Contents

The Social and Historical Perspective.....................................................2

Pattern of Development......................................................................4
Political History................................................................................. 10
Peninsular and All India perspective..................................................13
North Indian Impact and Influence....................................................14
Political and Economic Conditions.....................................................19
Literature and Political History..........................................................30

The Social and Historical Perspective

If literary, archaeological and epigraphical analyses and the political
and dynastic histories that are based on them are but outline sketches
for a full and comprehensive social history, such a social history of
Tamilnad is yet to come. A study of a cultural institution like drama is
one effort towards that end. But its basic characteristic of social
relevance demands a prefatory outline of the social features of the
period. An attempt is made in this chapter to provide that sociopolitical context of Tamil culture up to the period of Cil.
Since the publication of Kanakasabhaipillai's The Tamils 1800 Years Ago
(1904) this had been the subject of many scholarly treatises, the most
important of which are M. Srinivasa Iyengar's Tamil Studies, S. K.
Aiyangar's several papers and books (important among which are
Beginnings of South Indian History and Some Contribution of South
India to Indian Culture), P.T. Srinivas Iyengar's Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture,
and History of the Tamils from the Earliest Times to 600 A.D.,
Ramachandra Dikshithar's Studies in Tamil Literature and History,
Nilakanta Sastri's The Pandyan Kingdom, The Colas and A History of
South India, Sesha Aiyar's Cera Kings of the Sangam Age (1937),
Vithiananthan's Tamilar Calpu, Singaravelu's Social Life of the Tamils
and Subrahmanian's Sangam Polity.
Except for P.T.S. Iyengar, Sesha Aiyar, Vithiananthan and Sastri (only in
HSI) others take the entire period up to Cil. as one `age' that exhibits
common features. This age division hinged on the question of the date
of Cil. and its admissibility as one among the Cankam corpus.
Increasing knowledge has helped to take a clearer view of the
development and this process is, interestingly enough, seen in the
writings of Sastri who contributed most to make South Indian History
scientific. In his chapter on "Government and Social Life in the Sangam
Age" in Colas (1955) he said, "Our course must be to treat the entire
corpus of Cankam works (including also the Cil. and the Mani. in this
description but making more cautious use of them), as depicting the
culture of a definite epoch extending over a period of three centuries."
But in HSI, when discussing "the social and economic conditions of the
(Cankam) age, the cultural ideas and ideas accepted and cherished by
2

the people, of the institutions and activities which embodied and

sustained them" he does not bring in Cil. and Mani. as evidence and
quite categorically states that they belong to the 'dark' age of the postCankam era. He mentions Kural once but adds it is 'clearly a postCankam work.'
Srinivas Iyengar in his HT gives a phased history of the period. Taking
the amount of Sktic ideas and words mentioned in the works as the
criterion, he treated Cil. as the last of the works that arose before 600
A.D. and deduced the pre-Aryan culture from the third book of Tol. His
Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture is based on a study of words which the Tamil
Language possessed before it came into any kind of contact with Skt.
Without going into questions like the variations between the South
Indian and North Indian rescensions of Mahabharata, he traced the
history of Tamilnad in relation to North India from 3000 B.C. Besides the
dating of some of the Cankam texts, his phasing of the earlier period
was arbitrary. But in his writings we find an effort made to synthesize
the data obtained from the various fields like archaeology and
ethnology for social history, and this, above all, reveals the basic
correctness of his method.
Vithiananthan's study, though comprehensive, is confined only to the
Cankam period and does not extend up to the period of Cil.
Sastri, by his study of the Colas and Paritiyas, has provided the political
chronology for this period. The preoccupation with the dynasties has
led him to call the post-Cankam era a dark period, mainly because the
political chronology of that period is not clear.' His insistence on
describing it a 'dark period,' inspite of the evidence he himself cites for
political, economic and religious activities, and inspite of his admission
that major literary works like Cil. and Mani. belong to that period, only
shows that his criterion of a well-lit period is availability of information
on the chronology and geneology of kings. This attitude, as Romila
Thapar observes, reflects a phase in Indian historiography, when
"historical writing was mainly narrative of dynastic political history."
Sastri's main concern for dynastic history has also made him to treat
Political History, Government, Social and Economic conditions, Religion
and literature, as mutually exclusive topics. This manner of
compartmentalisation makes one lose sight of the important features
3

of the period, especially that of the earliest phase where such

compartmentalisation is not possible. But it should not be forgotten
that Sastri's work on South Indian history "created a new awareness of
the history of the subcontinent by bringing the history of the South into
perspective."
The great variations seen in the assessment of the impact of Sanskrit
and Aryans is another feature of these writings. Kanakasabhaipillai
emphasised the political independence and cultural achievements of
the Tamils of the ancient period. Srinivas Iyengar emphasised that the
Tamils had a culture based on social democracy before they came into
contact with the Aryans. Sastri, though in HSI said that he "had no
thesis to maintain and any lessons that the story may suggest he is
well content to let the reader draw for himself," has in CHT, inspite of
his declared intention "not to present the story in any isolationist or
chauvinist spirit," thought it fit to cite Caldwell, who wrote at a time
when all the earliest literatures were not brought to light, as evidence
for the `rather primitive and poorish culture' the pre-Aryan Tamils had.
These reveal the difficulties one has in getting a full and integrated
view of ancient Tamil society.
But any effort to study the social conditions of the period should not fail
to take into count the advances made in the field of Tamil literary
studies. Recent studies show that Cankam texts and Cil. do not reflect
the same age. It is important to note that the linguistic changes,
religious syncreticisms and changes in literary forms we have
discussed in relation to the date of Cll., are indices of social change too.
Literary change is both the cause and effect of social change and it
reflects consciously and unconsciously the undercurrents of political,
economic and social dynamism. These variations in form and function
we have observed in the texts will not permit us to take the view that
the social life depicted in that corpus was the same throughout.

