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Religious Intelligence
Ron E. Hassner
To cite this article: Ron E. Hassner (2011) Religious Intelligence, Terrorism and Political Violence,
23:5, 684-710, DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2011.598197
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2011.598197
Religious Intelligence
RON E. HASSNER
Introduction
The Sunan Abu-Dawud is one of the most significant collections of hadith, reports on
the deeds of the Prophet Muhammad. Compiled in the 9th century, it is unique in
dedicating an entire volume to the Prophets detailed predictions about the coming
of the mahdi, the Muslim redeemer. One hadith locates the precise spot in which the
mahdi will reveal himself: between the Rukn and the Maqam in the Grand Mosque
in Mecca.1 This pinpoints the site of the redeemers appearance to within several
yards, between the corner of the cuboid shrine at the center of the Grand Mosque
Ron E. Hassner is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at the
University of California, Berkeley. He is the author of War on Sacred Grounds (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2009).
The author thanks Pauletta J. Otis, Dariush Zahedi, Ryan Carroll, and David Patel for
their comments and suggestions. He is extremely grateful to Andrius Galisanka for his outstanding research assistance.
Address correspondence to Ron E. Hassner, Department of Political Science, University
of California, Berkeley, 202 Barrows Hall, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA. E-mail: hassner@
berkeley.edu
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This assessment is bedeviled by four challenges to which I turn in the second part
of this paper. First, analysts must estimate how prominent religious ideas and practices are in a given conflict. The prominence of religion depends on whether religion
defines the cause, the identity of participants, or merely the audience to a dispute.
Second, researchers must rely on religious ideas to determine the centrality of the
sacred phenomena that are relevant for the execution of combat operations. Third,
they must study religious practices in order to evaluate the salience of these factors
for the specific religious communities present. Finally, they need to examine military
practices in order to evaluate the impact of sacred symbols and practices on combat.
In the third section of this article, I explore three of the many issue areas open to
religious intelligence collection and analysis. Information about sacred time, sacred
space, and sacred authority can provide answers to when, where, and who
questions about religion and conflict. The late 20th century case studies that form
the bulk of this paper were chosen to highlight these three sacred phenomena. The
three cases examined here also exhibit interesting variation in the prominence of religion as well as in the ability of intelligence analysts to correctly assess its centrality,
salience, and impact. I begin by investigating the ways in which information about
sacred time can influence war initiation, as illustrated by Egyptian and Israeli
decision making prior to the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. The diverging outcomes of
two counterinsurgency operations at the same sacred site, Operation Blue Star
(1984) and Operation Black Thunder (1988), demonstrate the utility of intelligence
about the parameters of sacred space. A third case study explores the perils of faulty
intelligence collection about sacred authority by analyzing U.S. failure to predict the
leading role assumed by Shia clergy in the Iranian Revolution.
I conclude, in the fourth section of this article, by considering the actors best
suited for gathering and processing religious intelligence. Though scholars of religion
and theologians are adept at exposing the prominence and centrality of particular
religious factors, only area experts can account for their contextualized salience,
and only trained military personnel can evaluate their impact on military operations.
This suggests that religious intelligence-gathering and analysis should be conducted
by interdisciplinary teams of experts, such as the Human Terrain Teams currently
piloted by the U.S. military.
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individuals and their religious communities. They do not merely constrain actor preferences and strategies in relation to sacred time, space, and authority, but also shape
the meaning of these categories and even influence perceptions of secular time, space,
and authority. By definition, all believers partake in these rituals and symbols, to differing degrees, at all times.
Sanctioned and prohibited rituals and symbols may not have the explicit purpose of regulating or motivating combat but they are nonetheless salient at times
of conflict. In times of war as in times of peace, combatants who share religious
affiliation will wish to partake in ceremonies that honor holy days and will avoid
desecrating holy days by abstaining from prohibited behavior. They will seek to
honor the ordinances governing access to and behavior within sacred sites, and strive
to respect the rules regarding the rights and obligations of religious leaders. At the
same time, the symbolic significance of the sacred can shape the meaning of action
in the presence of sacred space, time, and authority, thus influencing how combatants understand their actions. The sacred thus encourages or discourages participation in conflict, and constrains what participants are and are not willing to do
in the course of conflict. Even when sacred time, space, and authority do not provide
the impetus for disputes, and merely serve as backdrops for conflict, they can
encourage or discourage the use of force.
Sacred rituals may be an asset to aggressors when the rules governing these
rituals constrain the ability of their targets to engage in conflict. For example, if
regard for the sacred requires combatants to indulge in the consumption of intoxicants, or abstain from bearing arms, these demands may heighten their vulnerability
relative to their opponents. Conversely, rituals disadvantage conflict initiators when
their systematic exploitation of religious vulnerabilities provokes outrage in targets
or third parties, or provokes actors into engaging more vigorously in combat.
Sacred symbols can similarly constrain or motivate participants depending on
the meanings derived from sacred place, time, or authority. Sacred times, sites,
and leaders associated with quietism, pacifism, or harmony may inspire reluctance
in an actor contemplating combat. On the other hand, holy days that commemorate
triumphal martyrdom, holy places that honor martial deities and religious leaders
that sanction the use of force, will inspire actors to engage in conflict. The impact
of these symbols on conflict is primarily constitutive, not causal. Religious symbols
do not cause shifts in power directly, but lend context and meaning to conflict. They
act as a force multiplier or divider if participants choose to act on these meanings.
The ability of religious rituals and symbols to act as either force multiplier or
force divider is complicated by the coexistence of sacred phenomena that have incongruous effects. Indeed, even one and the same sacred phenomenon can provoke more
than one response in the same actor or community. It is the task of the religious
intelligence analyst to unravel these forces.
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variable in conflict. Because religious ideas and practices are present in all disputes to
differing degrees, conflicts cannot be divided into purely religious and secular
types. Second, the role of religion is not limited to ideas. Religious symbols, rituals,
and authority structures shape conflict as well. Third, these ideas and practices do
not always conform to a religious movements orthodoxy or orthopraxy as captured
in formal theology or scripture. They are often local, popular, and eclectic variations
that reflect the preferences or habits of a religious subgroup. Fourth, combatants do
not automatically succumb to religious ideas. Their resilience depends on their
religious identities as individuals and on their organizations discipline.
To guard against these traps, the religious intelligence analysts must ask four
questions. First, how prominent are religious ideas and practices in a given conflict?
