White Terror (Spain)

White Terror (Spain)
collective work Vctimas de la guerra civil (Victims of

the Civil War), which reaches 50,000 people;[10] Hugh
Thomas (55,000 people);[11] and Julin Casanova (fewer
than 60,000 people).[12] Meanwhile estimates of the
White Terrors death toll, such as Paul Preston's 200,000
people,[13] range from 150,000 to 400,000 people.[14][15]
The Law of Political Responsibilities (Ley de Responsabilidades Polticas), reformed in 1942 and in force until
1966,[16] was promulgated in 1939 in order to give a legal cover to the bloody repression carried out during the
dismantling of the Spanish republican institutions, as well
as to penalise those who had remained loyal to the legally
established government at the time of the July 1936 military rebellion against the Spanish Republic.[17]
Women pleading with rebels for lives of Republican prisoners,
Constantina, Seville, 1936.
The current Spanish government refuses to open the historical archives that would allow experts and historians
to throw light on the fate of victims of the Francoist
In Spain, the White Terror (also known as la Repre- regime.[18]
sin Franquista, the Francoist Repression) was the series of acts of politically-motivated violence, rape, and
other crimes committed by the Nationalist movement
during the Spanish Civil War (17 July 1936 to 1 April 1 Background
1939) and during Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1 October 1936 20 November 1975).[1] The mass killings The Second Spanish Republic was established on 14
of the Spanish Republican loyalists, which included April 1931, after the ight of King Alfonso XIII.
Popular Front adherents, liberals, Socialists, Trotskyites, The government, led by President Niceto AlcalCommunists, anarchists, Protestants, freethinkers and Zamora, instituted a reformist program, including agrarintellectuals, among others, such as those branded as ian reform,[19] separation of church and state,[20] the right
Catalan and Basque separatists and Freemasons,[2] octo divorce,[21] votes for women (November 1933),[22] recurred from the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, in form of the Spanish Army,[23] autonomy for Catalonia[24]
July 1936, and continued unabated until 1945.[3][4]
and the Basque Country (October 1936).[25] The proNationalist atrocities, which the authorities ordered to posed reforms were blocked by the right and reeradicate any trace of leftism in Spain, were common, jected by the far-left National Confederation of Labour
ideological practice. The notion of a limpieza (cleans- (Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo) or (CNT). The Reing) was an essential part of the right-wing rebel strategy, public suered attacks from the right (the failed coup
and the process of assassination began immediately af- of Sanjurjo in 1932), and the left (the uprising of Aster the nationalists had captured an area.[5] In the rebel- turias in 1934), as well as the impact of the Great Decontrolled zone, the nationalist military, the Civil Guard, pression.[26][27]
and the fascist Falange carried out the violence in name Nevertheless the Republic managed to survive. In Februof the regime, which was ideologically legitimized by the ary 1936 the Popular Front, a coalition of parties from the
Roman Catholic Church.[6][7]
left to the center right (Spanish Socialist Workers Party
Historians of the Spanish Civil War generally agree that
the death toll of the White Terror was greater than the
death toll of the Red Terror, because the White Terror
occurred as a matter of formal Nationalist policy. The
assassinations continued until 1945, six years after the
end of Spanish Civil War in 1939. Most estimates of
the Red Terrors death toll range from 38,000 to 72,344
people;[8][9] these estimates include, among others, the
(PSOE), Republican Left (IR), Republican Union Party

(UR), Communist Party (PCE), Workers Party of Marxist Unication (POUM), Republican Left of Catalonia
(ERC) among others)[28] won the general election and the
right started to plan an uprising against the Republic.[29]
Finally, on 17 July 1936, a part of the Spanish Army,
led by a group of far-right ocers (the generals Sanjurjo, Goded, Emilio Mola, Franco, Miguel Cabanellas,
1
Queipo de Llano and Varela among others) attempted a

coup against the government.[30][31] The coup failed but
the rebel troops, known as the Nationalists, held a large
part of Spain. The Spanish Civil War had started.
One of the leaders of the 1936 coup against Spains democratically elected government,[32] Franco, with his Nationalist forces and aided by Germany and Italy, nally
prevailed in 1939. He ruled the country for the next 36
years.[32] As well as mass killing, political prisoners were
sent to concentration camps[33] and homosexuals to mental institutions.[32]
BACKGROUND
was something which both areas had in common. But the main dierence was that in the
Republican zone the crimes were carried out
by the populace in moments of passion, not
by the authorities. The latter always tried to
stop them. The assistance that I received from
the Spanish Republican authorities in order to
ee to safety, is only one of the many examples. But this was not the case in the Nationalist zone.[16]
Historians such as Helen Graham,[39] Paul Preston,[40]

Antony Beevor,[41] Gabriel Jackson,[42] Hugh Thomas,
1.1 Red and White Terrors
and Ian Gibson[43] have concurred that the mass executions behind the Nationalist lines were organized and apIn the rst months following the outbreak of the war, proved by the Nationalist rebel authorities, while the exemost of the victims died as a result of mass executions cutions behind the Republican lines were the result of the
behind the Nationalist and Republican lines. According breakdown of the republican state and the anarchy:
to Stanley Payne:
During the rst months of the ghting most
of the deaths did not come from combat on the
battleeld but from political executions in the
rearthe Red and White terrors. In some
cases the murder of political opponents began
more or less spontaneously, but from the very
beginning there was always a certain degree of
organization, and nearly all the killings after
the rst few days were carried out by organized
groups.[34]
There were some elements in common between Republican and Nationalist repression. Large numbers were
killed in the course of removals of prisoners from prisons, the so-called sacas, and many others were killed after being taken for a ride (paseo).[35] Most of the victims of these sacas and paseos were executed by death
squads stemming from the trade unions and political party
militias (CNT, UGT and PCE militias among the republicans and Falange and Carlist militias among the
Nationalists), which were easily inltrated by gangs of
criminals.[36] Many executions were justied as a reprisal
for aerial bombings[37] and many others were denounced
out of envy and personal hatred.[38] Nevertheless, there
were signicant dierences between the two Terrors as
was emphasized by Francisco Partaloa, prosecutor of
the Madrid High Court of Justice (Tribunal Supremo de
Madrid) and Queipo de Llano's friend, who observed the
repression rst in the Republican and then in the Nationalist side:
I had the opportunity of being a witness to
the repression in both areas. In the Nationalist
side it was planned, methodical, cold. As they
did not trust the people the authorities imposed
their will by means of terror, committing atrocities in order to achieve their aim. Atrocities
also took place in the Popular Front zone; that
Though there was much wanton killing in

rebel Spain, the idea of the limpieza, the cleaning up of the country from the evils which
had overtaken it, was a disciplined policy of the
new authorities and a part of their programme
of regeneration. In republican Spain, most of
the killing was the consequence of anarchy, the
outcome of a national breakdown, and not the
work of the state; even though some political
parties in some cities abetted the enormities,
and even though some of those responsible ultimately rose to positions of authority.[37]
Stanley Payne believes that the violence in the Republican
zone was organized by the leftist parties:
In general, this was not an irrepressible
outpouring of hatred by the man in the street
for his oppressors, as it has sometimes been
painted, but a semi-organized activity carried
out by sections of nearly all the leftist groups.
In the entire leftist zone the only organized political party that eschewed involvement in such
activity were the Basque Nationalists.[44]
Payne also contends that, unlike the repression by the
right, which was concentrated against the most dangerous opposition elements, the Republican attacks were
more irrational, murdering innocent people and letting
some of the more dangerous go free. Moreover, one of
the main targets of the Red terror was the clergy, most of
whom were not engaged in overt opposition.[45] However, pro-Franco philosopher Miguel de Unamuno asserted that, unlike the murders in the areas held by the
Republic, the White Terror executions were methodical
and were orchestrated from the highest spheres. Unamuno denounced General Mola as the main proponent
of the systematic terror policy.
2.1
Goals and victims of the repression

