Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
WILHELM SCHENK
249
250
WILHELM S C H E N K
..
25 1
news of the forgiveness of sins. Hence the central section of this book is
called: De Justificatione et Fide. We must not doubt, we are told there,
that Christs justice is our justice, that Christ has expiated our sins, that
His resurrection is ours too. . . . Our works, however good they seem to be
or are, do not justify us. Only faith in the mercy and grace of God through
Jesus Christ can make us just. . . . And what is faith? Steadfastly to adhere
to every word of God.
Of the other doctrines expressed in this book two call for special
mention: the Eucharist is not a sacrifice but a sign of redemption, helping
the communicant to increase and confirm his faith (therefore there can be
no masses for the absent and the dead), and secondly, the bold sentences:
We are all Christian priests . . . we are all Christian kings, because we are
free in Jesus Christ.
Now this is clearly not the kind of book that Erasmus would have
written; some things in it, he wrote to Melanchthon, appeared to him
doubtful, either because he did not believe them to be true, or because
they seemed to him fruitless. But the main tendency against, as he put
it, Pharisaical tyranny was sure of his approval; he, too, was anxious
to restore Christian liberty and a living faith in the Redeemer of mankind.
Melanchthons book, written in a fresh style and avoiding, as far as possible, the use of technical terms, may well have reminded him of the irresistible power of Luthers treatise on Christian Liberty. In December 1520,
at the end of the year which saw the appearance of Luthers three great
reform tracts, Erasmus was asked by the Elector Frederick of Saxony,
Luthers sovereign, if Luther had erred in his preaching or his writing.
According to the recollections of the court-chaplain Spalatin, Erasmus
smiled at first, and then gave a surprisingly definite reply: Yes, in two
things. He has attacked the Pope in his crown and the monks in their
bellies. On the same day Erasmus wrote down a few statements on the
Lutheran question, for the use of Elector Frederick. Here are some
salient sentences from this confidential document: The origin of the
matter is evil: hatred of letters and striving for tyranny. . . . For the Pope
the glory of Christ comes before his own, and the benefit of souls before
any other profit. . . . The world thirsts for evangelical truth, and it seems
to be borne in that direction by a longing ordained, as it were, by fate.
The plain fact is that Erasmus, true to his principle of toleration, did not
Ibid.
Axiomata Erasmi Roterodami pro causa Martini Lutheri theologi, in Erustni
opuscula, ed. W. K. Ferguson (The Hague, 1933), pp. 336-7: Fons rei malus est:
odium bonarum litterarum et affectatio tyrannidis. . .Pontifici prior est gloria Christi
quam sua, et lucrum animarum quam ullum aliud compendium.. . Mundus sitit
veritatem evangelicam, et fatali quodam desiderio videtur huc ferri.
2
252
WILHBLM SCHENK
wish to silence the voice of Wittenberg. And that voice, surely was worth
hearing. Luthers translation of the Bible, his homely homilies, his great
religious poems, his services to church music, the infectious simplicity
of his private life: these things must not be forgotten. And out of them
grew other precious things: the German language, the chorales which form
the basis of the music of Schutz and Bach, the fruitful influence of the
Lutheran pastors home, the far from negligible achievements of German
Pietism. No one who has been in contact with a lively Lutheran community
will feel inclined to sneer at their founder-the man who, when translating
Rom 8:22 (the whole creation groaneth and travaileth), looked at his
dog and said: You, too, will have a golden tail, or who was capable of
writing a compellingly simple stanza such as this:
Gelobet seist du, Jesu Christ,
Dass du Mensch geboren bist
Von einer Jungjirau, das ist wahr,
Des freuet sich der Engel Schar
Kyrieleis.
So much has been written about the diEerences between Erasmus and
Luther that it is easy to overlook the partial similarity of their aims:
Luther, like Erasmus, wished to Christianize the ordinary lives of ordinary
lay Christians, and in the ways indicated above his efforts were not without success. All the Pietist elements in Luther-and they are strong
enough-are in accord with Erasmuss philosophia Christi. It is in this
sense, too, that we must try to understand Luthers doctrine of the priesthood of all believers: to him, all Christians-that is, members of the Body
of Christ-were of one kind; priests were not, in any sense whatever,
nearer to Christ than laymen.
Here, Erasmus and Luther were bound to part company; Erasmuss
essay on the Three Circles leaves us in no doubt that he did not share
Luthers radical doctrine of spiritual equality. It was the first examplenot, we know, the last-of Luthers tendency to push things to their
extremes. But in spite of that it is not really surprising that Erasmus
refrained from attacking Luthers doctrines for several years. For in yet
another respect the two men were not altogether dissimilar: in their
inability, or reluctance, to express their views in traditional dogmatic
form. Luther, no doubt, was more burdened in his thought by late medieval
scholasticism, but he, too, generally avoided the technical language of
the schools-the quiddities and quoddities ridiculed by Erasmus and
Melanchthon. It may well have seemed to Erasmus that Lutheran doctrine
was therefore not in danger of hardening into dogma; hence his wish to
ERASMUS A N D MELANCHTHON
253
discuss matters with Melanchthon whose book, in its earliest form, did
not indulge in too many cramping definitions.
This discussion with the Lutherans eventually took the form of a treatise
on the most fundamental aspect of Luthers teaching, Free Will (De
Libero Arbitrio, September 1524). For some years Luthers most powerful
opponents had pestered Erasmus to come out against Luther. Here,
at last, was a short theological treatise against the German reformersbut it was written in the tone of a serious discussion among scholars who
respect each other, it was not an orthodox trumpet-call against heresy.