Prominence captures the ability of religion to define the cause, the identity of participants, or merely the audience to a dispute. Second, what sacred phenomena are
relevant for the execution of combat operations and what is their formal centrality?
Centrality is determined by religious ideas. Third, how salient are these factors for
the specific religious communities present, given available information about their
idiosyncrasies? Salience is determined by religious practices. Fourth, how are the
particular symbols and practices which this community associates with the sacred
likely to impact combat? Impact is determined by military practices. Each of these
steps deserves a brief discussion.
Prominence
The sacred is particularly prominent when religion acts as a primary motivator of
conflict, as in wars of conversion, disputes over sacred space, or holy wars. In these
settings, participants and observers will permitindeed, rely onreligious symbols
and rituals to play a significant role in regulating violence. Such wars of religion are,
however, few and far between, particularly in the contemporary era.17
A more common setting, in which the sacred plays a less prominent role, is one in
which parties are either self-defined or other-defined based on religious indicators,
regardless of dispute cause.18 In these ethnic or sectarian clashes, the parties draw
on the sacred not to define the purpose of conflict but to determine the fault lines
separating their camps. Religious rituals and symbols act as identifiers, enhance group
cohesion, and provide actors with an auxiliary justification for joining or abstaining
from conflict. Finally, the sacred will play a relatively modest role when only third parties organize or determine their stance in the dispute based on religious principles. In
conflicts such as these, in which religion plays a least prominent role, religious intelligence is unlikely to have a crucial effect on outcomes. In all these cases, the influence of
the sacred falls along a continuum: it motivates conflict more or less, and shapes the
identities of one, two, or more parties and bystanders to varying degrees.
The greater the likelihood that religious considerations will affect combat, the
more vital the contribution of religious intelligence to decision making. The prominence of religion in a given conflict thus determines the extent to which faulty or
accurate religious analysis can sway conflict outcomes.
Centrality
The centrality of sacred time, space, or authority depends on their formal ability to
provide key religious functions to believers. The more central a factor is in the
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religious landscape of the community, the greater its ability to provide access to the
divine by enhancing communication with the gods, manifesting the presence of the
gods, and conveying divine meanings.19 For example, formal Catholic doctrine suggests that believers can hope for a closer experience of God during Easter Mass, in
St. Peters Basilica in Rome, and in the presence of the Pope. These beliefs and practices are formal by virtue of having been enshrined in sacred scripture, validated
through continuous community practice and reverence, and endorsed by the appropriate religious hierarchy.
These sources allow us to rank sacred phenomena by centrality. Formally speaking, sacred sites of primary centrality tend to be those on which some divine revelation or the founding moment of a religious movement has taken place. Mecca is
the most central site in Islam because Allah manifested himself there to the
patriarchs and to Muhammad and because He decreed that this should be the focus
of all prayers. Sites of secondary importance, like the Great Mosques of Cairo,
Damascus, Baghdad, or Istanbul, are located on consecrated ground, chosen by
religious leaders, and imbued with significance by tombs and relics. Sites of tertiary
importance, such as village mosques, mirror more central shrines in design and
orientation. The more central a shrine, the better its utility in providing believers
with religious benefits and the more likely believers are to respond vehemently to
damage or desecration.20
Sacred time can be ranked along similar lines. The more significant the historical
or mythical event commemorated on a sacred day, the greater the importance of the
holy day. Salient dates tend to occur less frequently in the religious calendar, are
often characterized by rules and practices that deviate more significantly from
day-to-day behavior, and are accompanied by stricter penalties for transgression.21
Because of these penalties, as well as the potential favors to be gained on particularly
potent sacred days, significant sacred days can often be recognized by the crowds
they draw to rituals and sacred sites. For example, Jews crowd in synagogues on
Rosh Hashana and Yom Kippur, considered the High Holidays that mark the
beginning of the New Year and a commemoration of creation. Because Jews believe
that God decides individual fates in this period, even secular Jews seek repentance
through fasting and prayer on these days. Passover, which marks the Exodus from
Egypt and which is distinguished by a prohibition on the consumption of leavened
bread, is accorded similar respect. Fewer Jews practice the rites associated with
the Festival of Weeks and the Feast of Booths, and only the most observant participate in rites that mark the new moon.
In religious movements characterized by a hierarchical leadership, such as Catholicism, Shia Islam, or Mormonism, the centrality of a religious actor is determined
by their position in that hierarchy, which in turn depends on their seniority, the
respect they command among peers, and their technical expertise in matters sacred.
In non-hierarchical movements, such as Shintoism, Judaism, or Sunni Islam, centrality is more elusive, often correlating with the ability to attract and lead a religious
community. The more central a religious actor, the greater their ability to interpret
and even manipulate the rules that govern sacred parameters like time and space.
Salience
Contrary to the guidelines above, common practice may well elevate seemingly
inferior sacred times, places, and authorities to a high status depending on their
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Impact
Finally, the analyst must translate findings from the religious to the military sphere
in order to assess the impact of religious beliefs and practices on combat operations.
An understanding of salience may suffice to ascertain how civilian observers will
react to conflict at sacred times, in sacred space, or involving sacred authority,
but it will provide inadequate information about how combatants will act in these
circumstances. Determining the military impact of combat involving sacred factors
will require taking into account the distribution of religious identities among combatants (and hence prevailing perceptions of centrality and salience) as well as the
extent to which military discipline mitigates or amplifies religious proclivities.
George Washingtons surprise attack on the Hessian troops in Trenton, New
Jersey, on December 26, 1776, exemplifies how these calculations might affect military planning. The religious significance of the date was certainly not a primary consideration in Washingtons decision to cross the Delaware on December 25.29 We
cannot know for certain, but Washington may have hoped that the Hessian garrison
would be distracted by Christmas celebrations, a distraction that would have contributed a small measure of enemy confusion to an already well-planned surprise
effect. They make a great deal of Christmas in Germany, and no doubt the
Hessians will drink a great deal of beer and have a dance to-night, wrote one officer
in Washingtons staff. They will be sleepy tomorrow morning.30
Though Christmas is a holy day of high centrality for Christians, December 26 is
not. The day after Christmas is, however, a date of significant salience to German
Christians, who celebrate St. Stephens Day.31 Customs associated with this holiday
since the 5th century include heavy communal drinking, known as Stoning
St. Stephen (Stefanus Steinigen), leading Germans to refer to the day as Drunk
Stephen (Supsteffen from Sauf Stefanus).32 Unlike their American counterparts, the Hessians should have celebrated December 26 with drunken revelry.