No matter how many the atrocities perpetrated by the Reds... those perpetrated by the
Whites are greater... Murders without justication, such as two University lecturers, one
in Valladolid and another in Granada, just in
case they were Masonic, and Garca Lorca as
well. It is disgusting to be a Spaniard stuck in
Spain now. And all this is being directed by
General Mola, that poisonous beast full of resentment. I told that Spain would be saved by
Western Christian civilization, but the methods
employed are not civilized but militarized, not
Western, but African, not Christian, but from
an ancient Spanish traditionalism that is essentially anti-Christian.[46]
When news of the ruthless and systematic executions

of republicans by the rebel forces as part of General
Molas policy of instilling terror in loyalist ranks began
to lter to the areas held by the Republican government,
Defence Minister Indalecio Prieto made a fervent plea to
Spanish republicans:
... Don't imitate them! Don't imitate them!
Surpass them in moral conduct; surpass them
by being generous. I do not ask you, however,
that you should lose either strength in battle
or zeal in the ght. I ask for brave, hard and
steely breasts for the combat,... but with sensitive hearts, capable of shaking when faced with
human sorrow and being able to harbour mercy
and tender feelings, without which the most essential part of human greatness is lost.[47]
Right-wing writer and journalist Jos Mara Pemn, concerned about the numerous executions of republicans carried out daily by the faction he fervently supported, wrote
about a conversation he had with rebel General Miguel
Cabanellas in late 1936:
My General, I think that far too many
people have been, and are still being killed, by
the Nationalist side.
The General reected for about a full
minute and then answered grimly:
Yes.[48]
The Civil War
The White Terror commenced on 17 July 1936, the day

of the Nationalist coup d'tat, with hundreds of assassinations eected in the area controlled by the right-wing
rebels; but that terrorism had been planned before the
coup d'tat.[49][50][51] In the 30 June 1936 secret instructions for the coup d'tat in Morocco, General Emilio Mola
The Ruins of Guernica, destroyed by the Condor Legion of the

German Luftwae.
ordered the rebels to eliminate left-wing elements, communists, anarchists, union members, etc.[52] The White
Terror included the repression of political opponents in
areas occupied by the Nationalist, mass executions in areas captured from the Republicans, such as the Massacre
of Badajoz,[53][54] and looting.[55]
In The Spanish Labyrinth (1943),[56] Gerald Brenan said
that:
. . . thanks to the failure of the coup

dtat and to the eruption of the Falangist and
Carlist militias, with their previously prepared
lists of victims, the scale on which these executions took place exceeded all precedent. Andalusia, where the supporters of Franco were a
tiny minority, and where the military commander, General Queipo de Llano, was a pathological gure recalling the Conde de Espaa of
the First Carlist War, was drenched in blood.
The famous massacre of Badajoz was merely
the culminating act of a ritual that had already
been performed in every town and village in the
South-West of Spain.
Other examples include the bombing of civilian areas such as Guernica,[57][58] Madrid,[59][60] Mlaga,[61]
Almera,[62] Lrida,[63] Durango,[64][65] Granollers,[66]
Alcaiz,[67] Valencia[68] and Barcelona[69][70][71] by
the Luftwae (Legion Condor) and the Italian air
force (Aviazione Legionaria) (according to Gabriel
Jackson estimates range from 5,000 to 10,000 victims of the bombings),[72] killings of Republican
POWs,[73][74] rape,[75][76][77][78][79] forced disappearances [80] including whole Republican military units
such as the 221st Mixed Brigade-[81][82] and the establishment of Francoist prisons in the aftermath of the Republicans defeat.
Twenty-six republicans assassinated by fascists that belonged to

Francos Nationalists at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War,
between August and September of 1936, are buried in this mass
grave located at the small town of Estpar, in Northern Spain.
The excavation occurred in JulyAugust of 2014.
2.1
Goals and victims of the repression
The main goal of the White Terror was to terrify the

civil population who opposed the coup,[83][84][85] eliminate the supporters of the Second Spanish Republic and
the militants of the leftist parties,[86][87][88] and because
of this, some historians have considered the White Terror a genocide.[89][90] In fact, one of the leaders of the
coup, General Emilio Mola said:[91]
It is necessary to spread terror. We have
to create the impression of mastery eliminating
without scruples or hesitation all those who do
not think as we do. There can be no cowardice.
If we hesitate one moment and fail to proceed
with the greatest determination, we will not
win. Anyone who helps or hides a Communist or a supporter of the Popular Front will be
shot.
In areas controlled by the Nationalists, government ofcials, Popular Front politicians[92][93] (in the city of
Granada 23 of the 44 councillors of the citys corporation
were executed),[94] union leaders, teachers[95] (in the rst
weeks of the war hundreds of teachers were killed by the
Nationalists),[96] intellectuals (for example, in Granada,
between 26 July 1936 and 1 March 1939, the poet Federico Garca Lorca, the editor of the left-wing newspaper El Defensor de Granada, the professor of paediatrics in the Granada University, the rector of the university, the professor of political law, the professor of
pharmacy, the professor of history, the engineer of the
road to the top of the Sierra Morena and the best-known
doctor in the city were killed by the Nationalists,[97][98]
and in the city of Cordoba, nearly the entire republican elite, from deputies to booksellers, were executed
in August, September and December...),[99] suspected
Freemasons (in Huesca, where there were only twelve
Freemasons, the Nationalists killed a hundred suspected
THE CIVIL WAR
Freemasons),[100][101] Basque,[102] Catalan, Andalusian