Pattern of Development
No student of Indian geo-politics will fail to observe the pattern
whereby growth and stagnation exist side by side. The archaeologist,
by virtue of his trade, sees more of this than any other worker in the
field of ancient history. Alichins summarise the position thus: "It is
4

worth stressing once more that in the past, as today, in addition to the
normal range of sites of different size and importance by which any
particular cultural phase is always represented, throughtout the
subcontinent distinct cultural groups at very different levels are to be
found living in more or less close proximity to one another."
Subbarao, another archaeologist, on the basis of the idea of the
'nuclear regions' given by Spatel explained the phenomenon as follows:
"Accepting this fundamental concept of 'areas of attraction,
relative isolation and isolation,' the whole pattern of development can be defined as one of horizontal expansion, contraction
and isolation of lower cultures in different parts of the country at
different periods and at different cultural levels. The divergence
in the country is due to the difference in the cultural milieu of
the first large-scale agricultural communities in the different
regions."
Remarkable illustration of this phenomenon is seen in the Tinai concept
found in the Cankam texts.
As has been referred to earlier, according to this tradition, each
ecological region is said to be particularly suited for a particular love
activity and each of these regions are referred to by the most
characteristic flower of that region.
REGION
Hills

FLOWER
Kurifici (Strobilanthus)

Pasturelands and
open Terraces

Mullai (Jasminium
Trichotumum)

Riverine Agrarian

Marutam (Terminalia
tomentosa)

Littoral

Neytal (Nymphaea
lotus alba)
Palai (Mimusops Kauki)

(Uncultivable) Dry
Region

LOVE ACTIVITY
Sexual union and those that
lead to it.
Wife patiently waiting for the
husband who is away, and
those that lead to it.
Wife sulking over husband
visiting harlot "and those
that lead to it.
Agony of separation and
those that lead to it.
Separation from family
because of elopement and
anxiety over separation of
husband.

Each of these division is also associated with a distinct military activity

and that is referred to by another set of flowers.
5

REGION
Hill

FLOWER
Vetci (Iccora Coccinea)

Pastureland

Vanci (Calamus
Rotang)
UliIIai (Cardiosper
mum Halicacabum)

Agrarian

Littoral
Dry

Tumpai (Leucas
Aspera)
Vakai (Albizzia Lebek)

MILITARY ACTIVITY
Capture and recapture of
cattle.
The action of the defenders is
some times treated
separately and referred to by
the Karantai (Sphaerunthus
indcius)
Guarding and raiding the
settlement.
Guarding and attacking the
fortifications.
The action of the defenders is
sometimes treated
separately and referred to by
the flower, Nocci (Vitex
Negundo).
Fight to finish
Victory.

The tradition of associating each region with a love activity though

schematized in Tol., is seen in the Cankam texts too (AN:442; CPA:11,
29-31&186; MK: 270, 285, 300-1; MPK: 314, 326). The word that is
used to denote this tradition is Tinai. Nac. explains it as code of
conduct" and Ilam. tends to interpret it as general theme or content.
But there are instances in Cankam texts where this word has been to
indicate a family or clan (PN: 24, 27, 159, 373; PrP:14, 31, 72, 85; Kur.:
45). This meaning is indicated in such compound forms as Tinaippeyar
and Tinainilaippeyar (Tol.Akat: 21 & 22) which mean 'regional name
of the character.' The term Tinai mayakkam (Akat.12)confusion of
Tinaiwhich refers to the concept of a love activity, which has been
prescribed for one region as taking place in another, too hints at this
meaning. The unassailable proof that this word meant 'class' or `group'
is seen in the use of this word to indicate the genders of nouns. Tamil
has Uyartinai and Akrioai. Caldwell transated them as 'high-caste' and
casteless' nouns. The word Tinai is not listed in DED and DEDS, but its
association to the root Tin is very noticeable (DED: 2634).
The social significance of this concept has been noticed by many
scholars. According to Srinivas Iyengar all these five kinds of natural
regions are found in the Tamil country, though on small scale, and as
the South Indian spread from region to region, he developed the stages
of culture which each region was calculated to produce. Dikshithar saw
6

in this concept the stage of evolution of civilization. He commented

that "the Tamil social organisation which had its distinctive
characteristics born of environment, as anthropology holds, is unique in
having realised the five different stages of human life in prehistoric
times.
Thaninayagam observed that "this fivefold division throws light on
human origins and the development of human culture as has been
observed by those geographers and anthropologists who have recently
written at length on this subject." Zvelabil said it is possible that this
division reflects the historical migration of the pre-Dravidian and protoTamil population from the hills and the jungle to the fertile plains and to
the seaboard, or, in other words, the development from the neolithic
hunter, through the intermediate stage of the keeper of the flocks, to
the settled tiller of the soil and fisherman."
This explanation, on the face of it, is both appealing and convincing.
But an important fact that has to be borne in mind is that this division
was a contemporary physical reality to the poets of the Cankam period,
as it is to us. CPA in lines 143-202 speaks of the various places the bard
has to pass through before arriving at the place of the patron. Lines
143-163 describe Eyirpattinam which is a littoral region, lines 164-177
refer to Vellore, a hilly tract where hunters live, lines 178-195 describe
Amur, an agrarian region watered by a river and finally from line 196
onwards the hill capital is described. In PPA lines 46-392 describe the
road to Kanci and the settlements and towns that lie on the way. The
break-up is as follows:
Lines 46-145 -- Describe the jungle region inhabited by people living in
food gathering stages.
147-196 -- Describe the terraced valley where cattle-keepers live.
196-262 -- Describe the irrigated agrarian region.
263-283 -- Describe the inland fishermen fishing in ponds.
283-351 -- Describe the maritime town of Nirppayal.
351-362 -- Describe the cultivable land in maritime region.

These descriptions reject the rather unilinear evolution implied in the

explanation of Iyengar but confirm the findings of the archaeologists.
It is important at this stage to make it clear that the original concept
was a division into four regions only. This is confirmed by both Cankam
texts and Tol. MK (120-4) speaks of Nartilavar (those of four regions)
only. Tol. very clearly states that
Avarrul natuvan aintinai natuvanatu oliya
patutirai vaiyam pattiya papa" (Akat.2)
"Of the Tinais (which include, beside the five love activities mentioned
above, those of one sided love and excessive love) the five that come
in the middle, i.e. the region based ones, minus the one that comes in
the centre, i.e. Palai, are based on the physiographic division of the
sea-girt world."
This clearly implies that the dry region is a later accretion. This is
confirmed in Cil. XI: 62-66. When Kovalan requests the Brahmin to tell
him the road to Maturai, the Brahmin, in the course of the reply, refers
to the arid forest region thus.
Venal am kilavanotu venkatir ventan
tan nalam tirukat tanmaiyir kunri
mullaiyum kuririciyum muraimaiyir tirintu
nalliyalpu ilantu natufikutuyar uruttap
palai enpatar pativan koljurn
kalai eytinir...
"you have come at the time when Mullai (pasture land) and Kuririci (hill
region) are transformed into the distress giving Palai (arid region) by
the excessive heat of the God of the Hot RaysSun."
It categorically states that Mullai and Kuririci have taken the shape
(pativam) of Palai. With rainfall the 'shape' could be transformed to the
original Mullai and Kurifici. It would therefore be appropriate treat Palai
as a seasonal change, ANR quotes AN 111 as providing reference to
Mullai transforming into Palai and Kalit. for Kurinci transforming into
Palai. This substantiates Tol.'s statement that the original division was
only four. This would of course raise the question why it was essential
to treat Palai as a separate region. The answer would be that it was
because of the poetic necessity to treat separation which took place