But if Washington expected to find the Hessian troops still drunk and lying in
their beds after celebrating Christmas,33 he severely underestimated the discipline of
the Hessian garrison. The Hessians were alert and armed on the morning of the
26th.34 Throughout Christmas, they had conducted regular troop rotations and
inspections. Soldiers remained armed and horses harnessed during the holiday.
There is no evidence of excessive celebration or heavy drinking among the Hessians;
only the sick were excused from duty. Though surprised by an attack in the midst of
a snowstorm, they responded rapidly to the arrival of the American forces and
fought effectively.35 If Washington relied on sacred time as the linchpin of his strategic surprise, he miscalculated the impact of the holy day on this particular garrison.
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Sacred time
Low
Y
Y
N
Mixed
Amritsar
1984
Amritsar
1988
Sacred space
Medium
Y
N
N
Failure
Y
Y
Y
Success
Iranian
Revolution
Sacred authority
High
N
N
N
Failure
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effectiveness. Holy days that require soldiers to congregate, isolate themselves, fast,
abstain from work, or forego sleep, for example, will affect the ability of these soldiers to engage in combat. Second, the symbols associated with sacred time can
shape the meaning of combat for participants. For example, holy days dedicated
to mourning martyrs or celebrating religious triumphs will influence the fervor with
which combatants pick up arms and fight. The initiation of the 1973 Arab-Israeli
War exemplifies both of these processes.
During the planning of the 1973 War, Egyptian decision makers concluded that
launching an attack on Israel on the Jewish high holiday of Yom Kippur would disadvantage their opponents. Egyptian beliefs about Yom Kippur observance in Israel
acted alongside other tactical, operational, and strategic constraints to influence the
choice of October 6th as the launch date for their surprise attack.
Based on statements by members of Egypts high command, Egyptian religious
intelligence made three sets of assumptions about how Yom Kippur would affect
Israeli mobilization and combat readiness. First, due to the centrality of the holiday in Judaism and its salience to Israelis, secular and religious alike, the Israeli
army would stand down. Egypts Chief of Staff Saad al Shazly explained that
on that day both religious and secular Jews fast, abstain from the use of fire
and electricity (which meant transportation would be at a standstill), and much
of the Israeli army would be demobilized.36 This statement implies a second conjecture, namely that hungry reservists would be ill-prepared for combat. Third,
Egyptian decision makers expected that observance of the holy day would impede
the mobilization and transportation of reservists to the front. Egyptian President
Anwar el-Sadat observed that on this day all public service in Israel would be suspended, and the Commander in Chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Mohammed
Abdel Ghani El-Gamasy, stated that it was the only day throughout the year in
which radio and television stopped broadcasting as part of the religious
observance . . . consequently, they would have to use other and slower means to
mobilize the reserves.37
In actuality, few of these expectations were realized. The timing of the attack
does not seem to have affected the speed of troop movements to the front, but it
was one of several factors that led to Israeli hesitation in calling up reserves in
the first place. The primary reasons for this reluctance had nothing to do with the
holiday: they stemmed from concern over the costs of a redundant mobilization
and over inadvertently provoking war, and thus bearing responsibility for that
war. The presence of Yom Kippur complicated this calculation further by hampering
the broadcasting of a public alert and by increasing the likelihood that the public
would overreact to such an alert.38 These considerations are evident in the following
exchange between Israeli Minister of Defense Moshe Dayan and the Chief of Staff of
the IDF, David Elazar, in a meeting the day before the war, as recalled by then Chief
of Military Intelligence, Eli Zeira:
Elazar: . . . the problem is that during this holy day the entire country is
dead.
Dayan: That wont stand in our way.
Elazar: It will, if something happens and we want to openly mobilize or
issue alerts.
Dayan: There will be no mobilizing unless it really starts. The roads are
empty today.
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attack on the anniversary of the Battle of Badr was a good omen in the words of
Egyptian Minister of War Ahmad Ismail, and to the moral and psychological
advantage of our own forces, according to Gamasy.49 Rather than handicap
Egyptian forces, Ramadans symbolism propelled them into battle.50 Israeli decision
makers, on the other hand, remained wedded to the conception that Ramadan posed
a vulnerability for their adversaries. The aforementioned intelligence report
explained unusual Egyptian troop movements in terms of Egyptian apprehensions
of an Israeli intention to exploit . . . the Ramadan feast for an offensive.51 In other
words, the Israeli assumption was that if sacred time mattered at all, it did so to the
detriment of Egypt, not Israel.
Why did Egyptians and Israelis fail to correctly assess the impact of sacred time
on their opponents? Organizational explanations for faulty intelligence analysis are
outside the scope of this paper so any answer must rest on speculation. One possible
hypothesis is that both errors stemmed from a mirror imaging of religious practices. According to this premise, Egyptians overestimated the effects of Yom Kippur
because they analyzed it through the lens of Ramadan. The Ramadan fast extends
for a month and has a higher effect on fatigue than the day-long Yom Kippur fast.
Muslims work during Ramadan and gather in mosques in the evenings, whereas
Jews spend all of Yom Kippur at home or in synagogues. Ramadan increases traffic
whereas Yom Kippur brings it to a standstill. Israelis, on the other hand, may have
misread the implications of Ramadan on war initiation because they analyzed the
Muslim holy day through the lens of the Jewish holy day. Unlike Ramadan, the symbolic association of Yom Kippur is not with victory and solemn festivity but with
repentance and trepidation.
Because the 1973 War was not a war of religion, nor a war in which the identities
of the parties were defined primarily in religious terms, these failures of religious
intelligence played only a small role in determining its outcome. Sacred time may
not have produced the results that Egyptian military planners hoped for but the false
expectation that it would shaped Arab and Israeli behavior both before and during
the war. The 1973 Arab-Israeli War is thus remarkable because it demonstrates the
relevance of religious intelligence in a secular, contemporary war between secular,
professionalized armed forces.
Sacred Space: Operations Blue Star (1984) and Black Thunder (1988)
Sacred spaces are religious centers, natural or manmade, perceived by believers as
imbued with a particular divine presence. Sacred space, like sacred time, can act
as a force multiplier. The rules governing access and behavior in sacred space,
designed to prevent desecration, constrain access by combatants, and constrain
the use of force in and around sacred space. Most religious movements ban weapons
and violence in holy places. Others go so far as to prohibit harm to plants and animals in a sanctuary. Rites of purification and gestures of approach, such as removing
and donning of clothes, further encumber the movement of combatants in and out of
sacred space. Moreover, since the sanctity of the underlying space transfers to the
man-made structure above it, religious communities consider their shrines to be
inviolable. These communities will respond in anger to damage caused to sacred
structures in the course of conflict, particularly when combat destroys sites of high
centrality that represent the groups values, heritage, and pride. Such attacks are seen
as particularly egregious when they harm worshippers.