or Galician nationalists (among them Manuel Carrasco
i Formiguera, leader of Democratic Union of Catalonia
Uni Democrtica de Catalunya, Alexandre Boveda, one
of the founders of the Partido Galeguista and Blas Infante, leader of the Andalusian nationalism),[103] military
ocers who had remained loyal to the government of
the Republic (among them the Army generals Domingo
Batet,[104] Enrique Salcedo Molinuevo, Miguel Campns,
Nicols Molero,[104] Nuez de Prado, Manuel Romerales
and Rogelio Caridad Pita),[105] and people suspected of
voting for the Popular Front[106] were targeted, usually
brought before local committees and imprisoned or executed. The living conditions in the improvised Nationalist
prisons were very harsh. One former Republican prisoner
declared:[107]
At times we were forty prisoners in a cell
built to accommodate two people. There were
two benches, each capable of seating three persons, and the oor to sleep on. For our private needs, there were only three chamberpots.
They had to be emptied into an old rusty cauldron which also served for washing our clothes.
We were forbidden to have food brought to us
from outside, and were given disgusting soup
cooked with soda ash which kept us in a constant state of dysentery. We were all in a deplorable state. The air was unbreathable and
the babies choked many nights for lack of oxygen...
To be imprisoned, according to the rebels,
was to lose all individuality. The most elementary human rights were unknown and people
were killed as easily as rabbits...
Because of this mass terror in many areas controlled
by the Nationalists, thousands of Republicans left
their homes and tried to hide in nearby forests or
mountains.[108][109][110] Many of these huidos later joined
the Spanish maquis,[111] the anti-Francoist guerrilla force
that continued to ght against the dictatorship in the postwar era. Hundreds of thousands of others ed to the areas
controlled by the Second Republic. In 1938 there were
more than one million refugees in Barcelona alone.[112]
In many cases, when someone ed the Nationalists executed their relatives. One witness in Zamora stated:
All the members of the Flechas family, both men and
women, were killed, a total of seven persons. A son succeeded in escaping, but in his place they killed his eightmonths-pregnant anc Transito Alonso and her mother,
Juana Ramos.[113] Furthermore, thousands of republicans joined Falange and the Nationalist army in order to
escape the repression. In fact, many supporters of the Nationalists referred to the Falange as our reds and to the
Falange's blue shirt as the salvavidas (life jacket).[114][115]
In Granada, one supporter of the Nationalists said:
2.3
Cooperation of the Spanish Church

The battalion was formed to give political prisoners, who would otherwise have been
shot, a chance either to redeem themselves on
the eld or else die with honour before enemy
re. In this way their children would not suer
the stigma of having had Red fathers.[116]
2.2
Death toll
Spanish Civil War grave sites. Location of known burial places.

Colors refer to the type of intervention that has been carried out.
Green: No Interventions Undertaken so far. White: Missing
grave. Yellow: Transferred to the Valle de los Cados. Red:
Fully or Partially Exhumed. Blue star: Valle de los Cados.
Source: Ministry of Justice of Spain
Estimates of executions behind the Nationalist lines

during the Spanish Civil War range from fewer than
50,000[44] to 200,000[117] (Hugh Thomas: 75,000,[118]
Secundino Serrano:
90,000;[119] Josep Fontana:
[120]
150,000;
and Julin Casanova: 100,000.[12][121] ).
Most of the victims were killed without a trial in the
rst months of the war and their corpses were left on
the sides of roads or in clandestine and unmarked mass
graves.[122][123] For example, in Valladolid only 374
ocially recorded victims of the repression of a total of
1,303 (there were many other unrecorded victims) were
executed after a trial,[124] and the historian Stanley Payne
in his work Fascism in Spain (1999), citing a study by
Cifuentes Checa and Maluenda Pons carried out over the
Nationalist-controlled city of Zaragoza and its environs,
refers to 3,117 killings, of which 2,578 took place in
1936.[125] He goes on to state that by 1938 the military
courts there were directing summary executions.[125]
Many of the executions in the course of the war were carried by militants of the fascist party Falange[126] (Falange
Espaola de las J.O.N.S.) or militants of the Carlist party
(Comunin Tradicionalista) militia (Requets), but with
the approval of the Nationalist government.[127]
2.3 Cooperation of the Spanish Church

The Spanish Church approved of the White Terror and
cooperated with the rebels.[74][128][129][130] According to
Antony Beevor: Cardinal Gom stated that 'Jews and
Masons poisoned the national soul with absurd doctrine'...
A few brave priests put their lives at risk by criticizing nationalist atrocities, but the majority of the clergy
in nationalist areas revelled in their new-found power
and the increased size of their congregations. Anyone
who did not attend mass faithfully was likely to be suspected of 'red' tendencies. Entrepreneurs made a great
money selling religious symbols... It was reminiscent of
the way the Inquisitions persecutions of Jews and Moors
helped make pork such an important part of the Spanish diet.[131] One witness in Zamora said: Many priests
acted very badly. The bishop of Zamora in 1936 was
more or less an assassinI don't remember his name.
He must be held responsible because prisoners appealed
to him to save their lives. All he would reply was that
the Reds had killed more people than the falangist were
killing.[132] Nevertheless the Nationalists killed at least
16 Basque nationalist priests (among them the arch-priest
of Mondragon),[133] and imprisoned or deported hundreds more.[134] Several priests who tried to halt the
killings[135] and at least one priest who was a Mason were
killed.[136]
Regarding the callous attitude of the Vatican, Manuel
Montero, lecturer of the University of the Basque Country commented on 6 May 2007:[137]
The Church, which upheld the idea of a

'National Crusade' in order to legitimize the
military rebellion, was a belligerent part during the Civil War, even at the cost of alienating
part of its members. It continues in a belligerent role in its unusual answer to the Historical
Memory Law by recurring to the beatication
of 498 martyrs of the Civil War. The priests
executed by Francos Army are not counted
among them. It continues to be a Church that
is incapable of transcending its one-sided behaviour of 70 years ago and amenable to the
fact that this past should always haunt us. In
this political use of granting religious recognition one can perceive its indignation regarding the compensations to the victims of Francoism. Its selective criteria regarding the religious persons that were part of its ranks are
dicult to fathom. The priests who were victims of the republicans are martyrs who died
forgiving, but those priests who were executed
by the Francoists are forgotten.
2.4
3 POST-WAR
Repression in the South and the Drive

to Madrid
See also: MlagaAlmera road massacre

The White Terror was especially harsh in the southern
part of Spain (Andalusia and Extremadura). The rebels
bombed and seized the working-class districts of the main
Andalusian cities in the rst days of the war,[138] and afterwards went on to execute thousands of workers and
militants of the leftist parties: in the city of Cordoba
4,000;[139] in the city of Granada 5,000;[140] in the city of
Seville 3,028;[141] and in the city of Huelva 2,000 killed
and 2,500 disappeared.[142] The city of Malaga, occupied by the Nationalists in February 1937 following the
Battle of Mlaga, experienced one of the harshest repressions following Francoist victory with an estimated total of 17,000 people summarily executed.[143][144][145][146]
Carlos Arias Navarro, then a young lawyer who as public
prosecutor signed thousands of execution warrants in the
trials set up by the triumphant rightists, became known
as The Butcher of Mlaga (Carnicero de Mlaga).[147]
Over 4,000 people were buried in mass graves.[148]
their doctrine of free love. And now they have

at least the acquaintance of real men, and not
milksops of militiamen. Kicking their legs
about and struggling won't save them.
3 Post-war
When Heinrich Himmler visited Spain in 1940, a year
after Francos victory, he was shocked by the brutality
of the Falangist repression.[162] In July 1939, the foreign
minister of the Fascist Italy, Ciano reported trials going
on every day at a speed which I would call almost summary... There are still a great number of shootings. In
Madrid alone, between 200 and 250 a day, in Barcelona
150, in Seville 80.[163] While authors like Payne have
cast doubts on the democratic leanings of the Republic,
fascism was clearly on the other.[162]
3.1 Repressive laws
According to Beevor, Spain was an open prison for all

