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landgrabbing) this is how Hacienda Luisita farmworkers under the Alyansa ng mga
Manggagawang-Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA), the local affiliate of the
national agriworkers federation Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA)
characterize the State of Hacienda Luisita under President BS Aquino. The presidents
Cojuangco-Aquino clan still controls the 6,453 hectare sugar estate.
Like his mother Corazon Cojuangco Aquino, President BS Aquino promised social justice
and land reform in Hacienda Luisita as part of his electoral campaign. But Aquinos actions speak differently. The Luisita
Watch network was formed in 2014 to document governments sham land distribution and the worsening human rights
situation in Hacienda Luisita. Will these be mentioned in Aquinos last State of the Nation Address on July 27?
THE LANDMARK SUPREME COURT DECISION
After years of struggle, Hacienda Luisita farmers were favoured finally by the Supreme Court with its November 2011
landmark decision for total land distribution and revocation of the Stock Distribution Option (SDO) scheme, which was
subsequently affirmed in a final and executory ruling on April 24, 2012.
This hard-earned victory of the farmers was met with active opposition and maneuvering from the Aquino-Cojuangco
camp led by President Aquino himself. Only a few months into his presidency, in 2010, during the Supreme Courts oral
arguments, the Aquino-Cojuangcos pushed for a compromise deal, to make it appear that farmers still wanted the
oppressive SDO scheme in place. Aquino only gave a token statement that he was divesting his shares in the estate, and
did nothing to stop his relatives from coercing and deceiving the farmers.
President BS Aquinos hyped anti-corruption crusade to have former Chief Justice Renato Corona impeached and
convicted is now widely seen as Aquinos first step to retain control of Hacienda Luisita. Corona was the principal
proponent of the 2012 SC decision to distribute Hacienda Luisita. Aquino boasts of the Corona conviction as a major
accomplishment of his Daang Matuwid, but the trial later appeared as an ugly act of reprisal involving millions of
taxpayers money coursed through the illegal Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) purportedly used by Aquino
to bribe Senator judges for an assured guilty verdict.
SHAM LAND REFORM
The implementation of the landmark Supreme Court decision is marred with much violence, anomaly and controversy.
AMBALA and UMA claim that land distribution in Hacienda Luisita is a sham for the following reasons:
Lot allocation through lottery drum (tambiolo) complemented reconcentration of land back to the
landlords. Physical land distribution superseded by the illicit and rampant lease and purchase deals led by
Aquino-Cojuangco dummies and other land speculators through disinformation, deception and coercion. ExLTO Chief Virginia Torres, a close Aquino ally, is one of the major aryendadors with hundreds of hectares of
land from supposed beneficiaries.
The exclusion of a number of bona fide farm workers in the final master list of beneficiaries, and the underhanded
insertion of names of unqualified ones.
The imposition of compulsory signing of promissory notes (Application to Purchase and Farmers Undertaking) to
ensure amortization payments. Luisita farmers are clamoring for free land distribution, a just demand given the
history of the estate.
The grant of overpriced landlord compensation to Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI)/Cojuangco-Aquinos -- P471.5
million, reported to be also coursed through the DAP.
The inept facilitation of the audit of P1.33 billion in assets that HLI and Centenary Holdings acquired from the
sale of agricultural land and the inaction on farm workers appeal for the revocation of a conversion order
covering 500 hectares. A solar power public-private partnership (PPP) project is now in place between the
Department of Energy and PetroGreen, a firm also owned by the Yuchengcos of RCBC, HLIs successor-ininterest in the disputed 500-hectare property.
The deceit and coercion of beneficiaries through false statements and excessive use of armed state forces during
the so-called distribution process.
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The exclusion of hundreds of hectares of agricultural land from distribution, thus causing confusion and dispute
among beneficiaries, and dislocation, too. The exclusion of other lands for distribution, such as what Tarlac
Development Corp. (Tadeco), Luisita Realty Corporation (LRC), Central Azucarera de Tarlac (CAT) and
many other corporate avatars of the Cojuangco-Aquinos is grabbing at present even though the DAR, under its
mandate, should subject other agricultural lands in the area to agrarian reform.
The purported sale of the sugar mill, Central Azucarera de Tarlac to businessman Martin Lorenzo in 2014 is
seen as a push to further evade land distribution and scrutiny of the Aquino-Cojuangcos sullied assets. The
Aquino-Cojuangcos, through Don Pedro Cojuangcos son, Fernando, remain major stockholders of CAT and a
new holding company, the CAT Resource and Assets Holdings, Inc (CRAHI). After widespread
retrenchment of workers in the sugar mill under new management, Luisita residents fear that land use
conversion and the unhampered entry of development projects will lead to dislocation of the farming
community.
The state of farmworkers in Hacienda Luisita reflects the situation of the Philippine peasantry under Aquino. Landlessness
and impunity is the reason why organized farmers reject another extension of the flawed Comprehensive Agrarian
Reform Program (CARP) and call for the passage of the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB or House Bill 252).
Despite the odds, farmers in Hacienda Luisita strive to pursue their land cultivation campaign bungkalan. For the
farmers, Hacienda Luisita alone is one glaring and compelling argument for President Aquinos ouster.
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