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Vulnerable combatants can take advantage of the rituals and symbols associated
with sacred space in order to level the playing field against superior opponents.52
When insurgents who share religious affiliation with a local community establish a
stronghold in that communitys sacred site, they can enjoy a freedom of movement
and access that may be unattainable to their adversaries. Moreover, if insurgents can
persuade worshippers that they are acting in defense of the faith, they may be able to
flaunt taboos banning weapons or prohibiting the use of force, a luxury unavailable
to their rivals. They may also escape responsibility for damage to the shrine, which
will rest primarily with counterinsurgency forces positioned outside the structure.
When this happens, decision makers rely on religious intelligence to assist in striking
the difficult balance between alienating the local population by desecrating sacred
sites and responding to the tactical use of those same sites by insurgents.
This dilemma is exemplified in two counterinsurgency operations conducted by
Indian forces in the Golden Temple in the 1980s. The Golden Temple in Amritsar,
India, is the most sacred Sikh shrine. The temple complex, known as the Court of the
Lord, is made up of several ornate structures, arranged around a large, rectangular
reflecting pool. Most prominent among these are the Akhal Takht (Throne of the
Ever-Living God), and the Harimandir, a two story building in the center of the
pool, where pilgrims worship the Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh holy book.
In 1980, an extremist preacher and leader of a radical Sikh separatist movement,
Sant Jarnail Bhindranwale, sought refuge from the Indian police in the temple. Over
the course of four years, Bhindranwales forces turned the temple into a fortified
stronghold, replete with fortified machine gun nests and ammunition depots. Bhindranwales men took full advantage of the architectural layout of the shrine by
assuming positions in or near the most revered of the temple structures.53
Had the army acquired religious intelligence about the implications of the
temples design, it could have apprehended Bhindranwale in 1983: Until half a year
before Operation Blue Star, the insurgent leader resided not in the Golden Temple
itself but in the Guru Nanak rest house. By consulting with Sikh religious experts,
decision makers would have learned that the rest house was not formally part of
the temple and thus outside the area in which the insurgents could have appealed
for sanctuary. Uncertain as to whether or not the structure was part of the temple,
the authorities chose not to apprehend Bhindranwale there.54 It was only in
December 1983 that Bhindranwale moved into the Akhal Takht in the center of
the temple complex, from which he proved far more difficult to dislodge.55
Rather than consult the temple priests, or confer with the Sikh community,
Indian special forces began planning a complex operation against the insurgents.56
The operation, code named Blue Star, was launched on June 3rd, 1984.57 It was
an unmitigated disaster. Orders to fight inside the heavily fortified shrine without
damaging its structure constrained military operations and the Indian army found
itself incapable of flushing out the insurgents.58 Indeed, in seeking to prevent damage
to the shrine, the army seemed to make no distinction between different parts of the
temple or between the temple and its immediate surroundings.59 Eventually, after
suffering extreme losses, the military used six tanks and approximately eighty
high-explosive squash-head shells to reduce the insurgents fortified positions to
rubble. This led to the surrender of the insurgents and Bhindranwales death but
also burned much of the library and many of the invaluable manuscripts
within, destroyed the Akal Takht, and severely damaged the Golden Temple and
the Treasury.60
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Aside from the damage to the temple and the sacrilegious behavior of soldiers
within the complex, the Indian governments insensitivity to Sikh precepts, as
demonstrated by the date chosen for the operation, ranked high among the factors
that exacerbated the public response. The date of the attack marked the martyrdom
of the Sikh guru and founder of the temple, Guru Arjun, who had undergone
religious persecution and was ultimately executed, an act marking the evolution of
the Sikh movement from one of pacifist reform to ritual militancy. When the attack
occurred, Amritsar was crowded with visitors who were there to commemorate the
day. The attack also coincided with the fifth day of a lunar month, a particularly
auspicious day for bathing in the temples lake. One thousand pilgrims were said
to have lost their lives in the attack. These acts of outrage led to mass mutinies of
Sikh soldiers as well as, six months later, the assassination of Gandhi by her Sikh
bodyguards.61 Gandhis assassination, in turn, unleashed months of inter-communal
rioting in the Punjab and across India. An estimated 2,700 Sikhs died in these riots.62
Operation Blue Star did little to suppress the Khalistani movement in the
Punjab. Four years after the disastrous siege, Sikh insurgence once again found refuge in the Golden Temple in Amritsar. Indian authorities responded by launching
Operation Black Thunder. Though both operations involved Sikh separatists seeking
refuge in the same sacred space, they differed in several respects.63 Bhindranwales
followers had spent years preparing for a showdown with Indian security forces
by fortifying the temple and stocking it with weapons, ammunition, and supplies.
In 1988, on the other hand, the insurgents lacked food, water, and ammunition.
The police, and not the military, were responsible for executing Operation Black
Thunder. Consequently, the operation relied on the Black Cat commandos of
the National Security Guard, employing sniper fire, as opposed to infantry and
armor units of the army as in 1984. The army had used overwhelming military force
to conquer the temple in three days whereas the police placed a nine-day siege on the
temple compound, using continual pressure but minimal force.64 During Operation
Blue Star the army had also failed to develop a public relations campaign to reveal
how the insurgents were desecrating the shrine and counter their claims to religious
sanction.65 Kanwar Pal Singh Gill, Director General of Indias Police in the Punjab
in 1988, chose to conduct Operation Black Thunder under comprehensive media
coverage, televising the combat wherever possible and permitting public scrutiny
of the polices and insurgents actions inside the compound.66
Most importantly, Gill made the explicit decision to take the sanctity and design
of the Golden Temple into careful consideration in planning the operation because
he did not want to repeat the mistakes made by the Indian army in the 1984 raid.67
Indian officials met with the Jathedar (head of the Sikh priesthood), as well as the
Temple priests and local Sikhs in order to evaluate the effects of a siege on the community of worshipers and to ascertain popular support for an assault.68 In assessing
how the Sikh community might respond to destruction or desecration of different
parts of the shrine, the police concluded that combat in the parts of the temple where
pilgrims and staff resided, the serai, would provoke little protest. Fighting in the
langar, the communal kitchen in which Sikhs partake in traditional egalitarian
meals, would lead to greater outrage whereas combat in the Harimandir would be
considered a highly provocative act. Based on these assessments, Gill ordered the
police to occupy the serai and langar first and limit attacks within the temple to brief
incursions.69 When several militants sought refuge in the Harimandir, police forces
held their fire for fear of damaging the temple.70 When the crisis ended, Sikh leaders
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were invited to oversee the ritual cleaning of the temple, the reinstallation of the
sacred text, and the resumption of daily rituals. The success of Operation Black
Thunder, in the absence of significant damage to the Golden Temple or affront
to the Sikh community, contributed significantly to the quelling of the Khalistani
insurgency.