those who opposed the dictatorship.[164] Until 1963, all
the opponents of the dictatorship were brought before
military courts.[165] A number of repressive laws were issued, including the Law of Political Responsibilities (Ley
de Responsabilidades Polticas) in February 1939, the
Law of Security of State (Ley de Seguridad del Estado) in
1941 (which regarded illegal propaganda or labour strikes
as military rebellion), the Law for the Repression of Masonry and Communism (Ley de Represin de la Mason[166]
and the Law
Paul Preston estimates the total number of victims of the era y el Comunismo) on 1 March 1940),
[155]
for
the
Repression
of
Banditry
and
Terrorism
(Ley para
Nationalists in Andalusia at 55,000.
la represin del Bandidaje y el Terrorismo) on April 1947,
which targeted the maquis.[164] Furthermore, in 1940 the
2.4.1 Troops of North Africa
Francoist dictatorship established the Tribunal for the
eradication of Freemasonry and Communism (Tribunal
See also: Mohamed Meziane
Especial para la Represin de la Masonera y el Comunismo).[167]
Even towns of rural areas were not spared the terror,
such as Lora del Rio in the province of Seville, where
the Nationalists killed 300 peasants as a reprisal for the
assassination of a local landowner.[149] In the province
of Crdoba the Nationalists killed 995 Republicans in
Puente Genil[150] and about 700 loyalists were murdered
by the orders of rebel Colonel Senz de Buruaga in
Baena,[151][152][153] although other estimates mention up
to 2,000 victims following the Baena Massacre.[154]
Furthermore the colonial troops of the Spanish Army

of Africa (Ejrcito de frica), mainly the Moroccan
regulares and the Spanish Legion, under the command of Colonel Juan Yage, in their advance towards Madrid from Sevilla through Andalusia and
Extremadura, killed dozens or hundreds in every town or
city conquered,[156][157] and several thousands of Republicans in the city of Badajoz.[158][159] Moreover the colonial troops raped many working-class women[76][160] and
looted the houses of the Republicans. Queipo de Llano,
one of the leaders of the Nationalists said:[161]
Our brave Legionaries and Regulares have
shown the red cowards what it means to be
a man. And, incidentally the wives of reds
too. These Communist and Anarchist women,
after all, have made themselves fair game by
Political parties and trade unions were forbidden, excepting the government party, Traditionalist Spanish Falange
and Oensive of the Unions of the National-Syndicalist
(Falange Espaola Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de
Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista or FET de las JONS), and
the ocial trade union Spanish Trade Union Organisation (Sindicato Vertical). Hundreds of militants and
supporters of the parties and trade unions declared illegal under Francos dictatorship, such as the Spanish
Socialist Workers Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Espaol), PSOE; the Communist Party of Spain (Partido Comunista de Espaa), PCE; the Workers General Union (Unin General de Trabajadores), UGT;
and the National Confederation of Labor (Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo), CNT, were imprisoned
or executed.[168] The regional languages like Basque and
Catalan were also forbidden,[169] and the statutes of au-
3.3
Fate of Republican exiles
tonomy of Catalonia[170] and the Basque country were

abolished. Censorship of the press (the Law of Press,
passed in April 1938)[171] and of cultural life was rigorously exercised and forbidden books destroyed.[172]
was necessary to remove the children of the Republican women from their mothers. Thousands of children
were taken from their mothers and handed over to Francoist families (in 1943 12,043).[164] Many of the mothers
were executed afterwards.[197][198] For mothers who had
a baby with themand there were manythe rst sign
3.2 Executions and forced labor
that they were to be executed was when their infant was
snatched from them. Everyone knew what this meant. A
At the end of the Spanish Civil War the executions mother whose little one was taken had only a few hours
of the enemies of the state continued (some 50,000 left to live.
people),[173][174] including the extrajudicial (death squad)
executions of members of the Spanish maquis (anti
Francoist guerrillas) and their supporters (los enlaces, 3.3 Fate of Republican exiles
the links);in the province of Crdoba 220 maquis and
160 enlaces were killed.[175][176] Thousands of men and Furthermore hundreds of thousands were forced into exwomen were imprisoned after the civil war in Francoist ile (470,000 in 1939),[199] among them many intellectuconcentration camps, approximately 367,000 to 500,000 als and artists who had supported the Republic[200] such
prisoners in 50 camps or prisons.[177] In 1933, before as Antonio Machado, Ramon J. Sender, Juan Ramon
the war, the prisons of Spain contained some 12,000 Jimenez, Rafael Alberti, Luis Cernuda, Pedro Salinas,
prisoners,[178] but, by 1940, one year after the end of the Manuel Altolaguirre, Emilio Prados, Max Aub, Franciso
civil war, there were 280,000 prisoners contained in more Ayala, Jorge Guilln, Len Felipe, Arturo Barea, Pablo
than 500 prisons throughout the country.[179][180] The Casals, Jess Bal y Gay, Rodolfo Halter, Julin Bautista,
principal purpose of the Francoist concentration camps Salvador Bacarisse, Josep Llus Sert, Margarita Xirgu,
was to classify the prisoners of war from the defeated Maruja Mallo, Claudio Snchez Albornoz, Americo CasSpanish Republic; those men and women classied as tro, Clara Campoamor, Victoria Kent, Pablo Picasso,
unrecoverable, were put to death.[181]
Maria Luisa Algarra, Alejandro Casona, Rosa Chacel,
After the war, the republican prisoners were sent to work Maria Zambrano, Josep Carner, Paulino Masip, Mara
in militarized penal colonies (Colonias Penales Milita- Teresa Len, Alfonso Castelao, Jose Gaos and Luis
[200]
rizadas), penal detachments (Destacamentos Penales) and Buuel.
disciplinary battalions of worker-soldiers (Batallones Disciplinarios de Soldados Trabajadores).[182] According to
Beevor, 90,000 republican prisoners were sent o to 121
labour battalions and 8,000 to military workshops.[183]
In 1939, Ciano said about the Republican prisoners of
war that: They are not prisoners of war, they are
slaves of war..[184] Thousands of prisoners (15,947 in
1943)[185] were forced to work building dams, highways,
the Guadalquivir Canal[186] (10,000 political prisoners
worked on its construction between 1940 and 1962),[187]
the Carabanchel Prison, the Valley of the Fallen (Valle
de los Cados) (20,000 political prisoners worked in its
construction)[186][188] and in coal mines in Asturias and
Leon.[174] The severe overcrowding of the prisons (according to Antony Beevor 270,000 prisoners were spread
around jails with capacity for 20,000),[174] poor sanitary conditions and the lack of food caused thousands
of deaths (4,663 prisoner deaths were recorded between
1939 and 1945 in 13 of the 50 Spanish provinces),[189]
among them the poet Miguel Hernndez[190] and the
politician Julin Besteiro.[191] Torture was systematic in
the Francoist prisons and concentration camps.[192] According to Gabriel Jackson, the number of victims of the
White Terror (executions and hunger or illness in prisons)
just between 1939 and 1943 was 200,000.[193]
A Francoist psychiatrist, Antonio Vallejo-Njera, carried
out so-called experiments on prisoners in the Francoist concentration camps in order to establish the biopsych roots of Marxism.[164][194][195][196] He said that it
Tanks of U.S. 11th Armored Division entering the Mauthausen concentration camp; banner in Spanish reads Antifascist
Spaniards greet the forces of liberation. The photo was taken on
6 May 1945
When Nazi Germany occupied France, Francos regime