during that part of the year. It was during this hot season people went
out on royal missions and for earning wealth.
Thus we are able to establish an original fourfold classification. We
should now consider whether this was the result of an understanding of
the geographical principle of Regionalism or the logical expression
typical to tribal milieu.
Thomson has shown that the social reality of the tribal division of
moieties etc., is expressed in the formation of a "cosmological system
embracing the whole known world." He had cited the Amerindian
cosmogenies where a fourfold division operates. His contention that
"nature was only known to the extent that it had been drawn into the
orbit of social relations through the labour of production is very well
illustrated in the concept of Karupporul which Tol. takes as fundamental
to the concept of poetry. It includes deity, food, animals, tree, drum,
economic activity and music of the region (Akat.18). It is possible
therefore that the original fourfold classfication may have its roots in
tribal cosmology. This too proves that we cannot associate the idea of
Tinai with the concept of unilinear evolution.
But the use made of this concept in Cankam poetry and the terms used
to denote those reveal a conscious effort. In the use made of Palai we
see how poetic necessity has begun to play an important part.
Marr's comment on this problem is vital to the understanding of it. He
observes "that no tinai name exhibits relationship with any other Tamil
or Dravidian word with the meaning related to ideas of union,
separation, waiting, anguish and quarrelling. On the other hand several
of the tinai names have cognates in other Dravidian languages. This
would make the concept as something evolved at a more abstract level
to denote the sex mores of the different regions. In that circumstance
the other (original) meaning of the term Tinai (group, family) assumes
importance because it explains the whole process as one of denoting
the sexual mores of the different groups of people living in different
regions. Such typologising is possible only when the traditions are
flourishing.
The fact that the different regions and the respective social
organisations reveal the successive stages of economic and political
9

evolution should not lead us to the conclusion that the evolution itself
was unilinear. Field studies in social anthropology have brought to light
many societies with arrested growth. Stunted growth occurs when
production does not (and cannot) go beyond a particular point. Internal
self-sufficiency, geographical and social isolation are some of the many
factors that contribute to a situation like that.
The different regions and the inhabitants of those places mentioned in
the Tinai tradition should be taken as depicting the inevitable uneven
development that arises from the geographical background of the
social organisation of Tamilnad. As Mahalingam said "in prehistoric
times people in South India were divided into a number of tribes, the
main difference between them being largely due to their geographical
environment." This is all the more striking because some of the modern
tribes of South India show remarkable similarities to the groups
mentioned in the early literatures. We have noticed the continuity of
the Kurumpa tradition. Other groups are Kuricciyas, Kuravar and
Maravar. It is indeed astonishing to note that words which had been
used In Cankam literature to denote an activity or feature of a particular region are continued to be used in the same context even today.
A striking instance is the use of the term Punam (field). In Cankam
literature this is used to denote the fields in the hilly region where tinai
(Italian millet) was grown by the slash and burn method (PN:159;
AN:118, 242; Kur:33, 82; NT: 57; MPK: 203, 328 etc). Aiyappan uses this
term when he discusses the agricultural activities of the modern tribes.
He says, "Podu cultivation known as the punam cultivation in Wynaad
is practised by Kuricciyas and other tribes." The description Aiyappan
gives of the podu cultivation shows no change whatsoever from the
descriptions we have of the slash and burn cultivation of Kurinci."
These reveal the remarkable continuity of traditions.
The Tinai concept should therefore be taken as the fossilisation in
poetic convention of the sexual mores and the social and economic
organisation of the unevenly developed Tamil communities.
It is important at this juncture to refer to Subrahmanian's criticism of
Iyenger's explanation of this concept. Subrahmanian quite correctly
objects to the unilinear evolution proposed by Iyengar but ends up
saying, "this so called 'evolution' is true in the larger field of world
10

history in its anthropological setting and proto-historical stage, but to

import it into the limited space of Tamilakam and to suppose that all
these changes occurred here also in the same historical order may not
be correct." Iyengar's mistake in taking uneven development for
unilinear evolution is one thing but Subrahmanian's conclusion from
that is something completely different. His assertion that features
observed at macro-level are not applicable at micro-levels would
indeed come as a big surprise even to the most devout of the
functionalists. Even they do not rule out general laws of development.''
Uneven development of the communities has led to very far reaching
results. Of these, the most important, a study of social institutions has
to take note of, is that "certain regions have advanced far more rapidly
than other, and the more backward often preserve many features
which elsewhere belong only to a distant past." It also shows that
major economic development and therefore social and political growth
arose in the areas suited for advanced agricultural economy, as in the
river basins of Kaveri Vaikai and Periyaru; and these correspond to the
Cola, Pantiya and Cera kingdoms. The rest of the country was less
developed ; Pennaru and Palaru region is the exception and the
Tirayars and later the Pallavas arose in that region.
With this Preliminary understanding of the pattern of development, we
must now turn to the process of development. Since it could be seen
only in a chronological context, we should turn first to the political
chronology of the period.

Political History
We have already seen that the date of the Cankam period has been
fixed, on the testimony of internal and external evidences as circa 100250 A.D. The decline of this period is indicated in CPA. As Sastri
describes "a thorough change in the political map of South India and
the definite close of an epoch seem to be implied in the CPA...," and
"clearly Vanci, Uraiyur and Maturai must have passed the meridian of
their prosperity and entered on a period of a decline." Sastri feels that
CPA could be assigned to a "date about 275 A.D."
We do not know why the decline had set in. It was a decline that
affected all the three capitals. The available evidences do not indicate
11