Because the two operations in the Golden Temple involved parties identified
along religious lines, intelligence about sacred space, time, and authority proved
far more important than in the 1973 War. Information about sacred authority would
prove even more critical during the Iranian Revolution, an event characterized by
high religious prominence.
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before the torch passed to Moqtada al-Sadr. Sidelined from the IGC, Moqtada
al-Sadr formed a shadow government and led a militia group in violent resistance
against U.S. forces in Iraq, confirming the salience and impact of his religious
authority. What al-Sadr lacked in formal ranking he made up for in popular
legitimacy.
If the mistake in Iraq in 2003 was to privilege the centrality of religious authority,
the blunder in Iran in 1979 was to ignore it altogether. U.S. diplomats and intelligence
officers failed to foster ties with Irans Shia clergy and proved unable to foresee the
role that Ayatollah Khomeini would play in the events of 1979. This profound
inability to recognize the prominent role of religion in the Iranian Revolution played
a primary role in the intelligence and policy breakdown of 1978-9.72 No one in our
government understood the role of religion and Khomeini, wrote Robert Jervis in
his review of the intelligence failure of 1979. Analysts, like everyone else at the time,
underestimated the potential if not existing role of religion in many societies.73 U.S.
observers of events in Iran had no conception of fundamentalist Islam and bore no
suspicion that religious leaders would become the focal points of revolutionary sentiments and activities.74 CIA experts who tried to draw attention to Irans religious leadership were mocked by fellow analysts. For example, when Earnest Oney, a former
CIA branch chief and Iran expert, called for an in-depth study of Irans religious leadership, his proposal was dismissed as sociology by his superiors. He was given the
nickname Mullah Ernie.75
Several factors account for the U.S. failure to anticipate the fall of the Shah and
the rise of Khomeini. The rapid pace of developments in Iran caught the foreign
affairs bureaucracy of the U.S. off guard at a time when decision makers were preoccupied with SALT II negotiations and the Egyptian-Israeli peace talks.76 The CIA
had focused its resources in Iran on the communist threat, as did its Iranian counterpart (SAVAK). This shared threat perception led the agency to forge close ties with
SAVAK while dedicating few resources to intelligence gathering on domestic Iranian
issues. The common obsession with the Soviet Union also made it difficult for
American and Iranian intelligence officers to conceive of agitators other than communists and distorted their diagnosis of the impending revolution.77 At the same
time, U.S. deference towards the Shah and his advisors led to an over-reliance on
Iranian intelligence sources. The CIA hesitated to develop contacts in the Iranian
opposition not only because these assumed a low priority but also because the
agency feared undermining or antagonizing the Shah.78
With other forms of opposition suppressed, Irans mullahs came to assume an
increasingly salient role as articulators of popular sentiments and as focal points
of anti-Shah protest, for religious and secular followers alike.79 Yet U.S. decision
makers continued to assume that religious groups were marginal to Iranian society
and underestimated the ability of Irans Shia leaders to gain a substantial following.80 Jervis concludes:
The problem was not the missing of one or two vital clues to the nature of
the religious groups; rather it appears to have been a general outlook
which did not give credence to the links between the religious leaders
and the grievance of wide ranges of the general population. This outlook
powerfully influenced the interpretation of incoming information (as any
established belief will do) and specifically led the analysts to be insensitive
to the possibility that the opposition could unite behind Khomeini.81
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701
The failure to take Irans religious leadership seriously had a direct effect on U.S.
policy in Iran in the months leading up to the revolution. The embassy in Tehran
established links to each and every Iranian opposition group but it had no such ties
with Irans clergy. Only one of the 104 names on the contact lists of leading political
officers at the embassy between 1969 and 1976 was that of a religious leader, and he
was a marginal figure in the Shia establishment.82 Only in December 1978, a month
before the ultimate departure of the Shah, did the American ambassador, William H.
Sullivan, enter into dialogue with members of the religious opposition. He did so in
secret, for fear of angering the Shah as well as concern over defying his superiors in
the State Department who had explicitly prohibited such contacts.83 And only on
January 18, two days after the fall of the Shah, did the State Department issue
Sullivan with instructions to start communicating with Shia leaders.84 Not surprisingly, by that point in time the clergy proved resistant to American overtures.85
The CIA fared similarly badly in gathering information about the religious
establishment. Of the hundreds of cassette tapes that Khomeini used for circulating
his revolutionary message, for example, the embassy and CIA station collected only
one, presumably deeming the rest to be of no value. Analysts knew little about what
the future leader of the revolution was preaching, beyond what they could read in the
newspapers.86 Field officers paid little attention to the religious factor and analysts
sought out no experts on the topic.87 The CIA station in Tehran recruited heavily
among officials in the Shahs regime but it did not recruit among average Iranians
and had no points of contact with religious leaders.88 Rare references to religion in
intelligence reports, such as a recognition of prominent religious leaders in a 1974
National Intelligence Estimate or a reference to religious restiveness in an embassy
report from 1977, were overshadowed by a concern with the liberal opposition in
Iran and thus prompted no tangible policy changes.89
A direct consequence of this failure to appreciate the power of the clergy was the
consistent refusal by all stakeholders to meet with Khomeini or his representatives. In
September 1978, principal White House aide for Persian Gulf Affairs, Gary Sick, proposed a meeting between Khomeinis representative in the U.S. and a low-level State
Department official. The State Department vetoed the idea.90 In December of that
year, George Ball urged President Carter to open a disavowable channel of communications with Khomeini, an idea scuttled by national security advisor Zbigniew
Brzezinski.91 By January 1979, with the revolution all but over, Ambassador Sullivan
finally recognized the tremendous influence that Khomeini was wielding over the
opposition movement. With tacit consent from the Shah, he arranged for a meeting
between Theodore Eliot, former U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, and Khomeini.
