) of foreign students and trainees in 1965 accounted for
only 10 to 15 per cent of all those of foreign origin enrolled in institutions of
higher education. A n d in that year alone, the same n u m b e r of foreign
studentsabout 90,000were registered for training in the United States
as has been sponsored for non-military training during the almost twenty
year's history of United States programmes of technical assistance.
Participant training: antecedents and elements
T h e origin of United States government-sponsored training of foreign
nationals can be traced to a small p r o g r a m m e set u p by the Institute of

364

Albert E . Gollin

Inter-American Affairs in 1942 (Thomson and Laves, 1963). W a r - c o n nected projects in health and sanitation, agriculture, transportation and
education were undertaken in several countries of Latin America. A s part
of these projects thefirsttrainees, n o w termed 'participants', came to the
United States for advanced or specialized training. A major expansion
of technical training programmes which took place in the context of M a r shall Plan assistance to the nations of Western Europe had industrial productivity as a primary focus. T e a m s of managers and workers c a m e to
the United States often for lengthy periods of instruction in modern industrial practices and to gain practical experience. Military training programmes, m a n y of which had substantial carry-over effects for the civilian
economy, were also initiated or expanded.
T h e next spur to the use of technical training and education as a m o d e
of development assistance was the enunciation of Point Four in President
Truman's Inaugural Speech in 1949, and as part of United States support for the programmes of international agencies. Aid policies for the
steadily growing ranks of new nations in succeeding years were framed
largely in the language of development assistance; education and training
programmes bulked large in such pronouncements. Since 1955, with the
founding of the International Co-operation Administration (now
AID)
about 5,000 to 6,000 participants from over eighty countries annually have
taken some form of technical training in the U . S . A . ; large numbers have
also been trained in their o w n countries or in regional centres.
In their early years, such assistance programmes seem rarely to have
been guided by any inclusive, carefully worked out schemes of m a n p o w e r
planning. Nor did the rhetoric used to describe them include reference to
'the development of h u m a n resources' as an underlying concept (Harbison and Myers, 1964). Most were undertaken because of their obvious
short-run practical value as adjuncts to massive programmes of economic
and military assistance. T h e political gains which might accrue to the
U . S . A . from such exchanges seem to have been considered of minor and
fluctuating importance. T h e actual employment of foreign study as a
means of fostering technological change, in fact preceded the formulation
of any consistent and over-arching rationale for doing so (Powelson, 1964).
In i960 a co-ordinated series of evaluation and follow-up studies were
begun by A I D in order to ascertain the views of returned participants on
the quality and, more important, the subsequent occupational relevance of
their training. Interviews were held with them on their o w n soil, using a
standard schedule translated into the most appropriate language. Answers
were then coded in accordance with methods and procedures designed to
ensure a m a x i m u m of comparability of findings a m o n g the co-operating
countries. Data from surveys with former participants from twenty-nine
countries (grouped here into four regions), completed at various points in
time between i960 and 1963, provide an empirical basis for the discussion
which follows. (See Table 1.)
In this context, one can identify only some of the issues toward which

Foreign study and modernization of technology

365

T A B L E I. Participants surveyed in evaluation study of United States technical

training by country
Participants
Region1 and country

Number
interviewed

Weighted'
number

Weighted
per cent

Latin America
Brazil
Bolivia
Chile
Peru
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Nicaragua
Jamaica
British Honduras
British Guiana
Surinam
Total

538
701
4.27

500

390
388
182
122

78
8l
73
3480

2 046
332
1 153

29
19
17

800
507
504
309

12

122
IOI

2
1
1
1

97
80

7
7
4

7051

Far East
Philippines
Thailand
Taiwan
South Korea
Viet-Nam
Total

510
512

619

1 734
1 690
1 609

524
402

1 53
804

567

6990

25
24
23
16
12
IOO

Near East - South Asia

India
Turkey
Pakistan
Iran
Greece
Jordan
Israel
Egypt
Total

1 449
1 207
610

54 !

1 594
1 569

21
21

1 281
920

17
12
10

217

781
508
443
434

59

7530

100

454
97
147

636
560
315
9

35
3"
17

100

100

n
6

1 802

IOO

372
254
369

7
6
6

North Africa
Tunisia
Libya
Ethiopia
Morocco
Sudan
Total

224

1 122

i. These regions are defined in accordance with geographic categories used by the United States Government.
2. Sampling was done in most countries: the numbers interviewed in each were up weigh ted to correspond
to the total of eligible participants at the time of the surveys (1960-63).

366

Albert E . Gollin

the survey was oriented and allude to a few detailed findings. Fuller documentation is available elsewhere (Gollin, 1966 b ) . T h e patterning of
results to be discussed obtains in varying degrees across the four geographic
regions, despite their m a n y specific differences, lending greater generality
to these findings.

Selected findings from the survey

Participants and their instructional programmes
Participants were predominantly m e n ; two-thirds were of the age range
30 to 50 w h e n selected, with a median age of 35. U p w a r d s of three-quarters
were government employees, occupying administrative positions at the
middle and upper ranks of their governmental structure, or working as
professionals or technicians. T h e y were a well seasoned group, averaging
eight years of experience in their most recent occupational specialty w h e n
selected. A s a group they were and are clearly occupying positions of great
strategic value in development planning, a n d in staffing or implementing
projects in every field of activity. Their concentration in the government
reflects its central role in development activities in most underdeveloped
nations, as well as the selection emphases characteristic of a governmentto-government programme.
This assistance programme can be distinguished from m a n y other United
States educational exchange programmes not only by the maturity of its
participants but also by their high levels of prior educational attainment.
M o r e than half held university orfirstprofessional degrees; relatively few
had taken no post-secondary training at all. Trainees from North African
countries stand out as exceptions; they were m u c h younger, lower in occupational status and m u c h less well educated prior to being selected for
training, reflecting in part the severe limitation of educational opportunities in those countries.
Programmes of training were determined in large part by trainees' status
and achievements, and b y the anticipated skill requirements of specific
jobs or assistance projects for which training was deemed necessary. T h e
training of most individuals was, ideally at least, 'hand-tailored' in advance,
with its relevance certified as part of the process of programming. T h e
largest numbers were trained in the fields of agriculture, education, industry a n d mining, health, transportation and public administration. T h e
United States was the major locus for such training; together with Puerto
Rico it received more than five out of six trainees.
T h e responsibility for instruction was delegated by A I D , in a majority
of cases, to other United States federal a n d state agencies (e.g. the Federal
Aviation Agency, Bureau of the Census), and to several hundred universities and colleges, under contracts with A I D or its predecessor agencies.
Industrial firms and other private organizations also provided training.
A s a result of this decentralized approach, problems of co-ordination,

Foreign study and modernization of technology

367

T A B L E 2. Selected characteristics of recipients of United States technical training

by region (in percentages)
Region1
Characteristic

Latin
America
(N = 7051)'

Far
East
(N = 6 ooo)1

Near East
South Asia
(N = 7 530)'

North
Africa
(N = r 802)

8
23
43
26

5
17
44
34

8
17
45
30

35
26
27

88
12

86
4

92
8

96
4

6
30

7
40

11

24

7
19

41
11

40
9

4
8

2
2

49
8
3
5

30
'4
4
26

50
10
23
'7

69

7
6
13
10

11

7
29
53

73

70
'4

83

81

12

8
8

Age
Under 25
25-29
30-39
40 and over

12

Sex
Men
Women
Occupational status
Executives, administrators
Middle managers, officials
Professions: engineers, scientists,
teachers
Sub-professions, technicians
Foremen, supervisors
Artisans, workers, others
Prior education
University degree (s)
University attended
Special schooling, e.g., trades
N o university or special schooling

II

3
7

Employer
Government
Nationalized industry
Private business, professions
Other (e.g., student, unions)

18
8

1
12

1. See Table i for list of countries in each region.

2. These are weighted numbers of participants, taking account of various sampling ratios in each country
Those w h o were N A on an item are excluded from the base for percentaging.
3. Less than 0.5 per cent.

timing, and of gaps between the expected a n d actual substance of training

were predictable and in fact occurred. But the data show that such administrative problems had few results of any consequence. 'Social adjustment'
is also a rather inconsequential problem area for these participants. C o n trary to s o m e of the findings of empirical research on foreign students in
the United States in the preceding decade, w h o were younger, less deeply
settled into careers or otherwise less socially integrated (Selltiz, 1963), there
w a s little or n o relationship between the few available measures of social
adjustment in these surveys and participants' evaluations of the worth or
the occupational outcomes of their training. This can be attributed in

Albert E . Gollin

368

large part to the maturity of the participants and the m o r e structured, purposive character of their training sojourn.
Programmes are of three basic types: observation tours, usually lasting
two to four months, taken by three-quarters of the trainees; on-the-job practical training, usually between four and twelve months, taken by twofifths; and university studies, usually lasting nine to eighteen months (or
longer) taken by one-half. A majority of programmes actually consisted
of a combination of these types; the average length of stay abroad was nine
months. Orientation, h o m e visits and various cultural and social events
were interwoven with the technical training, making for a diversified and,
it is hoped a m o r e pleasant American sojourn.
T A B L E 3. Aspects of programmes taken by recipients of United States technical
training, by region (in percentages)
Region1
Training programme

Far

North

Latin
America
(N = 7051)'

East
(N = 6990)11

Near East
South Asia
(N = 7 530)1

24

22

32

9
9

19

12

24
23

17

10

18

lo
'4
3

10
12

10
2

8
9
5

8
4
3

3
4

10

Africa
(N = 1 802)"

Field of training
Agriculture
Education
Industry and mining
Public administration
Health and sanitation
Transport and communications
Labour
C o m m u n i t y Development
and welfare
Others

12

11

10

28

15

17

11

10

21

8
6
35

38

25

41

32

31
32

63
46
43

73

73
54
46

66
59
47

Duration of training
U p to two months
T w o to four months
Four to six months
Six to twelve months
Twelve months and more

"5

Types of programme3
Observation tours
University studies
On-the-job Training

52

44

i. See Table i for list of countries in each region.

2. These are weighted numbers of participants, taking account of various sampling ratios in each country.
Those who were N A on an item were excluded from the base in percentaging.
3. A majority of participants' training combined more than one type of programme.

O n l y brief mention need be m a d e here of several findings bearing o n

the perceived quality and effectiveness of the instructional programmes.
First, language facility, in this case English, is a n obvious precondition for

Foreign study and modernization of technology

369

effective cognitive transfer, and this presented a problem of one kind or

another for almost half of the participants. T h e only effective antidote
would seem to be found in the selection process; the provision of special
language tutoring appeared to have m e t with only limited success for
these relatively short-term trainees. A second problem that has arisen in
connexion with specialized or technical training taken by foreign nationals
in advanced industrial countries is that such training is often too complex
or is ill-suited to the conditions with which trainees must later contend,
leaving them, as it were, 'fit in a n unfitfitness'.But despite the varying
circumstances in which they n o w find themselves and differences in their
prior education and experience, most participants did not express reservations concerning this aspect of their training. Four out offivejudged the
level of their training as appropriate. Their judgements tended to be confirmed by their work supervisors;five-sixthsof the participants' programmes
were adjudged 'suitable', in terms of their current work assignments, by
those supervisors w h o were interviewed.
A third problem in providing foreign study as a form of technical assistance is the potential conflict between the national interest and an individual's interest in earning a degree as a by-product or objective of his
p r o g r a m m e . That foreign students wish to end their study abroad in possession of a degree, both for its symbolic and its market value, is n o w true
the world over. T h e p r o g r a m m e under consideration here provided only
a minority (about one in eight) of its participants with the opportunity
to earn degrees for the most part at the Master's level. But both in their
perceptions of the career-enhancing value of such a degree a n d in their
stated preferences for m u c h longer programmes of training, it was clear
that the achievment of a degree was highly prized, and the chance to d o
so would have pleased most trainees greatly.
T h e chief virtue of a degree p r o g r a m m e in the trainee's eyes tends,
however, to be its defect with respect to national development: it can
measurably enhance the returnee's chances for occupational mobility,
which in turn m a y result in the loss of his potential contribution to development projects. Occupational mobility, often the primary hoped-for outcome
of the overseas sojourn, tends therefore to be dysfunctional for the effective
application of technological training in the service of development goals
(Foster, 1965).
It is clear from these data, however, that such mobility typically is neither an immediate consequence of training nor even a uniformly probable
fate of participants. Over one-third are still (in m a n y cases five or m o r e
years later) in the same job they held w h e n originally selected for training.
Another one-third have m o v e d , but only after returning initially to the
same job. Only in the case of those w h o were 'groomed' for a n e w position
through training does the p r o g r a m m e seem clearly to have served as a
channel for upward mobility. These objective data on job-changing are
confirmed by the opinions of the trainees themselves. N o m o r e than a third
expressly linked their training with subsequent occupational changes either

Albert E . Gollin

370

of a (usually) favourable or (infrequently) detrimental sort. T h e relationships b e t w e e n earning a degree in training, h o w e v e r , a n d b o t h its perceived
a n d actual consequences for mobility w e r e close a n d affirmative: the receipt
of a degree while in training measurably e n h a n c e d occupational mobility.
T h e relation b e t w e e n mobility a n d the effective use o f technical training
is a separate issue, to b e discussed below.
T A B L E 4 . Relation of training to occupational mobility, a n d to its perceived
career value b y participants: data grouped b y regions (in percentages)
Region1
Latin

Occupational aspect

America
(N = 7 051)'

F a r

N e a r

E a s t

N o r t h

East
(N = 6 990)'

South Asia
(N =- 7 530)

Africa
(N = t 802)

35

37

34

53

36
14

39
H

39

15

12
3

9
3

13

28
61
4
7

29

24

58
6
7

64
4
8

33
49
7

Patterns of mobility: selection, posttraining, current job3

Returned to same job, still in it
Returned to same job,
changed since
Returned to n e w , expected job
Returned to n e w ,
unexpected job
Unemployed, inactive

Career value: without training current

job would be*
Worse (training helped)
About the same
Better (training hurt)
Cannot say

11

x. See Table i for list of countries in each region.

2. These are weighted numbers of participants, taking account of various sampling ratios in each country.
Those who were N A on either item were excluded from the base in percentaging.
3. Data on jobs at three points in timeat selection, immediately upon return from training, and currently
reduced here to the dominant patterns of job-shifting with respect to the training interlude.
4. Question: 'Suppose you had not gone on this training programme, what kind of job do you think you
would now have?'

Utilization of training
T h e m a i n intended objective of foreign study as a m e c h a n i s m of m o d e r nization is that the returned participant p u t it 'to use in opportunities
w h e r e its use m a k e s a difference to the national society' (Smith, 1 9 6 4 ,
p . 6 8 ) . T h e use of a n educational experience, even o n e w h i c h is closely
linked with the performance of occupational roles, c a n h a v e several m e a n ings. It c a n m e a n simply doing the s a m e j o b better; or transforming the
character of the job; or instituting s o m e n e w service or procedure; or it
can m e a n teaching others, etc. Evidence of all these m o d e s of use appeared
in the interview data. F o r analytical purposes, h o w e v e r , use w a s conceptualized as a process involving a pattern of continuous e m p l o y m e n t ; the

Foreign study and modernization of technology

371

claimed (and validated) use, at least to some degree, of the training at

work; the claimed (and validated) transmittal to others of the substance
of training; and the existence of plans for further use.
E m p l o y m e n t has been continuous for almost all (96 per cent). A large
majority of participants claimed to have m a d e effective use of training in
their occupations. A b o u t half said they had m a d e extensive use, a n d
another quarter spoke of at least s o m e use of their training; only one in
five have m a d e little or no use of it. Most of those w h o claimed to have
utilized their training were able to specify the manner in which this was
done, along the lines noted above. M o r e than nine out of ten said they
had passed on some benefits of their training to others, primarily through
informal channels but also through lectures, formal training and in articles
or other writings. This widespread 'multiplier effect' of training was corroborated for the most part by data gathered from the former participants'
supervisors. Finally, over half of the participants still h a d some plans for
using their training; the longer they had been back from training, the less
likely was this to be so.
A n index was constructed of the participants' claimed levels of use of
training: at work and in conveying aspects of it to others. Those w h o did
both to a considerable degree were classified as 'high utilizers'. Other
combinations of responses were assigned to categories reflecting lower
levels of use. After validation, the index was used as the dependent variable
in a correlational analysis. Again, only a few results can be noted here in
a short-hand fashion. First, the m o r e 'professional' the character of
training (e.g. at universities, for longer periods) the higher the utilization.
This m a y be related, inferentially at least, to the nature of thefieldsin
which training was taken. Those trained in 'technology-oriented' fields
such as agriculture or health or transportation tend to show higher levels
of utilization than those in 'people-oriented'fieldssuch as public a d m i nistration, community development or labour (see Table 5 ) .
A second set of correlates had to d o primarily with the organizational
context of the participants. O n e key element was the trainee's supervisor:
where he was viewed as favourably disposed to the transfer process, utilization of training was appreciably m o r e likely to have taken place. T h e
supervisor's role is revealed in other data from the survey to be that of an
'organizational gatekeeper': the m o r e involved he was in the transfer and
adoption processselecting participants, planning their training, interacting with them after their returnthe greater the utilization. T w o
factors which in turn strongly influenced the supervisors' degree of involvement were whether or not a formal commitment h a d been secured in
advance as to h o w a subordinate's training would be used, and whether
or not the supervisor had himself been trained abroad. Both of these sets of
findings, centring on the function of supervisory authority as a key mediating
influence on the utilization of training, can be interpreted as empirical
confirmation of the view that variables linked with the trainee's organizational setting are crucial for the outcome of the technological transfer process.

Albert E . Gollin

372

T A B L E 5. Utilization of training by selected correlates or factors: proportion

w h o were 'high utilizers'1 in each region
Region*
Latin
America
(N = 7051)*

Correlate or factor

Far
East
(N = 6990)'

North

Near East
South Asia
(N = 7 530)*

Africa
(N = t 802)'

Type of programme*
University only
On-the-job training only
Observation tour only

49
40

34

53
39
34

32

21

38

30

10

33
47
51

3
34
36

10
22
21

Duration of training
U p to six months
Six months to one year
O n e year and more

36
40

48

Pattern of occupational mobility6

Returned to n e w , expected job
Returned to same job
Returned to n e w ,
unexpected job
Career value: without
current job would be'

Rated
Rated
Rated
Rated

as
as
as
as

50

41

46

34

30
'5

34

36

30

15

58
36
34

57

46

41

37

31
26

NA
NA
NA

60

62

46

38

35

27
25

35
23

28
24

38
33
43
44

36
45

training

Worse (training helped)

About the same
Better (training hurt)
Help from supervisor
training^

55
41

in using

very helpful
somewhat helpful
indifferent
not helpful

31
19

21

10
10

-.6
34
38

16
18
16

41

38

34

16

Time since completion of programme

U p to three years
Three to four years
Four to five years
Five years and more
Proportion 'High utilizers'

40

52

53
45

1. Proportion w h o have used training at work and instructed others to a considerable degree since their
return. (Those w h o have m a d e lesser use of their training are not shown.) Comparisons are m a d e only
with respect to this 'High utilizer* grouping as a proportion in each of the categories of the various crossrelated factors.
2. See Table i for list of countries in each region.
3. These are weighted numbers of participants, taking account of various sampling ratios in each country.
Those w h o were N A within each region on either utilization or the cross-related factor were excluded
from the base for percentaging.
4. These are only those w h o took programmes which were 'pure' in type, not combined with any other.
5. See Table 4, footnote 3, for further definition of these patterns.
6. See Table 4, footnote 4, for the source question.
7. Question: 'Your supervisor on your current jobdoes he help you in utilizing that training?'

Further evidence for this conclusion (not s h o w n here) are s o m e findings

w h i c h indicate that the m o r e fully 'institutionalized' the entire assistance

Foreign study and modernization of technology

373

process, and the closer the subsequent pattern of contacts between participants and United States assistance programmes in their country, the
greater the utilization. Programmes of training which were well planned,
carefully integrated with larger projects for which prior commitments on
job placement were secured from the employing organizations, and followed through with advice a n d material assistance, were clearly m o r e
effective. These findings lend strong support to the two-level conception
of h u m a n resources development, in which attention is paid not only to
the calibre of participants and training but also to the environments in
which they are to be located u p o n their return. Job training must go hand
in hand with 'job development' of m a n y sorts.
Another finding of great theoretical import is the relation of utilization
to the passage of time. F r o m one perspective, foreign study can be seen as
a 'wasting asset', whose value must or is likely to be quickly realized. O v e r
time, occupational mobility can diminish the relevance of training, or
motivation can erode under the pressures of prevailing work patterns or
local traditions. Another view of directed cultural or technological change
is that it is a slow but snowballing process, requiring time for the agent of
change to effect a translation and application of a skill or idea to his local
setting, or to gain needed support from others in his milieu for his innovative efforts. T h e data tend to support the second of these alternatives:
utilization increases steadily with the passage of time, being at its low point
in thefirstyear after training and levelling off some five years after prog r a m m e s were completed. This finding suggests that, in seeking to transfer
knowledge and advanced techniques, often quite substantial amounts of
time must pass before one can m a k e firm judgements about the diffusion
and eventual adoption of such highly complex cultural products.
Finally, the m o r e favourable were the implications of training for one's
career the greater the utilization. Personal gains derived from training,
and more specifically the earning of a degree, do not seem to detract from
the attainment of the development goals which the transfer process is primarily designed to serve. T o the contrary, the two seem mutually supportive and certain types of occupational mobility m a y even be essential to
the transfer process. For example, a p r o g r a m m e of training which is the
vehicle for achieving a n e w position of greater authority can m a k e it
more likely that innovative efforts will be m a d e , or that they will have a
wider impact. Again, as w a s noted, while the aims of training d o not
include occupational mobility, and in theory could be compromised by
it, in fact such mobility tended to be functional for the transfer process.
Some pitfalls of a correlational approach
In exploratory fashion, and in line with a growing trend in cross-national
research, w e sought to relate the utilization of technical training by participants with a few structural attributes or indicators of macrosocial processes. A moderate degree of relationship (r, = 0.51 - 0.58) was found to

Albert E . Gollin

374

exist between country rankings o n three measuresof gross national

product, higher educational enrolment, and h u m a n resources deVelopment^-and' their participants' levels of utilization.1 Leaving aside the
knotty problems of statistical adequacy of this 'sample' of units, or
other important methodological strictures (Haas, 1966), one could see
in this pattern of correlations some additional support for the argument
that indigenous institutions ultimately determine the outcome of the
transfer process. Countries disposing of greater wealth and which tend to
invest in education m o r e than others, tend also to show larger proportions
of 'effective' recipients of technical training.
A s seems true of most findings of this genre, however, there is more than
a trace of circularity in them. Despite the static and often shaky nature
of the measures employed, s o m e students of comparative development,
usually guided by a version of 'systems theory', appear to be persuaded
that such correlations can be interpreted dynamically, even in terms of
causation. M a n y of these investigations have had the merit of sensitizing
the analyst of comparative social structure to underlying patterns and
'deviant cases', or of suggesting typologies useful for theory construction.
(Lipset, 1959; H a g e n , 1962; Outright, 1963; Alker and Russett, 1964). But
the main danger in these types of investigation is that the analyst, armed
with a system concept, tends toward an overly deterministic interpretation.
Such interpretations, unless carefully qualified, can be misleading if not
harmful for future research as well as for policy in thefieldof development.
' T h e theorist is unable to enter the closed system and the planner has
no real chance of breaking the vicious circle. Faced with the image of a
whole host of intertwined variables changing simultaneously and in complex
interaction, either m a y be led to desperate strategems' (Schnore, 1961, p. 243).
In warning against a too-literal application of system concepts to such
data, others have sought to remind us of the 'looseness' of these institutional
interrelationships (Moore, 1955; Anderson, 1963). Rather than reaching
for premature theoretical closure at this point, w e should acknowledge and
seek tofillin the vast gaps in existing knowledge on the specific character
and consequences of such forms of interdependence. In particular, the
patterns of relationship between education and occupational structure in
the developing nations must be studied more comprehensively before w e
can determine the precise contributions that foreign study can and does
play in the modernization process (Lipset, 1964; Mitchell, 1965; Lipset, 1966).

concluding note

T h e data reported in this paper c a m e from a multi-nation evaluation study

m a d e primarily for administrative purposes. Although the surveys success1. The three measures were: G . N . P . per capita in 1957 (Russett, 1964, pp. 149-57); Students
in post secondary education per 100,000 population (Russett, 1964, pp. 213-16); and a
Composite Index of Human Resources Development (Harbison and Myers, 1964, pp. 31-48).

Foreign study and modernization of technology

375

fully reached large humbers of former participants in a fair n u m b e r of

countries, the study instruments were limited in their scope of inquiry.
T h e emphasis in the survey, as in the p r o g r a m m e concept as a whole, was
on the individual participanthis p r o g r a m m e experiences and the consequences of his training. F e w measures in the study touched upon the
work organization or larger social structures which m a y affect the outcome
of the transfer process. N o information is available o n the whole network
of programmes a n d projects which comprise United States development
assistance to these countries, of which participant training is only one thin
strand. Yet it is impossible to assess any single aid p r o g r a m m e in separation
from the whole matrix of donor-host country relationships without a resulting loss of insight into the important ways in which the wider context
affects the programme's outcomes.
This becomes clear even with respect to the implementation of this particular training venture, w h e n w e review findings which reflect the extent
to which it was institutionalized. Greater value was realized by selecting
trainees based o n carefully scrutinized job or project needs; by intimately
involving them in the programming of training; by securing firm commitments as to the placement and use of participants in advance of departure;
by closely co-ordinating the p r o g r a m m e with significant authority-wielding individuals in the immediate occupational environment; and b y supporting trainees upon return with advice and material assistance.
Since the focus in the design of this survey w a s upon the individual
rather than on the social systems of which he is a m e m b e r , the finding that
institutional arrangements in the h o m e country are crucial for the piocess
of technological transfer is all the m o r e impressive. This w a s generally
the case for partcipants from all regions, despite the m a n y specific differences in the political, economic and social conditions in their constituent
countries. Other students of the relation of foreign study to national development have reached a similar conclusion.
'Sufficient evidence is at h a n d . . . to m a k e it clear that obstacles to the
utilization of knowledge a n d skill [after return are the strategic factor that
limits the effectiveness of m u c h foreign study1 (Smith, 1964, p . 69; italics
added).
This study only hints at s o m e of the varied institutional structures a n d
processes which m a y affect the transfer process. There are few reliable data
available, for example, which could be used to test the role of an expanding
or stagnant economy in the realization of the goals of foreign training, a
general economic condition which is obviously of great relevance for the
modernization process (Handlin, 1952). But it seems fairly clear, from the
data at hand, that without a n investment of energy and resources in a n
attempt to alter the broader social context for the performance of critical
occupational roles in developing societies, the impetus to modernization
implicit in programmes of technological education or instruction will be
sharply curtailed. It remains for future research to specify the conditions,
case by case, which m a k e for changes that are deemed highest in priority,

Albert E . Gollin

376

a n d w h i c h a m o n g these last are realistically within the realm of the alterable

in the short r u n .
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D E U T S C H , Karl W . 1961. Social mobilization and political development. American
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E I S E N S T A D T , S. N . 1964. Education and political development. In: D o n C . Piper,
Taylor Cole (eds.). Post-primary education and political and economic development.
D u r h a m , D u k e University Press, p. 27-47.
F O S T E R , Philip J. 1965. T h e vocational school fallacy in development planning.
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Development. Chicago, Aldine, p. 142-166.
G A S S , J. R . ; L Y O N S , R . F. 1962. International flows of students. Policy conference
on economic growth and investment in education. Paris, O E C D , p. 9-35.
G O L L I N , Albert E . (ed.). 1966a. The international migration of talent and skills: Proceedings of a workshop and conference. Washington, Department of State, 165 p.
. 1966b. 7 7 K transfer and use of development skills. Washington, Agency for International Development, 286 p.
H A A S , Michael. 1966. Aggregate analysis. World Politics, vol. 19, no. 1, p. 106-121.
H A G E N , Everett. 1962. A framework for analyzing economic and political change,
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H A N D L I N , Oscar. 1952. International migration and the acquisition of n e w skills.
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H A R B I S O N , Frederick; M Y E R S , Charles A . 1964. Education, manpower and economic,
growth. N e w York, McGraw-Hill, 343 p.
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K A T Z , Elihu et al. 1963. Traditions of research o n the diffusion of innovation.
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M A D D I S O N , A n g u s . 1965. Foreign skills and technical assistance in economic development.
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no. 4, p . 608-619.
P L A T T , William J. 1965. Conflicts in educational planning. In: J a m e s S . C o l e m a n
(ed.). Education and political development. Princeton, Princeton University Press,
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P O W E L S O N , J o h n P . 1964. Educational assistance, economic development and
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education and political and economic development. D u r h a m , D u k e University Press,
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S C H N O R E , L e o F . 1961. T h e statistical measurement of urbanization a n d economic
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S M I T H , M . Brewster. 1964. Foreign vs. indigenous education. In: D o n C . Piper and
Taylor Cole (eds.). Post-primary education and political and economic development.
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Albert E. Gttin is a Research Associate at the Bureau of Social Science Research, Inc., of
Washington, D.C. Trained as a sociologist at Columbia University, where he was formerly
employed, he has conducted research on international exchange and technical assistance programmes.

Education as an instrument of social integration

in underdeveloped societies
Peter Heintz

Education is discussed in its context as an instrument of social integration under four headings:
as an individual's status; as a stratified system; as a societal status; and as a socialization
process. The author warns against association of education with societal integration, and
points out that where consensus is created, this tends to isolate national society from the international system.

This, article attempts to offer a synthesis of some major theoretical aspects

of the relationships between education and social integration in underdeveloped societies. T h e relevance of the theoretical points to be m a d e
mainly arises out of research done in Latin America. However, the author
feels, that m a n y of these also apply to underdeveloped societies outside the
Latin American area. T h e intention of this article is to show the complexity
of the problem which can only be perceived if w e try to grasp simultaneously the different elements of knowledge w e have at our disposal. T h e
list of problem areas is certainly not exhaustive; there are m a n y other
problems which m a y be as relevant as those w e shall mention but which
could only be approached at a less general level of abstraction than that
adopted here.
W e do not assume that education has necessarily to be considered as a
tool of social integration. O n the contrary, w e shall see that the influence
of education in underdeveloped societies is in m a n y instances disruptive.
I would like to add immediately however that such disruptive effects m a y
or m a y not be positively linked to the developmental process; m a y or
m a y not be 'functional' with respect to a societal value w e call development including social, economic a n d political development. In a short
article it is not possible to discuss these effects properly but in any instance
w e have to keep in m i n d that social integration does not necessarily imply
favourable conditions for development and vice versa. W e shall be discussing education as: (a) an individual status; (b) a stratified system; (c) a
societal status; (d) a socialisation process. Education obviously has different meanings under these four headings, but they all hang together

Int. Soc. Sei. J., VoL X I X , N o . 3, 1967

Education as an instrument of social integration

379

through the institutional order w e call formal education. Education as

(a)j (b), (c) and (d) cannot exist without this institutional order.

Education as an individual status

A n individual participates in a society through his status set and in this
sense education as defining a n individual status has something to d o with
social integration.
If w e were to classify individual status in an underdeveloped society
roughly as m o d e r n and traditional w e should generally tend to assign
education to the modern group. Such a classification seems to be highly
relevant within the situation w e call underdeveloped. It separates two
groups of status o n the basis of a prestige criterion which is probably accepted by big majorities in underdeveloped societies like those in Latin
America. A status classified as modern offers a promise of access to a better
future in terms of development value. It makes a person a real or symbolic
participant in a society in which he will be better able to satisfy his felt
needs. A n d since this difference has become institutionalized it also means
that the occupant of a m o d e r n status can derive considerable satisfaction
from the fact that m a n y of those w h o lack such a status will look u p to him,
seek his advice and consider h i m a potential leader.
This applies, in particular, to education, which also shows very nicely
that such a status m a y be merely symbolic since there m a y be n o real better world in which its occupants participate; this, however, does not prevent
holders of such status from having real prestige and influence over others.
In terms of our general problem then w e can say that education m a y give
access to a real modern sector of society or merely stand for a symbolic
participation in a fictitious better world. Education m a y be a very important status symbol but does not as such integrate those w h o possess it with
the present-day society in which they live. It m a y integrate them with an
emergent society which as yet lacks structure in economic, social and political terms.
Education as a n individual status does not only function as a n e w principle of stratification, as a social criterion for assigning an individual to one
of two big strata, the modern and the traditional. In the sense of a determinant of an individual's position in society at large, the urban-rural
position m a y often be more important than educational differences. E d u cation also functions as a status a m o n g other status which have an equivalent weight in determining the individual's social position. This is
certainly true whenever the development process has passed its initial stages.
This, being so w e must look for the meaning of education within the configuration of individual status, within the status set. I suggest that this
problem be examined from the point of view of a dynamic process. H o w
does the development process affect the relationship between the status
of individual configurations in statistical terms? T h e reference point m a y

38o

Peter Heiruz

be the socially defined equilibrium of the individual status at the different levels. If w e keep this reference point in mind, development as a
dynamic process tends to produce, in statistical terms, status disequilibria
of a certain type in which educational status is perceived as a relatively
influential factor with respect to income and in m a n y instances also to
occupation; in other words, there are a great m a n y people w h o feel that
given their education they are entitled to higher incomes than they actually
receive. N o w , social status equilibria m a y be constantly re-defined; the
description of an individual status configuration as disequilibrated m a y ,
therefore, b e c o m e obsolete relatively quickly. W e cannot simply assume
that, for example, changing levels of income corresponding to educational
levels are left out of account w h e n equilibria are defined. For this reason,
w e must insist on the dynamic point of view which allows us to visualize
imperfect adjustments.
W e postulate as a trend of the developmental process today the proliferation of status disequilibria of the type mentioned, in contrast to d o m i nant modern trends in the developmental processes of already highly
developed countries.
Status disequilibrium as defined above implies a reference to a socially
defined equilibrium. If w e accept this definition then disequilibrated status
configurations imply a kind of social marginality for their occupants. W e
m a y say that the equilibrium defines exactly the absence of such marginality or the presence of social integration.
This type of marginality frequently seems to be associated with its
o w n interpretation in societal terms, i.e., as the result of discrimination by
society. T h e lower status is seen as ascribed and, consequently, independent of the initiative of its occupants. T h e mechanisms involved are similar
to those which explain the effect of racial and ethnic discrimination in
highly developed countries. But the problem is not necessarily formulated
in terms of discrimination between groups or social categories whose m e m bers have the same education but differ, for example, with respect to race,
culture or social origin. It m a y happen that all the m e m b e r s of an educational stratum feel that they receive less than they are entitled to on the
basis of their education. In particular, they m a y be convinced of having a
claim to a larger relative share of the national income. If this is so they
imply that others receive a n excessive share. Such a situation m a y easily
arise if the supply of educated people at a certain level is not absorbed by
the occupational structure. Lack of absorption m a y be due to an excess
of education with respect to the required qualifications for existing jobs
and the reluctance of certain people to accept jobs which d o not require
the educational level they have reached. Such a situation m a y increase
competition for the scarce jobs which do require this level and cause a
relative decrease of the remuneration attached to them. Consequently,
there would be a disequilibrium between education and income, but
not between education and occupation.