that this decline that came in by about 250-300 A.D. was due to any
alien power. It should, therefore, have been the result of internal
causes.
The next major landmark in the political history of Tamilnad is the
Kalabhra Interregnum. Kalabhras, originally a non-Tamil tribe of the
Karnataka, came into Tamilnad and gained ascendancy. Their initial
impact and ultimate defeat is described in the epigraphic record of the
grant made of the village Velvikuti by Parrintakacataiyan (765-875). It
refers to the Kalabhras as Kaliarasar who took possession of the great
territories by 'completely wiping super kings.' Sastri took the term
Kaliarasar to mean evil kings ; K.R. Venkataraman objects to this
translation and holds that it could refer to the dynasty of the kings of
the Kali dynasty. His A Note on the Kalabhras has thrown much light on
the problem. After a detailed and illuminating discussion he sums up
thus:
"Dislodged by the Kadambas from their earlier home around
Sravanabelagola, they (Kalabhras) moved east and carved out a
kingdom, which included Bengalore, Kolar and parts of the Chitoor
district which came to be called, after them, Kalinad or Kalavarnad, and
from there they spread out into Tondainad Colanad and Pandinad
overthrowing the long established Tamil monarchies. They occupied
Maturai sometime after the reign of Mutukutumi, how long after we do
not know. The Sangam epoch had already closed and was followed by a
period of darkness. The fianeant successors of Mutukutumi were perhaps too insignificant and too inept to be celebrated in songs. One such
king was slain by the Kalabhras. The Colas were in a state of
hibernation and easily went under. There is a gap in the history of
Kanci. The Pallava king of the Sanskrit charter prior to Kumaravishnu
had lost possession of Karici and confined their rule to the Telugu
districts wherefrom they issued their charters. The interregnum in
Karici commencing roughly from AD 436, perhaps marks the Kalabhra
occupation of Tondaimandalam, which was finally terminated by
Simhavishnu.
It would, therefore appear that Tamilnad was under the Kalabhras for
the best part of the period 5th to 6th centuries A.D., and the final

12

debacle was brought about by Pandya . Katunkon and Pallava

Simhavishnu; each stands at the beginning of a powerful line of rulers."
The foregoing account reveals that the northernmost part of the Tamil
countries, Kanci, fell to Kalabhras only about 436 A.D. Their southward
expansion must be taken as later to that. Pantiya counry, being the
southernmost, must have been the last to fall. Cola defeat must have
been in between. Pantiya revival starts with Katunkon (590-620).
Simhavisnu (560-580) ushered in the new strong line of Pallavas. Thus
the period of active Kalabhra power must have been between circa 436
to 560 A.D. in the north of the region and in the south up to about 590
A.D. The two definitely datable periods we now have are
I.
II.

100-250/300 A.D. Cankam Period.

436-560/590 A.D. Kalabhra rule.

This leaves the intervening 150 years blank. The political events of this
period are not known.
With this chronological frame work let us look into the details of the
Kalabhra rule. The record mentions that they wiped away the
established monarchies.
Alavariya atiracarai akala nikki.
This must have been more of a coup de grace than a coup de etat
because we have already noticed that by 275 A.D. all the kingdoms
had declined.
The chief feature of the Kalabhra rule is that the Kalabhras did not rule
as one family or dynasty over the entire Tamilnad. Because of the
availability of evidence relating to Kalabhra rulers of faiths in different
regions, Venkataraman says, "the assumption is forced upon us that
more than one family of Kalabhras ruled over the Tamil land." From the
records available the Kalabhras of the Cola region seem to have
prospered better. Buddhadatta of the fifth century A. D. refers in his
Vinayavinicca to Accuta Vikanta of of the Kalabhra kula, as the ruler of
the earth. In his Abhidhammavatara, the same author refers to "the
13

prosperous Kaveripattana with its concourse of rich merchants, its

palaces and pleasure gardens. Besides the verses quoted in Tamil
Navalar Caritai which speak of the three Tamil kings paying obeisance
to Accuta - Vikanta" the continued presence of inscriptions which refer
to Kalabhra "petty officials mostly in the nadus and kurrams of his Cola
Kingdom," also validates the point that the most powerful
concentration was in the Cola country. In view of the position that the
Pantiyas were the first to revive and of the fact that the deposing of the
Pantiya monarch should have taken place some - times after their entry
into Tamilnad, it could be considered that the effects of Kalabhras
would have been less dislocating in the Pantiya country than in the
Cola country.
The Kalabhras are associated with the rising influence of Jainism and
Buddhism in Tamilnad. Sastri describes it as follows:
"But sometime after the close of the Cankam age and before the
rise of the Pallavas and Pantiyas in the late sixth century, a great
change came and people began to entertain fears of the whole
land going over to the heretical creeds of Jainism and Buddhism.
This was doubtless related to the obscure political revolution
with which the Kalabhras had close connection."
The Tamil forms of the word Kalabhras -- Kalappar, Kalappalar and
Kalapirar -- must have come through "the Pali and Prakrit form of
KalabhoraKalabha." The importance of Pali and Prakrit in the history
of Buddhism and Jainism is too well known to be emphasised here.

Peninsular and All India perspective

Datable Tamilian history, seen in the background of all-India
chronology, starts at a comparatively later age. The Cankam period, in
terms of Indian history is contemporaneous with the later Satavahanas,
who arose after the fall of the Mauryan empire which flourished from
4th C.B.C. to late 3rd C.B.C. Absence of Tamil sources do not indicate a
complete darkness because, besides the numerous literary references,
14

we have the Rock Edicts of Asoka which mention the Colas, Pantiyas,
Ceras and Atikamans as political entities. Arthasastra refers to the
economic potentialities of the Far South.
Knowledge of the political and cultural character of the Satavdhana
kingdom which arose by about 230 B.C. and covered, at its greatest
extent the whole of Deccan and spread far into Northern India perhaps
even Magadha is essential to comprehend the cultural ethos of the
developed Tamil regions.
Gurty Venket Rao cites evidence to show that the Satavahanas
deliberately and consciously followed the policy laid down in such of
the Artha-Sastras and smritis available to them. Of the cultural
conditions that existed under that dynasty, he says this:
"Administration, social and economic life, religion and philosophy, art
and literaturein fact every branch of human activity, was recast in
the Aryan mould. The Vedic rishis, Mauryan officers and Buddhist
missionaries alike, by precept and example, hastened the revolutionary
change and served to implant Aryan institutions firmly in the Deccani
soil. The Satavahanas and the Western Kshatrapas accepted this as a
matter of course.
Referring to the religious situation, he says that the original
inhabitants, who had animistic beliefs retired into hilly regions with the
advance of the North Indian cults, and that
"Vedic religion, the philosophy of the Upanishads, Jainism and
Buddhism became so naturalized in the cis-Vindhyan lands that by the
time of the rise of the Satavahanas to power they `became more
native than native born' practices. A Satavahana prince proclaimed his
opposition to the 'contamination of four varnas' and insisted upon the
pursuit of the triple objects."
After Yajna Sri Satakarni (170-199 C.A.D.) the Satavahana kingdom
began to disintegrate." The last of the kings with some authority was
Pulamayi III. One of the powers that rose in the south after the fall of
Satavahanas, was the Chutus. They ruled Maharastra and Kuntala and
were later supplanted by the Kadambas whose expansion led to the
dislodging of the Kalabhras. Ishvakus ruled the KrishnaGuntur region
and the Pallavas established their power in the south east. These early
15