encouraged the Germans to detain and deport thousands
of Republican refugees to the concentration camps.[201]
15,000 Spanish Republicans were deported to Dachau,
Buchenwald (including the writer Jorge Semprn),[202]
Bergen-Belsen, Sachsenhausen-Oranienburg (among
them the politician Francisco Largo Caballero),[203]
Auschwitz, Flossenburg[204] and Mauthausen (5,000
out of 7,200 Spanish prisoners at Mauthausen died
4 ESTIMATES
there).[205] Other Spanish Republicans were detained by

the Gestapo, handed over to Spain and executed, among
them Julin Zugazagoitia, Juan Peir, Francisco Cruz
Salido and Lluis Companys (president of the Generalitat
of Catalonia)[206] and another 15,000 were forced to
work building the Atlantic Wall.[197] Moreover, 4,000
Spanish Republicans were deported by the Nazis to
the occupied Channel Islands and were forced to work
building fortications; only 59 survived.[207] Because of
this, thousands of Spanish refugees (10,000 ghters in
1944) joined the French Resistance[208] among them
Colonel Carlos Romero Gimnezand the Free French
Forces.[205]
they would soil themselves in public),[217] sexual harassment and rape.[218] In many cases the houses and
goods of the widows of Republicans were conscated
by the government.[40] Because of this, many Republican women, living in total poverty, were forced into
prostitution.[219] According to Paul Preston: The increase in prostitution both beneted Francoist men who
thereby slaked their lust and also reassured them that 'red'
women were a fount of dirt and corruption.[220] Furthermore thousands of women were executed (for example the 13 roses), among them pregnant women. One
judge said: We cannot wait seven months to execute a
woman.[197]
Furthermore, under the Francoist legislation a woman

needed her husbands permission in order to take a job
3.4 Purges and labour discrimination
or open a bank account. Adultery by women was a
crime, adultery by the husband only if he lived with his
The Francoist dictatorship carried out extensive purges mistress.[221]
among the civil service. Thousands of army ocials loyal
to the Republic were expelled from the army.[209] Thousands of university and school teachers lost their jobs 3.6 Marriage law
(a quarter of all Spanish teachers).[210][211] Priority for
employment was always given to Nationalist supporters, The divorce and marriage legislation of the Republic
and it was necessary to have a good behavior certi- was retroactively reversed, with the divorces retroaccate from local Falangist ocials and parish priests.[212] tively unmade and the children of civil marriages made
Furthermore, the dictatorship encouraged tens of thou- illegitimate.[222]
sands of Spaniards to denounce their Republican neighbours and friends:[213][214][215]
Although this process has not been analysed in detail, the regime did all it could to encourage denunciation. The Code of Military
Justice that regulated the entire trial process effectively created a denouncers charter and allowed prosecutions to begin through any denunciation worthy of consideration. Denunciations did not even have to be signed before 1941. The radical nature of this rule
outanked even the Nazis eorts to root out
those they despised, indeed they took measures
to restrict self-interested denunciations. The
Franco regime also went to greater lengths to
encourage denunciations. Following the occupation of a village or town the new authorities
set up special denunciation centres and placed
announcements in newspapers and government
publications exhorting people to denounce Republicans. Francoists even made it an oence
not to register denunciations against Republicans known to have committed crimes.[216]
3.5
Suppression of womens rights
Republican women were also victims of the repression in post-war Spain. Thousands of women suered
public humiliation (being paraded naked through the
streets, being shaved and forced to ingest castor oil so
4 Estimates
Concrete gures do not exist, as many supporters and
sympathizers of the Republic ed Spain after losing the
Civil War. Furthermore the Francoist government destroyed thousands of documents relating to the White
Terror[223][224][225] and tried to hide the executions of the
Republicans.[226][227][228] Gabriel Jackson states that:[229]
Prisons records and the death registers are
misleading, since it is known that certicates
of release were regularly signed by or for men
who were then taken out and shot, and that certicates alleging heart attacks or apoplexy were
made out for corpses left on the open road. Execution techniques deliberately disgured the
corpses so as to make them unrecognizable.
Ocials of the time have testied that families
were afraid to report missing male members,
and did not come to identify the bodies of the
dead.
Thousands of victims of the White Terror are buried in
hundreds of unmarked common graves (over 2,000),[230]
more than 600 in Andalusia alone.[231] The largest of
these is the common grave at San Rafael cemetery on
the outskirts of Malaga (with perhaps more than 4,000
bodies).[232] The Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (Asociacin para la Recuperacin de la
9
Memoria Historica or ARMH)[233] says that the number
of disappeared is over 35,000.[234]
5 Aftermath
Estimates range from 150,000[235] victims to

400,000;[236] for example, in the collective work
Victimas de la guerra civil: 150,000;[237] the Spanish
historian Josep Fontana: 175,000;[238] Hugh Thomas:
175,000;[239] Paul Preston: 180,000;[240] Antony Beevor:
200,000;[241] and Gabriel Jackson: 400,000.[117] There
are, however, regional and partial gures. For example,
in the province of Crdoba the victims of the White Terror number 9,579[242] (the historian Francisco Moreno
Gomez has increased the number to 11,581).[176] , On
the other hand, the victims of the Red Terror in the same
province come to 2,060.[237] Other provincial number
breakdowns are as follows:
The last concentration camp, at Miranda de Ebro, was