President Jimmy Carter, backed by his entire cabinet, canceled the meeting at the last
minute.92 . . .My surprise and my anguish could not have been more complete, Sullivan reported in his memoirs.93 The Shah responded to the cancellation with even
greater agitation, throwing his hands up in despair and demanding to know how
we expected to influence those people if we would not even talk to them.94 The first
direct meeting between a U.S. official and a Khomeini aide did not take place until
January 16, twenty-four hours before the Shah left Iran.95
CIA director Stansfield Turner summarized the level of ignorance regarding the
role of religious leaders in the events of 1979: We did not known beans about who
made up the Revolutionary Council.96 Analysts were in the dark regarding the
structure and organization of the religious opposition, its means of decision making
and communication, its methods in selecting targets for riots, or its relationship to
702
R. E. Hassner
the middle class.97 Neither I nor the embassy was ever able to make much progress
in comprehending the mind set of the Shia hierarchy, admitted U.S. ambassador
Sullivan, who suspected at the time that moderate religious leaders would not follow
the more radical Khomeini.98 Less than half of the embassys local employees were
members of Irans Shia majority, an institutional trend that further insulated
embassy personnel from Iranian society.99 Carters special envoy to Iran at the
height of the crisis, U.S. Air Force General Robert E. Huyser, admitted to having
never heard Khomeinis name before April 1978. When he arrived in Tehran in
January 1979, he estimated that Khomeini had the support of less than 20 percent
of the Iranian population.100
As a consequence, analysts had little insight into the beliefs and values of
religiously-motivated protesters, let alone an understanding of Khomeinis motivations, his influence relative to other religious leaders, the size of his following, or
what he would do after gaining power. Even after the fact, notes Jervis, it was not
clear to the CIA how or when he achieved dominance or why other ayatollahs
followed his lead.101
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704
R. E. Hassner
research, cultural information research, and social data analysis.116 Each team
consists of an officer acting as leader, two social scientists tasked with analyzing
the region and its culture, and two military personnel with a background in tactical
intelligence acting as research manager and analyst. Their goal is to create a database
covering social, economic, and cultural information that can be used by a
forward-deployed brigade or relayed to a larger team of social scientists located in
the Foreign Military Studies Office in Fort Leavenworth.117 This Reachback
Research Center (RRC) is part of a larger organization that will act as a clearinghouse for cultural knowledge, provide on-the-ground ethnographic research, and
conduct pre-deployment cultural training on specific countries.118 It is not clear
how much of this effort will be aimed at gathering, analyzing, or implementing information about religion.
The Human Terrain System is still in its infancy. Though it has earned some
initial praise, the Army has provided little public information about its record so
far.119 The strength of this approach, a reliance on a combination of academic
and military resources, may also prove its primary weakness.120 Despite ongoing
integration training, members of HTS teams will find communication and
cooperation across the academic-military divide to be a significant challenge. Just
as scholars are unlikely to be attuned to operational needs, so soldiers are unlikely
to make research requirements their top priority. On the academic side of that divide, social scientists in the front lines will encounter time, resource, and security
obstacles to conducting professional analyses. Basic social science techniques, from
controlled sampling to participant observation, are unfeasible in combat zones.
Given significant opposition to the HTS program among social scientists, its not
obvious where the military will find qualified Ph.D.s (in suitable physical condition)
or how it will assess the quality of their research. On the military side of the equation, commanders will encounter difficulties recruiting and training soldiers of
adequate academic background to support the research needs of their academic
counterparts and exploit their findings in an optimal manner.
Despite these difficulties, HTS and similar programs are likely to grow in prominence as actors identified in religious terms become increasingly involved in asymmetric conflicts. This projected growth in the prominence of religion should prompt
decision makers to draw on the combined expertise of religion scholars, political
scientists, ethnographers, and military specialists for religious intelligence analysis.
Political scientists who are interested in supporting such efforts should broaden their
outlook on religion and conflict from an exclusive focus on the sacred as an idea that
generates religious disputes and onto the sacred as a constellation of symbols and
practices that pervades all disputes. By studying the manifold ways in which the
sacred shapes combat, beyond the analysis of sacred time, space, and authority,
political scientists can play their part in exploring the prominence and centrality
of religion in conflict.
Notes
1. Sunan Abu-Dawud, Kitab al-Malahim, Book 36, Number 4273.
2. Ibid., Book 37, Numbers 4272 and 4269.
3. Ibid., Book 37, Number 4278.
4. Ayman Al-Yassini, Religion and State in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (Boulder, CO:
Westview Press, 1985), 124129; Yaroslav Trofimov, The Siege of Mecca: The Forgotten
Religious Intelligence
705
Uprising in Islams Holiest Shrine and the Birth of Al Qaeda (New York: Doubleday, 2007);
Pascal Menoret, Fighting for the Holy Mosque: The 1979 Mecca Insurgency, in Treading
on Hallowed Ground: Counterinsurgency Operations in Sacred Spaces, eds. C. Christine Fair
and Sumit Ganguly (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 117139; and Joseph A.
Kechichian, The Role of the Ulama in the Politics of an Islamic State: The Case of Saudi
Arabia, International Journal of Middle East Studies 18, no. 1 (February 1986): 60.
5. Fighting Continues at Moslem Shrine, Associated Press, November 24, 1979.
6. Alexander Bligh, The Saudi Religious Elite (Ulema) as Participant in the Political
System of the Kingdom, International Journal of Middle East Studies 16, no. 4 (1985): 48; and
Ron E. Hassner, War on Sacred Grounds (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009),
146151.
7. On religion and terrorism, see Michael Barkun, Religious Violence and the Myth
of Fundamentalism, Politics, Religion & Ideology 4, no. 3 (2003): 5570; Michael Barkun,
Millenarian Aspects of White Supremacist Movements, Terrorism and Political Violence
1, no. 4 (1989): 409434; David C. Rapoport, Messianic Sanctions for Terror, Comparative
Politics 20, no. 2 (Jan, 1988): 195211; David C. Rapoport, Fear and Trembling: Terrorism
in Three Religious Traditions, American Political Science Review 78, no. 3 (1984): 658677;
David C. Rapoport, The Four Waves of Rebel Terror and September 11, Anthropoetics 8,
no. 1 (Spring=Summer 2002); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements From the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press,
1997); Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Mohammed M. Hafez, Suicide Bombers in
Iraq: The Strategy and Ideology of Martyrdom (Washington, DC: USIP Press, 2007); Bruce
Lincoln, Holy Terrors: Thinking about Religion after September 11 (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 2003); and Ron E. Hassner, Terrorism, in Mark Juergensmeyer and Wade
Clark Roof (eds.), Encyclopedia of Global Religion (New York: Sage, 2012).