I am not, Erasmus wrote to Melanchthon at the same time, the judge of
another mans conscience. Luther and Melanchthon had taught that
only faith, not works, had a justifying effect; that faith was a free gift of
Divine grace; and that man could therefore not co-operate in his salvation.
Erasmus mainly confined himself to showing that the Bible, the ancients,
the Fathers, the communis sensus of humanity, and our own conscience
all teach or presuppose a measure of free will. Small wonder that this
Erasmian performance did not please the hot-gospellers on either side.
Luther was stung into wild fury by this treatise, and in the following
year (December 1525), he replied with a fanatical book, De Servo
Arbitrio (The Enslaved Will), in which he expounded the complete
powerlessness of man in the face of Gods arbitrary and inscrutable
decrees. Human nature, he wrote, is so utterly corrupt in every way that
man cannot, without Divine intervention, turn towards the good. This
work, in addition, is in a very vehement style and full of invective (the
contents of Erasmuss treatise, for instance, are called rubbish and dung).
Luther, Erasmus complained, has written against me in a manner which
one would not employ against the Turk. But Erasmus himself was,
unfortunately, unable to keep his head and followed Luther into violent
controversy (in his monstrously long Hyperuspistes, 1526-1 527). His
central view, however, remained clear and balanced: Man by himself can
will something good, but he cannot effectively will the good which leads
him to salvation, without the help of grace. We ascribe all to Divine
goodness, not because man does not act at all, but because from God
come all the means of our being.4
Allen, V, letter 1523 (to Melanchthon, Dec. 1524): on sum iudex alienae
conscienciae, nec dominus alienae fidei, 11. 19-20.
Werke (Weimarer Ausgabe), vol. XVIII, pp. 601,786.
Allen, VI, letter 1675 (to Reginald Pole, March 1526): Lutherus offensus mea
Diatriba modestissime disputante, scripsit in me magnum volumen, quale nemo
saiberet in Turcam, 11. 29-30.
Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami (Leyden, 10 vols., 1703-1706), vol.
10, col. 1403 C.
254
WILHELM SCHENK
* Allen, XI, letter 3120 (Melanchthon to Erasmus, May 1536): De scriptis contra
te hic editis quod fuerit meum iudicium, eo nihil hic dico quia non solum propter
privata officia, sed etiam propterea displicuerunt quia talia scripta sunt inutilia reipublicae. Neque hoc iudicium meum dissimulavi unquam, 11. 50-4.
2 Allen, VII, letter 1918 (Melanchthon to Erasmus, March 1528).
The Table-Talk of Martin Luther, trans. and edited Hazlitt (London, 1857), sec. 680.
ERASMUS A N D MELANCHTHON
255
256
WILHELM SCHENK
as are subject to reason. But it cannot, without the help of the Holy Ghost,
achieve justification. This, surely, is an outstanding example of Luthers
comparative indifference to dogmatic formulae. He trusted Melanchthon
(but not Erasmus) to reproduce the essential thing; for the rest he was glad
that he was not obliged to conduct the negotiations: I, he remarked,
could not tread so softly.
The actual negotiations at Augsburg centred round the second part of
the Confession, concerning ritual and discipline. There were three points
in particular that were regarded as being of primary importance: communion in both kinds, marriage of priests and certain alterations in the Mass.
Melanchthon alluded to these points when he wrote to the Papal Legate
Campeggio: We have no dogma different from the Roman Church.. . .
We are prepared to obey the Roman Church, if only she, with the clemency which she has always used towards all peoples, would modify or
relax some few matters which we, even if we would, could not alter. . . .
It is but a slight diversity of rites which seems to stand in the way of
concord.2 Melanchthon could not help feeling that his efforts were not
likely to be successful and he suffered much, at that time and later, from
moods of black despair. He was very apprehensive of the results that
further dissidia were bound to produce-war, revolutions, anarchy ;
like Erasmus, he was now overwhelmingly aware how difficult it was to
end a tumult once it had been aroused. It is significant that he wrote to
Erasmus from Augsburg, urging him to use his influence for peace.
Erasmus did in fact write several letters with that intention, but without
avail. Rome was not peacefully inclined and hoped to force the Lutherans
to submit altogether; the Emperor was not, at that moment, prepared to
go against Rome; the Protestant princes were jealous of their independence
and afraid to lose the church property they had obtained; and, perhaps
most important of all, Luther had no intention whatever to sanction a
peaceful settlement. Being under the Imperial ban he could not be present
at Augsburg, but on the August 26th, 1530 he wrote from Saxony: DOCtrinal concord is plainly impossible unless the Pope wishes to abolish the
Papacy. It is enough that we have submitted our Confession of Faith
and asked for peace: why do we hope to convert them to truth?3
Documents Illustrative of the Continental Reformation, ed. B. J. Kidd (Oxford,
1911), p. 266. sec. xviii.
Corpus Reformutorum, vol. 11, col. 170 (to Campeggio, July 1530): Parati sumus
obedire Ecclesiae Romanae, mod0 ut illa pro sua dementia, qua semper omnes gentes
usa est, pauca quaedam vel dissimulet, vel relaxet, quae iam mutare ne quidem si
velimus queamus.
Levis quaedam dissimilitudo rituum est, quae videtur obsistere
concordiae.
Kidd, op. cit., p. 296.
.. .
ERASMUS A N D M E L A N C H T H O N
257
258
WILHELM SCHENK
ERASMUS A N D MELANCHTHON
259
Corpus Reformutorum, vol. 111, col. 199-200 (to Philip Hass concerning the Anabaptists, 1536): Aus diesern ist nun klar, dass weltlich Obrigkeit schuldig ist, Gotteslasterung, falsche Lehre, Ketzereien und die Anhanger am Leib zu strafen. Cf. vol.
XII, col. 497; vol. XXI, col. 1012.