Education as an instrument of social integration

38'

Education as a stratified system

T o this point w e have related education to social stratification in general.
In thefirstcase, w e assumed the existence of an undifferentiated social
stratification system which stratifies individuals according to their acceptance of m o d e r n values. In the second case, w e assumed the existence of
a differentiated social stratification system which distinguishes between
various status hierarchies a n d assigns roughly equivalent weights to them.
N o w , w e drop the assumption of roughly equivalent weights, postulating
instead that one of the status hierarchies has m u c h greater weight than the
others. It is well k n o w n that totalitarian societies tend to place predominant emphasis on the political status hierarchy. W e also k n o w that within
a society which has a differentiated social stratification system the weights
assigned to the different status hierarchies m a y vary from one sector to
the other. T h u s , it m a y happen that certain sectors consider one status
hierarchy as m u c h more important than all the others.
Membership status within a revolutionary organization m a y be of this
kind even if the organization has no legal right to participate in the existing
political system. Again, it m a y happen that the proliferation of certain
kinds of m o d e r n status in contrast to others does not only lead to a relatively high frequency of corresponding status disequilibria but also to
the emergence of a stratified subsystem in the expanding sector of society.
It can easily be observed that in m a n y underdeveloped countries it is
education which is stratified in such a w a y , and that as a result of the differential emphasis it receives from the masses of those w h o are looking forward to a m o r e modern society, the system becomes relatively isolated
from the rest of society a n d tends to produce an institutional ideology
which clearly reflects the structural basis o n which it is built. T h e differentiation of such a system m a y , indeed, absorb a considerable a m o u n t
of individually experienced tensions, the structural correlate of which w e
have called status disequilibrium. Those w h o conform to such a system
solve their problem by assigning disproportionate weight to its internal
status hierarchy.
T h e absorption of individually felt tensions into such systems, however,
is limited in the sense that only tensions below a certain level are absorbed.
A n d in this respect the potential capacity of education to absorb such tensions, in general, seems to b e m u c h lower than the potential capacity of
political parties promoting social change. Such parties manifestly incorporate protests against structural tensions, whereas the institutional ideology of education often tends to support the status quo. In spite of this general
tendency it is well k n o w n that higher education sometimes also incorporates such protests into its institutional ideology and thus m a y become a
political force with which governments must reckon.
O n e of the remarkable features of such differentiated stratified subsystems is their internal p o w e r and prestige differentials; in other words,
their (often highly) stratified nature does not produce tensions at the lower

38a

Peter Heintz

levels. In order to understand this relative absence of tensions, it is necessary to keep in mind that the structural basis for the emergence of such
systems consists in different objective opportunities for upward mobility
a m o n g different institutional orders, in particular between the educational
and the occupational structure. Such differences are especially well perceived by m e m b e r s of the lower strata of society. T h e problem is not the
existence of good opportunities for upward mobility within the educational
sector, in absolute terms, but the existence of a substantial difference
between this sector and, for example, the occupational structure. This m a y
explain a strong adherence to education as a stratified system b y those w h o
occupy the lower ranks within it.
If this is true, w e m a y go o n to explain in the same structural terms w h y ,
in underdeveloped societies, w e frequently observe that educated people
('intellectuals') assume the leadership of uneducated masses and, m o r e
particularly, w h y there is n o 'anti-intellectualism' a m o n g the uneducated
in contrast to what has been said about the attitude of the lower class in
m o r e developed countries (lower class authoritarianism). O f course, the
structural prerequisites of such leadership are not always present in underdeveloped societies, perhaps because the above-mentioned differences in
opportunities for upward mobility between education a n d occupation d o
not exist or because educated people are not interested in becoming leaders
of uneducated people; such a lack of interest m a y be associated with relatively high income differences between the educated and the uneducated.
However, the structural conditions referred to are very often present in
those underdeveloped societies which belong to a broad middle stratum
of international society.
In terms of our major problem of social integration, the existence of
relatively isolated stratified subsystems based on educational status represents a p h e n o m e n o n of partial integration due to education; it is only
partial because it refers to this subsystem which per se is relatively unintegrated with the rest of society. Education thus establishes strong ties between m a n y individuals a n d as a stratified subsystem prevents them from
becoming isolated, but in doing so makes them participants in a process
of societal disintegration. This disintegration manifests itself in the fact
that education is not geared to the needs of the existing or emerging occupational structure; that it frequently appears as relatively unrelated to the
skill requirements of the occupational structure.

Education as a societal status

Education can be conceived not only as the status of an individual but also
as the status of a societal unit, for example a national society. Education
seems to b e one of the most important elements determining the position
of a country in the international sphere. It does so together with other
status like urbanization, income per capita, etc. These status form a cluster

Education as an instrument of social integration

383

which expresses different aspects of what w e call development. Apart from

this cluster there seems to b e another which includes some elements of a
more ascriptive nature like land area a n d total population, besides gross
national product, military power, productivity in science, etc.
A societal unit participates through its societal status in the stratified
system to which it belongs. T h u s a nation participates for example through
its educational status in the international stratified system, and a province
as a subnational ecological unit participates through this or another status
in the national stratified system of such units, etc. In other words, the
integration of such societal units can be discussed in terms of societal status, and the educational status (for example as measured b y the level of
literacy) represents one of the important status which together m a k e u p
w h a t w e call the development value.
In. addition, w e m a y apply to these status the same considerations as
w e did earlier to individual status, distinguishing between stratified systems
which differentiate between various status hierarchies and systems which
do not so differentiate but classify the status into traditional and modern
ones, a n d between stratified systems which assign equivalent weights to
the various status hierarchies and systems in which stratified subsystems
exist. A concrete stratified system such as the international one, m a y in
fact combine elements from all the distinctions w e m a d e above; it m a y at
the same time differentiate between m o d e r n and traditional status, present
status disequilibria as a characteristic of certain strata, and include some
stratified subsystems based, for example, o n educational status. There are
indeed very pronounced regularities related to the rank of nations in the
international system, which express certain leads and lags between different status as w e m o v e u p in the hierarchy. T h e same m a y be true for
systems of subnational units like provinces or departments if w e control
the stratum to which the national unit belongs within the international
system.
T h e meaning of this discussion only becomes clear w h e n w e consider
that : individuals participate in the position, status and configuration of
status of a societal unit through their (ascribed) status as m e m b e r s of such
a unit, for example as citizens of a certain nation or, within a nation, of
a certain province. They m a y experience the problems involved, such as
status disequilibrium and relative isolation of a stratified subsystem, w h e n ever their membership status in the societal unit considered is relevant to
them. T h e y m a y , in particular, interpret their o w n situation in terms of
some structural tension within the stratified system to which their societal
unit belongs. T h e y m a y point to the lead in educational status as a n expression of discrimination within the international system. This certainly is
one 1 of the most important structural tensions which affect the international
system and which are located in the middle and lower strata.
Structural tensions are not experienced equally by all m e m b e r s of a
societal unit. S o m e m a y interpret their feeling that they receive less income
than they are entitled to, o n the basis of their education, in terms of the

384

Peter Heintz

discrimination of international society against their o w n nation, others

in terms of the discrimination of national society against them as individuals,
and others again in terms of the discrimination of the nation against their
province. Their political attitudes m a y accordingly vary between nationalism in the sense of international class consciousness, leftism or fascism
as referred to the stratified system based on individuals, and regionalism in
the sense of a class consciousness of national provinces experiencing thes a m e
structural tensions. There is no space here to discuss the determinants of
where the individual sees the causes of his situation.
In any case, the integrative function of education with respect to the
stratified system based on societal units is problematical, depending upon
the role of education as a societal status in the developmental process,
which seems to be characterized in the underdeveloped world of today by
a consistent lead over the economic status measured, for example, by
income per capita.
There is a parallelism in the sense of an empirical, not logical, association between such a lead and the proliferation of individual status
disequilibria and stratified subsystems based o n education mentioned
earlier. T h e c o m m o n causal factor is the relative accessibility of the societal
status of education in comparison with income per capita and/or the change
of occupational structure.

Education as a socialization process

Formal education obviously can be viewed as a socializing agent a m o n g
others like the family, occupation, etc. T h e integrative function of
education as a socializing agent does not necessarily depend upon its
instrumental value in relation to the educational requirements of the
occupational structure. Since, as w e have seen, education often constitutes
a differentiated and relatively isolated stratified subsystem the relationships
of which with the occupational structure tend to be rather anomic, and since
w e have already discussed this aspect, w e shall n o w concentrate on other
integrative or disintegrative functions of education.
Education often provides a major set of symbols which tend to enhance
the national society, through conscious political indoctrination but also
through most traditional humanistic courses, in particular history, geography and literature. T h e institutional ideology of education already
mentioned, m a y well emphasize the proficiency it confers in the recognition
of general societal values (right-wrong, beautiful-ugly, true-false; role of
the citizen, etc.). W h e n this particular function forms part of the institutional ideology, education clearly becomes an integrative agent for a type
of society whose integrative principle is the communality of certain values,
and a disintegrative agent for a type of society for which this is not true
(caste, feudal society).
H o w e v e r , w e can go beyond these very general considerations, to point

Education as an instrument of social integration

35

out certain more particular affinities of the set of symbols transmitted by

education with s o m e structural problems.
In thefirstplace, the kind of social consensus attained through formal
education m a y stress the distinctive values of the national society as against
more universal values such as those underlying development. This is a
clear tendency in m a n y underdeveloped countries. In such cases, education tends to a certain point to isolate the national society, which can also
be interpreted as a relative lack of relevance of developmental values
introduced through the stratified international system. It m a y thus reduce
the repercussions of the structural tensions of the international system
upon the national society. It m a y be an instrument in the hands of those
w h o feel threatened by the political consequences of such tensions (antiimperialism).
In the second place, the concensus reached through the diffusion of symbols
with the help of the educational system m a y affect the national population
quite unevenly, not only because different segments of this population are
variously incorporated into such a system, according to their educational
level, but also because the affinity between these symbols and different
structural situations varies. T h e symbols m a y be meaningful in one situation and not in another. A very gross distinction between such situations
which seems to correlate with the degree of affinity with the set of symbols,
is that along the urban-rural axis. Formal education seems, on the whole,
m u c h more geared to the needs which arise within the urban context than
to those which are rooted in the rural context. This, of course, also holds
true for developed countries but probably m u c h more so for underdeveloped
societies.
In the third place, education as a socializing process has an important
time dimension. Formal education introduces a time perspective which
otherwise m a y be absent, especially a m o n g those groups in underdeveloped
societies which perceive education as an opportunity for relative social
mobility and which, consequently, develop a high degree of adherence to
education as a stratified subsystem and as an institutional order. Formal
education in this sense introduces into certain groups a relatively long,
consistent and highly structured time perspective which otherwise would
be absent. Such a time perspective is intra- and intergenerational and m a y
become associated with considerable economic sacrifices in the sense of
deferred gratification.
Although w e cannot affirm this o n a solid empirical basis, it m a y well
be that socialization towards an important deferred gratification pattern
through education as an institutional order has a substantial impact on
the general modernizing process. H o w e v e r , again, w e d o not k n o w if, in
fact, the internalization of this deferred gratification pattern affects behaviour outside the sector of education or not. W e therefore only introduce
this aspect as a problem and not as a fact to be reckoned with.
This brief review of the theory concerning education as an instrument
for social integration leads to one major conclusion.

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Peter Heifttz

N o w h e r e does education appear as unequivocally associated with the

societal integration of underdeveloped societies. Even where it creates
consensus it tends to d o so in order to isolate the national society from the
international system and is, therefore, disintegrative with respect to this
system. Education certainly has m a n y functions of partial integration,
but such partial integration m e a n s at the same time the disintegration of
the m o r e comprehensive system. Accordingly, this article warns against
the easy acceptance of a frequent idea stressing the positive link between
education and social integration.. But again, the disintegrative effects of
education do not imply that education cannot be functional for developm e n t even where it is at the root of substantial structural tensions in ; one
or another type of stratified system.

Peter Heintz is professor of sociology and Director of the Sociological Institute at the University
of Zrich. He undertook several missions in Latin America for Unesco between igs6 and.1965,
and was director and professor of sociology at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences,
Santiago de Chile. He has published a number of books and readers in German, dealing with
such subjects as social prejudice, sociological theory, juvenile delinquency and the sociology
of schools, as well as books in Spanish.

S o m e dysfunctional aspects of international

assistance and the role of the university
in social change in Latin America
Luis Scherz-Garcia

Three phases in the emergence of a new type of Latin American university are distinguished.
The impact of the intelligentsia, initial foreign aid, the models implicit in such aid and the
effects of its insertion into the beneficiary units are then analysed. Problems and conflicts accompanying international aid are discussed and a wider analytical framework for further investigations is suggested.

The problem
T h e institutions of higher education in Latin A m e r i c a are subject to processes of transformation w h i c h could ultimately produce the configuration
of a n e w type of university. This n e w m o d e l w o u l d give a creative answer to
the challenges that the university system of this part of A m e r i c a m u s t
confront today. O f special importance a m o n g these challenges is the d e m a n d
b y representative sectors of the public opinion that the university, with the
help of science, should a s s u m e a role in the process of change w h i c h deeply
affects the society, directing it toward the socio-cultural integration of
Latin A m e r i c a .
T h e purpose of this article is to present a n d seek out s o m e of the obstacles,
present or potential, w h i c h m a y delay the creation of a n e w type of university. In line with this purpose, after suggesting the functional role of
international help rendered to institutions of higher learning in Iberoamrica, w e will give special emphasis to possible dysfunctional facets of
this collaboration.
This article is not the product of exhaustive research into all of the
aspects presented for discussion; rather, it remains mainly o n a hypothetical plane, in a n effort to explain in a preliminary way certain visible
analytically strategic conflicts w h i c h arise in different university milieux
of this continent. T h e empirical observations serving as the starting point for
these considerations are derived mainly from the Chilean university system. 1
I. The universities are (figures for the number of students in 1964): the Universidad de Chile
with its seat in Santiago, a branch at Valparaiso and regional colleges in other parts of the

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. X I X , No. 3, 1967

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Luis Scherz-Garcia

T h e university reality in Latin America

T o delineate the global context of the problems to be discussed, w e will first
present in simple outline form a picture of the university reality in Latin
America, based on the results of previous research.1
Predominantly, the Latin American universities belong to a 'professionalist' or 'napoleonic' type or model which emerged in France under
the impulse of the pragmatic, individualistic and secular mentality of the
French revolution following the elimination of the traditional university of
the Ancien rgime.2 T h e y m a y be divided in the N e w World into three
categories, corresponding to three different forms or phases through which
they have passed in the course of the present century.
T h efirstof these phases m a y be called 'static', the second 'critical' and
the third 'dynamic dualistic'. In thefirstphase the university is either in a
state of harmonious adjustment to a stationary social system, or in a state
of comparative repose within a social system which is beginning to show
signs of structural changes. In the second phase, the university becomes
aware of the alterations which are taking place in the social system of
which it forms a part. In the third phase, the university not only attempts
to assume a leading role in the orientation of social change but, along
with the social system in general, begins to experience conditions which
are favorable to the emergence of a n e w type of university. This would
be a communitarian a n d co-ordinating university, assigning importance
to small universities for community study or research and fostering close
co-ordination a m o n g these groups and with society as a whole. S o m e of
the constructive elements of this n e w type of university institution, with its
novel aims and functions, are beginning to m a k e their appearance within
the existing universities, as a n e w system superimposed upon the old one.
T o delineate the typical traits of the university in each phase, w e shall
consider the following aspects: official or expressed functions, the structural
units responsible for performing them, some characteristics of the professors, the bias of study plans and programmes, and finally, the nature of
the problems and conflicts.
In the static phase the university concentrates its efforts on the preparation for the traditional professions, especially medicine and law. It is
composed of independently m a n a g e d schools or faculties, dispersed in
different parts of the city or region, and without co-ordination. Teachers,
w h o are usually chosen competitively, alternate their university activities
country (16,183 students in all, not including the regional colleges); the Universidad Tchnica
del Estado in Santiago and branches elsewhere (3,705 students); the Universidad Catlica
de Chile in Santiago (5,309 students); the Universidad Catlica de Valparaso (2,756 students);
the Universidad del Norte (Catholic) in Antofagasta (568 students); the Universidad Austral
in Valdivia (603 students) and the Universidad Tcnica Federico Santa Mara in Valparaso
(360 students).
i. See Luis Scherz, Una nueva Universidad para Amrica Latina, Maracaibo, 1964.
2. Cf Marcel Bouchard, 'Die franzsischen Universitten', Die Universitdtszeitung, 2, 1963,
pp. 11-25.

S o m e dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

389

with the exercise of their professions, which absorb most of their time. T h e y
expose the students to professional techniques obtained by practical experience a n d the student must memorize this material for examinations.1
T h e problems and conflicts of the university generally have to d o with
financial questions a n d with the struggle for power a m o n g its academic
units, but d o not affect its structural integrity.
In the 'critical' phase, in addition to the preparation of professionals
(including economists, engineers a n d educators), the activities of the
university in the surrounding society (cultural extension a n d social action)
acquire greater importance. There is a n abrupt and disorderly increase
in the n u m b e r of schools a n d constituent units, some of which appear
grouped in a c a m p u s or c o m m o n buildings. Despite c r a m m e d schedules
and scattered activities within the university, full-time professors emerge,
especially in the the n e w schools. Study plans present systematic technologies or methodolodies of a certain degree of abstraction. T h e problems
and conflicts of this phase are related to structural inadequacies (aggravated
by the 'population explosion'2) and are accompanied b y a climate of
controversy.
Scientific investigation emerges, along with the other functions already
mentioned, in the 'dynamic and dualistic' phase. Beside the collection of
schools, faculties a n d subordinate institutes, other units appear, e.g.,
central institutes which serve to centralize teaching and research and which
constitute a subsystem separated from the rest of the university. This
introduces a conflicting institutional dualism. T h e research-professors
work full-time in only one sector of the university. In the syllabus, science
acquires fundamental importance in the teaching of technology. Finally,
large circles of students a n d of restless professors feel the necessity for a
total replacement of the old university system by a n e w one whose nucleus
is already present in the subsystem.
Considering Latin America as a whole, w e find that all three of these
phases are in existence simultaneously. This is because university development did not begin at the s a m e time, or proceed at the s a m e pace in every
country or region. It m a y be said, however, that the majority of the universities in this part of America are n o w in a situation of great structural
malleability. Furthermore, as a result of increasing interaction, going
beyond local bounds, m a n y of the most conservative universities, such as
those in the national capitals, are n o w offering examples of all three phases
simultaneously. If w e take one of these universities and consider its different
aspects from the top downwards, w e will find that it consists of a succession
of institutional strata which, roughly speaking, represent all the different
phases to which I have referred. For instance, it is not surprising to discover
1. The percentage of students w h o acquire their professional degrees is low (between 10 to
30 per cent of those w h o began their professional career).
2. Universities are besieged by applicants for admission, a high percentage of w h o m are
refused. In some Chilean universities approximately 50 per cent of the applicants were
refused in 1966.

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Luis Scherz-Garcia

that the student groups are characterized by enthusiasm for certain

charismatic personalities or caudillos, which places them in the 'static'
phase, while the stage reached in the w o r k of some of the institutes corresponds approximately to the 'dynamic and dualistic' phase.
It is highly probable that all universities, considered individually, will
shortly enter upon this 'dynamic and dualistic' phase largely owing to the
impetus provided by the emergent supralocal university system and b y the
international technical assistance organizations. This brings closer the
prospect of a n e w university compatible with the aspirations of large
sections of the Latin American population.

T h e constellation of values a n d ideas and the integrativeorienting role of the n e w university

T h e n e w type of university appears to emerge fundamentally as the result
of an internal dynamism communicated to the 'professionalist' university
through the introduction of scientific research. T h e possibilities of the
appearance of a frame of values and concepts which orient the action or
scope of the university cultural subsystem flow parallel with the consolidation within this frame of a cultural ethos adequate for the development
of scientific endeavour. T h e carriers of the n e w values confront obstacles
to a radical transformation of the present university, going beyond simple
substantive or piecemeal change of certain functions and structures, such
obstacles being inseparable from the prevalence of values opposed to the
characteristic features of the scientific ethos.1
T h e framework of values and concepts of the n e w university embraces
all those goals and values implicit in the historical tradition of Latin America
and compatible with scientific tasks.2 T h e outstanding goal within this
constellation has to do with a function of guidance and integration assigned
to the university with respect to social change. T h e university emerges as a
possible reference system for society as a whole and has the potential
capability of affording society a set of values for integration.3 It is this
role of referential microcosm, of projector of values and goals, that takes
shape in the emerging 'idea' of the university as a contribution to Latin
American socio-cultural integration. In the n e w image, the university is
the polarizing point of convergence of the processes leading to integration.
i. See Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure. N e w York, T h e Free Press of Glencoe,
1964, p p . 550-61.
. See Luis Scherz, op. cit., pp. 73-6.
3. In Chile, certain small groups of students and specially university students acquainted
with the social sciences see in these disciplines the theoretical and methodological tools to
diagnose the evolving social and cultural situation, an analysis that they consider indispensable for a well-founded social plan. In addition, they see the need for university graduates as carriers of values, scientific discoveries and technological skills and agents for
translating them into n e w social structures or substantial modifications of the old ones.
Cf. the conclusions of the VI Convencin de Estudiantes de la Universidad Catlica de Chile,
ed. F E U C , Santiago, 1964.

S o m e dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

39'

In this context, development is neither m o r e nor less than the process of

gradual substitution of present socio-cultural structures through the action
of distinct social agents guided by the patterns of the constellation of values
and goals mentioned above. This substitution process continues until
the pattern of the n e w totality is settled.

T h e university 'intelligentsia'
These values and goals are accepted, elaborated a n d promoted in the
existing universities by certain teaching and research minorities which
enjoy the support of large groups of students. This 'intelligentsia1', with a
critical consciousness of the Latin American problem, denounces the
inadequacies of the university system and tries to mould and propagate n e w
cultural forms, employing for the purpose the resources of science. D e p e n d ing upon the phase in which the university is found, it can constitute
either a quasi-group separated from the policy-making levels or it can
become organized and systematically seek participation in the guidance of
university affairs.
Such a mobilization of forces comes about in opposition to those w h o ,
possessing a traditionalist mentality disposed to maintain the institutional
rigidity of the professionalist university, are its directors at the various levels
of authority. T h u s a situation of latent conflict arises, with sporadic
outbursts.
A s the universities approach the 'dynamic-dualistic' phase, the viewpoint that a radical transformation of the larger society can also arise out
of modifications of the superstructure is strengthened a m o n g sectors of the
student body. T h e creative student minorities begin spontaneously
although a m o r e reflective m o o d has n o w accompanied the access of
science to the classroomsto assign priority to the problems of the
university. T h e y concentrate on the solution of these problems. In Chile,
the students (the majority with an ideological position identified with the
governing Christian Democratic group) 2 have been focusing their action
on environments ever closer to the university. T h u s , they have m o v e d
from denunciation of 'social injustice' (expecting the solution from the
government) to promotion of social action and, finally, to criticism of
the internal 'injustices' and inadequacies within the university and
agitation for their solution through radical measures. In addition, they
feel m o r e stimulated to act within the university u p o n noting the presence
there of persons (in some w a y or other identified with university authorities) w h o are connected with political factions n o w eliminated from the
national government.

i. Cf. Theodor Geiger, Aufgaben und Stellung der Intelligenz in der Gesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1949.
2. In 1965, in Chile, all the university student federations were in the hands of Christian
Democrats.

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Luis Scherz-Garcia

T h e initial effect of international assistance

U p to this point, the university processes have appeared to develop with
the sole intervention of forces internal to the system. Nevertheless, outside
agents play an important role. In this analysis w e will limit ourselves to
considering the impact of foreign assistance on these processes.1 A s anticipated, the internationalfinancial-technicalcontribution has had a catalysing
effect in the formation of university systems within each country and
generally in Latin America, through the government of the United States,
of America, the Organization of American States, the Interamerican Developm e n t Bank, and the Ford, Rockefeller and other foundations. In general, this
aid has contributed to displacing the centre of gravity of the power relations
between the state and private universities.2 This displacement occurs
w h e n the institutions of higher education are induced to espouse goals
tied in with the distribution and use of the resources which the aid has
m a d e possible directly or indirectly. T h e contribution of international
co-operation has increased notably since the constitution of the Alliance
for Progress.3 T h e universities are n o w considered strategic levers for sociocultural development, especially at the economic level. In this w a y , the
process of transformation of the universities which previously w a s principally generated from within (in a context of vaguely formulated external
demands) n o w becomes accelerated and deflected by a powerful external
impact. This aid has m a n a g e d to accelerate the process of advancement
of each university toward the final phase; nevertheless, w h e n it comes to
the point of transcending this final phase or making the j u m p to a n e w type
of university, international co-operation has begun to reveal its most
outstanding dysfunctional aspects. These w e will n o w try to explain.

T h e socio-cultural model implicit in international aid

Since international assistance to universities follows certain general patterns
implicit in the relations between the developed and non-developed (underdeveloped or 'developing') countries, it is well briefly to consider some aspects
i. It was stated during the Seminar on Chile and Foreign Assistance at the X V I I Escuela
Internacional de Verano, Valparaso, Chile (4-23 January 1965) that 'foreign assistance
can be defined as a type of international collaboration that involves one country's receiving
advice and co-operation in programmes of development from specialized multilateral,
bilateral, intergovernmental or private agencies while respecting both the laws of the
beneficiary country and the rules of the particular agencies'.
2. See Luis Scherz, 'Relations between public and private universities' in Lipset, S . M .
and Solan, A . , eds. : Elites in Latin America, N e w York, Oxford University Press, 1967,
pp. 382-407.
3. A s an illustration, according to data in A Summary of Bilateral, Multilateral, Private and
regional Assistance in Chile, prepared b y the United Nations Technical Assistance Board
Office, Santiago, Chile, 30 September 1965, pp. 37-41, the Ford Foundation appears as
committing, from i960 till 1965 (under programmes some of which extend to 1970) a total
of U.S.$9,7o7,5ii, of which only $500,000 earmarked for Central Institutes of the University

Some dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

393

of these relations. This implies a differential evaluation of prestige and

power of both types of countries on the international scene, in keeping
with the value criteria of the developed countries. In this stratification,
certain countries remain in a position of relative marginality by comparison
with others which enjoy a high economic level. T h e lower international
status of the non-developed countries o n the one hand reflects, and o n
the other hand conditions, the relation of subordination established between
the socio-cultural systems of the two.
International aid officially aimed at stimulating the efforts of the
'developing' countries has, nonetheless, s o m e unexpected or latent functions. A m o n g these are the mitigation a n d partial institutionalization of
existing conflicts between the aid-giving a n d receiving countries, and the
gradual adaptation of the subordinate system to that of the country of
reference. Through the latter process the degree and nature of the valuation
and institutional differences between the separate systems is eliminated;
the socio-cultural content of one system flows drop by drop into the
other. Industrialization, urbanization, secularization or religious pluralism,
ideological neutrality, a free enterprise economy, birth control or family
planning, etc., are the traits or guiding patterns which not only begin to get
transferred to the system of the non-developed country, but also tend to
take on a socio-cultural articulation akin to that of the developed country.
T h u s , development emerges as a process of gradual identification of the
socio-cultural systems, including the university systems, with the characteristics of the referential models by w a y of a directed pragmatic effort,
which does not preclude the use of rational techniques.

The

foundations' implicit model of higher education

In view of the fact that most aid to Latin American universities comes
from United States philanthropic foundations,1 w e will point briefly only
to certain relevant traits of the United States higher education model,
as ideally perceived by the administrators and a great n u m b e r of the
advisers to the donor agencies.
In this model w e discern clear functional levels; those of the administration, of the professors, a n d of the students. T h e administration's function
is to direct and administer, appoint the professors and determine the regulations and conditions for student admission. T h e professors, as employees
of the university, teach or conduct research. Finally, the students' exclusive
of Concepcin were agreed before 1961. These funds were distributed to the different
universities for programmes under the following headings: science and technology $1,225,000;
social sciences related to development $1,545,000; development of the education system,
specially of higher education $5,472,161; agricultural education and development $518,000;
urban and rural improvement $777,250, and special projects $170,000 for reproductive
biology.
1. Though smaller in amount, the help given by European nations such as Belgium, France,
the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , U . S . S . R . , etc., has also had a very significant impact.

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Luis Scherz-Garcia

mission is to study. T h e university takes the form of an economic enterprise,

seeking increased output in obtaining its set goals, in fulfilling its functions
and in the performance of its employees and students. Thus, the
prevailing action patterns a m o n g university units incorporated in international aid programmes are those derived from an economic or administrative ethos.1 Stress is placed on the value of efficiency in the use of financial,
instrumental and h u m a n resources, along with the d e m a n d s of the professional market, strict adhesion to administrative rules and orders, the
impersonal and specific nature of relations and the limitation of responsibilities to specific areas.

The programme of the foundations for universities

T h e p r o g r a m m e of the international foundations can b e synthesized as
follows: better m a n a g e m e n t of academic, financial a n d student affairs;
improvement of academic programmes; training of n e w full-time academic
and administrative staffs; adjustment of the university to meet heavy
educational demands a n d relate itself efficiently to the rest of society;
training of skilled professionals to cope with the problems of development,
and contributing to the improvement of primary and secondary education.2
T o fulfil this p r o g r a m m e , the referential character of the United States
educational model prevails spontaneously but is offset b y an incomplete
and stereotyped understanding of the reality of the Latin American
university.3

The centre of gravity of the aid programmes

First, w e will take note of that which is not taken into account in any w a y
in the p r o g r a m m e . There is no explicit aim to create a n e w type of
university, nor is it explicity contended that the university should assume
an orienting, integrative function in the larger society. Discussion of such
a possibility is considered to be entirely in the realm of ideology and in
opposition to the ideal of neutrality or 'objectivity'. Nevertheless, spurred
on b y the search for efficiency in the develoment of university activities,
the action p r o g r a m m e proceeds by another route (through rationalization
in the use of resources) to install the United States system gradually in the
pertinent units. T h e centre of gravity of the effort is directed toward the
instrumental-adaptative function of the university in society and the
i. Cf. Theodore Caplow and Reece J. McGee, The Academic Market Place. Anchor Book, 1965.
2. Cf. View points on Education and Social Change in Latin America. Report by Donald
F. Sandberg, 'The Ford Foundation and Latin America Higher Education'. (Publication
of the Centre of Latin America Studies of the University of Kansas, Dec. 1965).
3. See the study by Rudolph Atcon, 'La Universidad Latinomericana', in the Eco Magazine,
Bogot, 1963; and Harold Benjamin's, La Educacin superior en la Repblicas Americanas,
McGraw Hill, 1964.

Some dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

395

instrumental roles which the administration, the professional staff and

the student body must play to fulfil this function. T h e quantity and relative
distribution of different types of professionals in developed countries and
the need to produce similar proportions above all in the technological
area, in a given non-developed country in accordance with the nature of
its exploitable resources constitute both the image and the goal. T h e units
which receive international assistance are those considered strategic for
this purpose (faculties or schools of economics, business, administration,
engineering, veterinary science, agronomy, technology, etc.). Moreover, it
is frequently proposed that the university administration incorporate units
responsible for the teaching of those basic sciences which are indispensable
for the professions enumerated. In addition, the administration itself is the
object of attention for the purpose rationalizing its mechanisms.
Nevertheless, the foundations d o not formulate direct and all-embracing
action toward the university in its totality; they limit themselves initially
to the units considered strategic.

T h e university authorities and

international

aid

T o start a p r o g r a m m e of assistance in a given unit, the agreement of

university authorities is required along with the prior authorization of the
government concerned. T h e university authorities, usually guided by
short-term considerations, assign top priority to their financial problems
and are disposed to accept any and all aid to carry out the plans proposed
by the foundations, since in the majority of cases the authorities do not
have plans of their o w n . T h e higher councils of the universities include an
important proportion of persons of traditional mentality (whether their
ideological affiliation be left, right or neutral) s o m e of w h o m are not active
in the university but are top government officials or businessmen.

T h e insertion of the

beneficiary units in

a foreign system

Within the general framework agreed between the governing body of the
university and the officers of the international agency, the concrete tasks
are carried out by the latter, working directly with those in charge of
administering the aided school or faculty. Considering the level of the
governing authority and administration of the assisted units, w e can
appreciate the power of international aid over them. According to its
internal regulations, the foundation constantly evaluates the assistance
project and requires minute accounting for the use of the resources m a d e
available.1 T h e magnitude of these resources2 brings about a recognition
i. This attitude is very different from that assumed, as in Chile, b y the State which does not
strictly control the use of the resources supplied. It is estimated that aid finances 60 to
. 80 per cent of the total budget of each university.
2. For example, in 1964 the School of Sociology of the Universidad Catlica de Chile, received

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Luis Scherz-Garcia

of certain informal rights of the benefactors in the running of the assisted

schools and faculties. In the units affected by the aid, the original distinction between dirction (setting the goals) and administration (their
implementation) tends to disappear, giving rise to ad hoc directiveadministrative units which practically strip the academic councils of their
power to influence the formulation of university policy. Formulation of
policy is latently or spontaneously transferred to a foreign system guided
by the patterns of the beneficiary organization a n d the system of higher
education in the originating country.
T h r o u g h those units involved in aid programmes and through the central
direction, the university is partially assimilated to a foreign system. T h e
beneficiary units constitute foreign enclaves within the university to which
they belong; a n d in the less frequent case in which aid encompasses the
entire university, the latter appears as an island within a larger university
system.1 All of these units and universities, strategically located, together
constitute a favourable institutional framework for the subsequent structuring of the rest of the systems according to the patterns of the North A m e r i can referential model.

T h e policy of replacement and training of personnel

Although w e d o not possess m u c h information to show that it is an established purpose of international aid to impose preconceived models, aid
nevertheless has a latent function tending to this end. T h e trend is towards
an implicit goal: the gradual assimilation of the aid-receiving university
system to that of the donor country. T h e structuring of institutional islands
(units within a university or entire universities) reordered or in the process
of being reordered according to the implicit patterns of the referential
model is a tangible expression of the results of international co-operation.
T h e units subject to the influence of the benefactors assume an ambiguous
institutional position since, defacto, they belong to two systems; and, through
a gradual turnover of their personnel, tend increasingly toward the outside
system, and a w a y from the native system. T h e training and ultimate replacement of personnel is carried out on the administrative and academic
levels. Along with the programmes earmarked for specific units, there are
frequent proposals for general administrative reorganization of the university and the inclusion of a unit for University Planning. For this latter
purpose, commissions and training seminars are p r o g r a m m e d or technical
assistance is assigned.
U.S.S63,3<x> from the Ford Foundation (in accordance with a six-year programme initiated
in that year). The regular budget of the school (not including such assistance) amounted to
approximately U.S.$35,000 (120,000 escudos) in that year.
1. Thus, for example the Instituto Tecnolgico de Monterrey, the Universidad del Valle in
Colombia, the Univere in Venezuela and in large part the Universidad Javeriana in Colombia,
Los Andes in Colombia and National de Ingenieria in Peru.

