Simple and Complex Predicates in Tsafiki (Colorado)

Connie Dickinson
University of Oregon
Tsafiki, a Barbakoan language spoken in the western lowlands of Ecuador, exhibits
a distinct type of complex predicate. The majority of verbs (95% out of a corpus of
approximately 1,000 verbs) are formed by the combination of a noun or coverb and a
generic verb. A generic or simple verb is a verb which can occur as the sole predicating
element in a clause. A coverb is a neutral element which can be combined with a
nominalizing suffix to form a noun and with a generic verb to form a finite predicate.
Tsafiki complex predicates resemble what have been called light verb constructions in
other languages but they differ in several important ways. Unlike light verb constructions,
which ordinarily comprise a subset of the predicate constructions available in the language,
complex predicates are the primary type of predicate construction in Tsafiki. The generic
verbs form a closed class of thirty verbs, while the coverbs are a large, open class.
Complex predicates have been defined as constructions which are multi-headed:
they are composed of more than one grammatical element which jointly contribute the
information ordinarily associated with a single head. Most analyses of complex predicates
take it that complex predicates are formed by some sort of predicate composition
mechanism (see Alsina, Bresnan & Sells, 1997). In this paper, it is argued that the process
of Tsafiki complex predicate formation is non-compositional, i.e. properties of the fully
formed complex predicate, such as valence or aspect, cannot be predicted by a simple
combination of the properties of each individual element. For example, the generic verb i
become can combine with different coverbs to form a monovalent construction (1) or a
trivalent construction (2). In turn, in (3-4), the coverbs biti snap, and bare stretch
combine with different generic verbs to form monovalent (3a-4a) and bivalent
constructions (3b-4b). It is argued that a construction grammar approach, in which the
meaning of the complex predicate can only be fully stated with reference to the pattern
itself and not the individual elements (Goldberg, 1995; Shutze-Berndt 1999) can best
account for Tsafiki complex predicate constructions.
A unique aspect of Tsafiki complex predicates is that most of the coverbs can
occur with more than one simple verb and can be classified according to the set of simple
verbs with which they co-occur. For example, there are two classes of change-of-state
coverbs. In (3), the coverb biti snap combines with the generic verbs, ji go to form an
intransitive complex predicate and with ke to form a transitive. In (4), bare stretch
combines with i become, suwa cause to become, and ra be.in.a.position to form
intransitive, transitive and stative complex predicates. Hence two classes of change-ofstate coverbs can be identified: 1) the i/ki class; and 2) the i/suwa/ra class. In this paper, I
concentrate on these two classes of complex predicates. I examine the semantic properties
of the generic verbs when they occur as the sole predicator in the clause and the properties
of the coverbs which remain stable as they occur with different generic verbs. In this way,
properties such as the inherent aspect, valency and control/causation properties of the
individual elements can be isolated. I then show that while these properties constrain the
possible combinations of coverb and generic verb, (the properties need not be identical,
but they cant be contradictory), the final meaning of the complex predicate is not
compositional.
(1)

Juan ke-ere-i-e

Simple and Complex Predicates in Tsafiki (Colorado)

Connie Dickinson
University of Oregon
Juan hit-throw-become-DCL
Juan fell.
(2)

tse Maria=be
a=ka
pore-i-yo-e
1F Maria=ASSOC hair=ACC cut-become-CNGR-DCL
I had/let Maria cut my hair.

(3)

a.

chide ali
naka biti ji-e
tree branch small snap go-DCL
The twig snapped.

b.

Ya chide ali
naka=ka biti-le ke-e
3 tree branch small=ACC snap-AD do-DCL
He snapped the twig.

a.

sabe bare i-e

rubber stretch become-DCL
The rubber stretched.

b.

ya sabe bare
suwa-e
3 rubber stretch cause.to.become-DCL
He stretched the rubber.

c.

sabe bare
ra-e
rubber stretch be.in.a.position-DCL
The rubber is stretched.

(4)

References
Alsina, Alex, Joan Bresnan, & Peter Sells (eds.). 1997. Complex Predicates. Stanford: CSLI Publications.
Goldberg, Adele, 1995. Constructions. A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure.
Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.
Schutze-Berndt, Eva. 1999. Simple and Complex Verbs in Jaminjung. Dissertation draft.