Pallavas are identified by their Prakrit charters and the first reference
we have is to Simhavarman (fl.275-300 A.D.). There is a continuity of
Pallava rule upto the time of Skandavarman (400-436) from whose
period there is a break in the continuity. We should recall here that
Venkataraman connects this up with the Kalabhra expansion.
In North India, with the rise of Chandragupta in 320 A.D. we see the
beginnings of the Gupta empire. His successor Samudra Gupta (335376 A.D.) "led a very successful expedition as far as Kailci, the
defeated kings were reinstated on giving homage tribute and probably
heard no more of their titular overloard." The political history of Deccan
of this period brings to light many dynasties like Gangas,
Salankayanas, who did not influence the course of South Indian history.
The next major South Indian power was the Pallavas, whom we have
noticed, lie beyond the scope of our period.

North Indian Impact and Influence

This bird's eye-view of the political history of the peninsula and the
earlier discussion on the contents of the texts reveal in unmistakable
terms the overall and decisive influence the culture and history of
North India had on Tamilnad. It is important to gauge its extent and
character to fully grasp the manner and direction of social and cultural
development.
The process of impact and influence is referred to by the name of the
builders of the Vedic CivilizationAryans. But it should be observed
that because of racial and ethnic associations and because of later day
political and social developments the term `Aryanisation' and the
assessment of its impact and influence reveals the deep seated
emotional overtones which are very difficult to by-pass or overcome.
Gonda, in a different context, but on the same problem, very rightly
said, "It is clear that as far as Indian scholars are concerned certain
emotional motives may be apt to influence a scientific argumentation."
The earliest literary evidence we have for Tamilian history reveals that
`Aryanisation has already made some progress.' As time passed, it
went on increasingly dominating South Indian life as a whole, so much
so that in and after the subjugation of the North by the Muslims it was
in the South that the earlier cultural traditions were preserved intact.
16

It is also generally held that it was this process of Aryanisation that

gave India a (higher) cultural identity. Modern sociologists and social
anthropologists take it as the norm of Indian culture in general, and
seek to find in the process of its spread and diffusion the formation of
the 'standard Indian culture.' Srinivas calls this process of acculturation
`Sanskritisation. Redfield and Milton Singer in their effort to study the
acculturation process in India took this as the Great Tradition and the
local ones as the Little Tradition.
The main feature of this process, by whatever name it is called, is that
there was a substantial difference in the manner it operated in North
India and in South India, especially in Tamilnad. Aryan expansion in
North India was a political expansion. Archaeological evidences indicate
that it was associated with the use of iron and the beginnings of
agriculture. But the process of Aryanisation of the peninsula differed.
As Kosambi said "the next major thrust into the peninsula proper, was
backed by the highly developed northern society with its advanced
technique, in particular a recently required knowledge of metals. The
new territory was far more varied and therefore not to be settled in the
same way as the northern. Hence the further development and the new
function of caste, where the brahmin would write Puranas to make
aboriginal rites respectable, while the savage chiefs of the tribes would
turn into kings and nobles ruling over the tribe. It is important to
observe that the introduction of iron into South India did not bring in
the same radical change it brought in the North and the East.
Another important feature of the process was that its very character
had changed by the time it turned southwards or in the course of its
southward expansion so much that the very term 'Aryanisation' itself is
not fully reflective of it. This is seen in the religious changes that have
taken place. Vedic gods have been given up and regional cults were
absorbed into the fold. Dandekar describes it:
"The so-called Aryanisation of South India was in several respects quite
unlike the Aryanisation of North India. Firstly, this movement was of the
nature of Hinduisation rather than of Aryanisation. For, the most
tangible results of it was the acceptance by South Indians not of Aryan
theology but of Hindu sociology as reflected in the caste system.
Secondly, this movement does not seem to have evoked much opposi17

tion. On the contrary, there is evidence to show that the changes

brought by it were welcomed by Dravidians with alarcity, and thirdly,
the incursions from the North were not so violent as to root out the
languages and the peculiar religious culture of the south.
The last point mentioned is very important because, whereas
Aryanisation in other areas meant the emergence of the various
Prakrits, in the Far South the languages were not uprooted. Language
domination is always associated with political and economic
dominance. The fact that Brahmin poets themselves used Tamil
(Kapilar) shows that dominance was not political and economic.
The obvious areas of this impact had been the political centers and
agriculturally developed regions.
Sastri citing as evidence Aitreya Brahmana and Sankhayana
Srautasutra, says that the process would have started by 1000 B.C. But
Pillai points out that there is no reference to the Tamils in the
Brahmanas nor in Panini who is believed to be of sixth century B.C, He
points out that "Katyayana, the grammarian of the 4th C.B.C. specifies
the Cola kingdom. This is, 'to the best of our knowledge the earliest
reference to the extreme South. It is not too much to assume that it
was only round about the 4th C.B.C. that Aryan contact with the Tamil
country could have begun. Whatever the beginnings is, in and after
the Satavahana period there must have been greater contact because
"the Satavahanas seem to have encouraged the settlement of
Brahmins in their domain."
Being non-political, the process was essentially cultural and is manifest
in the spread of Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism.
It is generally held that Hindus were the earliest colonists. S.K.
Aiyangar, after an analysis of the Brahmanical traditions of the South
came to the conclusion "that this Brahmanism such was prevalent in
the Tamil country must be Brahmanism of pre-Buddhistic character."
Pillai, who discussed the question in more recent times, cites the Vijaya
tradition of Sri Lankan history and the prevalence of Brahmi
inscriptions and suggests that "from about the 4th C. B. C, the Jains
and Buddhists had begun to come and settle down in Southern India
and that in all probability they preceded the Hindu Aryans. On the
18