Some dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

397

Normally, moreover, international aid seeks to contribute to the training

of the administrators of the units specifically involved in the p r o g r a m m e ,
thus holding out the prospect that the administrators of aid will be persons
w h o enjoy the confidence of the aid-givers. For this reliance is placed o n
the fruit of previous work at the academic level. U n d e r the policy of training or retraining future executive-administrative personnel and full-time
faculty m e m b e r s in the strategically selected units, scholarships are offered
to young graduates. A n adaptation or socialization for instance to the
United States system is expected of those w h o are sent on scholarships to
the United States, where they are trained to perform their duties with
efficiency, the ideological neutrality a n d objectivity u p o n their return to
the country of origin. Similarly, in the respective schools and departments,
it is hoped to blunt ideological or political inclinations of students through
rigorous selection and a controlled w o r k p r o g r a m m e . 1
T h e virtual intellectual domination indicated here nevertheless has a
critical limit which is fixed by the increased intensity and explicit character
of the conflicts which are provoked and in which opposing groups have the
support of a force which should not be underestimated in Latin America and
which, as developments have demonstrated, also has a n appreciable social
power elsewhere: the university students.

University mentalities (or ideologies) and their carriers

R o u n d i n g off the considerations outlined a b o v e , w e will present in r o u g h
s u m m a r y fashion, w i t h o u t precise indicators, certain characteristics o f the
m o r e significant mentalities 2 in the university e n v i r o n m e n t a n d their p e r sonal carriers.
T a k i n g into a c c o u n t t h e conceptual a n d value positions w i t h respect to
the p r o b l e m s o f the L a t i n A m e r i c a n university system, w e identify m e n t a l ities w h i c h c a n b e classifield as 'traditional', ' p r a g m a t i c ' a n d 'critical'.3
T h e 'traditional' mentality or ideology is centred a r o u n d the constellation
of ideas a n d values w h i c h a p p e a r e d w i t h the establishment o f t h e
1. T h e emotional content given to this counter-ideological effort by its promoters gives sociological relevance to the formulation of the following question (which w e do not expect
to answer explicitly on this occasion): W h a t is the ultimate ideological content of a 'neutral'
counterideology?
2. Mentalities are complexes of opinions and representations less intellectually elaborated
than the ideologies. See definitions of both concepts in the Fischer Lexicon, Soziologie,
ed. Ren Knig, Frankfurt a m Main, 1958.
3. S u m m a r y classification of value content of three types of mentality:
Means

Mentality

Goals

Qualitative

Traditional
Pragmatic

Quantitative
+
+

Critical

398

Luis Scherz-Garcia

professional' university and which emphasized a merely quantitative criterion in the evaluation ofthe progress of the system. T h e 'pragmatic' mentality
provides a value climate favourable to innovation or to the reform of the
system, according to a foreign pattern, increased efficiency in its functioning, but without proposing final a n d global objectives, and a n
administrative-technological ethos reconciling scientific techniques and
m a n a g e m e n t goals. Finally, the 'critical' mentality presents itself as a
configuration of ideas favouring radical changes in the structures, functions
and ends of the university system. Its terms of reference allow for the establishment of the scientific ethos (including emphasis in creative originality)
and an ethic of social c o m m i t m e n t with respect to the problems of Latin
America.
T h e traditional mentality is found predominantly amongst university
authorities (above all, of the governing councils), older part-time professors and a minority of students in the schools with m o r e traditional roots.
T h e pragmatic mentality is represented largely by persons with directiveadministrative responsibilities in faculties, schools and institutes, by fulltime researchers having pursued post-graduate studies of m o r e recent
vintage outside the country (especially in the United States) and by not
unimportant minorities of politically neutral students, not notably restless
about social change, but with Herodian 1 inclinations, that is to say, receptive to the cultural patterns of countries of higher international status. T h e
critical mentality is to be found a m o n g the intelligentsia or creative university elite. T h e intelligentsia is formed b y full-time intellectually mature
researchers, s o m e having pursued post-graduate studies in Europe or in
the United States, and young part-time teachers; in addition, it is to be
found a m o n g m a n y university students ideologically committed to positions
favourable to social change.
It is well to point out that the administrators and local foundation
advisers can be considered carriers of the pragmatic mentality; a minority,
nevertheless, incline toward the critical position having been sensitized, n o
doubt, b y conflict situations in the university institutions of their o w n
country.
T h e carriers of the traditional mentality are frequently able to work
harmoniously with those of the pragmatic mentality as a result of a process of mutual adaptation which the granting of international aid stimulates. In the measure to which they constitute the governing elite of the
universities, the traditionalist cannot be bypassed in establishing a prog r a m m e of international co-operation, for which purpose the pragmatists
serve as adequate intermediaries. In addition, the traditionalists perceive
this joint action as a w a y of revitalizing their power and prestige, both of
which are favoured by the ultimate success of the p r o g r a m m e and its
financing.
i. Concerning the use of the concept, see Arnold Toynbee, The Study of History, abridgement
of Vol. VII-X by D . C . Somervell, Oxford University Press, 1957.

Some dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

399

Problems and conflicts accompanying international aid

Before moving on to examine types of conflict most relevant to our topic,
w e will briefly consider some general problems which accompany the
granting of international assistance. T o begin with, the incomplete and
simple view of reality held by the benefactors leads them to carry out their
programmes in a m o r e or less standardized m a n n e r in universities situated
in distinct phases and geographical areas. This produces results which are
incompatible with the initial expectations. T h u s in Central America,
where the level of secondary education is comparatively deficient, the
implementation, at the suggestion of the advisers, of basic 'general studies'
courses has not encountered the resistance met by the introduction of the
propedeutico (one-year introduction to professional studies at the University
of Concepcin, Chile), which in the eyes of the students, appears as an
unnecessary prolongation of their studies. Neither has the simplistic strategy
which accompanies the action of international aid m a d e possible the timely
detection at the latter university (considered a pilot project) of the need
for established modern institutional structures to be accompanied by a
modern mentality.
It is also useful to point out the conflict situation generated internally
in the universities assisted by foundations where beneficiary units assume
a privileged position in relation to the other schools or faculties, in salary
scales and facilities m a d e available for teaching or research. Assistance,
in the measure to which it is considered unfairly discriminatory, thus assumes
an unexpected and unfavourable role for the harmonious relations between
the different units which compose the institutions of higher education.1
T h e spontaneous role (dysfunctional from the point of view of the moulding of the possible N e w University) played by international aid producing
modifications based on versions of the North American model or submodels reveals itself in some examples. A university system similar to that
of the State of California where the university assumes a preponderating
role (through its network of satellite institutions, affiliates, and junior colleges), has started to insinuate itself into the University of Chile (with its
network of regional colleges extending throughout the length of Chile)
as a consequence of assistance from various sources. In this instance, h o w ever (as distinct from others, such as the Instituto Technolgico de Monterrey in Mexico or the Universidad del Valle in Colombia), the p r o g r a m m e
has m e t with innumerable obstacles. T h e plurality of opposed interests
has allowed the plan to prosper only in some sectors or faculties, such as
economics and engineering. In a m a n n e r similar to California's, a fluctuating conflict situation has emerged between the central university and the
satellite 'colleges' which d o not intend to remain as such but rather aspire
to the characteristics of the mother institution.
i. Cf. the mimeographed report prepared by the School of Architecture of the Universidad
Catlica de Valparaso: ' L a autonoma', Universitaria Valparaso, 1966.

4oo

Luis Scherz-Garcia

O n e type of analytically strategic problem is produced at the academicadministrative level of the units which receive international aid. T h e
teacher-administrator, w h o has experienced the effects of socialization in the
foreign system of higher education, adopts an ambiguous position to his
roles. H e is not able to place himself clearly within the rules of the g a m e
of the scientific culture. H e uses the methodological aspects of science but
lacks the critical sensibility to immerse himself in Latin America's problems; or perhaps he subordinates them to the limitations of a methodology attuned to another socio-cultural context, a situation clearly evident
in the case of the social sciences.1 T h e critical sensibility in teacher-administrators appears to be corroded b y the socializing influence of the foreign
system.2 There emerges the tendency to view measures related to the university sphere suggested by some international agencies as natural d e m a n d s
without any special wider repercussion. It is symptomatic that, in Chile,
the majority of the teacher-administrators of units in the fields of social
science, directly or indirectly related to foundations reacted only belatedly
against a research plan (Project Camelot) which was denounced b y representatives of other sociological (and public) circles as virtual espionage.3
N o w let us touch upon the conflicts of values and of the groups which
hold these values. In the first place, there is the conflict, latent at times,
overt at others between the two constellations of values and goals which
take root in the university apart from the traditional constellation. O n the
one hand w e distinguish the position of those w h o wish that the university,
aside from assuming an instrumental-adaptive role would openly acknowledge the task of social orientation and integration, using the theoreticalmethodological assistance of the sciences. O n the other hand there are those
w h o , armed with the scientific tools used within a n environment of administrative efficiency, wish the university to place emphasis on the preparation of professionals capable of exploiting Latin America's resources.
T h e 'administrators' and benefactors argue that there is no sense in theorizing about n e w aims for the university and that instead, it is indispensable
that present facilities function efficiently with modifications inspired by
North American patterns. T h e attitude of the former is that of creators
i. Cf. the report presented to the Seminario Internacional de Profesores de Economa Agrcola,
in Medellin, Colombia, August 1965, by Clifton R . Wharton, Jr., 'Revolucionando la
educacin superior en los pases en proceso de desarrollo'.
2. A s a result of an analagous socialization process, numerous young graduates awarded
scholarships for study in the United States or in Europe do not return to their h o m e
countries or return for a short period only. ( W e venture the hypothesis that emigration is
lower among young people motivated b y an ideology of commitment to social change.)
See thefiguresin the report presented to the Unesco Conference C A S T A L A by Luis Giorgi;
'La prdida de personal cientfico y de ingenieros en Amrica Latina por inmigracin hacia
pases m s adelantados: magnitud, carcter y causas', Santiago, 1965.
3. See the report concerning Project Camelot by the Norwegian professor Johan Galtung,
commissioned by the Ministerio del Interior of the Republic of Chile, July 1965. Project
Camelot was sponsored by the Special Operations Research Office ( S O R O ) in co-ordination
with American universities. Also see the discussion in the Parliament of the Republic of
Chile, especially the speeches delivered at the 16 December 1965 session of the Chamber
of Deputies.

Some dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

401

of something n e w ; that of the latter, of the promotors of something that

already exists.1
T h e intervention of students, spontaneously adhering to the ethos of the
majority of teachers w h o function as a n intelligentsia promoting radical
changes in the universities, brings the latent conflicts out into the open.
These conflicts emerge w h e n students seek a n increased participation in the
structure of power in opposition to those w h o officially run the universities.
T h e effort to democratize the universities in the traditional-administrative
sphere in the case of private institutions, a n d in the academic sphere by
eliminating the rigid character of the different chairs of the various universities, is frequently accompanied b y student strikes a n d by a show of
force by students.
This type of conflict is paradoxically overt, even in universities with
a less intense history of student activism, such as private universities, for
example, where patterns established in m a n y units to discourage students
from ideological preoccupations (in accordance with aspirations in favour
of greater efficiency in studies) appear to have gone against the grain of
unfolding events.
In this w a y , the traditional desire of the students to democratize the
directive-administrative structures of their universities has collided with
a university policy (shored u p by international aid) which views such
student claims with suspicion. T h e recent conflicts which explosed in the
Universidad Tcnica Federico Santa M a r i a and in the Universidad Catlica
de Chile (both involved in international assistance programmes) serve to
illustrate these affirmations with clarity.2

Towards overcoming the limitations of analysis

T h e logical a n d strategic point of departure for what w e have presented
is, paradoxically, conflict situations of the type to which w e have referred
above. W i t h respect to these, the relevant types of questions are: W h y d o
1. In the fourth Seminar of Higher Education in the Americas organized by the University
of Kansas (attended by participants from the United States and Latin American professors
or administrators) it was decided to promote the establishment of an Interamerican
institute for the training of university planners (to be trained by international experts
during a period of ten months to confront the problems of the Latin American University).
2. T h e indefinite strike by the students of the Universidad Tcnica Federico Santa Maria at
the beginning of 1966 reached its climax with the support provided b y all the student
organizations of the country on 6 April 1966. T h e strike at the Universidad Catlica de Chile
(thefirstin its seventy-six year history) was the culmination of partial strikes and conflict
situations inside the university which arose from the events of 6 April.
In the Universidad Catlica, the conflict between the university authorities and the
student organizations (with the exception of those student organizations belonging to
schools within a traditional environment like agronomy and law) w a s most pronounced
in the Faculty of Economics a n d Social Sciences. There the conflict between the administrative-teaching body and the students (especially those in the School of Sociology was more
intense. It is fitting to add that the faculty is involved in a programme of international
aid and that its structure personnel (socialized mainly in the North American system)
assimilates itself to the patterns implicit in that assistance.

403

Luis Scherz-Garcia

these conflicts begin to emerge in universities with traditionally non-belligerent student bodies, exploding, as they d o , with greater intensity in
faculties or schools which receive international assistance? W h a t is the
relation between such aid and the pervasion of these units by the a d m i n istrative-economic ethos? W h a t explains certain exaggerated attitudes
on the part of some university authorities to student demands?
O u r task of coming u p with answers to such questions has led us, somewhat hurriedly, in a hypothetical w a y and without any great abundance
of empirical evidence in some cases, to construct this analysis of the negative or dysfunctional impact which international aid can possibly have o n
certain processes related to the university.
T h e essence of the analysis can be summarized around the following
tentative formulations which w e n o w present in order to facilitate a m o r e
complete and precise focus on the problem with which w e are concerned
and to which w e want to call attention.
International aid, directly (through it sofficers or through Latin A m e r ican teachers or administrators socialized in the foreign higher education
system) performs a latent or unexpected function in diffusing the patterns
of the implicit reference model and leads gradually to the assimilation of
the Latin American university system, through its adaptation, to the foreign
system. This process u p to a certain critical limit, runs in spontaneous
h a r m o n y with one which favours a n e w type of local university since both
allow for the entry of science and support an adaptative instrumental
function with respect to the social context. But beyond a certain point,
w h e n the latter process emphasizes an orienting integrating role as inseparable from scientific research, unending conflicts of growing intensity
and volume arise, and two groups of divergent mentalities are revealed:
the 'traditional-pragmatic', which is in powerin concert with international aidand the 'critical', including the most active students, and which
struggles for a share in the official power structure.
Finally, the importance of the orienting role claimed for the university
grows proportionately as other structural units explicitly responsible for
the assumption of that role in the socio-cultural system fail to emerge.
Social change presupposes a reference orientation. S o m e social agent must
openly or latently grasp, interpret, elaborate and distribute the constellation of orienting values and ideas. T h e social agent can be of different
types or complexity; it can belong to a local system or to a foreign one. T h e
clear bid of the university to fulfil this orienting referential role (functional
for itself as for the surrounding society) makes sense if it responds to a social
need. 1 If it does not, this need comes latently to be satisfied by other agents.
Consequently, it is clear that the dysfunctional effects of international aid
must not be ominously interpreted simply as part of an international conspiracy since foreign models c o m e spontaneously to fulfil a temporary func-

i. C. Heinz Startmann 'Hochschulen und Entwicklungslnder', in: H . A . Steger (ed.),

Grundzge des laienamerikanischen Hochschulwesens, Baden-Baden, 1965, p. 269.

S o m e dysfunctional aspects of international assistance

403

tional necessity in a society undergoing c h a n g e , in the face of creative passivity a n d uncritical cultural receptivity.
Nonetheless, the d i l e m m a remains: international action to extend a given
system or, instead, international co-operation to bring into being a n e w
type of university created b y Latin A m e r i c a n s in response to their o w n
problems.

Dr. Luis Scherz-Garcia studied at universities in Chile, the United States of America and
the Federal Republic of Germany. Since 1964, he has been professor of sociological theory at
the Catholic University of Chile, and is at present visiting professor at the University of Notre
Dame, Indiana. He has published U n a N u e v a Universidad para America Latina (1963)
and contributed to Elites in Latin America, edited by S. M . Lipset and A . Solari(ig6y).

Education, occupation and development

Aldo Solari, Nester Campiglia and Susana Prates

In analysing the correlation between education and development and education and level of
occupation the hypothesis is put forward that the role of formal education in the distribution
of occupational roles increases from a stage of complete underdevelopment but decreases again
at a stage of advanced development where education tends to become a necessary but no longer
sufficient condition. A phenomenon of 'super-education' arises when the occupational structure
remains largely static and this situation is analysed through a survey of the population of Montevideo which also shows the relationship between education and degrees of urban socialization.

Several studies have recently sought to establish the relations between

education1 and occupation and the trends which influence these relations.2 T h e questions raised involve several factors which, notwithstanding
the links between them, should not be confused with one another. Without
wishing to recapitulate these, w e felt it necessary to mention those which
are more directly connected with the subject of this article.
It is generally considered that a positive correlation exists between education and economic development, and for this theoretical and empirical
proofs have been advanced.
It is also generally agreed that the relation between education and economic development very largely depends on the relation between edu-

i. Education is used here in the sense of attending school, or what m a y be called formal
education. This is a normal restriction in a work of this kind and in n o w a y implies
ignorance of its other meanings or of the role of other forms of socialization in development.
It has been subdivided into the three conventionally-accepted levels; the available data
did not justify further distinguishing between general and vocational training, a distinction
that raises questions somewhat different from those dealt with in this paper. Cf. R . S . Eckaus;
'Economic Criteria for Education a n d Training', The Review of Economics and Statistics,
Vol. X L V I , N o . 2 (May 1964), pp.181-90, and James C . Scoville, 'Education and Training
Requirements for Occupations', op. cit., Vol. X L V I I I , N o . 4 (November 1966), p p . 387-94.
2. See (a) C . Arnold Anderson, ' A Skeptical Note on the Relation of Vertical Mobility to
Education', The American Journal of Sociology, M a y 1961, reproduced b y A . H . Halsey,
Jean Floud and C . Arnold Anderson in Education, Economy and Society, T h e Free Press,
1961, pp. 164-79, a"! articles in the second part of this book; and (b) John K . Folger and
Charles D . N a m , ' Trends in Education in Relation to the Occupational Structures', Sociology
of Education, Vol. 38, p p . 19-33.

Int. Soc. Set. / . , Vol. X I X , No. 3, 1967

Education, occupation and development

405

cation and occupation. A s already pointed out,1 however, this can be

explained in two ways. It can be assumed (a) that an economy's d e m a n d
for skilled personnel determines the supply; but (b) it is also possible to
argue that a society's level of education m a y rise as a result of political and
ideological factors, leading to an increase in the n u m b e r of persons qualified. This m a y m e a n longer training for certain occupations, without the
occupation itself changing m u c h .
This raises a more specific question which, in turn, raises another: Is
the advance of education that is taking place in almost all societies attributable to the diversification of the general occupational structure, or to
a rise in the level of training required for existing occupations? If both are
responsible, what does each contribute?
Both alternatives have different theoretical and practical consequences.
It would be impossible to examine them all here, but it is very important
to note that various interpretations of the k n o w n facts are possible.
If the education-development and education-occupational level correlation is a positive one it should become m o r e marked with increasing
development. Yet, in certain cases at least, it can be shown that the correlation between the education and occupational level has actually
decreased. Taking the United States censuses for 1940, 1950 and i960,2
the correlation (measured by the coefficient x) decreased from 0.52 in 1940
to 0.50 in 1950 and only 0.39 in i960. O n the other hand, in other countries, the correlation has tended to increase. These contradictions indicate
that the question is very complex and must be reconsidered in the more
general framework of the relation between education and level of development. Obviously implicit in any study of education and occupation is the
fact that the level of education varies. If nobody received formal education,
access to different occupations would have to be based on factors other than
education.
W e believe this hypothesis can be generalized. Education would have
no effect on the distribution of occupational roles if the level of formal
education were the same for all. This could happen in two cases: (a) if no
one received formal education, i.e., educational level = o; (b) if all had
attained the same level (which might be variously situated, e.g., all c o m pleted primary school and none went any further; or all completed secondary school and none went any further and so on). But since access to the
various levels varies according to the social stratification, the hypothesis
will more probably be borne out w h e n formal education is most nearly
universal.
Situations (a) and (b) are extremes and could not happen. But there
are two types of society which c o m e very close to them and might be defined
as the two extreme terms of a continuous series; completely underdeveloped,
and highly advanced societies. In thefirst,only a very small proportion of
1. Folger and N a m , ibid, pp. 20-3.
2. Folger and N a m , ibid, pp. 27-8.

4o6

Aldo Solari, Nester Campiglia and Susana Prates

occupations depend on formal education (which is virtually non-existent);

in the second, the general level is so high that formal education becomes
increasingly a necessary but in most cases no longer a sufficient condition,
so that the weight of other factors in the distribution of occupational roles
becomes increasingly important.
If this general hypothesis is accepted, the education-occupation correlation increases as one goes from extreme underdevelopment to such an
advanced level that it must again begin to decrease.
This indicates a very general trend which could of course be influenced
by other factors, e.g., differences in the rate of change in the occupational
structure of societies at comparable phases of development, or the extent
of 'super-education' in relation to occupations w h e n the structure does not
change, or changes only slightly in response to technical change.
It is generally considered typical of advance societies to d e m a n d increasingly high educational levels for occupations which have not themselves
changed (a university degree instead of a previously required secondary
school or technical qualification). This, however, is mistaken. T h e same
phenomenon m a y very well occur in underdeveloped or semi-developed
societies, w h e n education gives the educated limited access only to the
tertiary sector. But this is a consequence of the economy's stagnation
rather than of its development. A paradoxical situation m a y then occur:
the level of education in certain occupations is very highalmost as high
as in advanced societiesbut very low in others.
For a discussion of the general hypothesis and empirical data that m a y
affect it, Uruguay offers an interesting example.
T h e per capita income is approximately $600. In the population over
15 years of age, less than 10 per cent are illiterate. Almost half of those of
secondary school age are in fact attending secondary schools, and there
are some 610 university students per 100,000 inhabitants. These few facts
reveal that the society is 'super educated' in relation to its level of development as measured by the per capita income. Again, 61.2 per cent of the
population live in towns with over 20,000 inhabitants (one of the highest
urbanization rates in the world), with 44.6 per cent in Montevideo
certainly unique. Urbanization is thus at a m u c h higher level than development, and most likely for reasons which, partly in any rate, are independent
of it.
So m u c h for the static aspects; n o w for the changing. Uruguay's gross
income has remained stationary since 1951 and the per capita income has
declined by about 12 per cent in the last ten years; only the very slow
growth in population (1.3 per cent per a n n u m ) has prevented an even
greater decrease. Parallel with this stagnation, the growth in educational
enrolment has been very high (apart from primary education which has
been universal since 1951) : the n u m b e r of secondary students, for example,
has doubled over the last ten years, as per capita income decreased.
But expansion in the tertiary sector has been even more spectacular.
T h e 1963 census showed 50.6 per cent of the active population employed

Education, occupation a n d development

407

in the tertiary sector. Within this enormous sector, the public sector alone
absorbs more than one-fifth of the active population. F r o m 1955 to 1961,
the active population increased at the same rate as the total population
(1.3 per cent per a n n u m ) ; the public sector by 2.6Jper cent, and the private
sector by only 0.9 per cent although there was no major expansion in
public services. Far from being a consequence of development, growth
of the tertiary sector seems to be a product of stagnation.
T h e data used are from a sample survey of the Montevideo population;1
the education and occupation trends can therefore only be measured by
comparing the different generations actually covered by the survey. In
order to obtain, at the s a m e time, an indication of the various phases of
the urbanization process using the data for this one city, the degree of
urban socialization has also been taken into account. T h u s an effort has
been m a d e to keep the urbanization factor in mind, to see whether it
exercises an influence, and h o w it affects the education-occupation correlation. It is thus hoped that a wider ranging discussion of the theoretical
problems outlined above will be m a d e possible.
F r o m the Montevideo survey figures2 it is possible to measure the correlation between educational and occupational levels both for present
heads of families and for their parents. T h e values of the coefficient (y) are
+ 0 . 6 3 for present heads of families a n d only + 0 . 5 0 for their parents.
Between the two generations, therefore, the correlation has considerably
increased. This could be taken to confirm the general hypothesis: moving
from a low to a higher level of development, the coefficient of correlation
increases. It m a y therefore be reasonably inferred that Uruguay in general
has not reached the point at which the correlation decreases.
W h a t precisely is the nature of the development that has taken place?
W e have seen that the general correlation m a y be affected by special
features of growth and variations in its rate. T h e following are some features of the considerable change that has occurred between the two generations covered by the survey.
First, the population of Montevideo has appreciably increased.
1. The data cited in this paper are the result of research done in 1959 in Montevideo on social
stratification and mobility, by area sampling and a survey covering 2,415 heads of families,
of w h o m 2,006 were male. The data on parents relates only to males.
W e decided to refer to levels rather than classes, the essential criterion for the purposes
of this survey being the principal occupation, defined by the number of hours worked in
it by the person concerned. Hence the correlations between educational level and social
class can be challenged. In calculating the coefficient it was decided to include only fathers
w h o were assumed to have worked in Montevideo themselves excluding those whose sons,
having already reached the age of 18 years w h e n they came to Montevideo, could be considered as having arrived there independently.
It was assumed that the heads of families born in Montevideo or major cities in other
countries had a high level of urban socialization, those born in the other towns in Uruguay
a medium level, and the remainder a low level.
The four educational levels (high, secondary, primary, none) are denned in terms of:
completed secondary and begun university; completed primary and begun secondary;
completed primary; no schooling at all.
2. See Tables 1 to 6 at the end of this article.

4o8

Aldo Solari, Nester Campiglia and Susana Prates

Continuous censusfiguresare not available, but it m a y be estimated that it

has doubled over the last twenty-five to thirty years, reaching i, 150,000 at
the 1963 census.
Secondly, it appears that the population growth has not been accompanied by a parallel growth in industrialization. T w o reasons m a y be
adduced for this, (a) T h e 34.6 per cent of the active population employed
in the secondary sector is very little higher than the figure of 30.1 per cent
for the inland towns, none of which has over 60,000 inhabitants, which
is to say that migration to Montevideo has not caused m u c h expansion of
the secondary sector, (b) M o r e important perhaps is the fact that industrialization, to the limited extent to which it has taken place, has only
slightly affected the size of enterprises; employment in industry has increased
largely because there are n o w m o r e small enterprises.
Thirdly, most migrants to Montevideo find employment in the public
sector, where there is no educational test except for technical posts; it is
thus easy to understand w h y their educational level is very low.
Fourthly, the survey indicates that the structure of employment from
one generation to another has not undergone any change that favours vertical social mobility. T h e numbers of wage-earners in the middle brackets,
and to an even m o r e marked extent in the lower brackets, have increased
because of the low degree of industrialization.1
At the same time, per capita income, which increased u p to 1951, subsequently stagnated. It could therefore be concluded that, even with this
relative development, limited by all the factors mentioned above, the education-occupation correlation is increasing, a n d that Uruguay confirms the
general hypothesis.
At the same time, however, one m a y ask whether the acceleration of
migration to Montevideo in recent years has not had a considerable influence. For the city's population seems to have shown quite marked variations
in degree of urban socialization, which m a y have an effect on the educationoccupation correlation.
T h e classification of heads of families into three groups by degree of
urban socialization (see Tables 4, 5 and 6) shows that the correlation
between urban socialization and occupation is very limited, but positive
(+0.31). It m a y be thought that, apart from being low, this correlation
has no special significance since it is reasonable to assume that those w h o
have reached a higher degree of urban socialization also have a higher level
of education. T h e coefficient of correlation between education and urban
socialization is + 0 . 4 3 (slightly higher than the correlation between urban
socialization and occupation). This is not decisive but does indicate a
trend towards associating urban socialization and educational level.
A multiple variable analysis was used to verify this correlation. First to
test the significance of education, the education-occupation correlation
1. See Jean Labbens and Aldo E . Solad, 'Movilidad social en Montevideo', Boletn del Centro
Latinoamericano de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales, November 1961, reproduced in
Aldo E . Solari, Estudios sobre la sociedad uruguaya, Vol. I, pp. 85-112, Montevideo, 1965.

Education, occupation and development

409

was calculated separately for those with high, m e d i u m and low levels of
urban socialization. T h e n , in order to measure the significance of urban
socialization, the correlation between urban socialization a n d education
was calculated for the various educational levels. In thefirstcase the correlation rises from + 0 . 5 0 (low) to + 0 . 6 7 (medium) and falls to + 0 . 6 1
for those with a high level of urban socialization. Results in the second case
indicate that degree of urban socialization has little significance. T h e correlations which exist, although low, m a y be explained b y differences in
educational level a m o n g those w h o have reached different degrees of
urban socialization.
It is clear that the significant correlation is education-occupation. These
results, however, call for a somewhat m o r e detailed analysis. W e have
seen that this correlation for heads of families having a low level of urban
socialization is + 0 . 5 0 . T h e figure is the s a m e for parents of present heads
of families, and this m a y b e explained b y a similarly low level of urban
socialization in the previous generation. M o r e important, however, is the
fact that the breakdown of educational levels is roughly the same a m o n g
the parents of all heads of families with a low level of urban socialization,
as the following table indicates.
_ . . . . . . .
Educational level

University, completed
University, incomplete
Secondary, completed
Secondary, incomplete
Primary, completed
Primary, incomplete
N o education

Parents

4.6
3-2
3-o
6-5
34-9
34-3
13-5

Heads of families with a

.
. ,
. ,. t .
low level of urban socialization
2.1

2-7
2.1

8.2
29.8
4I.7
13-4

Total
O f the parents, 82.7 per cent do not go beyond the level of complete
primary education, and 84.9 per cent of heads of families with a low level
of urban socialization are in the same situation. It m a y therefore be concluded that a relatively low level of social development is reflected in a low
education-occupation correlation.
T h e analysis must be carried further, however, since it will be noted
that the correlation increases for heads of families with a m e d i u m level of
urban socialization, and decreases w h e n it is high. T h e overleaf tables
indicate level of education for all heads of families and for heads of families
w h o have reached a m e d i u m or high degree of urban socialization.
T h e differences are considerable: 67.1 per cent with a m e d i u m level of
urban socialization have not gone beyond complete primary education,
as against 58.4 per cent of those with a high level; but there is less difference
between these two categories than between each of them and the category
with a low level. T h e fact that there is a considerable difference between the

410

_ . . . . , .
Educational level

University, completed
University, incomplete
Secondary, completed
Secondary, incomplete
Primary, completed
Primary, incomplete
N o education
Total

Aldo Solari, Nester Campiglia and Susana Prates

All heads
- . ...
of families

5-4
5-4
3-6
16.5
33-'
29.0

7.0
100

Medium level of
.
. ,. ..
urban socialization

High level of urban

. .. ^.
socialization

6.5
3-a

8.0
6.9
4.8

18.1
27.6
32.3

19-9
37-5
18.6

5-

7.2
100

2-3
100

education-occupation correlation in this third category and the s a m e

correlation in the first two is readily explained, but w h y is it higher a m o n g
heads of families with a high degree of urban socialization? T o finish
with this point, let us consider occupation levels for all heads of families
and for those with a m e d i u m or high level of urban socialization respectively.
Occupational level

High
Higher intermediate
Lower intermediate
Skilled at lower level
Unskilled
Total

All heads
of families

2.8
ILO

M e d i u m level of
urban socialization

High level of urban

socialization

2.2

3-5

26.7

I2.3
3-9
20.3
33-3

16.0
42.7
19.6
18.2

100

100

37-8
21.2

100

It will be seen that there are major differences between heads of families
at the m e d i u m a n d high levels of social urbanization, the proportion at
high level being greater at the high a n d the lower intermediate occupation
levels (at the higher intermediate level also, but this is less pronounced).
It is very significant that the difference in occupation levels between heads
of families in the m e d i u m and high socialization categories follows the
s a m e pattern as the difference from one generation to the next in employment; as already noted, it is the lower intermediate positions which have
increased from one generation to another.
T w o major points emerge. A certain change has taken place from one
generation to another a n d the education-occupation correlation has
increased. Furthermore, analysing the figures for the present generation of
heads of families and taking only those at low levels of occupation, education
and urbans ocialization, the education-occupation correlation is likewise
relatively low although still significant. A t the intermediate levels for all
three, the correlation coefficient is m u c h higher; at the higher levels, the
correlation decreases. A s a parallel m a y be observed between these various
cases a n d economic a n d social development, and since it has also been
s h o w n the urban socialization has little effect on the education-occupation

Education, occupation and development

411

correlation, it m a y b e concluded that, as development occurs, the correlation increases u p to a certain level, beyond which it begins to decrease.
Uruguay would seem to confirm the original hypothesis.
Objections m a y of course be raised on the grounds of special features
in the development process, or the nature of the survey. It is for this reason
that the study of Uruguayan society and the questions it raises should be
further investigated. T h e present survey is limited in scope to the
population of Montevideo. In addition, the earlier indices of development
are inadequate, since they allow a comparison of only two generations, and
the data cover only present heads of families, with different levels of
urban socialization. These objections have their weight but w e d o not
believe they in any w a y lessen the validity of our conclusions; the results
of the survey have been checked with data from completely different
sources which fully confirm them.
M u c h more serious are the reservations suggested by particularities in
the process of development and stagnation in Uruguay. In Latin America
generally, urbanization is outstripping development. T o a lesser extent,
but still frequently, education m a y also outstrip development. In both
respects, Uruguay is an extreme case. Since education has for a long time
outstripped development, it m a y be concluded that the fact that the
education-occupation correlation increases from one generation to another
is significant and in line with the general hypothesis.
T h e problem becomes more complex if w e consider the significance of
the increase in the correlation for those with a m e d i u m level of social
urbanization and its decrease w h e n the level is high. While development
is undeniable from one generation to another, the present heads of families,
irrespective of level of urban socialization, are inevitably affected by the
stagnation of the economy. If, as indicated earlier, education levels have
risen considerably during this period of stagnation a decrease in the correlation m a y be expected, since the higher levels of occupation have not
risen in the same proportion, the implication being that those w h o have
reached a higher level of education d o not find adequate openings and are
obliged to take u p occupations at the intermediate or even lower levels.
H e n c e the 'super-education' at these two levels, a very different situation
from that obtaining in the advanced countries, where education has
outstripped the rate of diversification of occupational roles, and the level of
education required for each job and for occupations as a whole is constantly
rising. T h e education-occupation correlation declines but the fact that
the same jobs are done by better trained people m a y be regarded as favourable to development. There is really no waste of h u m a n resources. In
Uruguay, various intermediate-level jobs are done by highly educated
people because they have no other openingsand this does m e a n a
waste of h u m a n resources. This is accentuated by the fact that so m a n y
university students take traditional courses: half do law or medicine, and
only a very small percentage science or technology, giving too m a n y
qualified in certain branches and not enough in others.