closed in 1947.[250] By the early 1950s the parties and
trade unions made illegal by the Francos dictatorship had
been decimated by the Francoist police, and the Spanish
maquis had ceased to exist as an organized resistance.[251]
Nevertheless, new forms of opposition started like the unrest in the universities and strikes in Barcelona, Madrid
and Vizcaya. The 1960s saw the start of the labour
strikes led by the illegal union trade Workers Commissions (Comisiones Obreras), linked to the Communist
Party of Spain and the protest in the universities continued to grow. Finally, with Francos death in 1975, the
Spanish transition to democracy commenced and in 1978
the Spanish Constitution of 1978 was approved.
Sevilla province: White Terror 8,000, Red Terror After Francos death the Spanish government approved
480;[237]
an Amnesty Law (Ley de Amnistia de 1977) which
granted pardon for all political crimes committed by
Granada province: White Terror 5,048 (including the supporters of the dictatorship (including the White
the poet Federico Garca Lorca),[243] Red Terror Terror)[252] and by the democratic opposition. Neverthe994;[237]
less, in October 2008 a Spanish judge, Baltasar Garzn,
Zaragoza province: White Terror 6,029, Red Terror of the National Court of Spain authorized, for the rst
time, an investigation into the disappearance and assas742;[237]
sination of 114,000 victims of the dictatorship between
Valencia province: White Terror 3,128, Red Terror 1936 and 1952.[253] This investigation proceeded on the
basis of the notion that this mass-murder constituted a
2,844;[237]
Crime Against Humanity which cannot be subject to any
Mlaga province: White Terror 7,000, Red Terror amnesty or statute of limitations.[254] As a result, in May
2,607;[237]
2010, Mr. Garzn was accused of violating the terms of
the general amnesty and his powers as a jurist have been
[237]
Navarra: White Terror 2,789, Red Terror zero;
suspended pending further investigation.[255] In Septem Zamora province: White Terror 3,000, Red Terror ber 2010, the Argentine justice reopened a probe into
crimes committed during the Spanish Civil War and durzero;[91]
ing the Francos dictatorship.[256] Amnesty International,
Valladolid province: White Terror 3,430, Red Ter- Human Rights Watch,[257] the Council of Europe[258] and
ror zero;[244]
United Nations have asked the Spanish government to investigate the crimes of Francos dictatorship.[259]
[237]
La Rioja: White Terror 2,000, Red Terror zero;
Asturias: White Terror 5,592;[237]
Cdiz province: White Terror 3,000, Red Terror
95;[245]
and in the eastern part of the province of Badajoz,
the White Terror killed 6,600 while the Red Terror
claimed 243.[246]
According to the historian Francisco Espinosa, the victims of the Nationalists in only ve Spanish provinces
(Seville, Cdiz, Huelva, a part of Badajoz and a part of
Cordoba) out of fty were 25,000.[247] The historian Paul
Preston says that the number of victims judicially executed in 36 out 50 Spanish provinces were 92,462 (many
other victims were executed without a trial).[248] They
died either as a result of the Nationalist repression during
the war or as a result of the Franco dictatorships repression after the war.[249]
6 See also
Spanish Civil War
Spain under Franco
Red Terror in Spain
Law of Historical Memory
Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory
Suppression of Freemasonry (Spain)
List of people executed by Francoist Spain
Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic
Esteban de Bilbao Egua
10
8 NOTES
Desaparecidos del franquismo

Les grands cimetires sous la lune
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8 Notes
[1] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain: The Spanish
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[2] Encyclopdia Britannica, 15th ed., vol. 21, p. 836.
[3] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, revolution
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[4] Graham, Helen. The Spanish Civil War: A Very Short Introduction Oxford University Press (2005) p. 136.
[5] Beevor (2006). p. 98.
[6] Beevor (2006). pp. 8889.
[7] El silencio de los obispos: La Iglesia Catlica de Espaa
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[8] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil
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[9] de la Cueva, Julio. Religious Persecution, Journal of
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Contemporary History, 3, 198, pp. 355-369.
Maria; Villarroya, Joan; and Moreno, Francisco.
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1999. Madrid. ISBN 84-7880-983-X
Editorial Temas de Hoy. Madrid. 1999. p. 410.
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2001. London. p. 900.
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[12] Casanova, Julin. The Spanish Republic and Civil War.
Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction,

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revolution & revenge. Harper Perennial. 2006.
London. ISBN 978-0-00-723207-9 ISBN 0-00- [13] Preston, Paul. (2012). The Spanish Holocaust Harper
723207-1
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11
[14] Julin Casanova, Francisco Espinosa, Conxita Mir, Francisco Moreno Gmez. Morir, matar, sobrevivir. La
violencia en la dictadura de Franco. Editorial Crtica.
Barcelona. 2002. p. 8.
[15] Richards, Michael. A Time of Silence: Civil War and the
Culture of Repression in Francos Spain, 1936-1945. Cambridge University Press. 1998. p.11
[16] Cuadernos de historia (Santiago) - LA REPRESIN: EL
ADN DEL FRANQUISMO ESPAOL. Retrieved 8
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[17] La Ley de Responsabilidades Polticas, un arma ms de
represin durante el franquismo. Los ojos de Hipatia. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
[18] CARMEN REMREZ DE GANUZA (29 March 2015).
Los historiadores, contra Margallo por negarse a abrir los
archivos. ELMUNDO. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
[19] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain, The Spanish Civil
War 1936-1939. Penguin Books. 2006. London. p.22
and 25
[20] Graham, Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A Very Short
Introduction. Oxford University Press. 2005. p.7
[21] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
& revenge. Harper Perennial. 2006. London. p.54
[27] Gibson, Ian. The Assassination of Federico Garcia Lorca.
Penguin Books. London. 1983. p.28
[32] Farewell To Franco. TIME.com. 13 November 2005.
Retrieved 8 May 2015.
[33] Portada - [La Virreina] Centre de la Imatge. Retrieved
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[34] Payne, Stanley G. A History of Spain and Portugal Vol.
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[37] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books.
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London. 2001. pp.264-265
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[42] Jackson, Gabriel. The Spanish Republic and the Civil War,
1931-1939 Princeton University Press. 1967. Princeton.
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[43] Gibson, Ian. The Assassination of Federico Garca Lorca.
[44] Chapter 26: A History of Spain and Portugal vol. 2.
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[45] Payne p. 650
[46] Miguel de Unamunos letter to the ABC director in Seville
in: Gonzalo Redondo, Historia de la Iglesia en Espaa,
1931-1939: La Guerra Civil, 1936-1939 p. 155
[47] No los imitis! No los imitis! Superadlos en vuestra conducta moral; superadlos en vuestra generosidad. Yo no
os pido, conste, que perdis vigor en la lucha, ardor en
la pelea. Pido pechos duros para el combate, duros, de
acero, como se denominan algunas de las milicias valientes
-pechos de acero-- pero corazones sensibles, capaces de estremecerse ante el dolor humano y de ser albergue de la
piedad, tierno sentimiento, sin el cual parece que se pierde
lo ms esencial de la grandeza humana. Wikiquote, Indalecio Prieto
[48] Jos Mara Pemn, Mis almuerzos con gente importante,
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[49] Espinosa, Francisco. Contra el olvido. Historia y memoria
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p.288-289
[51] The Republican mayor of Melilla was the rst person to
be shot by the rebels in July 1936. Herreros, Isabelo. El
Alczar de Toledo: Mitologa de la cruzada de Franco Ediciones VOSA SL, 1995 ISBN 84-8218-003-7, ISBN 97884-8218-003-8
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12
[53] Southworth, Herbert R. El mito de la cruzada de Franco.