manner of migration; he says that the Brahmins would have come in

groups or waves as indicated in group names like Narpattennayiravar
and Elunarruvar. If this was the probable manner of migration then it
would not be far wrong to give a pre-Buddhist date, because such
migratory wave would not have been able to create the same impact
as the monastically organised missionary Buddhists and Jains.
The social and economic background to the rise and spread of
Buddhism and Jainism must be noticed here. Basham says, "We can
parallel the rise of Buddhism and Jainism and of the many smaller
heterodox systems of salvation which came into being about the 6th C.
B.C., with the rise of an important mercantile class needing less
expensive and less complicated rituals and demanding a more
significant role in the religious life of India and than Brahmins would
concede." In Tamilnad too their association with the commercial class
is very noticeable. The Tamil - Brahmi inscriptions reveal that "the
trading communities vied with the royalty in the endowment of
monasteries in the Tamil country as elsewhere in India. Significant is
the name of the site of excavated Roman trading centre, Arikamedu
Arukan Metu meaning the mound of the Arahat.
The monastic and individualistic character of these religions and their
independant economic organisation are a striking contrast to the
collective and pragmatic tribal rituals and this perhaps is one of the
causes for the emphatic insistence of the Jaina and Buddhist didactic
works on the avoidance of all that constituted the heroic society, from
meat eating to fighting.
The mode of expansion of Brahmanism was quite different from that of
Jainism and Buddhism. Brahmanism absorbed the local cults into the
general framework of the Brahmanic cults and the resultant form was
very much different from the original Vedic cult and doctrine. The terms
Vedism and Hinduism are now used to indicate the original and the
latter forms. The gods of the Vedas fell into insignificance and there
emerged new gods and goddesses who are definitely non-Aryan. It is
generally held that Siva is a Dravidian contribution. Important also is
the cult of Krsna which was syncretised with the Narayana cult of the
Vedas and later the Visnu. The importance he gains in Mahabharata is
reflective of the increasing changes. It is important to note here that in
19

South India Krsna and Balarama were worshipped together;

significantly enough the symbol of Balarama was the plough (PN:56;
NT:32; Kalit. :35,103,123; Pari.: 1,2; Cil. : V: 171, XIV: 9). This indicates
the economic transformation that was going on in the southern regions
with the spread of Hinduism.
Socially the spread of Brahminism helped the transformation of nonagricultural tribes into agricultural societies. This meant the application
of the Caturvarna principle in areas and climes where it would not
apply. The final result was the grouping of the different tribes into jatis
(caste; clans) and assigning them a position in relation to the four fold
division. Politically dominant groups could become kshatriyas.
The ritual sanction which the Brahmin was able to give to the local
rulers by performing sacrifices gave him an important place in the
political sphere. We have already noticed the significance this played in
the Satavahana empire. Among the kings of the Cankam period we
hear of some who have performed these sacrificesPalyalacalai
Mutukutumip per uvaluti (PN: 6,9), Iracacayamvatta perunarkilli
(PN:16). Many kings are described as showing respect to Brahmins and
performing the Brahmanic rites and sacrifices (PN: 61, 5, 99, 361, 367;
PrP: 24, 64, 70, 74). The influence of Brahmins in the court was so
great that Kapilar, a Brahmin poet, eulogises king Celvakkatunko
validtan thus: "You know no humility but to the Brahmin" (PrP:63).
Brahmin is sometimes described as the royal messenger or
ambassador (PN:305; AN:54). The political immunity Brahmins enjoyed
is seen in the Pari legend in which Kapilar leaves the daughters of Pari
with Brahmins so that they could be safe (PN:11-3). The increasing
power and status of the Brahmin is well illustrated in MK. The poet
Mankuti Maltitanar urges the king Netunceliyan, the - victor of
Talaialakahtiain, to give up all purposeless entertainment and emulate
Palyalacalai Mutukutumipperuval uti, a king who had performed Yakas
and Netiyon, a mythical ancestor (MK:759-80). Some of the poets of
the Cankam period were BrahminsKapilar, Tamotaranar, etc.
The ritualistic sanction given to the emerging heroic ruler by the
Brahmin enabled the king to be placed as a separate entity removed
from the tribe.

20

This political association of the Brahmin also leads to emergence of

economic feudalism. Brahmins were given grants of lands.
Brahmanism and Brahmins played an important role in the non-royal
life too. PPA speaks of a separate colony of Brahmins (297-310). Airik:1,
202, 384, 387, indicate the respect paid to the Brahmin. Descriptions in
PPA and CPA (187-8) show that Brahmin settlements were found in the
developed agrarian regions only.
The spread of Brahmanism in Tamilnad resulted in the syncretism of
some of the local cults with Brahmanism. The classic instance is the
fusion of Murukan and Skanda (TMA). Korravai was absorbed into the
Hindu pantheon as Parvati (Cil. XII: 54-73).
The impact and influence of Brahmanism increased with time and in
Tol. we see him as a mediator between estranged couple (Cey: 502).
Learning soon became the monopoly of the Brahmins and the word Tol.
used to denote learning otal, is used even today to denote Vedic
recitation.
The Brahmin, in spite of the fact he did not control the areas of power,
was able to be at the apex of society because he gave religious
sanction to the new class hierarchy that placed the king and the
agriculturists above the others. But this is not to say he was always
loved. Kalit:64 which describes the sexual sadism of an old Brahmin is
as revealing of the Brahmin feeling as is some modern literature on the
same subject.
Traders and priests were not the only 'Aryans' to come to Tamilnad.
AN:279 mention an Aryan training an elephant. Kur:7 refers to
Ariyakattuthe dance of the Aryans. But obviously it was the first two
classes that made an impact.

Political and Economic Conditions

The political history of Cankam period has been reconstructed on the
basis of literary evidence. Turai Arankacamy groups the different
political entities mentioned in Cankam literature as follows.
I.
II.

The Three MonarchiesCera, Cola, Pantiya.

Tribes that lived in the Cera region Kutavar (Kuttuvar), Atiyar,
Malaiyar, Malavar, Puliyar, Villor, Kolikar and Kuravar.
21

III.

Tribes that lived in the Pantiya and Cola regions Paratavar,

IV.

Kosar.
Tribes that did not come under the Three MonarchiesAviyar,

V.

Oviyar, Vblir, Aruvar, Antar, Itaiyar.

Tribes that lived in the region neighbouring the Tamil area
Tontaiyar, Kalavar, Vatukar.