412

Aldo Solari, Nester Campiglia and Susana Prates

These arguments are obviously not unfounded. T h e decrease in the

education-occupation correlation a m o n g heads of families with a high
level of urban socialization confirms the general hypothesis that the
correlation increases over the long term a n d subsequently declines. In
certain cases, development m a y also b e considered as the consequence of
various rates of development or a n exaggeration of certain development
trendsbut this does not nullify the general hypothesis since, as already
indicated, the trends will again b e c o m e apparent over the long term; it
does s h o w that unduly hasty generalizations here should b e avoided. In
a n y case, it seems clear that the education-occupation correlation has not
the s a m e significance in countries at different levels of development, a n d
that it is still necessary to m a k e a m o r e thorough study of the significance
of education in development.

Aldo Solari is professor of sociology at the University of Montevideo and at present a member
of the secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America. He is
the author of several books amongst which are Estudios sobre la Sociedad Uruguaya
(s voluntes 1965, ig66) and El Desarrollo Social del Uruguay (iftj), and co-editor
of Elites in Latin America (1967).

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Selected bibliography 1958-66

Bibliographies

A L E X A N D E R - F R U T S C H I , M . C . Human resources and economic growth. An international

annotated bibliography on the role of education, and training in economic and social develop
ment. M e n l o Park, Calif., Stanford Research Institute, 1963, xvi + 398 p.
B A R O N , G . A bibliographical guide to the English education system. L o n d o n , Athlone
Press, i960, 97 p .
B R E M B E C K , C . S. ; K E I T H , J. P . Education in emerging Africa; a select and annotated
bibliography. East Lansing, M i c h . , College of Education, and International
Programs, 1962, 153 p.
; W E I D N E R , E . W . Education and development in India and Pakistan. A select and
annotated bibliography. East Lansing, M i c h . , College of Education and International Programs, 196a, vin + 321 p.
F L O U D , J. ; H A L S E Y A . H . T h e sociology of education. A trend report and bibliography, Curr. Sociol. 8(3), 1958, p . 165-235.
N A T I O N A L I N S T I T U T E O F B A S I C E D U C A T I O N . Basic education bibliography. Delhi, M a n a ger of Publications, i960, 52 p .
N E F F , K . L . Selected bibliography on education in Southeast Asia. Washington, United
States Department of Health, Education a n d Welfare, Office of Education,
United States Government Printing Office, 1963, m + 16 p .
U N E S C O . Adult education and community development. Bibliography. Paris, Unesco, 1959,
15 p. (Education Abstracts, October 1959.)
. Adult and workers' education periodicals. Paris, Unesco, i960, 14 p . (Education
Abstracts, October i960.)
W A R D , B. A . Literacy and basic elementary education for adults; a selected annotated bibliog
raphy. Washington, United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Office of Education, 1961, x + 126 p.

Theoretical studies
A G U L L A , J. C . L a sociologa de la educacin [Sociology of education], Sociol. int.
3 ( 0 . 1965 57-78A R A N G U R E N , J. L . Sociologa de la educacin [Sociology of education], R. Occidente 3(28), July 1965, p . 26-44.
B E L L , R . R . (ed.). The sociology of education: a source book. H o m e w o o d , 111, Dorsey
Press, 1962, 368 p.
B E L T H , M . Education as a discipline: a study of the role of models in thinking. Boston.
Allyn and Bacon, 1965, xvin + 317 p.
B E S T , J. W . Research in education. Englewood Cliffs, N . J . , Prentice-Hall, 1959, 320 p .

Int. Soc. Sei. J., VoL X I X , No. 3, I97

Selected bibliography 1958-66

4'7

B R I M , O . G . Sociology and thefieldof education. Prepared for the American Sociological

Society. N e w York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1958, 93 p .
C L A R K , B. R . Sociology of education. In: R . E . L . Fans (ed.), Handbook of modern
sociology. Chicago, R a n d McNally and C o . , 1964, p. 734-769.
C O L E , W . E . ; M O N T G O M E R Y , C . High school sociology; a study in social and human
relations. Boston, Mass., Allyn and Bacon, 1959, 406 p.
C O O K , L . A . ; C O O K , E . F . A sociological approach to education. N e w York, M c G r a w Hill, i960, 371 p. (First edition published in 1938 under the title: Community
backgrounds of education.)
C O R W I N , R . G . A sociology of education; emerging patterns of class, status and power in the
public school. N e w York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1965, x + 454 p.
D E V A U G E S , R . lments pour une sociologie de l'enseignement en Afrique indpendante, Civilisations 15(3), 1965, p. 404-419.
F L O U D , E . W . Principles and problems in the sociology of education. In: Transactions of the 4th World Congress of Sociology, vol. II. London, International Sociological Association, 1959, p . 29-41.
FoRACCHi, M . M . A analise sociolgica de educao [The sociological analysis
of education], Sociologa (Sao Paulo) 22(1), M a r c h i960, p. 29-33.
G R O S S , N . T h e sociology of education. In: R . K . Merton, L . Broom, L . S . Cottrell, Jr. (eds.). Sociology today. N e w York, Basic Books Inc., 1959, p . 128-152.
L E G E N D R E , P. Essai pour une sociologie de l'expert en ducation dans les situations
post-coloniales, Tiers-Monde 6(22), April-June, 1965, p . 387-404.
M A N N H E I M , K . ; S T E W A R T , W . A . C . An introduction to the sociology of education. London,
Routledge and K . Paul; N e w York, Humanities Press, 1962, 187 p.
P A G E , C . H . (ed.). Sociology and contemporary education. N e w York, R a n d o m House,
1964, xxii + 138 p .
Sociology and education, Harvard Educational Review 29(4), A u t u m n 1959, p . 273404. (A special issue: Theory and research in sociology and education.)
S U M P E , J. Aperu sur la sociologie de l'ducation aux tats-Unis. L'tude des
effets, R. franc. Sociol. 6(2), April-June 1965, p. 203-214.

Education and society

General studies
A R O N , R . T h e education of the citizen in industrial society, Daedalus 91(2), Spring
1961, p. 249-263.
B A N T O C K , G . H . Education in an industrial society. London, Faber and Faber, 1963,
238 p .
B E R G E R , G . L'homme moderne et son ducation. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France,
1962, 368 p .
B E R T I N , G . M . Scuola e societ in Italia [School and society in Italy]. Bari, Laterza,
1964, 230 p.
B H A T T A C H A R Y A , S . Our society and education. Calcutta, Academic Publishers, 1962,
124 p . [India.]
B R A M E L D , T . Education for the emerging age: newer ends and stronger means. N e w York,
Harper and Brothers, 61, vni + 244 p .
B U E N O , M . Educacin y sociedad [Education and society], if. Mexic. Sociol. 23(3),
1961, p . 887-895.
C O L L I E R , K . G . The social purposes of education. London, Routledge and K e g a n Paul;
N e w York, Humanities Press, 1959, xvi + 235 p .
C O O M B S , R . H . ; D A V I S , V . Social class, scholastic aspiration and academic achievement, Pacific sociol. R. 8(2), A u t u m n 1965, p. 96-100.
C O S T E R , S. de ; L E M A L , J. ; M O E N S - M E L I S , L . Rgression sociale virtuelle et enseignement professionnel et technique, R. Ins t. Sociol. (2), 1962, p . 521-538.

4i8

Social functions of education

. Rgression sociale virtuelle et pdagogie. R. Inst. Sociol. (4), 1964, p. 805-814.

D E B U C Q U O Y , J. L'enseignement dans le m o n d e moderne, Dois. Action soc. cath.
37(8), Oct. i960, p . 679-698.
D E L E O N , A . Conception actuelle de l'ducation permanente et de sa planification,
Peuple et culture 66, 2 e trim. 1966, p . 3-32.
D U C R E T , B . ; R A F E - U Z - Z A M A N (eds.). The university today, its role and place in society;
an international study. Geneva, World University Service, 60, x n + 333 p .
L'ducation. Paris, ditions de la nouvelle critique, 196s, a 16 p. (Recherches internationales la lumire du marxisme, n o a8, N o v . - D e c . 1961.)
Education and society, J. soc. polit. Ideas Japan 1 (3), Dec. 1963, p. 63-93. [J a P a n -]
Educazione scuola e societ [Education, school and society]. Firenze, L a N u o v a Italia,
1964, 458 p .
E L V I N , H . L . Education and contemporary society. London, Watts, 1965, vni + 220 p.
F L O U D , J. et al. cole et socit. Paris, M . Rivire, 1959, 131 p .
G A U D E Z , P . Les tudiants. Paris, ditions du Seuil, 1961, 199 p .
G H O S E , M . G . Education and the standards of social progress, Calcutta R. 147(1)
April 1958, p . 11-18.
G O S L I N , D . A . The school in contemporary society. Chicago, Scott, Foresman, 1965,
173 PH A L S E Y , A . H . T h e changing functions of universities in advanced industrial
societies, Harvard educational review 30(2), Spring i960, p . 118-127.
; F L O U D , J.; A N D E R S O N , C . A . (eds.). Education, economy, and society: a reader
in the sociology of education. N e w York, Free Press of Glencoe, 1961, 625 p .
H A M O N , L . L'importance des modles et des idologies ; les distorsions qui en
rsultent et le rle de l'ducation, Tiers-Monde 1(1-2), Jan.-June i960, p. 156-160.
H E I N T Z , Peter. A study on educational ideology. Soc. econ. Stud. 14(1), M a r c h 1965,
p. 21-34K E R B E R , A . ; S M I T H , W . R . (eds). Educational issues in a changing society. Detroit,
W a y n e State University Press, 1962, v m + 477 p . [ U . S . A . ]
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F R I E D M A N N , G . Enseignement et culture de masse, Communications 1, 1961, p. 3-15.
G R I F F I T H , A . (ed.). The role of American higher education in relation to developing areas.
Washington, American Council on Education, 1961, ix + 70 p.
H A R M E L , P . Civilisation et universit, R. polit. (Bruxelles) 9(4), 15 June i960,
p. 317-321.
H O Y T , N . D . T h e school and American culture: a problem for social workers,
Soc. Wk 9(2), April 1964, p . 90-97.
H U N T E R , G . Western culture and the advancing African: the task of adult education,
Civilisations 9(3), 1959, p . 313-328.
IBRASI, M . L'ducation dans l'Islam. Cairo, S O P Press, 1962, 95 p .
K A E S , R . Les ouvriers franais et la culture. Enqute ig8-ig6i sous la direction de Marcel
David. Strasbourg, Institut du travail, 1962, 592 p., fig., tabl.
K E R L I N G E R , F . N . Progressivism and traditionalism: basic factors of educational
attitudes, J. soc. Psychol. 48(1), A u g . 1958, p. 111-135.
K L I N E B E R G , O . Research in thefieldof international exchange in education,
science and culture, Inform. Sei. soc. 4(4), Dec. 1965, p . 97-138.

Selected bibliography 1958-66.

425

Planification et ducation populaire. Paris, 14 rue Monsieur-le-Prince, 1961, 112 p.,

tabl. {Peuple et culture, numro spcial, 56.)
R E G U Z Z O N I , M . L a formazione cultrale di base nella societ industrale [Basic
cultural training in industrial society], Aggiorn. soc. 13(5), M a y 1962, p. 323-330.
R O U C E K , J. S. Sociological implications of studying abroad, J. hum. Rel. 6(2),
Winter 1958, p. 118-132.
R O Y , N . R . Workers' education: need for emphasis on cultural development,
Ind. J. Adult Educ. 19(1), M a r c h 1958, p. 9-12.
S N E L L G R O V E , D . Cultural and educational traditions in Tibet, Sei. Freedom 14,
Feb. i960, p. 16-33.
S P I N D L E R , G . D . The transmission of American culture. Cambridge, Mass.; distributed
for the Graduate School of Education of Harvard University by Harvard University Press, 1959, 51 p .
(ed.). Education and culture: anthropological approaches. N e w York, Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1963, x x + 571 p.
V I G N E S , K . Les mthodes de coopration en matire d'enseignement et de formation
dans les pays en voie de dveloppement. J. off. Cons. con. soc. 8, 18 M a y 1963,
p. 314-367W I L S O N , J. Education and changing West African culture. N e w York, Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1963, xi + 125 p.

Case studies
L'Adaptation de l'enseignement aux ralits africaines en Haute-Volta, Nations
nouvelles 7, 1966, p. 26-40.
A G L I E R I - R I N E L L A , M . L'educazione degli adulti, fattore di progresso democrtico
del Sud [Adult education; a factor of democratic progress in the South], Prospett.
merid. 9(11), N o v . 1963, p . 6-9. [Italy.]
A L V A R E Z A N D R E W S , O . Aspectos sociolgicos del problema educacional en Chile
[Sociological aspects of the educational problem in Chile], R. mexic. Sociol. 20(30),
Oct.-Dec. 1958, p. 873-934.
A N Z O L A G M E Z , G . Como llegar hasta los campesinos por medio de la educacin; resultados
de una experiencia en el CREFAL [ H o w to reach the peasants by means of education:
results of an experience in C R E F A L ] . Bogot, Ministerio de Educacin Nacional,
62, 398 p . [Centro Regional de Educacin Fundamental para la Amrica Latina,
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A R A S T E H , R . Education and social awakening in Iran. Leiden, E . J. Brill, 1962, 144 p .
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A R D O I N O , J. Propos actuels sur l'ducation. Paris, Gauthier-Villars, 1965, xiv + 304 p*
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A R O N , R . Quelques problmes des universits franaises, Archiv, europ. Sociol. 3(1),
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A Z E V E D O , A . de. Educaao e m Africa [Education in Africa], Estud. ultramar 3, 1962,.
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consistency and prediction of conforming behavior, Sociometry 28(3), Sept. 1965,
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B A L O G H , T . Enseignement et action sociale en Afrique, Revue de la Socit d'tudes
et d'Expansion 201, May-June-July 1962, p . 379-384.
B A M F O R D , T . W . Public schools and social class, 1801-1850. Brit. J. Sociol. 12(3),
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B E R E D A Y , G . Z . F . Education and youth, A. Amer. Acad. polit, soc. Sei. 317, M a y 1958,
p . 63-70. [Eastern Europe.]

Mc^"

''

426

Social functions of education

B O N A C I N A , F . Aspetti sociologici dell'educazione in Italia [Sociological aspects of

education in Italy], Cultura e Scuola 2(8), J u n e - A u g . 1963, p . 220.
B O N G I O V A N I S A F F I O T I , H . I. A eduao n o Brasil c o m o problema social [Education
in Brazil as a social problem], Sociologie (So Paulo) 25(2), June 1963, p . 155-161.
BouRDiEU, P . ; P A S S E R O N , J. C ; E L I A R D , M . Les tudiants et leurs tudes. Paris, M o u t o n ,
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;
. Les hritiers. Les tudiants et la culture. Paris, ditions d e Minuit, 1964,
183 p .
B R A N D A O L O P E S , J . R . Estrutura social e eduao n o Brasil [Social structure and
education in Brazil], Educ. Cinc. soc. 4(10). April 1959, p . 53-77B U E N O , M . Finalidad y orientacin socioeducativas del bachillerato [Socio-educational purpose a n d orientation of the baccalaureate], R. mexic. Social. 22(3),
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B U I T R N , A . Problemas econmico-sociales de la educacin en la Amrica latina
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20(3), July i960, p . 167-172.
CONFERENCE O N T H E D V E L O P P E M E N T

OF H I G H E R

EDUCATION

IN AFRICA.

The

development of higher education in Africa: conclusions and recommendations of the conference.

Paris, Unesco, 1963, 32 p .
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C O S T E R , S. de; V A N D E R E L S T , G . Orientation et russite scolaires en rapport avec
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D E H E Y N , J. J. T h e education of w o m e n in the Belgian C o n g o , Afr. Women 3(2),
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D E S C A M P S , A . L e rle de la coopration scolaire dans l'ducation morale et sociale
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DiMiTRAs, E . Facteurs dmographiques et sociogographiques intervenant dans la
planification de la lutte contre l'analphabtisme, Tiers-Monde 1(1-2), J a n . J u n e i960, p . 174-190.
D R O P K I N , S.; F U L L , H . ; S C H W A R C Z , E . (eds.). Contemporary American education: an
anthology of issues, problems, challenges. N e w York, Macmillan, 1965, vil + 600 p .
D u S A U T O Y , P . The planning and organization of adult literary programmes in Africa.
(Manuals on Adult and Youth Education, 4.) Paris, Unesco, 1966, tabl. bibliogr.
; W A L L E R , R . D . C o m m u n i t y development and adult education in urban areas,
Int. R. Community Develop. 8, 1961, p . 33-50.
E C O N O M I S T ( T H E ) . Secondary technical and vocational education in underdeveloped countries.
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in D e c e m b e r 1957. Paris, Unesco, 1959, 34 p.
L'Enseignement dans le m o n d e , Doc. R. Deux Mondes 13, Sept. i960, 63 p .
F E R R A R O T T I , F . Scuola e societa in America [School a n d society in America],
Quad. Sociol. 4 0 , Spring 1961, p . 9 1 - n o .
F O S T E R , P . J. Education and social change in G h a n a . Chicago, University of
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F O U R R E , P . ; T H E O D O S S O P O U L O S , C . Techniques d'ducation des adultes dans les pays en
voie de dveloppement. tude de cas en Grce. Paris, Organisation pour la coopration
et le dveloppement conomique, 1963, 143 p .
F R A S E R , S . (ed.). Chinese communist education; records of thefirstdecade. Nashville, V a n derbilt, University Press, 1965, xvi + 542 p.
F R A S E R , W . R . Education and society in modern France. L o n d o n , Routledge a n d K .
Paul; N e w York, Humanities Press, 1963, ix + 140 p .
G A G E , N . I. (ed.). Handbook of research on teaching; a project of the American Educational
Research Association. Chicago, R a n d McNally, 1963, 1218 p .

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427

G I N E S T E , R . L'adaptation de l'enseignement l'Afrique d'aujourd'hui, Sem. Rech.

pdagog. Pays Develop. B. Liaison ai, 1961, p . 15-29.
G R E E N O U G H , R . Africa prospect: progress in education. Paris, Unesco, 1966, m p .
H A R B I S O N , F . T h e African university and h u m a n resource development, J. mod. Afr
Stud. 3(1), M a y 1965, p. 53-62.
H E L Y , A . S. M . Adult and workers education: their relationship, Ind. J. Adult.
Educ. 18(3), Sept. 1957, p . 1-7.
H E N D R I C K S O N , A . ; B A R N E S , R . F . The role of colleges and universities in the education
of the aged. Columbus, Ohio State University Research Foundation, 1964, xi -f231 p.
H O U N E , A . L a planification de l'emploi et la refonte des structures de l'enseignement,
if. int. Trav. 89(6), June 1964, p. 599-624.
IKEJIANI, O . (ed.). Education in Nigeria. N e w York, Praeger, 1965, xix + 234 p.
Inadaptation scolaire et sociale et ses remdes (L'). L'action des centres psycho-pdagogiques
des tablissements d'enseignement. Paris, Bourrelier, 1959, 192 p.
I N T E R N A T I O N A L B U R E A U O F E D U C A T I O N . Training of technical and scientific staff. An
international survey. With a n introduction by R . Girod, Geneva, 1959, 323 p.
(Publication no. 205.)
. Facilities for education in rural areas. Geneva, I B E , 1958, 254 p. With a general
introduction by R . Girod, p . 6-33.
Literacy and education for adults. Research in comparative education (Twentyseventh
International Conference on Public Education). Geneva, International Bureau
of Education; Paris, Unesco, 1964, LXVII + 179 p. (IBE publication 265).
Supplement 1965, 64 p. (IBE publication 277.)
I S A M B E R T - J A M A T I , V . ducation et maturit sociale dans la France contemporaine,
C. int. Sociol. 8(31), July-Dec. 1961, p. 129-144.
I W A N S K A , A . N e w knowledge. T h e impact of school upon traditional structure
of a Mexican village, Sociologus 13(2), 1963, p . 137-150.
K I T C H E N , H . (ed.). The educated African: a country by country survey of educational development in Africa. N e w York, Praeger, 1962, XVII + 542 p.
K I T S A R A S , I. Epaggelmatikos prosanatolismos [Professional orientation]. Athenai,
n. p-, 1959 304 PK N O W L E S , M . S. The adult education movement in the United States. N e w York, Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1962, 335 p.
L L A V E R O , F . Universidad, plan de desarrollo y adminitracin [University, development plan and administration], R. int. Sociol. (Madrid) 22(85), J a n . - M a r . 1964,
p. 47-63; 22(60), April-June 1964, p. 205-217. [Spain.]
L Y O N S , R . F . ed. Problems and strategies of education. Lessons from Latin America. Paris,
Unesco, 1965, 116 p. (Also published in Spanish.)
M A C H L U P , F . The production and distribution of knowledge in the United States. Princeton,
N . J., Princeton University Press, 1962, 416 p .
M A T H E W S O N , R . H . A strategy for American education: an inquiry into the feasibility of
education for individual and social development. N e w York, Harper, 1957, 296 p .
M A Y S , J. B . Education and the urban child. Liverpool, Liverpool University Press,
1962, ix + 208 p.
M E Y E R , J. U n e exprience d'alphabtisation et d'ducation des adultes au Niger.
Coop, pdag. 8, O c t . - N o v . - D e c . 1964, p. 19-24.
M I A L A R E T , G . et al. ducation nouvelle et monde moderne. Paris, Presses universitaires de
France, 1966, 171 p. (L'ducation, 8.)
M I D D L E T O N , R . Alienation, race and education, Amer, sociol. R. 28(6), Dec. 1963,
P- 973-977M o o s , E . Soviet education today and tomorrow. N e w York, National Council of AmericanSoviet Friendship, 1959, 93 p .
M O S H E R , A . T . El socilogo en el desarrollo agrcola [The sociologist in agricultural
development], R. interamer. Cienc. soc. 3(7), 1965, p. 15-31.
M o u M O U N l , A . L'ducation en Afrique. Paris, F . Maspero, 1964, 399 p.

428

Social functions of education

M O U T O N , G . L'ducation des adultes dans les pays moins dvelopps, R. Coop. int.
54(4), April 1961, p . 92-96.
M o R O T - S i R , E . ducation permanente et rducation aux tats-Unis d'Amrique,
. Enstign. sup. 1, J a n . - M a r c h 1962, p . 55-65.
M o T W A N i , C . Education of W o m e n in Ceylon, Afr. Women 3(3), D e c . 1959,
p. 65-67.
P A S S O W , A . H . (ed.). Education in depressed areas. N e w York, Bureau of Publications,
Teachers College, Columbia University, 1963, xiv + 359 p .
P A U V E R T , J. C ; T R I C A R T , J. Afrique noire. Tendances actuelles de l'ducation des adultes
dans les tats africains d'expression franaise. Paris, Presses universitaires de France,
196a, 79 p .
P O B L E T E T R O N C O S O , M . T h e implications of Unesco's major project to extend
primary education in Latin America, Unesco Chron. 4(1), Jan. 1958, p. 3-6.
P O U N D S , R . L . ; B R Y N E R , J. R . The School in American society. N e w York, Macmillan,
1959. 518 p .
Q U I R I N O - L A N H O U N M E Y , J. L a planification de l'ducation au D a h o m e y , TiersMonde 6(22), April-June 1965, p. 405-420.
R Y A N , B . Status, achievement and education in Ceylon, J. Asian Stud. 20(4),
A u g . 1961, p . 463-476.
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1965, p. 1-154. (Education in Latin America.)
S T E G A R , H . A . Moderne Entwicklungstendenzen i m lateinamerikanischen Erziehungswesen [Modern trends of development in the Latin American educational
system], Off. Welt 80, June 1963, p. 241-255.
S T O J A N O V I , A . Socioloska strana reforme skolstva u Jugoslaviji [Sociological
aspects of school reform in Yugoslavia], A. Pram. Fak. Beogradu 9(4), Oct.Dec. 1961, p. 689-703.
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June i960, p . 21-25.
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Jamaica, Centre for the Study of Education, University College of the West
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conference on education in Latin America], Foro int. 3(1), July-Sept. 196a,
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WILLIAMS, J. L. Some social consequences of grammar school education in a rural
area in Wales, Brit. J. Social. 10(2), June 1959, p. 125-128.
W I L S O N , A . B . Residential segregation of social classes and aspirations of high
school boys, Amer, sociol. R. 24(6), Dec. 1959, p. 836-845.
W I L S O N , L. (ed.), Emerging patterns in American higher education. Washington, American
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coop. 43(137). 3rd trim. 1964,

p. 203-234. [France.]

The world
of the social sciences

Research and training centres

and professional bodies*

Contributions to this section are invited. Statements, not exceeding 1,500 words, should be
submitted in two double-spaced typewritten copies, in English, French, Spanish, Russian,
German or Italian. Particular emphasis on current or planned research activities is desirable.

N e w institutions a n d changes of address

N e w institutions
International
International Information o n Peace-keeping Operations ( I P K O ) (Centre international d'information pour les oprations de maintien de la paix), 16, rue H a m e lin, 75 Paris-16e.
Belgium
Centre de sociologie d e la guerre, Institut de sociologie, Universit libre d e
Bruxelles, parc Leopold, Brussels 4.
Canada
T h e Canadian Peace Research and Education Association, c/o Professor Fred
K n e l m a n , Membership Chairman, 91 St. George Street, University of Toronto,
Toronto 5, Ontario.
France
Institut international d'administration publique, 2, avenue de l'Observatoire,
75 Paris-6e.
Institut de recherches sur la paix, Centre d'tudes de politique trangre,
54, rue de Varenne, 75 Paris-7e.
Israel
T h e Harry S. T r u m a n Center for the Advancement of Peace, T h e H e b r e w U n i versity of Jerusalem, Jerusalem.
Philippines
Asian Institute of International Studies, c/o L a w Center, University of the Philippines, Quezon City.
1. For cumulative index to this section, see Vol. X V I (1964), N o . 1, p. 117.

Int. Soc. Sei. / . , Vol. X I X , N o . 3, 1967

T h e world of the social sciences

434

Changes of name and address

Canada
Social Science Research Council of Canada, 151 Slater, Ottawa 4, Ontario.
[Formerly: 56 Sparks, Suite 505, Ottawa 4 , Ontario.]
Denmark
Det hetsvidenskabelige Institut, Kobenhavns Universitet, Skt. Pederstraede 19,
2 Copenhagen K .
[Formerly: Krystalgade 16, Copenhagen K . ]
France
Institut d'tudes politiques, Universit de Grenoble, B P no 34, 38 Saint-Martin
d'Hres.
[Formerly: 1, rue d u Gnral-Marchand, 38 Grenoble.]
Italy
Istituto di Studi e Ricerche 'Carlo Cattaneo', via S. Stefano, 6, Bologna.
[Formerly: Piazza dei Martiri 7, Bologna.]
Ivory Coast
Institut d'ethno-sociologie, cole des lettres, Universit d'Abidjan, Abidjan.
[Formerly: Centre d'ethno-sociologie.]
Institut de gographie tropicale, cole des lettres, Universit d'Abidjan, Abidjan.
[Formerly: Centre de gographie tropicale.]
Netherlands
Afrika-Studiecentrum, Stationsplein 10, Leiden.
[Formerly: Rapenburg 8, Leiden.]
New Zealand
N e w Zealand Council for Educational Research, Education House, 178-182 Willis
Street, Wellington, C . 2.
[Formerly: 22 Brandon Street, Wellington.]
Sweden
Utrikespolitiska Institut, W e n n e r - G r e n Center, Sveavgen 166, Stockholm, V a .
[Formerly: Birger Jarlsgatan, Stockholm.]
Switzerland
Association professionnelle suisse de psychologie applique ( A S P A ) /Schweizerischer Berufsverband fr Angewandte Psychologie, Seilerstrasse 22, 3000 Bern.
[Formerly: Schwarztorstrasse 55, 3000 Bern.]

International Institute for Labour Studies

154 route d e L a u s a n n e
1211 G e n e v a 22, (Switzerland)

PURPOSE
T h e institute is an international centre for die scientific study of labour problems
through research and education. T h e term 'labour' in the institute's title is broadly
conceived. It covers the conditions of all kinds of workers and their expectations
and goals, employment and the organization of production, incomes and security,
industrial relations and governmental measures affecting the welfare of labour.
W o r k in rural as well as industrial communities comes with in its scope. Within
this broadfield,the institute is devoted to the application of social science to problems of policy.

Research and training centres and professional bodies

435

T h e institute considers itself a laboratory for the development and testing of curricula and methods. In this endeavour, it works in co-operation with university
departments, industrial relations institutions, etc. It thus seeks constantly to adapt
its o w n experience to the needs of leadership education in various parts of the world.
HISTORY
Created in i960 by the International Labour Organization, the International
Institute for Labour Studies has put most of its efforts in its early years into an
educational programme. Study courses on labour in economic development were
its main activities and continue to be held regularly. These have brought together
groups of middle-level participants from government, management, trade union
and other circles. T h e majority c o m e from the developing areas of the world, but
some from the industrialized countries.
In December 1963, a conference of scholars from East and West met under the
auspices of the institute and the International Economic Association to discuss
employment problems in economic development. Research conferences were convened on automation and employment, in July 1964, and on industrial relations
and economic development, in September 1964. A conference on automation in
shipping was held in September 1965. In 1965 also, a symposium was held on migration for employment in European countries. T h e 1966 programme included a
symposium on the labour market and inflation, under the chairmanship of Pierre
Mass, former planning commissioner of France and with the participation of
authorities on income policies including representatives of employer and trade
union circles. For die present year, a symposium on issues of wages policy in developing countries is being planned.
MEMBERSHIP
In the pursuit of these activities the institute addresses itself to three main groups
of people: (a) the potential n e w leaders of different social groups, including m a n agement and trade unions, capable of influencing future social and labour policy;
(b) those in the academic community w h o seek to deepen their understanding of
labour and industrial relations matters; (c) policy-makers in the labourfieldw h o
could welcome opportunities for dispassionate exploration of policy ideas in a
scholarly atmosphere, free from the pressures inherent in decision-making.
T h e institute's purpose is to reach rising n e w leaders w h o will influence labour
policy and industrial relations practices.
ORGANIZATION
T h e board of the institute deals with p r o g r a m m e and budgetary policy matters.
T h e Chairman of the board is M r . D . A . Morse, the Director-General of the
International Labour Office.
T h e director of the institute is secretary to the board. H e draws u p the proposals
considered by the board.
T h e board usually meets once a year, in February. A n executive committee m a y
be convened as necessary between meetings of the board.
A n advisory committee composed in the main of scholars and educators m a y
be consulted by the director.
T h e director of the institute is responsible for: the administration of the institute ;
reporting to the board on past, current and future activities of the Institute; the
selection and admission of participants in the educational and research work of the
institute.
H e combines the functions of faculty chairman and administration head.

436

T h e world of the social sciences

SCOPE OF INTEREST
T h e institute is concerned specifically within its sphere of interest with (a) education for leadership responsibility; (b) research into trends and emerging problems, and (c) discussion of choices and issues in public policy. T h e institute works
in close collaboration with university research and educational centres concerned
with social, labour a n d industrial relations questions in different countries, and
also, with regional institutes in related fields.
Educational work compasses: a search for sources from which n e w social leadership m a y arise in different parts of the world; improvement of methods of selecting participants in educational programmes; stimulating and promoting study and
teaching about labour and industrial relations in different parts of the world; preparing educational materials for use in other centres.
Institute research aims at being: comparative, making use of the international
standpoint of the institute; prospective, that is, focusing on emerging long-term
trends and policy issues; stimulative, not only by attracting the participation of
outside scholars a n d institutions in institute projects but also by encouraging them
to develop their o w n research.
A m o n g areas of interest to the institute during the next few years are: participative management, or various forms of worker participation in m a n a g e m e n t
functions; labour leadership, with special reference to developing areas; peasant
movements and consensus and conflict in industrial relations systems.
PUBLICATIONS
Institute publications include studies carried out under its auspices; books based
upon symposia convened by the institute, and educational materials developed in
institute courses.
T h e bulletin of the institute reports periodically on the development of institute
activities, including reports on the progress of research projects and notes or articles
on educational work.
S o m e titles issued by Macmillan and C o . Ltd., L o n d o n , the institute's English
language publishers, are the following:
Industrial Relations and Economic Development. Papers presented to a research conference held at Geneva, 24 August to 4 September 1964. E d . by Arthur M . Ross,
Professor of Industrial Relations, University of California, 1966.
Employment Problems of Automation and Advanced Technology: an International Perspective. Proceedings of a conference held at Geneva, 19-24 July 1964. E d . by Jack
Stieber, Director, School of Labor a n d Industrial Relations, and Professor of
Economics, Michigan State University, 1966.
Collective Bargaining in African Countries. Study prepared by B . C . Roberts, Professor
of Industrial Relations, L o n d o n School of Economics a n d Political Science, and
L . Greyfi de Bellecombe, International Institute of Labour Studies, 1966.
FINANCIAL SUPPORT
T h e work of the institute is currently financed from: revenue from an e n d o w m e n t
fund, an annual grant from the I L O budget, fellowships and grants from other
organizations.
T h e institute budget for 1967 is $540,000. Income from the E n d o w m e n t F u n d is
estimated at $130,000. T h e grant from the I L O budget will be $250,000.
Various public a n d private organizations, including trade unions, have in the
past m a d e grants for fellowships or research; and there is evidence that such support will be maintained and possibly increased in the future.

Research and training centres and professional bodies

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Belgium
Centre d'Etudes en Criminologie et Mdecine Lgale
Parklaan 2 , Sint Niklaas W a a s
PURPOSE

T h e Criminology and Forensic Medicine Study Centre was founded in 1964 for
the purpose of conducting scientific research in criminology and forensic medicine
(documentation, information, classification a n d organization).
DEPARTMENTS

Library and Bibliography Department. T h e library, which is open to research workers

and teachers, has 6,000 volumes, 150 collections of periodicals and a bibliographical service.
Documentation and Information Service. T h e centre provides documentation on matters related to criminology, criminality, the criminal sciences, forensic medicine,
criminalistics, the penitentiary sciences, scientific police methods, crime prevention
and suppression policies, criminal law, penology, criminal sociology, etc.
Scientific Research Department. T h e subject of research chosen for the period 1967-72
is 'Criminological organization'.
Publications Department. T h e centre occasionally prepares bibliographies on its
o w n initiative. It publishes a journal entitled Information et documentation en criminologie IInf ormatie en Dokumentatie in de Kriminologie, which it offers in exchange for
other journals.

France
Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes
Vlth Section
10, rue Monsieur-le-Prince, Paris-6 e

Preparatory course in social science research1

T h e syllabus for this course, which the Vlth Section has prepared on the basis
of an experiment that has taken various forms over the last four years, is designed to
fill a gap in social science studies. For there is n o systematic introduction to research
methods in France to further a n d supplement the training received in the course
of university studies at licence a n d master levels.
T h e object is the training of researchers capable of writing a doctorate thesis
1. Academic year 1966/67.

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or working in basic or applied research institutes, and hence, in each discipline,

to give students a thorough professional training and a c o m m a n d of working techniques, without over-specialization. Classes have been deliberately kept small in
the interests of efficiency (a m a x i m u m of twenty to thirty in each class or work
group, except in certain c o m m o n courses where there m a y be thirty to forty).
T h e course is full-time, a n d closely links the theoretical (concepts and hypotheses) with the practical (specific research). It takes 10-15 hours a week over a
period of two years. T h e first year is essentially introductory, the second consists
of a more direct approach to research practice, problems, organization and applications. Only students w h o pass a test at the end of thefirstyear m a y proceed to
the second.
In addition to the specialized subjects for their o w n section students take mathematics (compulsory for all sections) and certain other subjects from different disciplines chosen in consultation with their teachers.
Students w h o pass the full course are awarded the diploma of advanced studies
in the social sciences.