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& revenge. Harper Perennial. 2006. London. pp.120-121
[55] JSantos uli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat,
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guerra civil. Ediciones Temas de Hoy. 1999. Madrid.
pp.343-349
[56] Brenan, Gerald. The Spanish Labyrinth pp. 321-322
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[57] CVC. Corresponsales en la Guerra de Espaa. Crnicas.
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[60] YOUTUBE (SIEGE OF MADRID)".
[61] Borkenau, Franz. El reidero espaol. Iberica de ediciones y publicaciones.Barcelona. 1977. p.173
[62] Abella, Rafael. La vida cotidiana durante la guerra civil:
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Guernica was not the only town bombarded by German
planes. The front page headlines of the Diario de Almeria,
dated June 3, 1937, referred to the press in London and
Paris carrying the news of the criminal bombardment of
Almeria by German planes.
[63] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat,
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Madrid. p.227
Joan Villarroya and Francisco Moreno. Victimas de la
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[65] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil
[66] Granollers City Council web site: History and heritage
8 NOTES

Joan Villarroya and Francisco Moreno Victimas de la
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[78] Espinosa, Francisco. La justicia de Queipo. Editorial
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Random House Mondadori. 2008. Barcelona. p.403
[81] 221 Brigada Mixta. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
[82] Re: necesito ayuda datos de la brigada mixta 221 y 222
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London. 2001. p.248
[85] Graham,Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. 2005. p.34
[86] Graham,Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. 2005. p.29
[87] Casanova, Julan; Espinosa, Francisco; Mir, Conxita;
Moreno Gmez, Francisco. Morir, matar, sobrevivir. La
Barcelona. 2002. p.84
Random House Mondadori. 2008. Barcelona. p.375
[89] Serrano, Secundino. Maquis. Historia de una guerrilla

antifranquista. Ediciones Temas de hoy. 2001. Madrid.
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[68] DB Error: Access denied for user 'ojs-user'@'localhost'

(using password: YES)". Retrieved 8 May 2015.
[90] Moreno Gmez, Francisco. 1936: el genocidio franquista

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[91] Preston, Paul.The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution

[70] BARCELONA BOMBARDEADA (SPANISH)".

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[71] YOUTUBE(SPANISH)".
1931-1939. Princeton University Press. 1967. Princeton.
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p. 99.
13
[94] Gibson, Ian. The Assassination of Federico Garcia Lorca. [114] Preston, Paul.The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
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[95] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat, [115] Jackson, Gabriel. The Spanish republic and the Civil War,
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[116] Gibson, Ian. The Assassination of Federico Garca Lorca.
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[97] Gibson, Ian. The Assassination of Federico Garcia Lorca.
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[98] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books. [118] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books.
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[99] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books. [119] Serrano, Secundino. Maquis. Historia de una guerrilla
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[100] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat, [120] Fontana, Josep, ed. Espaa bajo el franquismo. Editorial
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[121] Casanova, Julin; Espinoa, Francisco; Mir, Conxita;
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[102] Jackson, Gabriel. The Spanish Republic and the Civil War, [122] Preston, Paul. Doves of War. Four women of Spain.
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[105]
[106]
[107]
[108]
[109]
[110]
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[132] Sender Barayn, Ramon. A death in Zamora. Calm unity
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[112] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil [133] , Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil War
1936-1939. Penguin Books. 2006. London. pp.82-83
[113] Sender Barayn, Ramon. A death in Zamora. Calm unity [134] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books.
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8 NOTES
[135] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books. [159] Espinosa, Francisco. La columna de la muerte. El avance
2001. London. pp.251-252
del ejrcito franquista de Sevilla a Badajoz. Editorial
Crtica. Barcelona. 2002. p.432
[136] Freemasonry and the Spanish Civil War: Part I, the Path
to War http://www.freemasonrytoday.com/29/p10.php [160] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil
War 1936-1939. Penguin Books. 2006. London. p.91-92
[137] Manuel Montero a El Pas, 6/5/2007, Otros mrtires
de la Guerra Civil
[162] Packer, George The Spanish Prisoner The New Yorker

October 31, 2005
London. 2001. pp.898
guerra civil. Ediciones Temas de Hoy. 1999. Madrid. [165] >Graham, Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A Very Short
p.410
[142] Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil [166] http://revistes.iec.cat/revistes/index.php/CHR/article/
viewFile/639/CHR108_133 The francoist repression in
the Catalan countries. Conxita Mir
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[144] La Opinin de Mlaga. San Rafael: la mayor fosa del
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[147] Hugh Thomas: Historia de la Guerra Civil Espaola;

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[151] LA CREATURA HISTERIADORA DER betin, autor
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[153] Paul Preston (2012). The Spanish Holocaust. New York:
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Crtica. Barcelona. 2002. pp.431-433
[158] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution [178] Tusell, Javier. La dictadura de Franco. Ediciones Altaya.
Madrid. 1996. p. 227.
15
[179] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Mara Sol I Sabat, [197] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
Joan Villarroya and Francisco Moreno. Vctimas de la
[198] Sender Barayn, Ramon. A death in Zamora. Calm unity
p. 288.
press. 2003. p.224
Joan Villarroya and Francisco Moreno. Victimas de la [199] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat,
p. 291.
p.283
[181] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, Revolu[200] http://www.hispanicexile.bham.ac.uk/
tion & Revenge Harper Perennial. 2006. p.308.
[182] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution [201] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
& revenge. Harper Perennial. 2006.p.309
[183] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil [202] Beevor, Antony. The battle for Spain. The spanish civil
war 1936-1939. Penguin Books. 2006. London. p.492
[184] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution [203] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil
[185] Casanova, Julan; Espinosa, Francisco; Mir, Conxita; [204] The Human Rights Blog
violencia en la dictadura de Franco. Editorial Crtcica.
Barcelona. 2002. pp.24-26
& revenge. Harper Perennial. 2006.p.314-315
[209] Tusell, Javier. La dictadura de Franco. Ediciones Altaya.

Madrid. 1996. p.174
violencia en la dictadura de Franco. Editorial Crtica. [210] Graham, Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A Very Short
Introduction Oxford University Press. 2005. pp.132
[190] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat, [211] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil
War 1936-1939. Penguin Books. 2006. London. p. 408
p.292
Introduction Oxford University Press. 2005. pp.134-135
Joan Villarroya and Francisco Moreno.Victimas de la [214] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil
War 1936-1939. Penguin Books. 2006. London. pp.
pp. 301-308 and p. 310
408-409
[193] Jackson, Gabriel. The Spanish Republic and the Civil War, [215] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
p.539
[216] Anderson, Peter (January 2009). Singling Out Victims:
[194] Psychology in Francoist Concentration Camps (1997)
Denunciation and Collusion. European History Quarterly
in Psychology in Spain, published by the Spanish College
39 (1): 16. doi:10.1177/0265691408097364.
of Psychologists
[217] Richards, Michael. A Time of Silence: Civil War and the
Culture of Repression in Francos Spain, 1936-1945. Cam& revenge. Harper Perennial. 2006. London. p.310
bridge University Press. 1998. p. 55
[196] Giles Tremlett. Spain under Franco: 'Marxists are re- [218] Preston, Paul. Doves of War. Four women of Spain.
tards". the Guardian. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
16
8 NOTES
[219] Preston, Paul. Doves of War. Four women of Spain. [239] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books.
London. 2001. pp.900-901
[220] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution [240] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
[221] Tremlett, Giles. Ghosts of Spain. Faber and Faber Ltd. [241] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil
2006. London. p. 211.
[222] Graham, Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A Very Short [242] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
Introduction Oxford University Press. 2005. p. 134.
& revenge Harper Perennial. 2006. London. p.202
[223] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution [243] Gibson, Ian. The Assassination of Federico Garca Lorca.
[224] Espinosa, Francisco. La justicia de Queipo. Editorial [244] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
[225] Espinosa, Francisco. Contra el olvido. Historia y memoria [245] Espinosa, Francisco. Contra el olvido. Historia y memoria
p.131
p.290
[246] Espinosa, Francisco. La columna de la muerte. El avance
[227] Fontana, Josep, ed. Espaa bajo el franquismo. Editorial
Crtica. 2006. Barcelona. pp.172-173