It is clear that these chieftaincies and kingdoms were existing mostly

side by side. Analysis of Paranar's poems would reveal how
contemporaneous these units were. Those eulogised by Pararnar were
2 Caras
-- Kuttuvati, Perumputporaiyan, the victor of Kaluvul,
2 Colas
-- Karikalan and his father Ilia ficetcenni.
1 Pantiya -- Pacumputpantiyaq,
27 Chiefs -- Some of them fendatories, e.g. Aruvai; Some of them
independent Chieftains, e.g. Miriili; Some of them Tribal chiefsMatti
and Kaluvul. "
Kapilar, a contemporary of Paranar, praises one Cera king and eight
chieftains, three of whom were praised by Paranar.
Sivarajapillai was of the opinion that in the space of five generations
(150 A.D.)... most of the tribal chieftaincies scattered throughout the
southern half of the Peninsula were either annexed or made tributary
states. As we move down the times we find the independant chieftains
being replaced by others who owed fidelity and military service to the
paramount power and also by the commanders of the armies and other
officers in the regular employ of those rulers... In lieu of regular salary
these officers held feudal estates in their possession and became petty
rulers under their respective sovereigns."
This reveals that besides the tribal chieftaincies, political annexation
had led to the creation of new chieftaincies. But it cannot be said that
political annexation meant centralised rule. PN 319, 322 and 324 refer
to hunter chiefs who help the king, but the area of rule is described as
theirs. The relationship between the feudatory chiefs and the king is
brought out well in PN 179 in which Nallaikilan Nalcan is eulogised.
"This fighter of the Pantiya king provides the king with whatever he
needs, as swords when he needs arms and counsel when advice is
needed."
This type of relationship leads to the development of feudalism in the
more classical sense. From the state of a subordinate ruler, the
22

transition is to one who rules on behalf of the king, This feature, noted
by Kosambi as, Feudalism from Above, is one of the important forms of
the development of feudalism in India. But it should be pointed out
that this type of feudal development would not have been as elaborate
or developed or longstanding as was in the kingdoms with larger
territorial extent and continued political stability.
The grants of lands made to Brahmins gave rise to another type of
feudal holdings. We do not, of course, hear of these grants in as much
the way we do in the Pallava Period but the information we have in the
epilogues of PrP that Kumitturkkanandr (Prologue to 2nd decade) and
Kapilar (prologue. to 7th decade) were given lands and in the Velvikuti
grant, indicate that the tradition had started in the earliest period itself.
PrP indicates that in the Cera country there were two dynasties ruling
from two different capitals. "The exact relationship of the collateral
branch with those of the main line is not ascertainable in every case;
nor is the capital of every ruler specifically mentioned." There are some
who consider that Colas too had a collateral line." But Sastri would
prefer to take it as belonging "to the period subsequent to the rule of
Karikalati."
Inspite of the highly Sanskritized concept of kingship that is spoken of
in relation to the three kingdoms (PN: 35, 69; PrP: 11,69) the common
institution of Nal makil irukkai -- rulers sitting in state with fellow
members of the tribe drinking toddy -- which is spoken of in the case of
"both the kings (PN: 29, 59; PrP: 65, 85) and the chieftains (PN: 123,
330; MPK: 76-80), indicates that in the initial stages the pattern of
political authority did not differ much between kingdom and
Chieftaincies. As it is referred to as Nalavaiday counciland those
who sit alongside are called Surramthose around (PPA: 447; PN: 2,
179), this institution may be connected with tribal councils.
An important aspect of the political history of the Pantiyas and Colas of
the Cankam period is that immediately after the great test monarchs of
each line there is a period of political `darkness.' In the case of the
Pantiyas, nothing is known after Neturiceliyan, the victor of
Talaiyalankanam. In the Cola kingdom after Karikalan there is lack of
information and sometime later we hear of an internal strife between
Nalafilcilli and Netufikilli. The more easily constructed geneology of
23

Cera kingdom, which no doubt sees some powerful kings in succession,

should not blind us to the fact that there was a collateral line which too
had politically important monarchs. Ceiikuttuvan, the king eulogised by
Paranar, must have been a contemporary of Irimiporai.
Even in the Cera case the last known kings Cenkuttuvan and Yanaikkatay Mantaraiscdral Irumporai are considered important.
Catikam literature makes a clear distinction between the three
monarchies and the other political units by using the term Ventan only
for the three monarchs." This political prominence was due to the
geographical base of their kingdoms. These kingdoms arose on the
important river basins of Tamilnad. Karur, the Cera capital, and Uraiyur
of the Colas were on the banks of Kaveri. The collateral Cora line is
associated with Periyaru. Pantiya capital was on the Vaikai basin.
These river basins afforded irrigation facilities in a region where the
rainfall lasts only a few months in a year. It is significant, therefore, to
see that the only references we have for irrigation are all relating to
these irrigable areas. PP: 283-9 credits Karikalan with the clearance of
forest and construction of tanks for irrigation. PrP:27 speaks of sluice
doors used in irrigation. PrP:28 describes Periyaru as one which
irrigates the infertile lands even during the worst of droughts. In PN:18
Kutapulaviyanar makes a special plea to Netunceliyan, the victor of
Talailankanam in the following manner. "What is food but combination
of earth and water. Those who bring these together are whose names
will live forever." MK (85-95) refers to irrigating fields from the reservoir
by the sweep basket method.
The role of irrigation in the development of centralised monarchy is an
observed historical phenomenon. The emergence of monarchy in
Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia are instances. It is not surprising,
therefore, that the dynasties that controlled the important river basins
rose to prominence in Tamilnad.
A comparison of the type of agriculture described in these areas
(including Kanci, which controlled Palar river. PPA: 207-243) and that
described as found in the area of Pari, the great benefactor-chief (PN:
120) reveals the differences very well.

24

But it cannot be said that the kings of ancient Tamilnad controlled the
flow of the rivers by constructing dams and canals. Their construction
was only of tanks and reservoirs (PP: 284; MK:89). There was irrigation
from wells too.
Rice being the cereal much in demand (in barter -- AN:60) the
cultivation of it must have given economic supremacy to these regions.
Development of agriculture gives rise to extensive development of
private landholdings which in turn leads to feudalism. It is in the
developed agrarian regions we meet the first non-owning worker. In the
course of the description of the agrarian region poets often refer to
vinaivalar (those skilled in work) sowing and harvesting (Kur: 309; NT:
60, 450; PP 71: 196-262; KK: 230-270; PP: 7-19). The employment of
workers imply large holdings. The existence of surplus production, the
basis of economic power, could be deduced from those references to
the storing of paddy in large quantities (NT: 26, 60). The heroine is
sometimes described as the daughter of the rich man of the ancient
family (Kur: 336). Such class of landlords who had control over families
in referred to in PrP: 13:23-4.
It is significant that the references we have for irrigation in the Carikam
period are connected with the last important kings of each line. PP
refers to Karikalan, the last great king (in fact the greatest) of the Cola
kings. The Pantiya king thus (PN: 18; MK) referred to is Netunceliyan. In
the case of Ceras the references are to Imayavarampan Netunceralatan
(PrP:13) and Palya naiccelkelukuttuvan (PrP:27) both brothers from one
line and Perunceral Irumporai from the other (PrP: 71). In the case of
the former two, they had one successor of eminence -- Cenkuttuvan
whose exploits as a military leader was very great. In the Irumporai line
even though Yanaiklcatay was noteworthy, it is known, that he had to
face internal strife.
Irrigation no doubt leads to extensive development which leads to
landlordism. In a heroic society this trend could have, as we shall soon
see, important political results.
The affluence of the major kingdoms is also explained by their
associations with -foreign trade. All the important ports mentioned in
the classical sources fall within the major political units. Naura and
25