First year
I. C o m m o n courses
SOCIAL M A T H E M A T I C S (4 hours weekly)

Functions and enumerations

Relations, orders
Parts of afinitewhole
Common numerical functions
Linear Algebra

Descriptive statistics
Probability theory
Inductive statistics

P R A C T I C A L (2 hours weekly)
GENERAL COURSES

Optional subjects
Elements of demography (i hour weekly)
Quantitative methods used in demographic analysis. Methods of comparing populations.
Demographic p h e n o m e n a : birth, death,- marriage rates. Population policy.
Unequal expectation of life.
Occupations. W o m e n ' s occupations. Employment of the active population.
School enrolment a n d inequality of opportunity.
Occupational mobility and social mobility.
Population forecasts.
Elements of political economy (i hour weekly)
Part I centres on certain particularly concrete and readily accessible topics
consumption, income, family savings, the enterprise, production (introduction to econometrics), m o n e y and interest, national accounting.
Part II deals mainly with the theory of choices, economic equilibrium,
economic development and growth.
Lectures on contemporary psychological problems
In addition, the following courses in the specialized sections are open to
students in all sections:

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General sociological problems (1 4 hours weekly)

History of anthropological thought (2 hours weekly)

II. Sociological section

G E N E R A L SOCIOLOGICAL PROBLEMS (i hours Weekly)

T h e aim of this introduction to research is to acquaint students with the

methods and professional techniques used by sociologists, and provide the
skills and knowledge necessary to use them.
Epistemology of sociology
The tools of sociological practice
CONCEPTS A N D HYPOTHESES
I N S O C I O L O G I C A L R E S E A R C H (i J hours weekly)

The aim of this course is:first,to show the connexion between concepts
and the practical procedures by which the facts chey represent can be
perceived, and demonstrate how the hypotheses used in research on a
particular concept can be organized and related to more general types of
explanation; and secondly, to familiarize students with the sociological
concepts most commonly used today, and to analyse them critically on the
basis of theoretical requirements.
SOCIOLOGICAL M E T H O D O L O G Y

(a hours weekly)

This course (lectures and practical sessions alternately) is intended to familiarize students with the basic methodological tools of sociological research
and stimulate reflection o n the concepts that the use of these tools logically
implies. Choice, definition and formulation of a research subject followed
by an explanation of the translation into practice of the hypotheses and
concepts. T h e exercises usually take examples from sociological literature
as a foretaste of the various analyses and interpretations that are possible.

III. Social anthropology section

HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL T H O U G H T (I hour weekly)
Students learn the background to the theories and practice of this rather
advanced discipline and so have a better grasp of the research aims and
concepts, and can accurately delimit the scope of social anthropology.
T H E O R I E S O F K I N S H I P A N D D E S C E N T G R O U P S (I hour weekly infirstterm)

The aim is to familiarize students with the theory of descent groups, which
is considered in conjunction with Lvi-Strauss's structural theory of kinship.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS, KINSHIP,

POLITICAL SYSTEMS (2 hours weekly)

Social organizations
1. General. Place of course in relation to the subject as a whole; annotated
bibliography; French a n d English terminology.
2. Monographs considered as unprocessed material. Institutions (kinship,
marriage, law, education) and groups (families, clans, age groups, etc.)
of a given ethnic community.
3. Field research, choice of community, (a) Census: houses, households,
relations between households, inventory of possessions, division of labour;

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(b) h o w kinship terms are ascertained: double-entry classifications,

genealogy, study of terms, equations; (c) individual life cycle; (d) groups
and the population studied; (e) residence, descent and marriage.
4. Practical.
Kinship studies by Morgan and Radcliffe-Brown:
methods, concepts, results.
Political systems
General considerations about political anthropology's place in social anthropology; this links u p naturally with the course on kinships, the first topic
being the complex, variable connexions between kinships and political
systems. T h e course deals later with typology, examined in the light of
individual analyses of specific systems. Lastly, on the basis of a critical
treatment of existing typological systems and the various comparative procedures, an attempt is m a d e to devise a method that takes account of recent
developments in structural analysis.
P R A C T I C A L (a hours weekly)

L I N G U I S T I C S (phonetics and phonology) (2 hours weekly)

H o w languages are written d o w n ; two complementary sectionsphonetics
and phonology.
I V . Psychology section
M E A S U R E M E N T IN P S Y C H O L O G Y (i hour Weekly)

Measurement techniques are presented in relation to theoretical and conceptual criteria. Levels and theory of measurement, followed by a detailed
study of techniques for constructing scales based on absolute or comparative judgements.
M E T H O D S A N D MODELS FOR T H E GENETIC
S T U D Y O F B E H A V I O U R (i hour weekly)

The various stages of empirical research in making a diachronic study of

behaviour: techniques for assembling data, and techniques for formulating
results. T h e second part of the course deals with interpretation problems,
constructing either hypothetical variables or models. Considerable attention
is given to structural analysis.
INFORMATION PROCESSING IN C O N T E N T ANALYSIS (i hour per fortnight)

Content analysis as a quantitative technique for the study of written and

oral material. Aims of content analysis; definition of the themes to be investigated; the criteria for selection; sifting implicit criteria by auto-analysis;
linguistic formulation and semantic difficulties; problems of exhaustive
content analysis. Principal methods at present in use.
M E T H O D S A N D PROBLEMS OF SYSTEMATIC OBSERVATION
I N S O C I A L P S Y C H O L O G Y (2 hours per week)

General problems of observation in social psychology. The c o m m o n factor

in all forms of observation. Observation and experimentation in social
psychology; definition of variables, manipulation of independent variables.
Problems raised by the interaction between observer and observed in different observation situations. Observation techniques in social psychology.

Research a n d training centres a n d professional bodies

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EXPERIMENTAL OBSERVATION TECHNIQUES:

Q U E S T I O N N A I R E S (i hour per fortnight)
I. T h e questionnaire as a research technique, its role in surveys and experiment, various types of questionnaire, their characteristics and aims.
Directed exercises a n d analyses of examples lead on to the preparation
of questionnaires, their utilization a n d its problems, and the exploitation
of results. Special aspects of the questionnaire technique.
a. Certain methodological and theoretical problems in using questionnaires
and scales in surveys and experiments are reviewed on the basis of a
detailed critical analysis of research in key sectors of social psychology,
e.g., the authoritarian personality, relations between attitudes a n d
cognitive activities, perception a n d evaluation of the self and of others.
P R A C T I C A L (4 hours weekly)

V . Linguistics and semantics section

T h e various aspects of linguistic research (phonology, historical linguistics, psychoand sociolinguistics, theory of language, mathematical linguistics, a n d so on) are
at present taught only in isolated instances in France. There is n o centre in w h i c h
these various studies are brought together. T h e result is that students wishing to
specialize in one of t h e m often d o so without a n adequate knowledge of progress
in related branches of research. T h e y m a y even be totally u n a w a r e of the existence
of such research a n d of its problems.
INTRODUCTION TO DESCRIPTION PROCEDURES
Logical formalization in linguistics (1 hour weekly)
Formalization in linguistics (a hours weekly)
Logically-tending formalization ( 1 hour weekly)
Mathematical formalization in linguistics (1 h o u r weekly)
INTRODUCTION TO M E T H O D O L O G Y
Linguistic theories (a hours weekly)
Introduction to phonology ( 1 hour weekly)
Introduction to semantics (1 hour weekly)
Introduction to grammar (1 hour weekly)
P R A C T I C A L (5 hours weekly)
Practical work helps to put the theoretical instruction in its true perspective,
as a preparation for research. T h e term is indeed misleading, suggesting
simulated research or a pseudo-activity. Students are in fact assigned to
existing working groups, so as to get acquainted with real research as soon
as possible, in such activities as, e.g.: current research on mechanized documentation; a survey, organized by the Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique and the social anthropology laboratory of the Collge de France,
of the codes of the language of movements; a p r o g r a m m e of phonological
surveys; clinical research on the pathology of language; investigation (by
tests) of the processes involved in learning foreign languages.

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T h e world of the social sciences

Second year
I. Common courses
SOCIAL MATHEMATICS

Statistics (Part i) (3 hours weekly)

Use of numerical tables.
Descriptive statistics; statistical summaries.
M a i n laws of probability: binomial, Laplace-Gauss, Poisson, Student, y*.
R a n d o m variables, expectations, m o m e n t s .
Point estimation and confidence intervals.
Hypothesis, independence and adjustment testing.
Statistics (Part a) (a hours weekly)
Analysis of variation with one controlled factor.
Analysis of variation with two controlled factors.
Pairing.
Latin squares, orthogonal squares.
Factorial designs
Incomplete balanced blocks.
Theory of statistical decision.
Theory of estimation.
Decision testing.
Distances and rank order.
Concept of free distribution.
Part 1 of the general statistics course is compulsory for all students; Part a is taken
only by students w h o m the staff consider sufficiently advanced. In certain cases,
however, students m a y enrol for Part a only, with the approval of the teaching staff.
Optional courses
Modern logic (a hours every fortnight)
Logic of propositions: natural deduction, semantic system (truth tables)
formal systems.
Logic of predicates.
Survey of some non-classical systems of logic.
Automatic computation ( 1 hour weekly in thefirstterm)
Use of the principal mechanographic machines.
Computers: description, management.
Principles of programming.
Practice in some c o m m o n programmes (analysing survey results, etc.);
organization of data.
Theory ofgraphs (a hours weekly in the second term)
Algebraical study of thefiniteconfigurations constituted by points and lines
joining them (sociogrammes).
GENERAL COURSES

Introduction to general linguistics and general semiology (for students taking, sociology, social anthropology and psychology) (a hours weekly)
This course is designed, not for students w h o wish to specialize in linguistics,
semiology or semantics, but for those specializing in psychology, social
psychology, sociology or anthropology w h o wish to k n o w something of the
problems and methods of contemporary linguistics, semantics and semiology.
It covers three main topics: (a) linguisticsaim, principal methods; (b)
linguisticsprincipal theories; (c) semantics and semiology (relatively n e w
branches of study)present problems.

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Introduction to the semiology of literary forms (2 hours every fortnight)

T h e preparatory essential course before tackling literary semiology (constituent branches of semiology which the student must first examine and
master; exercises and experiments to show h o w the problems that semiology
attempts to solve arise in literature).
Theory of information (1 hour weekly in thefirstterm)
General epistemological a n d methodological considerations: bases of a
method specifically adapted to die social sciences, in which social facts and
phenomena are seen as systems of structural relations between essentially
pluridimensional indices. Informational computation is treated as an intrinsic
analysis model of empirical distributions of the specific, single or multidimensional type, and of the empirical relations between such distributions.
W h e n the intrinsic analysis models and the models of probability estimates
have been distinguished, the whole range of formulae used in informational
computation is dealt with, together with their equivalents in classical
probability statistics and their various possible applications. Lastly, students
learn h o w to use the entropimeter, or communication slide-rule.
Introduction to the sociology of art (1 hour weekly)
First, the superficial results obtained by the type of social history that sees
works of art as a mere reflection of the significant activities of a society are
contrasted with the claims of the systematic analysis of artistic creation, as
a form of communication, and an attempt is m a d e to determine whether
this analysis should be m a d e at the level of iconography, style, form or
structure. Secondly, the student is shown, by means of a few examples,
that the investigation of forms is impossible and pointless unless it is closely
linked with a comparative history of the artist's function and with a study
of the context in which that function is exercised and which it, in turn,
helps to illuminate.
INTERDISCIPLINARY SEMINARS

These seminars are quite short (5 or 6 sessions each) and discuss various
approaches and methods.

II. Sociology section

T h e second year of the introductory course in research covers practical research
techniques and tests the concepts and methods learned in thefirstyear; its main
feature is a systematic workshop, doing some real research that starts during the
second term of thefirstyear.
T o take account of the diversity of students' interests and subjects, sub-groups
m a y be formed under an instructor, but all students must co-operate in the research
They are required to spendfivehours a week at the workshop.
However, a certain amount of theoretical and methodological instruction
continues. There is no critical review of the students' general knowledge, as in the
first year; the aim n o w is to acquaint them with research in some important branches
of sociology: six month courses o n the theoretical and pratical problems of research
in economic sociology, political sociology a n d religious sociologynot for the
purpose of studying them comprehensively, but to show the scientific advances
m a d e and demonstrate their relations with the social sciences most nearly related
to sociology. Those in charge of the research workshop are also required to devote
two hours a week to the investigation of problems connected with sociological
theory and methodology.
PROBLEMS

O F SOCIOLOOICAL T H E O R Y

(i hour weekly)

A number of concepts and problems are studied and discussed under the
general heading of 'Social classes and economic development', e. g., work

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444

and participation in business undertakings, the formation of professions,

the relationship between power, authority a n d influence in organizations
and in society at large, socio-cultural participation, a n d so on. Various
empirical studies are used to show the meaning of the theory implied in
such studies and determine the m a i n trends in current research.
PROBLEMS OF SOCIOLOGICAL M E T H O D O L O G Y

(i hour weekly)

This course has two aims: (a) to teach students h o w to prepare an analysis
for use in sociological research, on the basis of examples taken from published
works; (b) to enable them to investigate m o r e systematically the methodological problems encountered in the workshop.
Methodology: introduction to the exploitation of sociological sampling
General treatment of standard experimental designs; multivariate analysis;
generalizations from multivariate analysis; causal analysis; types of survey;
structured surveys and panel surveys.
Epistemology: elements of sociological epistemology
Converting hypotheses into research procedures; the concept of theory;
types of theory; the concept of verification; models and theories.
RESEARCH W O R K S H O P

(5 hours weekly)

T h e purpose of the research workshop is to enable students to see in practice

the relation between theoretical choices a n d methodological procedures.
They participate as directly as possible in the various stages of a research
project, from the initial definition of the problem to the final preparation
of the reportassembling data coding, choosing methods, selecting variables
necessary for demonstration purposes, analysis, evaluation of results. T h e
relevant theories, concepts, methods and techniques are explained a n d
discussed, as and w h e n required for the research project.
ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY

(I hour weekly in thefirstterm)

Five topics:
1. E c o n o m y a n d culture: the various functions of the economic system in
different cultures,
a. Underdevelopment and development: stability or instability of the
social system as a condition of economic development.
3. Strategy of groups a n d system of relations between economic agents:
aims, m e a n s of action and operation of 'macro-actors'.
4. Planning: economic precision, adjustment of strategies, administrative
decisions, political choices.
5. Statistical regularity a n d individual behaviour: consumption, savings,
investment.
RELIGIOUS SOCIOLOGY

(I hour weekly in the second term)

1. Durkheim's thinking and m o d e r n religious sociology. Sociology of the

sacred and sociology of religions. T h e practice of Catholicism considered as a special case of social facts 'treated as things'.
2. T h e heritage of W e b e r and Troeltsch. Development of typology. Religious
awakening and secularization.
3. Measuring religious attitudes. Changes in scales of religious attitudes.
Dimensions of the religious attitude.
POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY

( 1 hour weekly in thefirstterm) *

Contemporary political systems, their relationship with economic and cultural systems, their role as social systems. Role of elites and of the masses
in advanced capitalist societies; such concepts as, e.g., a political class, a

Research a n d training centres and professional bodies

445

dominant class, p o w e r , help to define the meaning of political activity at its

different levels. Specific political p h e n o m e n a are then examined in order
to check the efficiency of the methods of analysis adopted.

III. Social anthropology section

SEMINAR O N GENERAL

SOCIAL A N T H R O P O L O G Y

(One half-day every fortnight)

The purpose is to familiarize students with contemporary works on social
anthropology and some related subjects, and provide an opportunity for
an exchange of views between specialists in different branches.
LINGUISTICS

(2 hours weekly)

Syntax and grammatical construction of non-written languages; compilation

of glossaries and literature.
SPECIALIZATIONS

(5 hours weekly)

Regional specializations
T h e second year of the course in social anthropology should be largely an
introduction to specialization. Students m a y choose one of the following
courses.
Introduction to African studies (African linguistics, political sociology,
economic analysis, history and historical methods, history of tropical Africa
since 1600, tests of objectivity in anthropological research, methods and
techniques of African ethnology, geographical techniques).
Introduction to studies on South-East Asia and India.
Introduction to the anthropology of peasant societies
1. Study of peasant societies: problems and methods.
a. T h e historical a n d geographical background of rural society.
3. Elements of agricultural technology.
4. Research methods and techniques: practical sessions.
Students continue to attend some c o m m o n courses, including linguistics (phonology), and are required to take an active part in a seminar on general anthropology.

I V . Psychology section
T h e second-year course in psychology is essentially practical. Students are assigned
to one of a n u m b e r of working groups, possibly in their o w n line of research. In
each group, the relation between research techniques and general methodology
is stressed by reference to carefully selected cases and topics. Regular lectures on
methodology show h o w to handle research projects (formulation of the problem,
statement of hypotheses, choice of methods, a n d so on). Meetings of all the students
are held from time to time, so that the students in each workshop are aware of
what the others are doing a n d the difficulties they encounter.
ADVANCED METHODOLOGY:
PREPARATION OF RESEARCH

PROJECTS (3 hours Weekly)

RESEARCH W O R K S H O P S
Social psychology
Experimental psychology and genetics

MODELS AND STRUCTURES IN PSYCHO-ANALYTICAL THEORY:

THE

OEDIPUS

COMPLEX

(ihour weekly in the second term)

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446

This introductory course in theoretical psycho-analysis does not attempt

to give a detailed or historical account of the basic concepts of Freudian
thinking. It is based on the Oedipus complexstill the governing concept
in psycho-analytic anthropology.
GROUP

EXPERIMENT

(Diagnostic group)

Students in the different sections m a y participate. T h e diagnostic group consists

of about ten students, and meets once a week.

V . Linguistic and semantic section

Laboratory work and supervised individual research
Specializations
Ethno-linguistics; Socio-linguistics; Psycho-linguistics; Quantitative linguistics; Literary or historical semiology;
Interdisciplinary research groups.

Ireland
Economic and Social Research Institute
73 L o w e r Baggot Street, Dublin 2
PURPOSE

T h e institute has been founded to meet the need for more advanced economic
research in Ireland, where official statistics, the main source material for economic
research, are relatively highly developed. T h e staff of the institute conducts research
in close co-operation with universities and other competent organizations. T h e
institute also affords facilities for the training of research workers in economics and
other social sciences, encourages original research and promotes scholarships in
these sciences, granting diplomas to such persons as satisfy die conditions prescribed.
HISTORY

T h e institute was created in i960 under the n a m e T h e Economic Research Institute.

O n the initiative of the Institute of Public Administration, a Social Research C o m mittee was set u p in 1963. T w o years later, in 1965, on the recommendation of
M r . Henning Friis, United Nations expert consulted by the institute 'to report
generally on the extent to which the needs for empirical social research exist in
Ireland . . .', a sub-committee to its Executive Board was appointed 'to examine
and prepare a report on the implications of the amalgamation of the Economic
Research Institute to form a n Economic and Social Research Institute with a
Survey Unit attached'. T h e sub-committee recommended that, to m a r k the change
in the responsibilities of the institute, its title should be changed to the Economic
and Social Research Institute. In January 1966, the Ministry of Education gave
its approval and announced that the expansion of the institute would have the
Government's support. T h e institute changed its title as approved, providing within
it both a Division of Social Sciences and a Division for survey research work for
empirical inquiries.

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447

ORGANIZATION

T h e institute is an independent, non-profit-making body, incorporated as a limited

liability c o m p a n y enjoying full academic autonomy. Its activities are headed by
a president and controlled by an executive board whose members are appointed
in an individual capacity, comprising university professors, research workers,
Irish business concerns and corporations, and officials of the Irish Congress of
Trade Unions.
MEMBERSHIP

There are 341 individual and 69 corporate m e m b e r s of the institute.

SCOPE OF INTEREST

T h e development of methods for the preparation of short-term predictions for the

Irish economy.
T h e study of the possibility of m e d i u m and long-term economic prediction.
A n assessment of the optimal allocation of capital resources for economic and social
development.
Investigation of the interrelationships between social, economic and demographic
factors in Ireland.
T h e development of improved measures of industrial productivity and of the
relation of output to the various inputs, together with the application of such
studies to an assessment of the progress of Irish industry and agriculture.
CONFERENCES

A meeting of the Association d'Instituts Europens de Conjoncture conomique

was held in the institute in October 1066. M e m b e r s from Belgium, France, Germ a n y , Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, United K i n g d o m and Yugoslavia attended.
In 1967 the Conference of the International Association for Research in Income
and Wealth will be held in Ireland. T h e institute will act as host to this conference.
About 150 participants are expected to attend. T h e general topics will be: (a) problems of deflation and the measurement of production; (b) national accounts and
planning; (c) the treatment of education in national accounts.
PUBLICATIONS

T h e institute publishesor assists in the publication ofresults of research undertaken directly or under its auspices, subject to adequate safeguarding of the impartial and scientific character of such publications.
FINANCING

T h e institute is authorized, as stated in its ' M e m o r a n d u m of Association', 'to apply

for and collect donations, subscriptions and funds in aid of research into the facts
and problems of contemporary h u m a n society and distribution to and a m o n g other
societies, bodies and persons conducting approved research in association with it
and in support generally of the primary objects of the institute'.
T h e institute has received a grant from the Ford Foundation of $280,000 over
a period of five years for activities designed to assist in the economic development
of the country. T h e Irish Government provided suitable accommodation and
equipment and has undertaken to supplement the institute's income w h e n the
Ford Foundation grant ceases.

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Nigeria
Nigerian Institute of International Affairs
G P O B o x 1727. Lagos

T h e Nigerian Institute of International Affairs is an independent, non-political

and non-profit-making organization for the promotion of the study of international
questions and of understanding a m o n g the peoples of the world through research,
lectures, seminars and exchanges of information with institutions of learning in
Nigeria, in other African countries and throughout the world.
Inaugurated in M a y 1963 with the support of the then Prime Minister of the
Federation of Nigeria, the Rt. H o n . Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the institute
is under the jurisdiction of a council comprised of twelve eminent Nigerians in the
fields of education, law, politics and diplomacy, under the chairmanship of the
Rt. H o n . Sir Adetokunbo Ademla, Chief Justice of the Federal Republic, with
D r . L . A . Fabunmi as Director-General.
Primaryfinancialsupport for the institute has come from grants from the Federal
and Regional Governments of Nigeria, assistance from certain foreign governments,
and from foundations such as the Ford Foundation of the United States of America,
and membership fees from both individual and corporate members.
T h e institute was housed, from 1963-66, in a modest house in the colonial style,
at Onikan, Lagos, but its permanent h o m e on nearby Victoria Island is a n e w ,
modern complex of buildings which includes a seventy-five-seat conference hall,
equipped with simultaneous translating facilities; an auditorium accommodating
400, and a library wing with space for 100,000 volumes and an area for a press and
pamphlet collection. Workshops for binding, book repair and photographic reproduction adjoin the library. A central four-floor headquarters building a c c o m m o dates the administrative offices, research and conference rooms, and residential
apartments.
T h e programme of the institute, still in embryonic stage, encompasses interdisciplinary research symposia and lectures, and the publication of monographs
and surveys with an emphasis on African affairs. T h u s far, a considerable n u m b e r
of public lectures have been given under institute auspices, delivered by both
national and foreign scholars and dignitaries, a m o n g them Professor Arnold J. T o y n bee, Ambassador S. O . A d e b o , Permanent Representative of Nigeria at the United
Nations, Professor Eli Ginzberg, Columbia University, Miss Barbara W a r d (Lady
Jackson), of The Economist, the H o n . Arthur Bottomley, M . P . , etc. T h e topics
covered were wide-ranging, and included economic and manpower development,
the United Nations, Africa in world history, the C o m m o w e a l t h , British policy and
African problems, non-alignment, and the Nigerian Constitution and h u m a n
rights.
T h e institute hopes to be not merely a domestic platform of information and
research on international affairs, but a continental centre to which individual
scholars and similarly-oriented institutes m a y turn for assistance, service and cooperation; a centre which unites in fellowship scholars and teachers, diplomats
and leaders of thought in the interchange of views across national and international lines. T o this end it welcomes world-wide inquiries and exchanges which
will lead to a greater understanding of international events in general and an
increased awareness of Africa's role in the twentieth century.

Research and training centres and professional bodies

449

United States of America

International Social Science Institute
P O B o x 1028, Santa B a r b a r a , California, 9 3 1 0 2
PURPOSE
T o sponsor a n d promote research in social science, international relations and
foreign affairs; publish or support the publication or translation of the results of
such research a n d other studies; encourage interdisciplinary studies in the social
sciences and promote research on the establishment of basic social science curricula
for schools and colleges; sponsor international bibliographic and documentation work
in thefieldof social science, and in particular, in history; study and develop relevant documentation techniques and apply them to the foregoing ends; maintain
a reference service and library which shall aid a n d contribute to the foregoing;
further public interest in the study of the social sciences and promote public lectures and seminars therein; conduct courses of higher education in the social sciences.
HISTORY
Created in i960. T h e following order of priority was laid d o w n for the institute
at the Annual Board Meeting held in San Francisco, on 27 January 196a. 'Phase
O n e : Establishment of a periodicals library from periodicals received. Phase T w o :
Meetings of scholars from the various social science subjects from the United States
and abroad, and research to be pursued b y these scholars under the sponsorship
of the institute.'
ORGANIZATION
T h e institute is a non-profit, federal tax exempt body, organized as a corporation.
T h e articles of incorporation are written in the broadest possible w a y in order to
permit the directors of the institute to m o v e freely in the determination of policies.
It is headed b y a president assisted by two administrative staff.
SCOPE OF INTEREST
T h e objective of the International Social Science Institute is to reduce barriers to
the dissemination of knowledge in the social sciences a n d humanities. Research
undertaken bears on interdisciplinary subjects and on international communication.
It has been felt likewise that there is a need for bibliographical services for periodicals (e.g., card catalogues) o n die same level as those n o w existing for books.
N e w e r technology calls for the use of abstracts, computers to meet present needs
and also the establishment of national information centres.
PUBLICATIONS
T h e results of a research on the state of bibliography in international relations and
world affairsunder a grant from the Carnegie E n d o w m e n t for International
Peaceconcluded in September 1965, were published under the titles: Blueprint
for Bibliography. A System for the Social Sciences and Humanities, and Bibliographies on
International Relations and World Affairs, Santa Barbara, Clio Press, 1965.
FINANCIAL SUPPORT
Donations, grants.

450

T h e world of the social sciences

T h e Disaster Research Center, Ohio State University

4 0 4 B W e s t 17th A v e n u e , C o l o m b u s , O h i o 4 3 2 1 0

In August of 1963, a Disaster Research Center was established at Ohio State U n i versity in Columbus, Ohio, U . S . A . Part of the Department of Sociology, it has a
professional staff of about twenty persons, plus secretarial personnel. T h e co-directors, all professors of sociology, are R . R . Dynes, J. E . Haas and E . L . Quarantelli.
T h e centre is engaged in a variety of social science research studies of the reactions
of individuals, groups and organizations to community-wide disasters. Field research
has been conducted in forty disasters including earthquakes in Japan, Alaska,
Chile, El Salvador and Greece; hurricanes in Florida and Louisiana; floods in
California, Minnesota, Montana, Texas and Ohio; as well as tornadoes in Indiana,
Minnesota and Iowa. Large explosions and fires, seismic sea-waves as well as large
d a m breaks have also been studied in such places as C a n a d a , Italy, Australia and
other states in the United States.
Field research teams ranging in size from two to five researchers are prepared
to leave for any disaster on two hours notice. In addition to immediate on-thespot studies, longer range research focused on disaster induced community change is
also conducted. For example, an eighteen month study was conducted in connexion
with the Alaskan earthquake of 1964.
Supplementing thefieldoperations, a laboratory equipped with audio and visual
recording devices is the locale of another part of the research programme.. In this
laboratory, certain conditions resulting from the impact of disaster are simulated
to study reactions. In the laboratory, situations having their parallels in real life
are studied under m o r e controlled conditions.
Together, the laboratory and thefieldoperations are intended to provide basic
knowledge about h u m a n behaviour as well as information which can be used to
develop more effective plans for coping with future emergencies. In addition to
collecting its o w n data, the centre also serves as a repository for data collected in
previous research by other agencies. A monograph series on diaster research has
just been initiated.

Meetings
Approaching international conferences
in the social sciences1

October jg6y
6-8
Esch-surAlzctte,
Luxembourg

International Institute for

the
H u m a n Problems of Labour: International Congress on Labour and
Workers Promotion (Theme: Polyvalent professional training, the
means to hierarchical elevation)
International Labour Organisation:
Technical Meeting on the Rights of
Trade Union Representatives and
the Participation of Workers in
Management Decisions
International Institute for Labour
Studies: Symposium on W a g e Policy
Issues in Economic Development

A r m a n d DefTort,
32 Parc des Sports,
Oberkorn (Luxembourg)

International Union of Local Authorities: Conference on Small T o w n s

Paleistraat 5,
T h e H a g u e (Netherlands)

15-18
A n n Arbor,
Mich.
26 to 1 D e c .
Lima

University of Michigan: International Meeting on World Population

Problems
World Federation for Mental
Health: Twentieth Annual Meeting

A n n Arbor, Mich 48104

(U.S.A.)

27 to 2 Dec.
Rome

Universities and the Quest for Peace:

World Conference

Rome

Food and Agriculture Organization:

Conference, fourteenth session

9-i8
Geneva

23-27
Denmark

October
Stockholm

154 rue de Lausanne,

C H - 1 2 1 1 Geneva 22
(Switzerland)

154 rue de Lausanne,

C H - 1 2 1 1 Geneva 22
(Switzerland)

November 1967

1 rue Gevray,
1201 Geneva
(Switzerland)
R a g a S. Elim,
Secretary-General,
1400 H e r m a n Drive,
Houston, Texas 77004
(U.S.A.)
Via dlie T e r m e di Caracalla,
R o m e (Italy)

1. N o further details concerning these meetings can be obtained through this Journal.

Int. Soc. Set. J., Vol. XIX, No. 3, 1967

T h e world of the social sciences

452

December ig6j
11-ao
Dakar

17-21
Mexico City
1967 (late)
Liverpool
(tentatively
scheduled)

International Congress of Africanists/

Society of African Culture: Second
International Congress of Africanists
( T h e m e : Scientific research in aid to
Africa)
Inter-American Society of Psychology: Eleventh Congress
International Geographical, U n i o n
Commission on the Geography a n d
Cartography of World Population:
Interdisciplinary
Symposium o n
Population Mobility

Professor Alassane N ' D a w ,

Facult des Lettres,
Universit de Dakar,
Dakar (Senegal)
D r . C . Hereford,
2104 M e a d o w b r o o k Drive,
Austin, Texas ( U . S . A . )
R . Mansell Prothero,
Department of Geography,
Social Studies Building,
University of Liverpool,
Liverpool 7 ( U . K . )

1968
Poland(?)

European Society
Second Meeting.

of

Linguists:

Netherlands or European Society for Opinion SurYugoslavia

veys and Market Research: T w e n t y first Congress
Mexico
Sixth Inter-American Indian C o n gress

Nairobi

International African Institute:

Meeting

Otaniemi,
Finland

International Association of Schools

of Social W o r k : International C o n gress of Schools of Social W o r k

1968 or 1969 International Catholic Migration

Latin America Commission: International Migration Congress
Finland
Fortieth International Economic
Course

Bloomington,
Indiana

International Economic History

Association: Fourth International
Congress of Economic History

Helsinki (?)

International Political Science Association: Round-table

Professor W e r n e r Winter,
Secretary,
Gutenbergstr. 82
2300 Kiel (Fed. R e p . of
Germany)
17 rue Berckmans,
Brussels 6 (Belgium)
Inter-American Indian
Institute
Nios Hroes 139,
Mexico, D . F . (Mexico)
St. Dunstan's Chambers,
10-11 Fetter Lane,
London E.C.4 (U.K.)
Dr. K . A . Kandall,
345 East 46th Street,
R o o m 615,
N e w York, N . Y . 10017
(U.S.A.)
65 rue de Lausanne,
1202 Geneva
(Switzerland)
Professor Felix Schmid,
International Society for
Business Education
En Corjon,
1052 Le Mont-sur
Lausanne
(Switzerland)
Professor Frederic
C . Lane, c/o Dept.
of History Johns Hopkins
University Baltimore,
M d . 21218 (U.S.A.)
27 rue St-Guillaume,
75 Paris-7e (France)

Meetings

Buenos Aires

453

Fourth Extraordinary Conference

of the Latin American L a w Faculties

Mediterranean Social Science R e search Council: General Assembly

(Theme: Socio-economic aspects of
industrial development in the Mediterranean Basin)
United
Unesco: Third European Seminar
Kingdom
on Data Sampling Techniques and
Data Analysis
Fed. Rep. of
Unesco: Fifth European Seminar on
Germany
Use of Mathematics in the Social
Sciences
Paris
Unesco: International Conference on
Educational Planning
Rio de Janeiro Unesco: Seminar on Sociology for
University Teachers, Specialists and
Advanced Students
Rome
World Congress on H u m a n Rights

February

March

22 April to
ii M a y
Geneva
12 M a y
to 4 June
Melbourne

May
Athens

5-27 June
Geneva
June
Ann Arbor,
Mich.
June or July
Philadelphia

Unesco: Symposium on H u m a n
Rights and the Identification of
Universal H u m a n Values
Unesco: Round table on the Diversity of Cultures as Against the Universality of Science and Technology
United Nations, Commission on
H u m a n Rights: International Conference
Third Study Conference on H u m a n
Problems in Industry: (Theme: The
human problems of industrial development and redevelopment in C o m monwealth countries)
International Centre of Research and
Information on Public and C o operative Economy: Eighth International Congress (Theme: Organization andfinancingof public and
co-operative enterprises)
International Labour Organization:
International Labour Conference,
fifty-second Session
Unesco: Seminar on Data Compa-

International Federation for Housing

and Planning: Twenty-ninth World
Congress

Facultad de Derecho,
Universidad de
Buenos Aires,
calle Viamonte 444,
Buenos Aires (Argentina)
Professor Salvino Busuttil,
Dean of Faculty of Arts,
Royal University of Malta,
Valetta (Malta)
S H C , Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Place-7e (France)
MissEnrichetta Bevilacqua
Somalvico,
via G . Rossini 4g,
Pesaro (Italy)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Place-7e (France)
United Nations,
N e w York (U.S.A.)
C . T . Looker,
Chairman of the Executive
Committee organizing
Ian Potter & Company
Melbourne (Australia)
M . Stratis D . Someritis,
62 A rue Sina,
Athens (Greece)

154 rue de Lausanne,

CH-1211 Geneva 22
(Switzerland).
S H C , Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy
75 Paris-7e (France)
Wassenaarseweg 43,
The Hague (Netherlands).