& revenge Harper Perennial. 2006. London. p.302
p.534
War 1936-1939 (Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 2006), p.94.
[230] Tremlett, Giles (5 May 2011). Spanish civil war victims
bodies nally removed from mass grave. The Guardian [250] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
(London).
[231] Moreno Gmez, Francisco. 1936: el genocidio franquista [251] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat,
p.388
[232] A chilling summer. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
[233] Opening Francos Graves, by Mike Elkin Archaeol- [252] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution
ogy Volume 59 Number 5, September/October 2006.
Archaeological Institute of America
[253] At Last, Spain Faces Up to Francos Guilt TIME
[234] Silva, Emilio. Las fosas de Franco. Crnica de un desagravio. Ediciones Temas de Hoy. 2006. Madrid. p. [254] Ediciones El Pas. Garzn atribuye a Franco un plan de
exterminio sistemtico de los 'rojos". EL PAS. Retrieved
110
8 May 2015.
[235] Casanova, Julan; Espinosa, Francisco; MIR, Conxita;
Moreno Gmez, Francisco. Morir, matar, sobrevivir. La [255] Tremlett, Giles (14 May 2010). Judge Baltasar Garzn
suspended over Franco investigation. The Guardian
(London).
[236] Richards, Michael. A Time of Silence: Civil War and the [256] Argentine court reopens Franco probe. BBC News. 4
Culture of Repression in Francos Spain, 1936-1945. CamSeptember 2010.
bridge University Press. 1998. p.11.
[257] Spain: End Amnesty for Franco Era Atrocities - Human
Rights Watch. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
guerra civil. Ediciones Temas de Hoy. 1999. Madrid. [258] http://assembly.coe.int/Documents/WorkingDocs/
Doc05/EDOC10737.pdf
pp.411-412
[238] Fontana, Josep. ed. Espaa bajo el franquismo. Editorial [259] No Global Exception When Investigating Crimes Past
Amnesty International
17
External links
Time- Spain Faces Up to Francos Guilt
Newsweek- War Bones
Francos Crimes
Amnesty International-Spain, The Long History of
Truth
Civil War in Galicia
THE LIMITS OF QUANTIFICATION: FRANCOIST REPRESSION
Psychology in Francoist Concentration Camps
(1997) in Psychology in Spain, published by the
Spanish College of Psychologists
Times Online- The lost childrens of the francoism
Slave Labourers and Slave Labour Camps Spanish
Republicans in the Channel Islands
The return of the Republican memory in Spain
The francoist repression in the Catalan countries.
Conxita Mir
The francoist repression in a small spanish town
Singling Out Victims: Denunciation and Collusion
in the Post-Civil War Francoist Repression in Spain,
19391945
Francos Carnival of death. Paul Preston.
10
Bibliography
Lafuente, Isaas, Esclavos por la patria. La explotacin de los presos bajo el franquismo, Madrid,
Temas de Hoy, 2002.
Llarch, Joan, Campos de concentracin en la Espaa de Franco, Barcelona, Producciones Editoriales, 1978.
Molinero, C., Sala, M., i Sobrequs, J., Los campos
de concentracin y el mundo penitenciario en Espaa
durante la guerra civil y el franquismo, Barcelona,
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Molinero, C., Sala, M., i Sobrequs, J., Una inmensa
prisin, Barcelona, Crtica, 2003.
Rodrigo, Javier: Cautivos. Campos de concentracin
en la Espaa franquista, 19361947, Barcelona,
Crtica, 2005.
18
11
11
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Images
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collective work Vctimas de la guerra civil (Victims of

(PSOE), Republican Left (IR), Republican Union Party

Queipo de Llano and Varela among others) attempted a

Historians such as Helen Graham,[39] Paul Preston,[40]

Though there was much wanton killing in

Goals and victims of the repression

When news of the ruthless and systematic executions

The Civil War

The White Terror commenced on 17 July 1936, the day

The Ruins of Guernica, destroyed by the Condor Legion of the

. . . thanks to the failure of the coup

Twenty-six republicans assassinated by fascists that belonged to

Goals and victims of the repression

The main goal of the White Terror was to terrify the

THE CIVIL WAR

Freemasons),[100][101] Basque,[102] Catalan, Andalusian

Cooperation of the Spanish Church

Spanish Civil War grave sites. Location of known burial places.

Estimates of executions behind the Nationalist lines

2.3 Cooperation of the Spanish Church

The Church, which upheld the idea of a

Repression in the South and the Drive

See also: MlagaAlmera road massacre

their doctrine of free love. And now they have

3.1 Repressive laws

According to Beevor, Spain was an open prison for all

Furthermore the colonial troops of the Spanish Army

Fate of Republican exiles

tonomy of Catalonia[170] and the Basque country were

When Nazi Germany occupied France, Francos regime

there).[205] Other Spanish Republicans were detained by

Furthermore, under the Francoist legislation a woman

Suppression of womens rights

Estimates range from 150,000[235] victims to

The last concentration camp, at Miranda de Ebro, was

Desaparecidos del franquismo

Preston, Paul. Doves of War. Four women of Spain.

Juli, Santos; Casanova, Julin; Sol I Sabat, Josep

Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction,

[35] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution

[53] Southworth, Herbert R. El mito de la cruzada de Franco.

[73] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution

[89] Serrano, Secundino. Maquis. Historia de una guerrilla

[68] DB Error: Access denied for user 'ojs-user'@'localhost'

[90] Moreno Gmez, Francisco. 1936: el genocidio franquista

[69] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution

[91] Preston, Paul.The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution

[70] BARCELONA BOMBARDEADA (SPANISH)".

[92] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books.

[93] Santos Juli, Julin Casanova, Josep Maria Sol I Sabat,

& revenge. Harper Perennial. 2006. London. p.206

[162] Packer, George The Spanish Prisoner The New Yorker

[167] Graham, Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A Very Short

[147] Hugh Thomas: Historia de la Guerra Civil Espaola;

[173] Casanova, Julin; Espinosa, Francisco; Mir, Conxita;

[155] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution

[175] Serrano, Secundino. Maquis. Historia de una guerrilla

[209] Tusell, Javier. La dictadura de Franco. Ediciones Altaya.

[247] Espinosa, Francisco. La justicia de Queipo. Editorial

[248] Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution

TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

White Terror (Spain) Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_Terror_(Spain)?oldid=670517484 Contributors: William Avery,