8. Jonathan Fox, The Rise of Religious Nationalism and Conflict: Ethnic Conflict
and Revolutionary Wars, 19452001, Journal of Peace Research 41, no. 6 (2004): 715731;
and Monica Duffy Toft, Getting Religion: The Puzzling Case of Islam and Civil War, International Security 31, no. 4 (Spring 2007): 97131.
9. Michael Horowitz, Long Time Going: Religion and the Duration of Crusading,
International Security 34, no. 2 (2009): 162193.
10. Sohail Hashmi, Islamic Ethics and Weapons of Mass Destruction: An Argument
for Nonproliferation, in Sohail H. Hashmi and Steven P. Lee, Ethics and Weapons of Mass
Destruction: Religious and Secular Perspectives (Cambridge University Press, 2004), 321352.
11. Isak Svensson, Fighting with Faith: Religion and Conflict Resolution in Civil
Wars, Journal of Conflict Resolution 51, no. 6 (2007): 930949.
12. Ron E. Hassner, At the Horns of the Altar: Counterinsurgency and the Religious
Roots of the Sanctuary Practice, Civil Wars 10, no. 1 (March 2008): 2239; and Ron E.
Hassner, Blasphemy and Violence, International Studies Quarterly 55, no. 1 (March
2011): 2345.
13. Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans. Joseph Ward
Swain (New York: The Free Press, 1915).
14. Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion (New York: New American
Library, 1974), 367; and Gerardus van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), 386.
15. Durkheim (see note 13 above), 55.
16. James George Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, in The Golden Bough: A
Study in Magic and Religion (London: Macmillan, 1911); and Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge, 1996).
17. James Aho, Religious Mythology and the Art of War: Comparative Religious Symbolism of Military Violence (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981); R. Scott Appleby, The
Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation (Lanham, MD: Rowman
& Littlefield, 2000); and Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God (see note 7 above).
18. Alexander De Juan and Andreas Hasenclever, Framing Religious ConflictsThe
Role of Elites in Religiously Charged Civil Wars, Politische Vierteljahresschrift 43 (2009):
178205; Toft (see note 8 above); and Fox (see note 8 above).
19. Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion (see note 14 above), 375.
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R. E. Hassner
20. Joel P. Brereton, Sacred Space, in The Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Mircea Eliade
(New York: Macmillan, 1987), Vol. 12, 526535; Ron E. Hassner, To Halve and to Hold:
Conflicts Over Sacred Space and the Problem of Indivisibility, Security Studies 12, no. 4
(2003): 133; and Clinton Bennet, Islam, in Sacred Places, ed. Jean Holm (London: Pinter,
1994), 88114.
21. van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation (see note 14 above), 386;
Barbara C. Sproul, Sacred Time, in Eliade (ed.), Encyclopedia of Religion (see note 20 above),
535544; and Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane (New York: Harper & Row, 1959), 7.
22. On religious ideas versus practice see Bruce Lincoln, Holy Terrors: Thinking about
Religion after September 11 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 718 and 73; and
Ernest Gellner, Postmodernism, Reason and Religion (London: Routledge, 1992), 922.
23. Stephen Labaton, Siege in Texas; Agents Advice: Attack on a Sunday, The New
York Times, March 3, 1993, A11.
24. John R. Hall, Apocalypse Observed: Religious Movements and Violence in North
America, Europe, and Japan (New York: Routledge, 2000), 63. The agents concern regarding
the possibility of group suicide is documented in Richard Scruggs et al., United States
Department of Justice Report on the Events at Waco, Texas, February 28 to April 19, 1993
(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1993), 210214; and Edward S. G. Dennis,
Report to the Deputy Attorney General: Evaluation of the Handling of the Branch Davidian
Standoff in Waco, Texas, by the United States Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau
of Investigation (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1993), 3639.
25. Dennis (see note 24 above), 35.
26. Susan J. Palmer, Excavating Waco, in James R. Lewis, From the Ashes (New
York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1984), 104. The agent himself was completely ignorant regarding
the most basic theological principles or practices of the sect and Christianity in general. Dick J.
Reavis, The Ashes of Waco: An Investigation (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), 66 and 73.
27. James T. Tabor and Eugene V. Gallagher, Why Waco?: Cults and the Battle for
Religious Freedom in America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), 4748;
Kenneth G. C. Newport, The Branch Davidians of Waco (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2006), 145146; James Moore, Very Special Agents: The Inside Story of Americas Most
Controversial Law Enforcement Agency The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms
(New York: Pocket Books, 1997), 286.
28. Scruggs et al. (see note 24 above), 1.
29. Primary factors determining the date of the attack included the availability of
troops, weather conditions, and enemy fatigue. Washington had only recently succeeded in
raising a new army. It was his hope that the winter weather would create conditions that were
harsh enough to provide cover for the movements of this army into New Jersey but that would
not thwart the crossing of the river. Furthermore, intelligence about the continued harassment
of the Trenton garrison by the New Jersey militia suggested that the Hessians had been forced
into a constant state of alertness and would be emotionally and physically exhausted come the
end of December. David Hackett Fischer, Washingtons Crossing (Oxford, UK: Oxford
University Press, 2004), 151 and 201205.
30. William S. Stryker, The Battles of Trenton and Princeton (Boston: Houghton,
Mifflin, 1898), 361.
31. This local holy day, unique to German-speaking countries and Commonwealth
states, is still celebrated in Germany as Der Zweite Weinachtsfeiertag (The Second Christmas Holiday). It is known in Commonwealth states as Boxing Day.
32. Hermann Reckels, Volkskunde des Kreises Steinfurt, in Heimatbuch des Kreises
Steinfurt (Steinfurt: Selbstverlag des Kreises Steinfurt, 1932), 220.
33. Clint Johnson, Colonial America and the American Revolution (San Francisco, CA:
Greenline Publications, 2006), 87.
34. Samuel Stelle Smith, The Battle of Trenton (Monmouth Beach, NJ: Philip Freneau
Press, 1965), 17.
35. Smith (see note 34 above), 17; Fischer (see note 29 above), 205, 240, and 426.
36. Saad el Shazly, The Crossing of the Suez (San Francisco: American Mideast
Research, 2003), 36.