T h e world of the social sciences

454

8-1 a July
Dublin

International Bar Association:

Twelfth Congress

5-10 August
DrienerloEnschede,
Netherlands

International Committee for C o operation in Rural Sociology/European Society for Rural Sociology:
Second World Congress (Theme:
Development and rural social structure)
International Association of Applied
Psychology: Sixteenth International
Congress of Applied Psychology
International Council on Social W e l fare: Fourteenth International C o n ference of Social W o r k

18-24 August
Amsterdam
18-24 August
Otaniemi,
Finland
3-10 Sept.
Tokyo and
Kyoto

Sept. (early)
The Hague

September

International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences:

Eighth International Congress of
Anthropological and Ethnological
Sciences
International Institute of Administrative Sciences: Fourteenth Congress
(Theme: Adaptation of administration in a changing society)
Unesco: Seminar on Investment in
Education in the Arab States

Eric A . Plunkett,
Incorporated L a w Society
of
Ireland,
Solicitors'
Buildings,
Four Courts,
Dublin 7 (Ireland)
D r . A . K . Constandes,
Landbouwhogeschool,
Herenstraat 25,
Wageningen (Netherlands)

Professor J. T h . Snidjers,
34 oude Boteringestraat,
Groningen (Netherlands)
Joe R . Hoffer,
345 East 46th Street,
N e w York, N . Y . 10017
(U.S.A.)
Professor M a s a o O k a ,
Science Council of Japan,
U e n o Park,
Tokyo (Japan)
P. A . Schillings,
25 rue de la Charit,
Brussels 4 (Belgium)
S H C , Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy
75 Paris-7e (France)

1969
Spain

Europe

(Envisaged)

London

London

European Society for Opinion Surveys and Market Research: Twentysecond Congress
International Association of Penal
L a w : Tenth International Congress
of Criminal L a w

17 rue Berckmans,
Brussels 6 (Belgium)

International Social Science Council:

Conference o n Models of Nation
Building
International Union of Psychological
Science: Seventh International C o n gress on Scientific Psychology

6, rue Franklin,
75 Paris-16e (France)

International Union for the Scientific Study of Population: Sixteenth

Congress

Pierre Bouzat,
Secretary-General,
43, av. Aristide-Briand,
35 Rennes (France)

British Psychological
Society,
Tavistock House South,
Tavistock Square,
London W . C . i ( U . K . )
E . Grebenik,
Department of Social
Studies,
T h e University,
Leeds 2 ( U . K . )

Meetings

455

N e w Delhi

World Peace Conference

(Beginning)
Athens

International Union of Local A u thorities: Nineteenth Congress

M r . R . P . Diwakar,
Gandhi Peace Foundation,
2 Residency Road,
Bangalore 25 (India)
Paleistraat 5,
T h e Hague (Netherlands)

1970
Moscow

Leningrad

International Committee of Historical Sciences: Thirteenth International Congress of Historical Sciences

International
Economic History
Association: Fifth Conference

Madrid

International Society of Criminology :

Sixth International Criminological
Congress

July
(probably)
Tokyo

International Bar Association: Thirteenth Congress

Autumn
(Japan)

United Nations: Congress on the

Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders

270, bd Raspail,
75 Paris-14e (France)
Professor Frederic C . Lane,
c/o Department of History,
Johns Hopkins University,
Baltimore, M d .
21218
(U.S.A.)
D r . Georges Fully,
Secretary-General,
2, place Mazas,
75 Paris-12e (France)
Japan Federation of Bar
Associations,
Hoso Kaidan Building,
1-1 Kasumigaseki,
Chiyoda-ku,
Tokyo (Japan)
N e w Ohtemachi Building
R o o m 411/412,
42-chome, Ohtemachi,
Chiyoda-ku,
Tokyo (Japan)

'972
Tokyo

International Union of Psychological

Science: Eighth International Congress on Scientific Psychology

British Psychological
Society,
Tavistock House South,
Tavistock Square,
London W . C . i ( U . K . )

456

T h e world of the social sciences

International Conference on Social Psychological

Research in Developing Countries
I b a d a n , D e c e m b e r 1966 to J a n u a r y 1967
A n International Conference o n Social Psychological Research in Developing
Countries was held at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria from 29 December 1966
to 5 January 1967. M o r e thanfiftyofficial delegates and almost an equal number
of observers took part in a programme of discussions of the issues related to development and social change that are engaging the interest of social psychologists
around the world. Principal symposia were organized around the themes of the
Motivational Aspects of Technological Development; Problems of Education and
Diffusion of Knowledge; and Major Issues in Social Psychological Research in
Developing Countries. In addition there were a n u m b e r of discussion groups and
informal working parties.
T h e Conference was organized by the Departments of Psychiatry, Sociology and
Adult Education of the University of Ibadan and the Center for Research on Conflict
Resolution and the Doctoral Program in Social Psychology at the University of
Michigan, A n n Arbor. It was sponsored by the Nigerian Association of the Behavioural Sciences, the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues (a division
of the American Psychological Association), the Scientific Council of Africa and
the International Social Science Council.
T h e Conference Chairman w a s Professor Herbert K e l m a n of the University
of Michigan. Co-chairmen of the Programme Committee were Professor M . Brewster Smith, University of California, Berkeley, and Professor Henri Tajfel, Oxford
University, assisted by an International Programme Committee. T h e Nigerian
Committee for the conference w a s under the chairmanship of Professor T . A .
L a m b o of the University of Ibadan. T h e Nigerian co-ordinator was D r . F . Olu.
Okediji, and Professor Ulf Himmel-strand of the University of Ibadan participated
in the local arrangements.
Twenty-one of official delegates were social scientists working in various countries
in Africa; sixteen official delegates came from universities in the United States;
ten were from Western and Eastern Europe, and the other delegates were from
Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and Australia. Most of the observers were
from universities, government agencies and research institutes in the African
countries.
In the symposium on Major Issues in Social Psychological Research in Developing Countries, chaired by Professor M . Brewster Smith, papers were given on
'Communication between cultures' by D r . Alastair Mundy-Castle of the National
Institute of Health and Medical Research in Ghana; ' T h e mediating position and
the appropriate role for social psychology in Africa today' by D r . Andras Zempleni
of the Centre Nationale de Recherches Scientifique, Paris, France, and Professor
Henri Collomb, Facult de Mdecine University of Dakar, Senegal; and 'Just
a few of the presuppositions and perplexities confronting social-psychological
research in developing countries' by Professor Leonard W . D o o b , Yale University,
N e w Haven, Connecticut, U . S . A .
T h e symposium on Motivational Aspects of Technological Development was
chaired by Professor Arrigo L . Angelini, Department of Educational Psychology,
University of So Paulo, Brazil. This symposium included papers on 'Values of
social stratification and agricultural development in Turkey' by professor Mubeccel
Kiray, Department of Social Sciences, Middle Eastern Technological University,
Ankara, Turkey; 'Changing motivational factors and social values in industry' by
Professor Misha D . Jezernik, Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana,

Meetings

457

Yugoslavia; 'Motivation for accelerated development' by Professor Udai Pareek,

Small Industry Extension Training Institute, Hyderabad A . P . , India; and ' A n
Affiliative society facing innovations' by Professor Gustavo Iacono, Institute of
Psychology, University of Naples, Italy.
In the Symposium on Problems of Education and Diffusion of Knowledge
chaired by Professor Cyril A . Rogers, School of Education, University of Z a m b i a ,
there were papers on 'The diffusion of scientific knowledge and techniques' by
M r . G u y Barbichon, Centre d'tudes et Recherches Psychologiques, Paris, France;
'Educational Dilemmas of developing countries: Ceylon' by Professor John E .
Jayasuriya, Department of Education, University of Ceylon; ' S o m e research
problems in African education' by professor Gustav Jahoda, Department of Psychology, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland; and 'Education and M a r ginality of youth in developing countries' by Professor Albert J. M c Q u e e n , Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Oberlin College, Ohio, U . S . A .
Discussion groups were held as follows: 'Motivational aspects of technological
development', chairman Professor Angelini, rapporteur Professor Rogelio DiazGuerrero, National University of Mexico, 'Attitude change and resistance to change
under conditions of rapid social transformation' chairman Professor E . T . Abiolal
Department of Psychology, University of Lagos, Nigeria, rapporteur Professor
Cecil A . Gibb, Department of Psychology, Australia National University, Canberra;
'Problems of mental health under conditions of rapid social change', chairman
Professor Collomb, rapporteur M r . Stephen P . Imoagene, University of Ibadan,
Nigeria; 'Conflicts and continuities between existing systems of values and beliefs
and n e w social, political a n d economic institutions', Chairman Professor U l
Himmelstrand, Department of Sociology, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, rapporteur
Professor Eugene Jacobson, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University,
East Lansing, Michigan, U . S . A . ; 'Problems of education and diffusion of knowledge',
Chairman Professor Rogers, rapporteur Professor R e m i Clignet, Department of
Sociology, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois, U . S . A . ; 'Child rearing
practices and personality development in relation to social change', chairman
Professor L a m b o , rapporteur D r . Charles L . Pidoux, United Nations, Niamey,.
Niger; 'Problems of developing national identity', chairman Professor K e l m a n r
rapporteur M r . John DeLamater, Doctoral Program in social Psychology, University of Michigan, A n n Arbor, Michigan, U . S . A . ; and 'Methodological problems
of cross-cultural research, chairman Professor F . Kenneth Berrien, Department of
Psychology, Rutgers University, N e w Brunswick, N . J., U . S . A . , rapporteur D r .
Stefan N o w a k , Department of Sociology, W a r s a w University, W a r s a w , Poland^
Plenary sessions were held o n 'Problems of research collaboration and co-ordination', chairman Professor Klineberg; 'Problems of research training', chairman
D r . Alastair Heron, Institute for Social Research, University of Zambia; a n d
'Problems of scientific communication', chairman D r . Jaap Koekebakker, Department of Mental Health, Netherlands Institute for Preventive Medicine, Leiden.
Three concurrent working groups were devoted to the following topics: 'Research
collaboration and co-ordination', chairman Professor Joshua Fishman, Graduate
School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Yeshiva University, N e w York; 'Research
training', chairman Professor Douglass Price-Williams, Department of Psychology,
Rice University, Houston, Texas; and 'Scientific communication', chairman
Professor Diaz-Guerrero.
In its concluding sessions the conference considered problems of supporting
additional cross-cultural studies, providing m o r e opportunities for regional teaching
and research, short term workshops, additional resources for social psychological
research and teaching in universities in developing countries, directing social
psychological research toward problems of international tensions and international
co-operation, and encouraging trained social scientists to use their professional
skills in applications to problems of the developing countries and in teaching a n d
research in the developing countries.

458

T h e world of the social sciences

T o provide additional opportunities or communication and joint planning,

two mechanisms were adopted by unanimous resolutions of the Conference:
1. A n International Committee on social Psychological Research in Developing
Countries was established with die following members: Iraj A y m a n , Rogelio
Diaz-Guerrero, Herbert K e l m a n , H a n s Joachim Kornadt, Stefan N o w a k ,
Francis Olu. Okediji, U d a i Pareek, Fatou S o w , Henri Tajfel, Charles Pidoux,
Co-ordinator.
T h e committee w a s authorized to consider additional meetings, possible n e w
organizations, clearing-house functions and other means of furthering the international co-ordination and co-operation a m o n g social psychologists concerned
with the developing countries.
Correspondence concerning the Committee should be addressed to D r .
Charles Pidoux, c/o United Nations, B P 492, Niamey, Niger.
2. A Newsletter on social psychological research in developing countries was recommended. Harry Triandis, University of Illinois, agreed to act as thefirsteditor
of the Newsletter.
Conference proceedings will be published jointly by the University of Ibadan
Press and the Journal of Social Issues.

International appointments vacant

This new section is open, free of charge, to international or nationa institutions or organizations seeking to recruit social scientists at the international level. The language in which
notices appears indicates the chief linguistic requirement for the post in question, but other
desirable languages may also be mentioned.
Summary notices for insertion, in two double-spaced typewritten copies, includingfieldof
specialization, main duties, location, duration of initial appointment, deadline for applications,
level or salary offered and full contact address should reach the Editor, International Social
Science Journal, Department of Social Sciences, Unesco, Place de Fontenoy, 75 Paris-?*,
no later than 10 November, 10 February, to May and 10 August for publications, respectively, in the March, June, September and December issues of this Journal. Where deadlines
for the receipt of applications arefixed,due account should be taken of the delays in reaching an
international readership.
Under no circumstances should applicants address themselves to the editor of this Journal,
but always directly to the contact specified under each notice.
All the appointments below c o m e within various Unesco field p r o g r a m m e s a n d
inquiries should be directed to the Recruitment Division, Bureau of Personnel,
Unesco, quoting the reference code.
T h e levels indicated are the international civil service gradings to which the post
is assimilated. Gross salaries, net of national income tax, corresponding to these
grades are as follows:
P 3 : $11,270.
P 4 : $13,900.
P 5 : $17,400.
Travel costs, installation a n d repatriation grants as well as other benefits are paid
by Unesco.

Expert in the planning of rural education

Reference, A F G H E D 4 2 .
Location. K a b u l (Afghanistan).
Functions.
(a) T o assist the Ministry of Education to evaluate, quantitatively a n d qualitatively, the results so far achieved in rural education b y the department of the
ministries concerned.
(b) T o help in setting u p a n d improving the technical a n d research services
essential for carrying out the rural education part of the plan.

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(c) T o help the government to define its rural education targets u n d e r the
Third Five-Year Plan.
(d) T o promote liaison, with regard to rural education, between the Planning
Bureau and the other departments of the Ministry of Education, the Ministries
of Agriculture, Information and Culture, and the Rural Development Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, etc.
(e) T o take part in spreading information a m o n g education authorities,
teachers, occupational groups a n d the public at large so as to create a favourable
a t m o s p h e r e for the d e v e l o p m e n t of rural education as part of general d e v e l o p m e n t .
(f) T o assist the responsible authorities, w h e n the plan is p u t into effect, to
develop training facilities at all levels in the various spheres of rural activity.
(g) T o study the possibilities of developing out-of-school education in rural
areas.
(h) T o help in adapting a n d , if need be, revising rural education p r o g r a m m e s ,
and in the quantitative a n d qualitative evaluation of the results.
This w o r k will h a v e to be carried out in close collaboration with all the m e m b e r s
of the t e a m w h o s e w o r k is co-ordinated b y the expert in the planning a n d economics of education.
Qualifications.
(a) University degree or equivalent, implying a knowledge of educational
problems.
(b) Professional experience in connexion with rural education or rural
development.
(c) If possible, personal experience of developing countries, b u t , at a n y rate,
acquaintance w i t h d e v e l o p m e n t p r o b l e m s .
(d) A sympathetic and constructive attitude towards the developing countries
and their problems, adaptability, desire to understand different cultures.
(e) Ability to w o r k as a m e m b e r of a t e a m .
(f) English or F r e n c h , with a w o r k i n g k n o w l e d g e of the other l a n g u a g e .
Duration of appointment: T w e n t y - o n e m o n t h s .

Level. P4.
W o m e n ' s education and h o m e economics extension
Reference, I R A N E D / S F / 6 .
Location. T e h e r a n (Iran), with extensive travel inside the country.
Functions. U n d e r the direction of the chief technical adviser, the expert will:
(a) A c q u i r e first-hand k n o w l e d g e of the cultural, social, e c o n o m i c a n d e d u cational b a c k g r o u n d s of local w o m e n a n d m a k e proposals to the Director of
W o m e n ' s E d u c a t i o n for their e c o n o m i c a n d social d e v e l o p m e n t .
(b) In co-operation with the national w o m e n ' s education and h o m e economics extension and staff of other development services, identify and assist in
preparing h o m e economics extension, h o m e crafts, and similar work-oriented
functional literacy programmes.
(c) Assist in preparing a n d conducting training p r o g r a m m e s for the staff
involved in h o m e economics a n d h o m e crafts.
(d) Collaborate with the educational specialists in the preparation of curricula, reading materials and teaching aids for h o m e economics extension, h o m e
crafts and training, or with content related to w o m e n ' s education, h o m e economics and h o m e crafts.
(e) Collaborate with educational specialists of radio a n d television in organizing the preparation, transmission a n d reception of related p r o g r a m m e s .
(f) Supervise the w o r k of the h o m e e c o n o m i c s - h o m e crafts expert posted in
the Dezful area.
Qualifications. University degree a n d substantial post-graduate w o r k in education

International appointments vacant

461

a n d the social sciences with emphasis o n w o m e n ' s education, preferably in h o m e

economics extension a n d h o m e crafts education; at least three years experience
in educational w o r k , preferably in h o m e economics extension or h o m e crafts
w o r k , with a substantial portion in field-work; experience in economic a n d social
development projects, preferably with international organizations a n d prog r a m m e s . G o o d knowledge of English or F r e n c h a n d working knowledge of the
other language or Farsee is useful.
Duration of appointment. T w o a n d a half years.

Level. P4.
Expert in educational research
Reference. I R A O _ E D 19.

Location. Educational Research Centre, B a g h d a d (Iraq).

Functions. U n d e r the general supervision of the executive director of the centre the
expert will:
(a) Assist in the development of the centre, the organization of its activities
a n d the establishment of working relations a n d contacts with other centres a n d
institutions of a similar nature.
(b) Assist in drawing u p plans for the centre's research programme.
(c) Advise o n the design of experiments a n d research projects; o n the developm e n t of research methods; participate in carrying out experiments a n d projects.
(d) Assist in training research workers in the centre.
Qualifications. Higher degree in one of the social sciences, with special emphasis
on educational research; wide experience of educational research methods;
knowledge of Arabic desirable.
Duration of appointment. O n e year.
Level. P 4 .

Specialist in the development of methodology and teaching materials

(social studies and English teaching)
Reference, N E W G U I N E D / P A P U E D / S F / 3 .

Location. Secondary Teacher Training College, Goroka ( N e w Guinea).

Functions. T h e specialist will be required, under the supervision of the director of
the college, and the chief technical adviser and in close collaboration with the
specialist in the methodology of science and mathematics:
(a) T o undertake inquiries a n d surveys into teaching m e t h o d s in social studies
a n d language teaching in secondary schools.
(b) T o develop methods of teaching which m a y be used by the college students and secondary teachers.
(c) T o advise a n d assist specialist teachers a n d others engaged in the subject
fields.
(d) T o assist the lecturers in the conduct of training courses.
(e) T o develop, select a n d organize resource materials a n d aids for the subjects
for use b y students a n d teachers.
(f) T o participate in school curriculum development a n d assist in the preparation of courses of study for the college students a n d advise counterparts.
Qualifications.
(a) University degree in the subject fields, a n d professional training in e d u cation; studies at post-graduate level desirable.
(b) W i d e knowledge of methods of teaching in social studies.
(c) Teaching experience, especially in teacher-training institutions.

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T h e world of the social sciences

(d) Experience in undertaking inquiries and surveys in social studies and

language teaching.
(e) Experience in teaching in English as a foreign language highly desirable.
Duration of appointment. T w o years (renewable).

Level. P4.
Expert in psychology and sociology in technical education
Reference, N I G E R E D / S F / 7 3 .
Location. L a g o s (Nigeria).
Functions
(a) T o study the local environment a n d consider appropriate m e a n s of e n h a n c ing the dignity of labour, with a view to attracting the m o r e capable elements
into technical activities.
(b) T o lecture on the principles of general psychology in: (i) motivations
towards work; (ii) the image of industry in the traditional setting.
(c) T o lecture o n industrial psychology concerning: (i) legislation covering
apprenticeship; (ii) conciliation machinery; (iii) personnel m a n a g e m e n t in
respect of industrial training; (iv) international labour organizations.
(d) T o lecture on social psychology in respect of: (i) the image of industry
in the traditional setting; (ii) the individual and the group.
(e) In close co-operation with the expert in general p e d a g o g y to develop
courses for in-service trainees a n d refresher courses for teachers in existing technical institutions.
(f) T o prepare lists of relevant e q u i p m e n t , books a n d teaching material.
(g) T o prepare a course in liberal studies to develop the ' w h o l e ' personality.
(h) T o generally p r o m o t e the social aspects of technical education.
Qualifications. A degree in industrial psychology with experience in the social held,
such as c o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t ; practical experience in personnel m a n a g e m e n t ,
with emphasis o n industrial training; considerable teaching experience in a
technical institution with studies in trends a n d utilization of h u m a n resources.
Duration of appointment. Initially t w o years, with the possibility of a n extension for
the project's duration.
Level. P 4 .

F a r m credit and marketing expert

Reference, P H I L E T S / S F / 1 2 .
Location. M i n d a n a o Institute of T e c h n o l o g y (Philippines).
Functions. In consultation with the president of the college a n d the chief technical
adviser, a n d in consultation with his local Philippine counterparts, the expert
will develop the facilities a n d instruction, theoretical a n d practical, of the basic
subjects of the f a r m credit a n d marketing curriculum. His m a i n duties will b e :
(a) T o d r a w u p syllabuses a n d evolve m e t h o d s of teaching in his speciality.
(b) T o d r a w u p lists of any additional equipment needed in his field.
(c) T o advise o n the layout of the laboratories a n d the installation of the
e q u i p m e n t in his field.
(d) T o participate in the teaching p r o g r a m m e , theoretical and practical,
and in the supervision a n d evaluation of the supporting staff and students.
(e) T o train the Philippine counterpart w h o will eventually replace h i m .
(f ) T o w o r k in close co-operation with the f a r m m a n a g e m e n t expert in developing the f a r m record a n d analysis system w h i c h will enable a farmer to
m a k e a m a n a g e m e n t decision, especially w h e n applying for a n d using credit
facilities of g o v e r n e m e n t a n d private m o n e y - l e n d i n g institutions;

International a p p o i n t m e n t s v a c a n t

463

(g) T o develop m o r e profitable m e t h o d s of storing, processing a n d disposing

of f a r m products either t h r o u g h private or co-operative channels.
Qualifications. A d v a n c e d university degree in agricultural e c o n o m i c s w i t h special
e m p h a s i s in the fields of f a r m credit, m a r k e t i n g a n d co-operatives; Preferably
with field experience in either f a r m credit or m a r k e t i n g .
Duration of appointment. T w o years.
Level. P 4 .

Expert in educational planning

Reference, S O M A L E D U .
Location. Mogadiscio (Somalia).
Functions. T h e expert will b e required to advise the Minister of Education in all
matters connected with the reorganization a n d development of the educational
system. H e will also have to assist in the w o r k i n g parties responsible for determining the educational targets u n d e r the n e w development p r o g r a m m e . O n e of
his most important duties will b e to provide training or further training for c o u n terpart personnel w h o m a y carry o n the joint w o r k after his o w n departure.
Qualifications.
(a) University degree or equivalent, preferably in education, e c o n o m i c s or
sociology.
(b) Experience in educational administration.
(c) If possible, personal experience of developing countries; a n d , in a n y case,
a knowledge of development problems.
(d) A sympathetic and constructive attitude toward developing countries
and their problems; adaptability; a desire to understand different cultures.
(e) Aptitude for t e a m w o r k .
(f) If possible, a w o r k i n g k n o w l e d g e of Italian a n d Arabic.
Duration of appointment. T w o years (may b e r e n e w e d ) .
Level. P 5 .

Adviser in educational planning

Reference, Z A M B E D 3.
Location. Ministry of Education, Lusaka ( Z a m b i a ) .
Functions. T h e expert will:
(a) Advise o n the establishment a n d operation of a n educational planning
unit in the Ministry of Education a n d o n its relations with other services.
(b) Advise the Government on the incorporation of educational plans into
national plans for economic and social development.
(c) Advise the G o v e r n m e n t o n the determination of objectives a n d priorities
and the d e v e l o p m e n t of plans, p r o g r a m m e s a n d projects, bearing in m i n d the
financial and other resources available for their implementation.
(d) Assist the Government in the preparation of projects for financing from
national or external resources.
(e) U n d e r t a k e the in-service training of g o v e r n m e n t officials w o r k i n g in the
field of educational planning.
Qualifications. University degree or equivalent, preferably in education; experience
in educational planning at a high level or b r o a d b a c k g r o u n d in educational
administration essential; k n o w l e d g e of e c o n o m i c s a n d the financing of education
desirable; experience in developing countries a n a d v a n t a g e .
Duration of appointment. O n e year (renewable).
Level. P 4 .

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Professeur de sociologie applique l'ducation et de formation

civique
Rfrence, B U R U N D E D / S F / 6 .
Lieu d'affectation. cole n o r m a l e suprieure, B u j u m b u r a (Burundi).
Attributions. Sous l'autorit d u directeur d e l'tablissement assist d u conseiller
technique principal, le professeur :
a) Sera charg d'organiser et d e d o n n e r des cours portant sur la sociologie
applique l'ducation et sur la formation civique ;
b) A u r a galement la responsabilit des cours d e pdagogie applique l'enseignement d e ces d e u x matires et participera l'organisation et la direction
des stages destins a u x tudiants d a n s les d e u x disciplines d e sa c o m p t e n c e ;
c) Proposera, d a n s le cadre d e l'ensemble d u p r o g r a m m e d'enseignement
d e l ' E N S , u n p r o g r a m m e dtaill d'enseignement d e la sociologie et d e la form a t i o n civique, c o m p t e tenu des rapports qui existent entre ces d e u x matires
et des avantages q u e prsente l'utilisation d e la m t h o d e des cas , e n v u e d ' u n
enseignement efficace, la fois appropri et pratique ;
d) Collaborera avec le directeur de l'tablissement et le directeur des tudes
la recherche des moyens et des mthodes employer pour dvelopper l'autodiscipline et le sens civique et social des tudiants ;
) Prparera, compte tenu des ouvrages existant dj la bibliothque, la
liste des ouvrages spciaux acqurir et qui se rapportent aux matires de
son enseignement ;
f) Participera aux travaux de recherche pdagogique ;
g) Aura galement pour mission de guider le professeur africain qui sera
dsign pour prendre sa succession.
Qualifications requises. L e candidat devra tre titulaire d ' u n diplme universitaire
(niveau minimal : licence) en sociologie applique l'ducation ; u n diplme
universitaire en sociologie gnrale sera galement valable si le candidat, a u
cours de sa carrire, s'est occup de problmes d'ducation ou a fait des tudes
sur l'application des donnes de la sociologie l'ducation. A dfaut d'tudes
particulires relatives aux questions de formation civique, le candidat doit avoir
une certaine connaissance des principes et des mthodes modernes d'instruction
civique. Il est ncessaire qu'il ait eu quelques annes de pratique de l'enseignement dans les coles normales, de prfrence au niveau suprieur. U n e connaissance des problmes de l'ducation en Afrique ainsi qu'une bonne comprhension des problmes d u sous-dveloppement sont galement ncessaires. L e
candidat devra faire preuve d'initiative, d'imagination et d'esprit d'innovation.
Il doit avoir les capacits de direction que requiert l'exercice des responsabilits qui lui seront dvolues.
Dure. 2 ans.
Niveau. P 4 .

Professeur de gographie
Rfrence, C O N G O L E D / S F / 5 .
Lieu d'affectation. Institut pdagogique national, Kinshasa (Rpublique dmocratique d u C o n g o ) .
Attributions.
a) D o n n e r tous les lves d e l'institut u n cours c o m m u n ayant p o u r objet
les problmes essentiels d e l'conomie congolaise (et lments d e l'conomie) ;
b) D o n n e r a u x tudiants qui visent se spcialiser d a n s l'enseignement d e la
gographie u n cours spcial c o m p r e n a n t : la matire institutionnelle, avec u n e
attention particulire la gographie d e l'Afrique et d u C o n g o ; la mthodologie
d e la recherche scientifique applique la gographie ; la mthodologie d e l'enseignement d e la gographie a u niveau secondaire ;

International appointments vacant

465

c) D o n n e r u n cours l'cole n o r m a l e suprieure, o l'enseignement dispens

est d e niveau universitaire ;
d) Collaborer avec les services comptents : la revision des programmes ;
la revision des manuels scolaires ; l'laboration de leons-modles, de guides
mthodologiques et de tout autre m o y e n didactique ; la production de matriel
audio-visuel ; la prparation de tests de connaissances ; l'tude des difficults
particulires que rencontrent les matres dans l'enseignement de la gographie ;
) Collaborer toute autre activit de l'institut (cours progressifs, sminaires,
organisation des loisirs, quipes mobiles, etc.), ce qui comporte des voyages
ventuels dans les provinces.
Qualifications. Doctorat ou agrgation. Exprience de l'enseignement de la gographie dans l'enseignement suprieur. Exprience dans le domaine de la formation des matres, de la recherche pdagogique (mthodologie de l'enseignement de la gographie), de la recherche scientifique (mthodologie de la recherche
et de la documentation relative la gographie). Esprit d'quipe sous toutes ses
formes au sein et en dehors de la vie communautaire ; disposition la polyvalence, imagination, facult d'adaptation. Anglais souhaitable.
Dure. 1 an.
Niveau. P 4 .

Expert (femme) en conomie mnagre

Rfrence. o u i N E D / s F / 1 7 .
Lieu d'affectation. C o n a k r y ( G u i n e ) .
Attributions. L a spcialiste d e l'conomie m n a g r e travaillera sous l'autorit d u
conseiller technique principal (chef d u projet), q u i dirige l'quipe d'experts
internationaux. Ses fonctions seront les suivantes :
a) E n coopration avec le personnel d e s services c o m p t e n t s d u dveloppem e n t national, participer la prparation d ' u n p r o g r a m m e d ' c o n o m i e m n a gre li l'alphabtisation et l'ducation rurale ;
b) Participer la prparation et la mise e n oeuvre d e p r o g r a m m e s d e
formation p o u r le personnel requis, e n tenant c o m p t e d e l'aspect d u projet d u
point d e v u e d e l'conomie m n a g r e ;
c) Collaborer avec les spcialistes et les experts d e l'ducation la p r p a ration d'auxiliaires d e l'enseignement et d e matriel d e lecture destin a u
d v e l o p p e m e n t d e l'conomie m n a g r e et la formation d u personnel
ncessaire ;
d) Collaborer avec les spcialistes de l'ducation la radio en organisant la
prparation, la diffusion et la rception d e programmes d'conomie mnagre ;
e) Travailler e n troite collaboration a v e c l'expert e n formation professionnelle agricole.
L e titulaire recevra des instructions prcises d u conseiller technique principal,
chef d u projet, qui est charg d e toutes les questions relatives l'utilisation d e
l'aide technique et matrielle fournie p a r le F o n d s spcial, p a r l'intermdiaire
d e l'Unesco agissant e n qualit d'agent d'excution.
Qualifications. G r a d e universitaire o u exprience quivalente e n c o n o m i e m n a gre, d e prfrence d a n s la vulgarisation e n matire d ' c o n o m i e m n a g r e .
Exprience e n matire d e formation] d u personnel enseignant o u des assistants
techniques. Exprience d e projets d e d v e l o p p e m e n t c o n o m i q u e et social, d e
prfrence avec les organisations et les p r o g r a m m e s internationaux. Exprience
d u travail d a n s les pays e n voie d e d v e l o p p e m e n t , particulirement e n Afrique.
Dure 2 ans.
Niveau. P 3 .

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world of the social sciences

Professeur de gographie
Rfrence, R W A N D E D / S F / 7 .

Lieu d'affectation. Institut pdagogique national d u R w a n d a , Butar (Rwanda).

Attributions. Donner des cours de gographie. Assurer la formation pdagogique
pour l'enseignement de la gographie et la direction des stages organiss l'intention des lves dans cette matire. Participer l'laboration d'un programme
dtaill d'enseignement de la gographie ainsi que d'un calendrier d'tudes.
Prparer, compte tenu des ouvrages existant la bibliothque, la liste des ouvrages
spciaux acqurir qui se rapportent aux matires de son enseignement.
Participer aux travaux de recherche pdagogique. Former l'homologue rwandais
qui sera dsign pour prendre sa succession.
Titres requis. L e candidat devra tre titulaire d'un diplme universitaire attestant
son aptitude l'enseignement de la gographie (ex. : agrgation ou Capes).
U n e exprience des mthodes modernes d'enseignement de la gographie est
indispensable (ex. : mthodes de l'ENS de Saint-Cloud). Connaissance de l'anglais.
Dure de la mission. 2 ans renouvelables.
Niveau. P 4 .

Experto en economa domstica

Referencia, E C U A E D / S F / 6 .

Lugar de trabajo. Quito (Ecuador).

Funciones. Bajo la direccin del asesor tcnico principal el experto tendr que :
Ayudar en la preparacin de programas de economa domstica o anlogos
relacionados con la alfabetizacin y la educacin rural.
Prestar ayuda en los aspectos del proyecto relacionados con la economa
domstica, preparando y llevando a cabo programas de formacin para el personal de que se trate.
Colaborar con los especialistas en educacin para preparar materiales didcticos y de la lectura para el desarrollo de la economa domstica y la formacin
de personal o de aquellos materiales que con ella se relacionan.
Colaborar con los especialistas de radiodifusin educativa para organizar la
preparacin, transmisin y recepcin de programas sobre economa domstica ;
Trabajar en estrecha colaboracin con el experto en extensin agrcola.
Requisitos. Ttulo universitario o su equivalente en economa domstica y, preferentemente, en extensin de la enseanza de la economa domstica. Experiencia
en la formacin de personal docente o de trabajadores tcnicos. Experiencia en
proyectos de desarrollo econmico y social, especialmente en programas de organizaciones internacionales. Convendra que hubiera trabajado en pases en vas
de desarrollo, sobre todo en Amrica Latina. Francs o ingls convenientes.
Duracin del contrato. U n ao.
Grado. P 4 .

Announcements

Decisions and decision-makers

in the m o d e r n state
In the series 'Current Social Issues', a third volume of reprinted articles from this
Journal has appeared under the title of Decisions and Decision-Makers in the Modem
State, published by Unesco, priced $5.50; 28/-(stg.); 20 French francs.
With a special introduction by Jean M e y n a u d , not previously published, this
volume contains studies on:
The role of the executive
in Canada, by J. E . Hodgetts,
in France under the Fourth Republic, by P. Laroque,
in the United K i n g d o m , by J. W . Grove,
in the United States, by R . C . Macridis,
in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, by A . Iojrych,
in Yugoslavia, by J. Djordjevic;
The parliamentary profession
in France, by L . H a m o n ,
in Israel, by B . Akzin,
in Italy, by G . Sartori,
in the United Kingdom, by H . B . Berrington and S. E . Finer,
in the United States, by D . R . Matthews,
in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, by K . Gubin;
and essays
on technical change and political decision, by C . B . Macpherson,
on the politics of planning, by R . A . Dahl, and
on citizen participation in political life, by S. Rokkan and A . Campbell.
Over half of these articles have been up-dated by their authors.
T h e other two volumes in the same series are:
Social Change and Economic Development. Edited by Jean M e y n a u d . Unesco, 1963.
$4; ao/-(stg.); 13.50 French francs.
Research on Racial Relations. Unesco, 1966. $5; 25/-(stg.); 17.50 French francs.

Int. Soc. Set. J., Vol. X I X , N o . 3, 1967

Documents and publications of the United Nations

and Specialized Agencies l

General, population, health, food, housing

POPULATION
Demographic yearbook, / $ 6 j . 1965. vii-f- 8 0 8 p p . , t u . ( U N / N o . 6 6 . XIII. t.)
[Bl. St.] T h e usual tables a n d special studies o n live births classified according to
mother's a g e , zone of residence (town or country) a n d father's occupation.
World population prospects as assessed in 1963. 1966. vii + 149 p . , $ 2 . ( U N / S T / S O A /
Ser. A / 4 1 . )
[Bl. St.] Probable world population trends b y continents u p to the last years of the
present century, in the light of the information available. Definitions a n d m e t h o d s
of assessment.
HEALTH
The assessment of the nutritional status of the community. 1966. 2 1 7 p . , $ 6 .
[Bl.] S t u d y b y D . B . Jelliffe. Investigations carried out in the developing countries.
M e t h o d s to b e used for evaluating a c o m m u n i t y ' s food habits. Clinical, a n t h r o p o metric, biochemical a n d dietetic m e t h o d s .
The training of health laboratory personnel (technical staff). 1 9 6 6 , 31 p . , S 0 . 6 0 .
Definition o f the various categories o f technician. Levels o f general education.
Technical training. Career openings. R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s .
Research on genetics in psychiatry. 1966. 2 0 p., S 0 . 6 0 . (Technical reports series, n o . 346.)

(WHO.)
1. A s a general rule, no mention is m a d e of publications and documents which are issued
more or less automaticallyregular administrative reports, minutes of meetings, etc. Free
translations have been given of the titles of some publications and documents which w e
were unable to obtain in time in English. Titles thus translated are indicated b y an
asterisk (*).
The following conventional abbreviations have been used:
Bl.
= Contains a particularly interesting bibliography.
St. = Specially important or rare statistics.
Ej.
= Supplies essential information to educators and journalists.
Org. = Is very useful for knowledge of the current activities of the international organization concerned.
Pr.
= Supplies useful practical information for certain groups of people (educators, government officials, members of international organizations and social and economic
institutions, etc.) whose activities are concerned with the subject matter of the
document.

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XIX, No. 3,

1967

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469

Reviews the present state of knowledge a n d the matter of the genetics of mental
troubles (backwardness a n d psychoses). Lines of research in which international
co-operation would seem most likely to pay. Types of collaboration possible.
W H O expert committee on nursing. 1966.32 p., $0.60. (Technical reports series, no. 347.)

(WHO.)
M e a n s to be used, in the light of the local situations in different parts of the world,
for providing hospital services with more nurses.
OCCUPATIONAL H E A L T H
The organization of occupational health services in the developing countries. Joint I L O /
W H O Committee on Occupational Health (fifth session, 29 August to 6 September
1966). 1966. 22 p. (ILO.)
The protection of worker's health in the developing countries. Existing institutions.
Needs.
H E A L T H STATISTICS
Epidemiological and vital statistics reports. 1966. Vol. 19, no. 9, 79 p . , $2; no. 10, 23 p . ,
U; no. 11, 35 p., $1.25.
[St.] Parts of a continuing digest of statistics on population m o v e m e n t and the
incidence of various diseases throughout the world. In addition to the basic tables,
which are a regular feature, each part includes special studies. In this connexion
attention is drawn to the notes in Vol. 19, N o . 9, on the statistical evolution of
blindness, in N o . 10 to the study on deaths caused by bronchial asthma (1951-64)
and in N o . 11 to the notes o n the appropriations for health figuring in die total
budget of each country.
CONSTITUTION A N D ORGANIZATION OF FAO
FAO:
basic texts. Vol. 1. 1966. 169 p., $2.50. ( F A O . )
Purposes and general regulations of F A O . Governing bodies.
REGIONAL PHYSICAL D E V E L O P M E N T , HOUSING
Regional physical planning. 1966. iii + 72 p . , $1. ( U N / S T / E C E / H O U / 2 4 . )
Study by the Economic Commission for Europe. T h e notions of 'region' and 'regional planning'. Scope and objectives of regional physical planning as illustrated
by national monographs. Administrative aspects of regional physical development.
Research. Summaries of national monographs relating to the following countries :
Belgium, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Czechoslovakia,
D e n m a r k , Finland, France, Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , Hungary, Ireland,
Italy, Netherlands, N o r w a y , Poland, R o m a n i a , Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United
K i n g d o m , United States of America.
United Nations Development Programme in housing, building and planning: overall progress.
progress. August 1966. 40 p . (uN/E/c.6/54.)
M a i n achievements during 1965. Technical Assistance programmes. Table, by
countries, of moneys expended in 1965.
Progress report on the Centre for Housing, Building and Planning to the Committee on Housing,
Building and Planning. July 1966. 1 p. ( U N / E / C . 6 / 5 2 . )
Each of the following addenda covers one specific question:
Finance for housing and community facilities. 9 p . , including annex, ( U N / E / C . 6 / 5 2 A d d . 1.)
Social aspects of housing and urban development. 8 p . (uN/E/c.6/52/Add.2.)

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Industrialization of building. 14 p . (uN/E/c.6/52/Add.3.)

Environmental development. 10 p . (uN/E/c.6/52/Add.4.)
Training of national cadres and skilled personnel... 6 p. (uN/E/c.6/52/Add.5.)
Report on the rehabilitation and reconstruction of housing and community facilities in ca
of natural disasters. M a y 1966. 105 p . , including annexes. (uN/E/c.6/52/Add.6.)
Committee on Housing, Building and Planning. Country monographs . . . M a r c h 1966.
iii + 382 p . , including charts, tables. ( U N / S T / E C E / H O U / I 6 . )
Monographs submitted to the Seminar on the Supply, Development and Allocation of L a n d for Housing and Related Purposes (Paris, 28 M a r c h to 6 April
1966) by the following countries: France, Italy, Netherlands, N o r w a y , Poland,
Romania, Spain, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United K i n g d o m .

Social structures, economics, social service

SOCIAL QUESTIONS

World social situation. Consideration of the possibility and advisability of preparing a dec
ration on social development. 1966. 27 p . , including annexes. (uN/A/6434.)
A brief survey of various documents of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies
relative to the question of a declaration on social development. Practical importance of such a declaration. Financial implications of the measures which might
be taken in this connexion.
Reappraisal of the role of the Social Commission. April 1966. 21 p . (uN/E/c.N.5/400/
Add.5.)
This part of the report o n the Social Commission's activities is devoted to Unesco's
work. Guiding principles of the action undertaken. Educational planning. Teacher
training. Pilot activities in thefieldof education. Eradication of illiteracy. Promotion
of scientific and technical research, with particular reference to the social sphere.
Cost-benefit analysis of social projects. April 1966. v + 129 p. ( U N / S O A / E S W P / E G / R C P . 7.)
(United Nations Research Institute for Social Development Report, no. 7.)
[BL] Report of the United Nations Institute for Social Development. Proceedings
of a group of experts sitting from 27 September to 2 October 1965. Definition of
social development projects. Principles governing cost-benefit analysis. Integration
of the results of the analysis into the national accounts. Direct and indirect consequences.
FAMILY

The role of the family in the formation ofyouth in African society. M a y 1966. 22 p . ( U N /
E/ICEF/AFM/2.)

Adaptation of family policy to the structures of African society.

SOCIAL SECURITY

Developments and trends in social security, ig6i-ig6$. International Social Security

Association, Fifteenth General Assembly, September-October 1964. 1965,
625 p . (ILO.)
[Bl.] Study of social security developments o n the world scale a n d more detailed
reports for Africa, America, Asia (and Oceania) and Europe (summaries for each
region of the world and national monographs). Recent international activities.

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471

INTERNATIONAL L A B O U R CODE
Conventions and recommendations of the ILO, 1919-1966. 1966, 1176 p .
[BL] Up-to-date edition of the texts adopted by the International Labour C o n ference at itsfiftysessions. Subject index.
N A T U R A L RESOURCES
Five-year survey programme for natural resources development. Replies from Member States
to the Secretary-General's verbal note of 39 April 1966. August 1966, 24 p . including
annex. (uN/E/4186/Add.i.)
Replies from the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, C a m b o d i a , Republic of
China, France, G a m b i a , Guatemala, Kuwait, Malta, Netherlands, N e w Zealand,
Singapore, Somali Republic, South Africa, S w e d e n , Turkey, Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, the United States of America.
ENERGY
World energy supplies: 1961-1964. ( U N / D T / S T A T / S E R . J . 9 . ) (Statistical papers, series
J. no. 9.)
[St.] Production, trade in and consumption of energy in 170 countries and territories. T h e information provided relates to coal, coke, petroleum and its derivatives, natural and manufactured gas, and electricity. T h e data are set out by
countries and territories with world totals.
AUTOMATION
Orientation course in mechanized data processing. 1966, xiv + 129 p . $1.50.

(UN/ST/

TA0/M/30.)

[BL] H a n d b o o k prepared for the training course given in Ottawa, from 12 to 21 O c tober 1965, for programmers and users of automatic systems. Bibliography for
teachers and students. T h e course covered programming, punched cards, punching-machines, automatic machines a n d the advantages a n d disadvantages of
automatic analysis and of other types of p r o g r a m m e circuit.
STATISTICS, NATIONAL ACCOUNTS
Integratedfive-vearprogrammes of international statistics. August 1966. 105 p . ( U N / E /
CN.3/351.)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] Activities of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies in thefieldof statistics. Their co-ordination. The assembling of the data. Publications. Development of
methods. Professional training programmes. Report of Expert Group on Education and
Training of Statisticians in Africa. June 1966, 12 p . ( U N / E / C N . 14/353.)
The report of the Expert G r o u p , which m e t in Addis A b a b a from 13 to 21 January
1966, discusses the role of the establishments for the training of professional staff
and technicians. Information is provided o n the institutes already in operation
in the United Arab Republic, at Rabat and at Abidjan, o n the European Centre
for the Training of Statisticians and Economists for the Developing Countries
(Paris) a n d on the institutes in Nigeria a n d G h a n a .
Progress report on the International Trade Statistics Centre and steps being taken to avoid
duplication of requests to governments for statistical data by international organizations.
August 1966, 20 p., including annexes. (uN/E/cN.3/353.)
This report gives the position regarding the centre's relations with ninety-eight
countries.

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Income distribution statistics, August 1966, 18 p . (uN/E/cN.3/348.)

Purposes and characteristics of income distribution statistics. Definition a n d classification of statistical units. Problem of the internationalization of methods.
Commodity trade statistics, 1565. N o . 1-22. 1966, 287 p . , $0.50 per fascicule, ( U N / S T /
S T A T / S E R . D / 5 7 - 2 2 . ) (Statistical papers, series D , vol. X V , n o . 1.)
[St.] Deals with Brazil, Ireland, Israel and Italy.
The revision of the SNA, igs. August 1966, 16 p . ( u N / E / c N . 3 / 3 4 5 / A d d . 1.)
Developments during recent years. Objectives. Proposed definitions a n d classifications. Adaptation of the system for use in the developing countries. W o r k programme.
Report of the second session of the Expert Group on the Review of National Accounts and
Balances. Geneva. 18-sg July ig66. August 1966, 35 p . (uN/E/cN.3/346.)
Preparation of the review of the 1952 System of National Accounts. Accounts and
standard tables. Principles of national and sectoral balances and of income statistics.
A guide-line for the classification of government transactions by objects adapted to African
countries. June 1966, 24 p . ( U N / E / C N . 14/BUD/2.)
A Seminar o n Budget Planning a n d M a n a g e m e n t w a s held in Addis A b a b a from
3 to 13 October 1966. This d o c u m e n t deals with the two aspects of the budget
expenditure and receiptsand gives a classification b y economic categories for each.
Guide-lines for the co-ordination of national budgets with national development plans. J u n e 1966,
iii +

145 P - ( U N / E / C N .

14/BUD/3.)

[Ej. Pr] A further document presented at the Addis A b a b a seminar. Relationship

between the preparation of development plans a n d the preparation of the budget.
Classification system to be used for the co-ordination of development plans and State
budgets. Techniques to be applied. Specimen budgets prepared in terms of specific
development plans.
LABOUR STATISTICS

Tear book of labour statistics ig66. 1966, 768 p . ( I L O . )

[Bl. St.] Principal labour statistics for the last ten years (1955-65) for m o r e than
170 countries a n d territories. Total population a n d working population. E m p l o y m e n t and unemployment. Hours of work. Productivity of labour. W a g e s . C o n s u m e r
prices. Household budgets. Accidents at work. L a b o u r disputes.
CONFERENCE OF LABOUR STATISTICIANS
T h e eleventh session of the International Conference of Labour Statisticians w a s
held in Geneva in October 1966. It discussed, in particular, the following studies:
General report on labour statistics. 1966, 52 p . ( I L O . )
[BL] Evolution of national labour statistics since 1961, b y sectors of employment.
Studies effected or envisaged b y the I L O . State of the technical co-operation
programmes. Studies effected b y various other bodies. List of reports a n d articles
on labour statistics published b y the I L O during recent years.
Statistics of labour cost. 1966. 53 p . ( I L O . )
[Bl.] Role of labour cost statistics. Recent evolution of these statistics. Scope of the
international recommendations in the matter. Difference between labour cost a n d
income from w o r k . Components of the two totals. Classification a n d compilation
of the data.

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473

Revision of the International Standard Classification of Occupations (October ig66), 1966,

61 p . ( I L O . )
Nature a n d scope of the proposed revision. Definition of the following major
occupational groups, which correspond more or less social strata: the professions,
scientific, technical, liberal a n d comparable; managers and senior administrative
cadres; administrative personnel and comparable workers; commercial staff
and salesmen; specialized workers in service industries; agricultural a n d pastoral
workers, foresters, fishermen a n d hunters; tradesmen, labourers a n d transport
drivers. A list of draft definitions is annexed (193 p . ) .
Measurement of under-employment, concepts and methods (October ig66).

1966, 93 p .

ILO

(
-)
[Bl.] Nature of under-employment. Basic concepts a n d definitions. M a i n sources of
statistical information on under-employment. Recent statistical research on the
subject at national level.
AGRICULTURAL

STATISTICS

World crop statistics. 1966, 458 p . , $7. ( F A O . )

[St.] Changes since 1948 in the world acreages a n d yields of each type of crop.
PLANNING
The administration of economic development planning: principles and fallacies. 1966, v + 58 p .
(UN/ST/TAO/M/32.)

A synthesis of certain practical principles with regard to the administrative aspects

of economic development planning. Interdpendance of planning a n d administration. Difficulties affecting execution of plans. Methods for overcoming these
difficulties. Typical experiences.
Committee for Development Planning. Report on thefirstsession, s-11 May ig66. 1966,
14 p., $0.50. (uN/E/4207/R.Ev.i.)
T h e committee's functions. Activities during the period under report. Prospects.
Projections on the international scale. Aid for planning at national level.
W O R L D ECONOMIC D E V E L O P M E N T
RELATIONS
COUNTRIES A N D OTHER COUNTRIES

BETWEEN

INDUSTRIAL

World economic survey, 1965. Part 1: Thefinancingof economic development. 1966, xi +

140 p., $ 2.50. (uN/E/4187/Rev. 1.)
[St.] Problem of increasing the available capital in developing countries. Trends
during the period 1953-64. V o l u m e and form of transfers from industrial countries.
Increasing involvement of governments. Nature a n d source of transfers from
countries with a planned e c o n o m y . Rationalization of the agreements relating to
reimbursement. International co-operation o n the operational plane a n d at the
level of formulation of the principles of economic policy.
World economic survey, 1965. Part II: Current economic developments. 1966, vii + 52 p . ,
$ 1.25. (uN/E/4221/Rev. 1.)
[St]. Recent trends of world production a n d trade. Situational evolution in the
developing countries and in the industrial countries with centrally planned or
market economies.
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Basic documents on its establishment
and activities. 1966, 76 p., $0.50. (uN/No.66.1.14.)
Decisions which led to the establishment of the United Nations Conference o n

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Trade and Development ( U N G T A D ) . T e r m s of reference of its commissions.

Procedure for the implementation of the conference's recommendations.
Review of international trade and development, ig66. July 1966, 28 p . ( U N / T D / B / 8 2 . )
[St]. General trends since 1964. Relations between developed and developing
countries. Evolution of the situation in the latter.
Review of international trade and development, ig66. Part 1 : Trends in international trade
and development. July 1966, 73 p . (uN/TD/B/82/Add.i.)
General study of the currents of world trends. Growth of the developing countries.
Place of the developing countries in the trade of developed countries with market
and socialist economies. Present needs of the developing countries in respect of
imports.
Review of international trade and development, 1966. Part 2: Trade policy developments.
July 1966, 182 p . (uN/TT>/B/82/Add.2.)
Trade policy of governments in regard to staple commodities, manufactured articles
and capital.
Review of international trade and development, ig66. Part 3: Institutional arrangements.
July 1966, 22 p . (uN/TT>/B/82/Add.3.)
Historical outline of the creation of the United Nations Conference on Trade a n d
Development. T h e conference's commissions. Recent modifications m a d e to other
organs of the United Nations.
Review of international trade and development, 1966. Part 4 : Trends in international trade
and development. August 1966, 23 p., Annexes (uN/TD/B/82/Add.4.)
[St.] This a d d e n d u m contains the tables referred to in document T D / B / 8 2 / A d d . i .
Indices of agricultural and industrial production by countries. Growth of industrial
production, of domestic product and of population. Exchanges.
Trade expansion and economic integration among developing countries. August 1966, 246 p .
(uN/TD/B/85.)
General outline of the problem of the economic integration of developing countries.
Advantages. Conditions. Evaluation of the methods applied towards the establishment of regional markets between developing countries. Possibilities for the
expansion of trade between these countries a n d between developing continents.
Adaptation of die rules currently applicable to this trade. Measures required.
U N G T A D ' s functions in this domain.
Terms of trade and the concept of import purchasing power of the exports of developing countries. M a r c h 1966, 8 4 p . , including annexes, ( U N / T D / B / C . I /psc/5.)
[Bl.] This study by the Netherlands Economic Institute examines the evolution of
thought about the problems of the international commodity trade and is critical
of the current notions regarding the terms of trade and of the stabilization of
commodity prices; it also details the practical measures feasible.
Terms of trade and the concept of import purchasing power of the exports of developing countries. April 1966. Part II, 51 p . , including annexes, charts, tables, ( U N / T D / B /
c.i/psc/5/Add.i.)
[St.] Part II of the above study discusses the problems posed by certain commodities
considered separately. General policy measures which might help to resolve these
problems. Evolution, b y countries, of the terms of trade for a certain n u m b e r of
commodities over the last ten years.
Preparation of a summary of the current market situation in selected commodities,
commodity survey 1966. M a y 1966, ii + 62 p . ( U N / T D / B / C . I / P S C / 6 . )

UNCTAD

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475

[St.] Part I of an U N C T A D study of commodities. Evolution of the world commodity

market. Measures taken during recent years. Targeted and actual growth rates.
Structural modifications of the market. Governmental policies. Price fluctuations.
Variations in consumption.
Preparation of a summary of the current market situation in selected commodities. UNCTAD
commodity survey ig66. M a y 1966, 170 p . (uN/TD/B/c.i/psc/7/Add.i.)
[St.] Continuation of the preceding report. Special analyses for iron ore, aluminium,
antimony, copper, manganese, nickel, petroleum and tungsten. Further complementary documents have been issued, ( U N / T D / B / C . I / P S C / 7 and annexes.)
RURAL WORKERS
Plantation workers. 1966, 284 p., $3.50. (ILO.)
Notes on the situation of plantation workers in the following countries: C a m e r o o n ,
Ceylon, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, India, Indonesia, Ivory Coast, Malaysia,
Mauritius, Peru and Tanzania. These notes are preceded b y a general outline of
the problems regarding plantation labour. Working conditions, occupational
relations and living standards of this class of workers.
Improvement of conditions of life and work of tenants, share-croppers and similar categories
of agricultural workers. 1966, 92 p . , $1. (ILO.)
Report published for thefifty-firstsession of the International Labour Conference
(Geneva, 1967). Problems and present situation. At the end of the report there is
a questionnaire addressed to governments.
TEXTILES
Report of the United Nations Interregional Workshop on Textile Industries in Developing
Countries. (Lodz, Poland, 6-27 September 1965), iv + 92 p . , $2. ( U N / S T / T A O /
SER.C/88.)

Proceedings and recommendations of the workshop. T h e international market.

Exports and imports. R a w materials. Measurement of productivity in the textile
industry. Recent technological developments.
SOCIAL A N D ECONOMIC D E V E L O P M E N T IN AFRICA
Prospects of industrial development in Cameroon. N o v e m b e r 1965, 40 p., including annex.
( U N / E / C N . 14/As/i/4.)

[St.] A Symposium on Industrial Development in Africa was held in Cairo from 27

January to 10 February 1966 at which a n u m b e r of monographs were presented.
T h e present paper deals with Cameroon and covers the following subjects: m a n u facturing industry in Cameroon; production b y sectors; trade during the period
1962-63; the principal projects; international assistance.
Trends and prospects of industrial developments in Cambia. January 1966, 15 p . ( U N /
E/CN.14/AS/1/9.)

A further document presented at the Cairo symposium. Textile, food, forest and
engineering industries in Zambia. Building industry. Technical and administrative
m a n p o w e r . Brief note on exports of manufactured goods.
Report on industrial development in Kenya. January 1966, 30 p . , tables, ( U N / E / C N . 14/
AS/l/lO.)

[St.] This report w a s also presented at the Cairo symposium. Tables relating to
production and trade. Industrial development prospects in Kenya. Financing
procedure envisaged.

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T h e following documents were also a m o n g the working papers for the Cairo s y m posium or dealt with related subjects:

A review of the building materials industry in Africa and the possibilities for a rapid expansion.
D e c e m b e r 1965, 4 8 p., including charts and m a p s . ( U N / E / C N . 14/AS/111/5.)
The economic significance and contribution of industries based on renewable natural resources
and the policies and institutions required for their development. N o v e m b e r 1965, 20 p .
(UN/E/CN.I4/AS/III/7.)

Some essential requisites for industrial development of renewable natural resources. N o v e m b e r

1965, 21 p . (UN/E/CN.I4/AS/HI/17.)

Food and food products industries. D e c e m b e r 1965, 37 p . ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / A S / I I I / I 8 . )

Industries processing agricultural products other than food. N o v e m b e r 1965, ii + 66 p .
(UN/E/CN.14/AS/111/19.)

Development of forest industries. October 1965, ii + 6 2 p . , m a p . ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / A S / I I I /

20.)

Fisheries industries. N o v e m b e r 1965, 15 p . ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / A S / I I I / 2 I . )

FAO's relations with industry through the Freedom from Hunger Campaign. D e c e m b e r
'965.

5 P- ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / A S / I V / 3 . )

Housing in Africa. 1966, vii + 221 p . , tables, charts, $3.50. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / H O U / 7 . )

Forest industries development in West Africa. April 1966, 149 p . , including annexes,
tables, m a p . ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / I N R / I O 8 . )

The petroleum industry in the West African sub-region. July 1966, 87 p . , including a n nexes, tables, figures, m a p s . ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / I N R / I I O . )
Trained manpower requirements for accelerated economic development in the West African subregion. July 1966, 57 p . , including annexes. (UN/E/CN.14/1NR/113.)
Manufactured and raw tobacco in the West African sub-region. July 1966, v -f 76 p . ,
including annex, ( U N / E / C N . 14/iNR/i 14.)
The demographic situation in Western Africa. August 1966, 36 p . , tables, ( U N / E / C N . 14/
INR/115.)

Standardization in the West African sub-region. August 1966, 57 p., including annex.
(UN/E/CN.I4/INR/II6.)

A development programme for the West African cement industry. August 1966, 71 p . , including annex. (UN/E/CN.14/1NR/117.)
Industrial research in the West African sub-region. August 1966, 52 p . , including annexes.
( U N / E / C N . 14/iNR/i 23.)

Evaluation of the contribution of community development to the economic and social development of Ghana. June 1966, 141 p . , including annexes, ( U N / E / C N . 14/SWDC/31.)
The role of the family in the formation of youth in Africa. April 1966, 8 p . ( U N / E / I C E F /
NGo/ws-4.)
Report on proceedings of the Second Consultative Meeting between the Regional Group for
Africa of the Advisory Committee on the Application of Science and Technology to Development and the ECA Secretariat. J u n e 1966, 38 p . , including annexes, ( U N / E / C N . 14/
356.)
Report of the meeting held at Addis A b a b a from 5 to 10 January 1966. Scientific
and technical problems. Application of existing knowledge.Passing o n such k n o w ledge. Financing of expenses. A n n e x e d is a list of long-term projects.
PLANNING A N D TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE IN AFRICA
Institutions engaged in economic and social planning in Africa. Unesco, Paris, 1966, 155 p . ,
$1.75. (Reports a n d papers in the social sciences, n o . 22.)
[Bl.] Prepared for Unesco b y the International Social Science Council and the
Centre d'Analyse et de Recherches Documentaires pour l'Afrique Noire (Maison
des Sciences d e l ' H o m m e ) under the responsibility of M r s . Michle Cser. Covers
s o m e 300 public a n d private institutions concerning themselves, from the scientific or practical standpoint, with the planning of economic a n d social develop-

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477

mentinterpreted widely to cover all aspects which generally fall under the heading of 'technical assistance'in the African countries. T h e y include institutions
located in Africa itself, in America, in Asia a n d in Europe. T h e study gives particulars of their structure, directory cadres, headquarters, financing, activities a n d
publications.
T R A D E UNIONS A N D PLANNING IN AFRICA
The role of trade unions in development planning. (African Seminar, Dakar, 28 N o v e m b e r
to 10 December 1966), 1966, 76 p . (ILO.)
This seminar studied the principles, aims, conditions and methods of trade union
partcipation in development planning in the light of experience currently being
acquired. Educational needs arising from such participation. T h e role which I L O
can play to help African trade unions to resolve their problems in this sphere.
N O R T H AFRICA
Report of the Sub-Regional Meeting on Economic Co-operation in North Africa (Tangiers,
20-24 J u n e 1966). June 1966, 62 p . , including annexes, ( U N / E / C N . 14/354.)
Report o n the activities of the Sub-Regional Office of the Economic Commission
for Africa. Study of the sub-region's fundamental economic development problems:
population increase, financing of the process of social and economic development,
agricultural structures, trade, industrialization. Co-ordination possibilities. R e c o m mendations regarding the Sub-Regional Office's future activities.
AGRICULTURAL D E V E L O P M E N T IN NIGERIA
Agricultural development in Nigeria: 1965-1980. 1966, 512 p . , $14. ( F A O . )
Programmes and forecasts to 1980. Problems to be resolved. Measures which could
be taken. Food requirements of the population. R a w material requirements of
industry. Necessity of ensuring agricultural exports.
LATIN AMERICAN E C O N O M Y
Economic survey of Latin America, 1965. Part I: Latin America as a whole. M a y 1966,
iv + 253 p . , tables, charts, ( U N / E / C N . 12/752.)
[St.] A general study of the evolution of the Latin American economic situation
in 1965.
Economic survey of Latin America, 1965. Part II: The recent economic situation in selected
countries. M a y 1966, iv + 331 p.,figures,tables. (uN/E/cN.i2/752/Add.i.)
[St.] Covers the following countries and regions: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, C e n tral America, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, U r u g u a y and V e n e zuela.
Economic survey of Latin America, 1965. Part III: Evolution of the main economic sectors.
M a y 1966, iii + 264 p . (uN/E/cN.i2/752/Add.2.)
[St.] Agriculture, mining a n d manufacturing industries, electric power, petroleum,
transport.
Report of the ninth session of the Central American Economic Co-operation Committee. M a r c h
1966, iv + 156 p. (UN/E/CN.12/AC.58/3.)
M a i n recent activities towards economic integration in Central America. Technical assistance afforded b y the United Nations for this integration programme.
Discussions and conclusions of the ninth session.

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Report of the Director-General of te Latin American Institute for Economic and Social Planning to the Governing Council and programme of work for ig66. M a r c h 1966, 79 p .
(UN/E/CN.12/AC.58/8.)

T h e institute's activities during the last five years. Development of the training
programmes. Economic research. Activities in connexion with industrial developm e n t a n d the programming of social development. Planning seminars.
L A B O U R A N D SOCIAL SECURITY PROBLEMS IN ASIA

Asian Advisory Committee of ILO (13th session, Singapore, November-December ig66):

General report. 1966, 125 p . (ILO.)
Social a n d economic situation in Asia. M a n p o w e r resources. L a b o u r standards.
Technical co-operation. Progress m a d e in the adoption a n d application of international labour standards.
Labour-management relations in publie industrial undertakings (in Asia), 73 p . (ILO.)
O n e of the working papers for the thirteenth session of I L O ' s Asian Advisory C o m mittee.
Social security in Asia: trends and problems. 1966, 55 p . (ILO.)
A further working paper for the thirteenth session of I L O ' s Asian Advisory C o m m i t tee. Present state of social security in Asia. Problems and trends emerging. Strong
and w e a k points of certain social security systems n o w in force.
ECONOMIC D O C U M E N T A T I O N IN

EUROPE

Exchange of scientific abstracts of documents relating to applied economics. February 1966,

9 p . , including annexes. ( U N / E / E C E / 5 9 I . )

Study b y the Economic Commission for Europe. Principles of the system of

exchanges. List of the correspondents in eighteen Eastern a n d Western European
countries. Plan for the organization of a meeting of editors of applied economics
abstracting journals published in the commission's m e m b e r countries.
List of institutions in thefieldof applied economics in ECE countries. M a r c h 1966, 107 p .
(UN/E/ECE/6I5.)

List of the institutions of twenty-eight Eastern a n d Western European countries

with addresses.
Inventory of abstracting services in thefieldof applied economics intilecountries of the Economic
Commission for Europe. April 1966, v -j- 70 p . ( U N / E / E C E / 6 I 6 . )
[Bl.] Lists eighty-seven services in nineteen Eastern and Western European countries. For each service there is a note giving the nature of its activities and its publications.
COAL IN

EUROPE

The coal situation in Europe in /off^-joSj and its prospects. 1966, iii + 74 p . ( U N / S T / E C E /
COAL/15.)

[St.] Factors in the evolution of the d e m a n d for coal. Evolution of production.

Productivity. Recent modifications in the international trade in solid fuels. L o n g term trends in coal supply a n d d e m a n d in Europe.
MANPOWER

IN

EUROPE

Note by the Executive Secretary (of the Economic Commission for Europe) on the Committee
on Manpower. M a r c h 1966, 41 p . , including annex. (uN/E/ECE/585.)

Documents and publications

479

Report prepared by the I L O . General description of the m a n p o w e r situation in

Europe in 1965. Recent developments in the sphere of vocational training. M a n power shortages. Movements ef m a n p o w e r . Principal measures taken by governments.
ECONOMIC ARBITRATION IN EUROPE
Arbitration rules of the United Nations Economie Commission for Europe. January 1966,
13 p . , including annex, ( U N / E / E C E / 6 2 5 . )
Text of the optional arbitration rules. Annexed is a list of the Chambers of C o m merce and other bodies that m a y be required to act as 'Appointing Authority'.

Education, science
EDUCATIONAL PLANNING
Perspectives of educational development in Asia. A draft Asian model. 146 p . , including
annexes, $2. (Unesco.)
[St.] T h e Conference of Ministers of Education and Ministers responsible for Economic Planning in M e m b e r States in Asia w a s the prime mover in the preparation
of this model, worked out by experts according to the most up-to-date econometric
methods. It makes it possible to calculate the effects of different hypotheses regarding the means a n d objectives which m a y be envisaged in connexion with the prog r a m m e s for the planning of educational development in Asian countries. These
countries are classified in a n u m b e r of groups according to the degree of development attained in the field of education. Quantitative relations between the variables (growth of school-age population, economic growth, requirements for
additional teachers, rate of drop-outs at the various school levels, etc.). Estimation
of the investments required. Probable n u m b e r of pupils w h o will go direct into
jobs from each level of the educational system, including the university level.
Practical recommendations.
TRAINING OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATORS
La fonction publique. tudes et choix de textes comments (by Louis Fougre). 1966, 380 p .
(Institut International des Sciences Administratives and Unesco) (The civil
service: Studies of examples and an annotated selection of writings on the subject.)
[Bl.] This publication is designed to facilitate the preparation of candidates for the
civil service, particularly in developing countries. Studies of the civil service in
the United States of America, Latin America, Federal Republic of G e r m a n y ,
France, the United K i n g d o m and the socialist countries. Annotated writings on
the notion of 'civil service', the recruitment and training of civil servants, the
problems posed by their remuneration, their rights and duties. Legal questions.
Problems c o m m o n to all countries and variety of the solutions adopted.
RESEARCH ON T H E SETTLEMENT OF CONFLICTS
International repertory of institutions specializing in research on peace and disarmamant.
Paris, Unesco, 1966, 77 p . , $1.25. (Reports and papers in the social sciences.
no. 23.)
[Bl. St.] Introduction by Johan Galtung (Oslo) on the definition of the field of
research on peace and disarmament, followed by an analysis of the trends in the
organization of peace research, by Mari H o l m b o e R u g e (Oslo). List of institutions

480

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engaged in such research (addresses, directory cadres, sources of finance, activities,

publications). A questionnaire w a s sent to these institutions with a view to ascertaining their attitudes regarding certain problems of interest to the specialists (preference for certain methods, for certain research subjects, etc.). Results of this
inquiry.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SERVICES
Bibliographical services throughout the world, ig6o-ig&4 (by Paul Avicenne). $5. (Unesco.)
[Bl.] Evolution of the activities of bibliographical services in eighty-three countries
during the period 1960-64: national bibliographical commissions, inter-library
co-operation services, national bibliographies, bibliographies for particular categories of documents (periodicals, theses, m a p s , etc.), legal deposit, abstracting of
periodicals, teaching of bibliography, archives. A general study of the trends observed, followed by monographs for each country describing the principal advances
achieved during recent years a n d giving s u m m a r y tables of the present state of the
bibliographical facilities of each country.
SOCIOLOGY OF L A B O U R IN T H E UNION OF SOVIET
SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
Technological change and manpower in a centrally planned economy. 1966,92 p . , $ 1 . ( I L O . )
[Bl.] Review of Soviet research o n the social consequences of automation, particularly in the engineering industries. Notes o n the methods used in this field by
Soviet research workers. Repercussions of technical progress o n the division of
labour and o n the occupational characteristics of different categories of post.
Changes in labour-force qualifications. N e w classification of industrial m a n p o w e r
proposed in the U . S . S . R . W o r k s o n the changes already taking place or foreseeable in the structure a n d classification of the labour force.

Legal and political questions, h u m a n rights

INTERNATIONAL L A W
United Nations juridical yearbook, 1964. 1966, xxii + 337 p . , S4.50.

(UN/ST/LEG/

SER.C/2.)

[BL] N e w legislative enactments touching the legal status of the United Nations
and the intergovernmental organizations associated with it. Treaties o n international law recently concluded under the auspices of these organizations. Court
decisions in 1964 in the matter of international law.
H U M A N RIGHTS
Periodic reports on humanrights.J u n e 1966, 46 p . ( u N / E / c N . 4 / 8 9 2 / A d d . i 6 . )
Information supplied b y L e b a n o n , the Netherlands, the Ukrainian S . S . R . , the
U n i o n of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United K i n g d o m and Yugoslavia.
POLITICAL EQUALITY

Constitutions, electoral laws and other legal instruments relating to political rights of wom
September 1966, 158 p . , including annex, ( U N / A / 6 4 4 7 . )
Texts of the n e w provisions adopted b y States in regard to w o m e n ' s political rights.