37. Anwar el-Sadat, In Search of Identity=An Autobiography (New York: Harper &
Row, 1977), 241; and Mohammed Abdel Ghani El-Gamasy, The October War: Memoirs
Religious Intelligence
707
of Field Marshal El-Gamasy of Egypt (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1993),
181.
38. On concerns that a mobilization on Yom Kippur would lead to panic, see Uri
Bar-Joseph, The Angel: Ashraf Marwan, the Mossad, and the Yom Kippur War, in Hebrew
(Israel: Kinneret et al., 2010), 242 and 246.
39. Eli Zeira, The October 73 War: Myth Against Reality, in Hebrew (Israel: Yedioth
Ahronot, 1993), 141, my translation.
40. Dharitri Kumar Palit, Return to Sinai/The Arab Offensive, October 1973 (New
Delhi: Lancer Publishers & Distributors, 1974), 77; Chaim Herzog, The War of Atonement
(Jerusalem: Steimatzkys Agency Ltd., 1975), 6465, 72 and 172; A.J. Barker, The Yom Kippur
War (New York: Random House, 1974), 42, 69 and 93; and Abraham Rabinovich, The Yom
Kippur War: The Epic Encounter That Transformed the Middle East (New York: Schocken
Books, 2004), 9799.
41. Golda Meir, My Life (Jerusalem: Steimatzkys Agency, 1975), 355; London Sunday
Times Insight Team, The Yom Kippur War (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1974), 115 and 136.
42. Rabinovich (see note 40 above), 100; Barker (see note 40 above), 43.
43. Walter Laqueur, Confrontation: The Middle East and World Politics (New York:
Quadrangle and the New York Times Books Co., 1974), 89; Ariel Sharon and David Chanoff,
Warrior: The Autobiography of Ariel Sharon (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), 289;
London Sunday Times (see note 41 above), 76; Rabinovich (see note 40 above), 46 and 99.
44. Abba Eban, An Autobiography (New York: Random House, 1977), 504; London
Sunday Times (see note 41 above), 76; Rabinovich (see note 40 above), 46; and Donald Neff,
Warriors Against Israel: How Israel Won the Battle to Become Americas Ally (Brattleboro,
VT: Amana, 1988), 164.
45. Rabinovich (see note 40 above), 129; Herzog (see note 40 above), 54, 8588 and 98;
and Sharon (see note 43 above), 303.
46. Mohammed Abdel Ghani El-Gamasy, The October War: Memoirs of Field Marshal
El-Gamasy of Egypt (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1993), 181.
47. Uri Bar-Joseph, The Watchman Fell Asleep: The Surprise of Yom Kippur and Its
Sources (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2005), 167 and 247, citing
Research Department report of 11 a.m. on October 5, 1973, par. 26f.
48. Quran, Surah 3, verses 13 and 123-5 and Surah 8, throughout.
49. Henry Kissinger and Muhammad Hassanain Haikal, Kissinger meets Haikal,
Journal of Palestine Studies 3, no. 2 (Winter, 1974): 219220; Gamasy (see note 37 above),
181. See also Taha El Magdoub Hassan El Badri and Mohammed Dia El Din Zohdy, The
Ramadan War, 1973 (Dunn Loring, VA: T.N. Dupuy, 1978), 48; and London Sunday Times
(see note 41 above), 75.
50. Such a misreading of Ramadan would not be without parallel. During the Iran-Iraq
War, Saddam Hussein approached Ayatollah Khomeini with a proposal to cease fighting during Ramadan. His suggestion was greeted with jeers from Irans mullahs, who pointed out that
Ramadan was not one of the three sacred (haram) months in which fighting was prohibited
but a blessed (mubarak) month in which Muslims had a particular inspiration and incentive
to fight. Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Dar maktab-i juma: Majmua-yi khutbaha-yi namaz-i
juma-yi Tehran, Vol. 3 12=4=60 (Tehran: Ministry of Islamic Guidance, 1365=1987), 274,
cited in Saskia Gieling, Religion and War in Revolutionary Iran (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999),
165.
51. Bar-Joseph (2005) (see note 47 above), 165170, citing Research Department report
of 11 a.m. on October 5, 1973, pars. 20 and 39.
52. Michael A. Innes (ed.), Denial of Sanctuary: Understanding Terrorist Safe Havens
(Westport, CT: Praeger, 2007); and special issue on sanctuaries and safe havens in Civil Wars
10, no. 1 (March 2008).
53. T. N. Madan, The Double-Edged Sword: Fundamentalism in the Sikh Religious
Tradition, in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (eds.), Fundamentalisms Observed
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 597.
54. Mark Tully and Satish Jacob, Amritsar: Mrs. Gandhis Last Battle (London:
Jonathan Cape, 1985), 81; Lt. General K.S. Brar, Operation Bluestar: The True Story (New
Delhi: UBSPD, 1993), 2526; and Chand Joshi, Bhindranwale, Myth and Reality (New Delhi:
Vikas Publishing House, 1984), 135136.
708
R. E. Hassner
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709
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R. E. Hassner
115. Chris Seiple, Ready . . . Or Not? Equipping the U.S. Military Chaplain for
Inter-Religious Liaison, Review of Faith & International Affairs 7, no. 4 (2009): 4349; and
George Adams, Chaplains as Liaisons with Religious Leaders: Lessons from Iraq and
Afghanistan, Peaceworks, no. 56 (United States Institute of Peace, March 2006).
116. Jacob Kipp, Lester Grau, Karl Prinslow, and Don Smith, The Human Terrain System: A CORDS for the 21st Century, Military Review (SeptemberOctober 2006): 815.
117. Ibid., 1315.
118. Several of these ideas were originally proposed in Montgomery McFate, An Organizational Solution for DODs Cultural Knowledge Needs, Military Review (JulyAugust
2005): 1821; and Montgomery McFate, The Military Utility of Understanding Adversary
Culture, Joint Forces Quarterly 38 (Summer 2005): 4248.
119. Some achievements are listed in David Rhode, Army Enlists Anthropology in War
Zones, The New York Times, October 5, 2007, 1; and Richard A. Oppel and Taimoor Shah,
Assassination in Kandahar Further Erodes Afghans Faith in Government, The New York
Times, April 21, 2010, 6.
120. A thorough critique of HTS appears in Benn Connable, All Our Eggs in a Broken
Basket: How the Human Terrain System is Undermining Sustainable Military Cultural
Competence, Military Review (MarchApril 2009).