Documents and publications

481

Table of the situation, by countries (degree of equality between the sexes). List of
the States that have signed the Convention on the Political Rights of W o m e n .
FREEDOM

OF ACCESS TO OCCUPATIONS

Discrimination in employment and occupation. 1966, a6 p . (ILO.)

Report prepared on the occasion of the Meeting of Experts on Discrimination in
Employment (Geneva, 31 October to 14 N o v e m b e r 1966). Measures to be envisaged
for combating this form of discrimination. Role of the I L O . Responsibilities of
employers' and workers' organizations. Access to vocational training.
DISARMAMENT
Training and retraining aspects of disarmament. M a r c h 1966, 25 p . ( U N / E / E C E / 6 I 7 . )
Replies from twenty countriesAustria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Finland,
France, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Malta, N o r w a y , Portugal, R o m a n i a , Spain,
Sweden, Switzerland, Ukrainien S . S . R . , U n i o n of Soviet Socialist Republics,
United States of America, Yugoslaviato the questionnaire on the measures taken
to facilitate the access of military and para-military personnel to civilian occupations
after the completion of the period of service or relegation to the retired list.

Books received

General or methodological works

B E L D E N , Joe. A broadcast research primer. N e w York, National Association of Broadcasters, 1966. 26 c m . , ii + 62 p.,fig.,bibliogr.
H A R V E Y , John, ed. Data processing in public and university libraries. Washington D . C ,
Spartan Books; London, Macmillan, 1966. 23 c m . , x + 150 p . , fig., tabl.,
bibliogr., index. 54 s. (Drexel information science series, 3.)
H E S S E L I N G , P . Strategy of evaluation research in thefieldof supervisory and management
training. Assen, V a n G o r c u m , 1966. 25 c m . , 359 p . ,fig.,tabl., bibliogr. Fl. 35.
(Netherlands Productivity Committee of the Social and Economic Council.)
M A I C H E L , Karol, ed. Soviet and Russian newspapers at the Hoover Institution: a catalog.
Compiled by Karol Maichel. Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University, 1966.
26 c m . , x + 235 p . , $5.00 (Hoover Institution on W a r , Revolution and Peace.
Hoover Institution bibliographical series, 24.)
N A T I O N A L A S S O C I A T I O N O F B R O A D C A S T E R S [ N e w York]. Standard definitions of broadcast research terms. N e w York, National Association of Broadcasters, 1967. 28 c m . ,
56 p., index. $0.75.
I B A R R O L A , Jsus. Structure sociale et fortune dans la campagne proche de Grenoble en 184.7.
Paris, M o u t o n , 1966. 23 c m , 153 p . , carte, tabl., bibliogr. (Publications de la
Facult de droit et des sciences conomiques de Grenoble. Collection d u Centre
de recherche d'histoire conomique, sociale et institutionnelle. Srie Histoire
sociale, 2.)
K A R T O D I R D J O , Sartono. The peasants' revolt ofBanten in 1888: its conditions, course and
sequel. A case study of social movements in Indonesia. 'sGravenhage, (M. Nijhoff,
1966. 25 c m . , xii + 379 p.,fig.,folding m a p . , bibliogr., index. (Verhandelingen
van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal- L a n d - en Volkenkunde, 50.)
KORISIS, Hariton. Die politischen Parteien Griechenlands, Ein neuer Staat auf dem Weg zur
Demokratie 1831-igio. Hersbruck/Nrnberg, K . Pfeiffer, 1966. 21 c m . , viii +
230 p., bibliogr.
P A R E T , Peter. Torek and the era of Prussian reform, 1807-1815. Princeton (N. J . ) ,
Princeton University Press, 1966. 24 c m . , viii + 309 p.,fig.,portr., tabl., bibliogr.,
index. $8.50.

Law
B O L D T , Gerhard, et al. Le contrat de travail dans le droit des pays membres de la C . E . C . A .
[par] G . Boldt., G . Camerlunck., P . Horion; A . Kayser. Luxembourg, Services
des publications des communauts europennes, 1965. 23 c m . , 727 p. ( C o m m u -

Int. Soc. Sei J., Vol. XIX, No. 3, 1967

Documents and publications

483

naut europenne d u charbon et de l'acier. Haute autorit. Collection d u droit

du travail.)
B O L L A C H E , Pierre. Les responsabilits de l'entreprise en matire d'accidents du travail.
Paris, Sirey, 1967. 24 c m , 180 p., tabl., bibliogr. 18 F . (Bibliothque de droit d u
travail et de la scurit sociale, 2.)
M A R K E , Julius J. Copyright and intellectual property. N e w York, F u n d for the A d v a n cement of Education, 1967. 21 c m . , 112 p .
P I P E R , D o n Courtney. The international law of the Great Lakes. A study of CanadianUnited States co-operation. D u r h a m ( N . C ) , D u k e University Press, 1967. 21 c m . ,
xiv + 165 p . , bibliogr., index. $6.50. (Duke University C o m m o n w e a l d i Studies
Center publication, 30.)
W I L S O N , Robert R . , ed. The international law standard and Commonwealth developments.
[By] Robert R . Wilson; Robert E . Clute; John M . Howell, H e r m a n Walker.
D u r h a m (N. C ) , D u k e University Press, 1966. 23 c m . , xii + 306 p . , index.
$9.50. (Duke University C o m m o n w e a l t h Studies Center publication, 27.)

Economics, demography
A L B E R T I N I , Jean-Marie; A U V O L A T , M ; L E R O U G E , F . Les mcanismes du sous-developpement. Paris, conomie et H u m a n i s m e , ditions ouvrires, 1967. 18 c m ,
344 p . ,fig.,tabl., bibliogr., index. (Initiation conomique, 7.)
B A I R O C H , Paul. Diagnostic de l'volution conomique du tiers-monde igoo-ig66. Paris,
Gauthier-Villars, 1967. 24 c m , 229 p . , tabl., bibliogr. (Collection Techniques
conomiques modernes, 23. Srie Histoire et pense conomiques, 2.)
B L A K E , Judith. The Americanization of Catholic reproductive ideals. Berkeley (Calif.),
University of California, 1966. 24 c m , p . 27-43, tobl. University of California.
Institute of International Studies. International population and urban research.
Population research series. Reprint, 222. Reprint from Population studies, X X ,
July 1966.)
B L A K E , Judith. Ideal family size among white Americans: a quarter of a century's evidence.
Berkeley (Calif.), University of California, 1966. 24 c m , p. 154-173, tabl. (University of California. Institute of International Studies. International population
and urban research. Population studies series. Reprint 217. Reprint from Z)7i<>raphy, III (1), 1966.)
B U R E A U D E R E C H E R C H E S E T D'ACTION

C O N O M I Q U E [Paris]. Conditions de travail des

femmes O.S. de la construction lectronique. Paris, Bureau de recherches et d'action

conomique, 1967. 27 c m . , multiple pagination, multigr.,fig.,m a q .
Annexe 1. Questionnaire et rsultats bruts.
Annexe 2. Exploitation statistique des rsultats.
C A M P O L O N G O , Alberto. Incomes policy [La poltica dei redditi]. [Milano] Mediobanca,
1966. 24 c m . , 83 p . ,fig.,tabl., bibliogr.
D E S R O C H E H . (d). Coopration agricole et dveloppement rural. Actes d u colloque international de Tel-Aviv. Isral, mars 1965. Version franaise tablie par H . Desroche. Paris, M o u t o n , 1966. 24 c m , 231 p . ,fig.,tabl. (cole'pratique des hautes
tudes. 6 e section. Sciences conomiques et sociales. Recherches coopratives, I.)
F L E M I N G , J. Marcus. Toward assessing the need for international reserves. Princeton
(N. J . ) , Princeton University, 1967. 23 c m , 26 p . , fig. (Princeton University.
Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Essays in international
finance, 58.)
G L A S S , David Victor. Population policies and movements in Europe. With a n e w introduction by the author. (2nd ed.) L o n d o n , F . Cass, 1967. 22 c m . , xviii + 490 p . ,
tabl., bibliogr., index. 75s.

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I N S T I T U T E O F A S I A N E C O N O M I C A F F A I R S [Tokyo]. Research Department for Economic

Growth. Asia's economic growth and intra-regionat co-operation. Tokyo, Institute of

Asian Economic Affairs, 1967. 28 c m . , iv + 167 p . , tabl.
International population census bibliography, Asia. Austin (Texas), University of Texas,
Graduate School of Business, 1966. a8 c m , not paginated. (University of Texas.
Department of Sociology. Population Research Center. Census bibliography,
5')

JEUNE CHAMBRE CONOMIQUE

D E P A R I S . Commission d ' a m n a g e m e n t des horaires.

L'talement des horaires. Application au quartier de la Dfense. tude ralise et diffuse

avec le concours d u Comit national d'amnagement des temps de travail et
des temps de loisirs et de l'Association franaise pour l'accroissement de la productivit. Paris, Jeune chambre conomique de Paris, 1966. 27 c m , 23 ff., fig.
K I R S C H E N , E . S., et al. La politique conomique contemporaine [Economie policy in our
time], [by] E . S . Kirschen, J. Bernard, H . Besters, F . Blackaby. Bruxelles,
ditions de l'Institut de sociologie, 1966. 24 c m , viii -j- 668 p . , fig., tabl.,
fold., index. (conomie politique.)
K R A U S S , Heinrich. Die moderne Bodengesetzgebung in Kamerun, 1884-1^4. Berlin, Springer,
1966. 23 c m . , xii + 156 p., tabl., bibliogr. (IFO-Institut fr Wirtschafsforschung.
Afrika-Studienstelle. Afrika-Studien, 12.)
L A C R O I X , Jean-Louis. Industrialisation au Congo. La transformation des structures conomiques. Paris, M o u t o n , 1967. 22 c m , 360 p., fig., m a p s . , tabl. (Universit Lovan i u m de Kinshasa. Institut de recherches conomiques et sociales. Recherches
africaines, 1.)
L E N O E L L , Maurice. L'importance croissante du secteur des services dans les pays membres.
Paris, O C D E , 1966. 27 c m , 194 p . , multigr., fig., tabl. (Organisation de coopration et de dveloppement conomiques. Changements dans la structure de
l'emploi, 1.)
M A C H L U P , Fritz. The need for monetary reserves. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University, 1966. 24 c m . , 4 8 p., tabl. (Princeton University. Department of Economies.
International Finance Section. Reprints in international finance, 5. Reprint
from the Banca Nazionalt del Lavoro, Quarterly review, 78, Sept. 1966.)
P R E S S T , Roland. Pratique de la dmographie, Trente sujets d'analyse. Paris, D u n o d ,
1967. 27 c m , vi + 302 p.,fig.,tabl. 48 F .
R O T E N H A N , Dietrich Freiherr von. Bodennutzung und Viehhaltung im Sukumaland
Tanzania, Die Organisation der Landbewirtschaftung in afrikanischen Bauernbetrieben.
Berlin, Springer, 1966. 23 c m . , xiv + 131 p . ,fig.,m a p s , tabl., bibliogr. (IFOInstitut fr Wirtschaftsforschung. Africa-Studienstelle. Afrika Studien, 11.)
R U F F , Gnther. A dollar-reserve system as a transitional solution. Princeton (N.J.),
Princeton University, 1967. 23 c m . , 22 p . (Princeton University. Department
of Economics. International Finance Section. Essays in international finance,
57-)
W H I T M A N , Marina von N e u m a n n . International and interregional payments adjustment:
a synthetic view. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University, 1967. 23 c m . , 38 p .
$1. (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance
Section. Princeton studies in internationalfinance,19.)

Political science
A G U L L A , Juan Carlos. Federalismo y centralismo. Buenos Aires, Ediciones Libera,
1967. 20 c m . , 165 p . (Instituto Latinoamericano de Relaciones Internacionales.
Centro Argentino por la Libertad de la Cultura.)
B A G O L I N I , Luigi. Esperienza giuridica e poltica nelpensiero di David Hume. 2da edizione.
Torino, G . Giappichelli, 1967. 25 c m . , 261 p . lire.

Documents a n d publications

485

B E N H A M O U - H I R T Z , Annie. Les relations collectives dans la sidrurgie amricaine. Leur

volution depuis lafindu XIXe sicle. Paris, A . Colin, 1966. 24 c m , 409 p . , tabl.,
m a p s , bibliogr. 40 F . (Cahiers de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques,
150.)

BouRRiCAUD, Franois. Pouvoir et socit dans le Prou contemporain. Paris, A . Colin,

1967. 24 c m , 319 p . , m a p s , index. (Cahiers de la Fondation nationale des sciences
politiques, 149.)
B R A I B A N T I , R a l p h (ed.). Asian bureaucratie systems emergent from the British imperial
tradition. [By] Ralph Braibanti, H u g h Tinker, Bernard S. C o h n , David C . Potter.
D u r h a m ( N . C . ) , D u k e University Press, 1966. 23 c m . , xx + 733 p . , tabl. index.
$17.50. (Duke University C o m m o n w e a l t h Studies Center publication, 28.)
C A P U R S O , Marcello. Che cos' lo Stato. Problemi e definizioni. Torino, Edizioni rai
radiotelevizione italiana, ig66. 21 c m . , 288 p . , bibliogr. 1,800 lire. (Saggi, 49.)
C H A R L O T , Jean. V Union pour la nouvelle rpublique, Etude du pouvoir au sein d'un parti
politique. Prface de R e n R m o n d . Paris, A . Colin, 1967. 24 c m , 363 p . , fig.,
m a p s , tabl., bibliogr. (Cahiers de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques,
530
H O L L I N S , Elizabeth Jay (ed). Peace is possible: a reader for laymen. N e w York, Grossman,
1966. 2 4 c m . , [x] + 340 p . , bibliogr. $2.95.
H U G H E S , Colin A . ; W E S T E R N , J o h n S. The Prime Minister's policy speech; a case study
in televised politics. Canberra, Australian National University Press, 1966. 25 c m . ,
xvi + 227 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., $4.50.
M E R L E , Marcel, Dir. Les glises chrtiennes et la dcolonisation. Paris, A . Colin, 1967.
24 c m , 520 p . , tabl., bibliogr. (Centre d'tude des relations internationales.
Cahiers de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 151.)
P L A T I G , E . R a y m o n d . International relations research; problems of evaluation and advancement. N e w York, Carnegie E n d o w m e n t for International Peace, 1966. 28 c m . ,
x + 177 p . , multigr. $ 1 .
S O P E R , T o m . Aid management overseas. L o n d o n , Overseas Development Institute,
1967. 22 c m . , 32 p. 5s.
W A L L E R S T E I N , I m m a n u e l . Africa: the politics of unity, An analysis of a contemporary social
movement. N e w York, R a n d o m House, 1967. 22 c m . , xii + 274 p . , index. $4.95.

Sociology
A R D I G O , Achille. La diffusione urbana. Le aree metropolitane e i problemi del loro sviluppo,
Saggio sociolgico. R o m a , Editrice A . V . E . , 1967. 22 c m . , 222 p . , m a p s , tabl.,
bibliogr. (Sociale, 3.)
B A D I N , Pierre. Problmes de la vie en groupe : perspectives psychosociologiques sur les groupes,
le travail, la maladie, le service social. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1965.
19 c m , 189 p . (Nouvelle recherche, 22.)
C A M P B E L L , Bernard G . Human evolution: an introduction to man's adaptations. Chicago
(111.), Aldine, 1966. 24 c m . , xvi + 425 p . , fig., m a p s , bibliogr., index. 8.95.
C A R R I E R , L e P . Herv, S.J.; P I N , L e P . Emile, S.J. Essais de sociologie religieuse. Paris,
Spes, 1967. 19 c m , 595 p . 30 F . (Sociologie d'aujourd'hui.)
C O L E M A N , J a m e s S . ; K A T Z , Elihu; M E N Z E L , Herbert. Medical innovation: a diffusion
study. Foreword by Joseph A . Precker. Indianapolis ( N . Y . ) , Bobbs-Merrill, 1966.
21 c m . , xxii + 246 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., index. S2.95.
D A M L E , Y . B . College youth in Poona; a study of elite in the making. Poona, Deccan College,
1966. 3 4 c m . , vii + 215-127 ff., multigr., bibliogr.
E I S E N S T A D T , S h m u e l N o a h . Modernization: protest and change. Englewood Cliffs ( N . J . ) ,
Prentice Hall, 1966. 23 c m . , x + 166 p . , index. (Modernization of traditional
societies series.)

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E R L I C H , Vera St. Family in transition: a study 0/300 Yugoslav villages. Princeton (N. J . ) ,
Princeton University Press, 1966. 24 cm., x x + 4 6 9 p.,fig.,pi., m a p , index. $12.50.
F O L T A , Jeannette JR.; D E C K , Edith S., A sociological framework for patient care. N e w
York, J. Wiley, 1966. 24 c m . , xx + 418 p., fig., pi., tabl., bibliogr., index.
G R E E N , Bryan S.; J O H N S , E d w a r d A . , An introduction to sociology. Oxford, Pergamon
Press, 1966. 20 c m . , via + 159 p., bibliogr., index. 17s. 6d. (The C o m m o n w e a l t h
and International Library. Sociology Division.)
H E I S K A N E N , Veronica Stolte. Social structure, family patterns and interpersonal influence.
Helsinki, T h e Academic Bookstore, 1967. 25 c m . , 151 p., tabl., bibliogr. (Transactions of the Westermarck Society, 24.)
H o B H O u s E , Leonard T . Social development: its nature and conditions. With a n e w foreword by Morris Ginsberg. London, G . Allen and U n w i n , 1966. 22 c m . , 349 p.,
index. (Unwin university books.)
L E I C H T E R , H o p e Jensen; M I T C H E L L , William E . Kinship and casework. [By] H o p e
Jensen Leichter and William E . Mitchell, with the collaboration of Candace
Rogers and Judith Lieb. N e w York, Rssel Sage Foundation, 1967. 23 c m . ,
xxii + 343 p., fold., tabl., bibliogr., index. $7.50.
L E M E R T , Edwin M . , Human deviance, social problems and social control. Englewood
Cliffs ( N . J . ) , Prentice Hall, 1967. 23 c m . , x + 211 p., fig., tabl., bibliogr. (Prentice Hall sociology series.)
M o T W A N l , K e w a l , ed. A critique of empiricism in sociology. B o m b a y , Allied Publishers,
1967. 22 cm., xxxii + 351 p., index.
P A R S O N S , Talcott. Societies: evolutionary and comparative perspectives. Englewood Cliffs
(N.J.), Prentice Hall, ig66. 23 c m . , viii + 120 p., bibliogr., index. (Foundations
of modern sociology series.)
P O L L A U D - D U L I A N , Marcel. Aujourd'hui l'esclavage. Servitude et esclavage contemporains.
Paris, conomie et humanisme, ditions ouvrires, 1967. 21 c m , 215 p., tabl.,
bibliogr., 15 F .
P R A D E S , J. A . La sociologie de la religion chez Max Weber: essai d'analyse et de critique de
la mthode. Louvain, ditions Nauwelaerts, Paris, Batrice-Nauwelaerts, 1966.
25 c m , 295 p., bibliogr. 46 F . (Universit catholique de Louvain. Facult des
sciences conomiques et sociales. Nouvelle srie, 8.)
S H A F T E L , Fannie R . , S H A F T E L , George. Role playing for social values; decision-making
in the social studies. Englewood Cliffs (N.J.), Prentice Hall, 1967. 23 c m . xvi +
431 p., fig., index 46s.
W I E S E , Leopold von. Der Mitmensch und der Gegenmensch im sozialen Leben der nchsten
Zukunft. Kln, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1967. 24 c m . , 69 p . D M 1 2 .

Anthropology

D E H E U S C H , L U C . Le Rwanda et la civilisation interlacustre: tudes d'anthropologie hist

rique et structurale. Bruxelles, Institut de sociologie, 1966. 19 c m , 472 p., m a p s ,
bibliogr. 580 Belgian francs. (Collection d u Centre national des problmes
sociaux de l'industrialisation en Afrique noire.)
D E R E U C K , Anthony; K N I G H T , Julie, ed. Caste and race: comparative approaches. L o n don, J. and A . Churchill, 1967. 21 c m . , xii + 348 p., bibliogr., index. 60s. (A
Ciba Foundation volume.)
F E L L E N B E R G , Theodor von. The process of dynamisation in rural Ceylon: with special
reference to a Kandyan village in transition. [Die Dynamisierung traditionaler Sozialgebilde des lndlichen Ceylon, mit besonderer Bercksichtigung eines Bauerndorfes in der Gegend Kandys.] Bern, A . E . Bruderer, 1966. 23 c m . , p . 1-244,
X V I a - X X a , flg., pl., bibliogr. (Thse. Sciences conomiques et sociales. Fribourg, Suisse, 1966.)

Documents and publications

487

M T R A U X , Alfred. Religions et magies indiennes d'Amrique du Sud. dition posthume

tablie par Simone Dreyfus. Paris, Gallimard, 1967. 23 c m , 297 p . , pi., maps,
bibliogr. 25 F . (Bibliothque des sciences humaines.)
P E H R S O N , Robert N . The social organization of the Marri Baluch. Compiled and analyzed from his notes by Fredrik Barth. Chicago (111.), Aldine Publishing C o . ,
1966. 26 c m . , xvi + 127 p . ,fig.,m a p , bibliogr., index. $5. (Viking fund publications in anthropology, 43.)
S H A R P , Ian G . ; T A T Z , Colin M . , ed. Aborigines in the economy: employment, wages and
training. Brisbane, Jacaranda Press, 1966. 22 c m . , xviii + 382 p . , tabl., index.
(Monash University. Centre for Research into Aboriginal Affairs.)
S P R U D Z S , Aleksandrs. Co-operatives: notes for a basic information course. Ottawa, SaintPaul University, 1966. 23 c m , 60 p . (Universit Saint-Paul. Centre canadien
de recherches en anthropologie. Manuel, 1.)

Philosophy, psychology
A N T W E I L E R , Anton. Eigentum. Mnster Westfalen, Aschendorff, 1967. 23 c m . ,
53 p. D M . 11. (Schriften des Instituts fr christliche Sozialwissenschaften der
Westflischen Wilhelms-Universitt Mnster, 18.)
H O F F M A N , Lois Wladis; H O F F M A N , Martin L . , eds. Review of child development research.
Vol. 2. N e w York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1966. 23 c m . , xii + 598 p . , fig.,
tabl., bibliogr., index.
S E G A L L , Marshall H . ; C A M P B E L L , Donald T . ; H E R S K O V I T Z , Melville J. The influence
of culture on visual perception. Indianapolis ( N . Y . ) , Bobbs-Merrill, 1966. 21 c m . ,
xviii + 268 p.,fig.,tabl., bibliogr., index. $2.95.
S I N C L A I R - D E - Z W A R T , Hermina. Acquisition du langage et dveloppement de la pense:
sous-systmes linguistiques et oprations concrtes. Paris, D u n o d , 1967. 22 c m ,
vi + 169 p., tabl., bibliogr. 23 F . (Sciences d u comportement, 2.)
S O D D Y , Kenneth; A H R E N F E L D T , Robert H . , eds. Mental health in the service of the
community. Edited by Kenneth Soddy and Robert H . Ahrenfeldt with the assistance of M a r y C Kidson. London, Tavistock; Philadelphia (Pa.), J. B . Lippincott, 1967. 22 c m . , xxviii + 306 p., bibliogr., index. (Report of an international and interprofessional study group convened by the World Federation
for Mental Health, 3.)
T O W L E , Charlotte. Comprendre les besoins humains: les grandes tches de l'attention
autrui. [ C o m m o n h u m a n needs.] Paris, ditions du centurion, 1967. 22 c m , 216 p.
(Socio-guides.)

Education
C A R T E R , J. Roger. The legal framework of educational planning and administration in
East Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda. Paris, Unesco, 1966. 24 c m . , 32 p., 5.50 F .
(Unesco. International Institute for Educational Planning. African research
monographs, 7.)
C H E S S W A S , John D . Educational planning and development in Uganda. Paris, Unesco,
1966. 24 c m . , 97 p.,fig.,tabl. 7 F . (Unesco. International Institute for E d u cational Planning. African research monographs, 1.)
F E I N G O L D , S. N o r m a n ; S W E R D L O F F , Sol; M E A D , William. Prep school guide for Jewish
youth. 1966 ed. A comprehensive guide to selecting a prep school for counselors,
teachers, parents and students. Washington ( D . C . ) , B'nai B'rith Vocational
Service, 1966. 23 c m . , 223 p . ,fig.,tabl., bibliogr. S4.95.

488

The

world of the social sciences

G L E N N E R S T E R , H o w a r d ; B E N N E T T , Anthea; F A R R E L L , Christine. Graduate School.

A study of graduate work at the London School of Economics. [By] H o w a r d
Glennester, with the assistance of Anthea Bennett and Christine Farrell. Edinburgh, Oliver and Boyd, 1966. 25 cm., xvi + 200 p.,fig.,tabl., index. 63s. (London School of Economics and Political Science. Unit for economic and statistical
studies o n higher education. Reports, 1.)
H A L L A K , Jacques; P O I G N A N T , R a y m o n d . Les aspectsfinanciersde l'enseignement dans
les pays africains d'expression franaise. Paris, Unesco, 1966. 24 c m , 76 p . , fig., tabl.
7 F . (Unesco. Institut international de planification de l'ducation. M o n o g r a phies africaines, 3.)
;
. Les aspectsfinanciersde l'ducation en Cte-d'Ivoire. Paris, Unesco, 1966.
24 c m , 44 p . , tabl. 5,50 F . (Unesco. Institut international de planification de
l'ducation. Monographies africaines, 8.)
H U N T E R , G u y . Manpower, employment and education in the rural economy of Tanzania.
Paris, Unesco, 1966. 24 c m . , 40 p., tabl. 5.50 F . (Unesco. International Institute
for Educational Planning. African research monographs, 9.)
K N I G H T , John B . The costing andfinancingof educational development in Tanzania. Paris,
Unesco, 1966. 24 c m . , 80 p . , tabl., bibliogr. 7 F . (Unesco. International Institute for Educational Planning. African research monographs, 4.)
L O B R O T , Michel. La pdagogie institutionnelle: l'cole vers l'autogestion. Prface d
J. Ardoino. Paris, Gauthier-Villars, 1966. 24 c m , xxx + 282 p . , fig., bibliogr.
38 F . ( H o m m e s et organisations.)
S K O R O V , George. Integration of educational and economic planning in Tanzania. Paris,
Unesco, 1966. 24 cm., 78 p . , tabl., bibliogr. 7 F . (Unesco. International Institute
for Educational Planning. African research monographs, 6.)
T H O R N L E Y , J. F . The planning of primary education in Nothem Nigeria. Paris, Unesco,
1966. 24 c m . , 46 p., tabl. (Unesco. International Institute for Educational Planning. African research monographs, 2.)

Area studies
D E S P O I S , Jean; R A Y N A L , R e n . Gographie de l'Afrique du Mord-Ouest. Paris, Payot,
1967. 21 c m , 571 p., fig., m a p s , bibliogr., index. 50 F . (Bibliothque scientifique.)
N O R D E N S T A M , Gunnar; E N N E R F E L T , P . Gran. Introduktion tili Sovjetsamhllet. Stockholm, Almqvist och Wiksell, 1967. 21 c m . , 123 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., index.
W L K E R , Gabriele. Togo: Tradition und Entwicklung. Stuttgart, E . Klett, 1966.
22 c m . , 159 p . , m a p , tabl. D M . 3 . (Wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe des B u n desministeriums fr wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit, 6.)

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Psychiatry and die culture of poverty
Robert B . Bechtel
Participation and observation in the mental hospital
Rosalie H . W a x
T h e Eta as outcasts and scapegoats a m o n g Japanese Americans
Saltan Sariola
Fatalism and anomie in two Colombian peasant villages
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H o w unprejudiced are the young?
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Bo Anderson and
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T h e development of socio-political centers at the second stage of modern*
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Changing political structure due to changing force in Nigeria
T h e social and administrative history of a Nigerian township
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Ghanaian politics and social change
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Asbjern Bergan
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T h e welfare economics of foreign aid

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M . Hafiz Sheikh

A measure of the potential impact of a family planning programme

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Tome XIX, numro double

conomie applique
Mars-avril 1966
F . Perroux
G . Destannes de Bernis
J. M . Martin
F Rosenfeld
F

Gazier

A . Decoufle
P . Llau
Jw M . Martin
G . Di Nardi
A . Labasse
R . Erbes

Intgration conomique. Q u i s'intgre ? A u bnfice de qui s'opre cette

intgration ?
Les industries industrialisantes la base d'une politique d'intgration
rgionale
Les centres d'nergie, facteurs d'intgration conomique
L'industrie motrice dans la rgion et dans l'espace intgr
L'exemple de l'industrie mcanique dans la rgion de Turin
U n pralable indispensable toute politique d'industrialisation : le plan
national d'quipement administratif
Coproduction et industrialisation concerte (aspects socio-politiques de
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Note sur la programmation d u financement de l'industrialisation
L e rle de l'industrie nuclaire dans l'industrialisation de l'Argentine
L'apport de l'action rgionale au dveloppement conomique gnral :
comptabilit des objectifs et des programmes
L a gographie volontaire
Thorie de l'intgration

conomie applique
Directeur : Franois Perroux (ISEA), n , boulevard de Sebastopol, Paris-ier.

revue tiers-monde
Croissance | D v e l o p p e m e n t | Progrs

T o m VIII. n 3 I (juillet-septembre 1967)

Josue d e Castro

Signification des phnomnes conomiques brsiliens.

Guy

Industrialisation et changes extrieurs.

Caire

T . G . MacGee

Croissance et caractristiques des grandes villes du Sud-Est

asiatique : foyers du nouveau culte.

Milton Santos

L'alimentation

des

populations

urbaines

des

pays

sous-

dvelopps.
Jacques Cherel

Secteur traditionnel et dveloppement rural en Mauritanie.

Documentation
Franois Perroux

N o t e sur les noncs successifs de la fonction de production.

Afrique
Jean-Paul Martin

Pdagogie active et

formation des cadres dans les admi-

nistrations africaines.
Philippe H u g o n

Les blocages socio-culturels en Afrique Noire.

Amrique Latine
J. Leite Lopes

Aspects financiers de la

politique scientifique et

techno-

logique.
La construction d ' u n e centrale nuclaire en Argentine et
ses consquences sur le processus d'industrialisation du pays
(compte rendu d ' u n sminaire dirig par Jorge A . Sabato
et Jean-Marie Martin).
Quelques aspects de l'intgration de projets de dveloppem e n t en Amrique latine par Julio Mendoza et divers auteurs
(compte rendu d ' u n sminaire dirig parj. Paelinck).

Bibliographie

Df'rect/on-rdaction

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Arafo, Paris-13 (402.28.01).

Abonnements et ventes

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Review of the
International Statistical Institute

Contents of Vol. 35, No. 3. 1967

Articles
N . Keyfitz

The

N . C . Kakwani

Note on the bias of the Prais and Aitchison's and Fisher's

D . B . Gupta

iterative estimators in regression analysis with heteroscedastic errors

B. D . Tikkiwal

Theory of multiphase sampling from afiniteor an infinite

population on successive occasions, I, 2
Cost allocation in agricultural surveys

S. L. Louwes

integral equation of population analysis

Communications
Statistical organization and administration
Statistical training and research
Statistical societies
Calendar of meetings
B o o k reviews
Index of b o o k reviews, 1966
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T h e changing problem of oligopoly
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N E T H E R L A N D S A N T I L L E S : G . C . T . Van Dorp
and Co. (Ned. Ant.) N . V . , VVILLEMSTAD (Curaao,
N.A.).

TUNISIA: Socit tunisienne de diffusion, 5, avenue

de Carthage, T U N I S .

Nijhoff,

N E W C A L E D O N I A : Reprex, avenue de la Victoire,

Immeuble Painbouc, N O U M A .
NEW
Z E A L A N D : Government Printing Office, 20
Molesworth Street (Private Bag), W E L L I N G T O N ;
Government Bookshops: A U C K L A N D (P.O. Box 5344);
CHRISTCHURCH

(P.O.

Box 1721);

D U N E D I N (P.O.

Box 1104).
N I C A R A G U A : Librera Cultural Nicaragense, calle
15 de Septiembre y avenida Bolivar, apartado n. 807,
MANAGUA.

NIGERIA: CMS (Nigeria) Bookshops, P.O. Box

174.

LAGOS.

DAR

ES S A L A A M .

T U R K E Y : Librairie Hachette, 469 Istiklal Caddesi,

Beyoglu, I S T A N B U L .
U G A N D A : Uganda Bookshop, P . O . Box 145,

KAMPALA.

U N I T E D A R A B R E P U B L I C : Librairie Kasr El Nil,

38, rue Kasr El Nil, C A I R O . Sub-depot: La Renaissance d'Egypte, 9 Sh. Adly Pasha, C A I R O (Egypt).
U N I T E D K I N G D O M : H . M . Stationery Office, P . O .
Box 569, L O N D O N , S . E . I ; Government bookshops,
London, Belfast, Birmingham, Cardiff, Edinburgh,
Manchester.
U N I T E D S T A T E S O F A M E R I C A : Unesco Publications Center (NAIP), 317 East 34th St., N E W
Y O R K , N . Y . 10016.

N O R W A Y : All publications. A . S . Bokhjornet, Akersgt. U R U G U A Y : Editorial Losada, Uruguaya, S.A., Colonia

41, O S L O I. For 'The Courier' only: A . S . Narvesens
1060, M O N T E V I D E O . Telfono 8-75-71.
Litteraturjeneste, Box 6125, O S L O .
U.S.S.R.: Mezhdunarodnaja Kniga, M O S K V A G-200.
P A K I S T A N : The Wcst-Pak Publishing Co. Ltd.,
V E N E Z U E L A : Distribuidora de Publicaciones VeneUnesco Publications House, P . O . Box 374, G . P . O . ,
zolanas Dipuveti, avenida Libertador, dif. La Linea,
L A H O R E . Showrooms : Urdu Bazaar, L A H O R E ; and
local A , apartado de correos 10440, C A R A C A S .
57-58 Munee Highway, G/6-I, I S L A M A B A D .
P A R A G U A Y : Agencia de Libreras,
Estrella no. 721,
ASUNCIN.

Nizza, S . A . ,

P E R U : Distribuidora I N C A S.A., Emilio Althaus 470,

apartado 3115, L I M A .

UNESCO

VIET-NAM
(REPUBLIC
O F ) : Librairie-papeterie
Xun-Thu, 185-193 rue Tu-Do, B . P . 283, S A I G O N .
Y U G O S L A V I A : Jngoslovenska Knjiga, Terazije 27
B E O G R A D ; Naprijed, Trg. Republike, 17, Z A G R E B .

COUPONS

Unesco Book Coupons can be used to purchase all books and periodicals of an educational, scientific or cultural
character. For full information please write to: Unesco Coupon Office, place de Fontenoy, Paris-7, France. [47)