Muziri were in Cera kingdom. Nelcynda, Bacare and Komari came

within the Pantiya reigion and Camara and Poduca were in Colanad.
Sopatama was near Kaisci, the home of the Tirayars and, later,
Pallavas. PP's mention of customs officers, warehouses, and royal seal
on cargo (120-35) and of the different items of export and import (18493) reveals the the immense wealth trade would have provided to the
Cola coffers. MK by it descriptions of the cargo-laden ships (321-4 and
536-44) belonging to the merchants from various places (550-6)
indicates the prosperity that commerce provided to the Pantiyas.
Korkai, the pearl fishery centre, was in that region. One Papitya king is
credited with an embassy to Rome." PrP 59,76 indicate the
'commercial' prosperity in the Cara kingdom. The Ceras too are said to
have sent an embassy.
In spite of this close connection of the capitals with commerce the royal
monopoly in trade was in pearl fishery only. Periplus tells that the
labour of condemned criminals were used in pearl fishery.97 Besides
this, there seems to be no royal connections in the export trade. We
have concrete literary evidence to prove that most of the trade was in
the hands of the merchants. PrP 13, mentions as one of the important
functions of the king, the duty of looking after the merchants. In 'PIT 76
the care with which the merchants checked their ships (for 'repairs,
etc) on return from sailing is the simile used to express the care the
king takes to cure the injuries the fighter elephant had received in the
battle. This is clear indication that the ships were 'owned by the
merchants themselves. The desciiption of the merchants and their
houses (MK: 500-6; PP: 206212, etc.) indicate their social importance.
Epigraphy provides a better picture. Biahmi inscriptions refer to "the
existence of mercantile guilds (Nhikama) in the Tamil country. The head
of the guild enjoyed the title The members of the guild .Nikamattor,
acted in their corpoafe capacity in making endowments."09 The
independahce of the commercial organisation and its essentially cordial
reltionship with the state are now clear. The Keiviti holders described in
MK (495-99) may possibly be the elders of the mercantile community.
An, important feature of the export trade was that it depended entirely
on exploiting the resources but not cultivating them.

26

Produces were classed according to their places of orginthose from

hills, sea and land (PPA: 66-76; PP: 184-90; PrP: 15). An exception to
this no doubt, was weaving. But the caste ranking gave the weavers a
low place.
It is important to note that though "direct trade between the Egyptian
Greeks of the Roman Empire and India declined (after second century
A.D.) the traffic passing into the hands of the Arabians and still more
Auxumites of East Africa,'" it did not lead to a complete stoppage in the
Tamil coasts. There was a revival of Indian trade in the early Byzantine
period. As Warmington says, "Roman coins appear in South India as
well as in the North from Constantine onwards increasing in the course
of fourth and fifth centuries .....'5100 But this new revival would not
have been to the extent it was in 1st and 2nd C.A.D. Sri Lanka had by
this time risen to prominence.
It is important to observe that the Byzantine trade comes in at a time
when there was dynastic darkness. This period of revival in external
trade is also close to Cll. The description of Kavdripattana given in
Abhidhamrnavatara of Buddhadatta of 5th century A.D., could,
therefore, be as realistic of 5th century A.D. as the descriptions of PP
are of 2nd C. A.D.
Internally, trade seems to have been generally one of barter. Salt trade
was in the hands of Umapar. Catikam texts refer quite often. to these
traders and their ox-drawn carts (PN: 60,307, 313; AN:
159,167,173,191,298,310; Kur.:38). Except for this this group, internal
trade seems to have been carried on by the producers themselves. We
hear of persons from the cattle-keeping and fishing communities going
about hawking their produce for rice (PN: 293; AN: 60; NT: 97, 118,
142). The agrarian region, being the producer of rice, had economic
superiority.
Except pottery, most of the industries we hear of, seem to be typically
urbartchank cutting, gem cutting, gold and bronze smithy (MK: 51122) carpentry (PPA: 248-9) and armaments production (PN: 95).
Weaving is often mentioned (PN: 236; TMA:. 138; PA:81-3; Kalit.: 56,
etc); the descriptions of the life in hilly region do not indicate any use
of cotton garments. It would, therefore, be associated only with other
27

societies. A machine for pressing sugar-cane is also mentioned (Airik:

55; PP A : 259-60).
The way in which the artisans are referred to does not indicate that
they enjoyed a good social position. The only exception to this is the
master builder who is referred to as Pulavanone who knows (NNV:76).
The Brahmi inscriptions mention cloth merchant, salt merchant, iron
monger, a trader in sugarcane juice, a trader in gold bullion, stonemason or carpenter, goldsmith and charioteer. The last mentioned had
an important role in akam poems.
Another important economic activity connected with the emergence of
the propertied class is seen in those love poems which deal with the
theme of separation. Two activities could take a husband away from his
home for a considerable period of time, one is when he goes on Royal
duty and the other when he goes to earn wealth. This is an important
aspect of the economic life of Ancient Tamilnad which has been
overlooked by historians.
In these poems on separation the wife's concern for the husband is
depicted in the description of the forests and hills he had to pass
through and the fierce marauders he had to encounter on the way. The
purpose of the journey comes with a certain terminological exactitude.
The terms are Ceyporul (made or earned wealth) and Vinai (effort).
Vinai would include Royal duty too but Ceyporul is essentially economic
and concerns only the individual.
The place to which the men went has not been mentioned, but, from
the references, it is clear that it was beyond Venkata Hill, the
northernmost boundary of Tamilnad (AN: 83, 211, 213, 265, 393). It is
also specifically stated that they went into an area where another
language was spoken, (AN: 205, 211, 215, 349; Kur:11) and that they
passed through Vatukatecam, the country on the northern boundary of
Tamilnad. AN:69 throws much light on the whole thing by mentioning
that the hero had taken the route taken by the Maurya army.
They left their homes by December-January or April-May and returned
by August-September (Kur:76). This is surprisingly the period when no
rice cultivation is done.

28

It is clear from NT:266 that all the males did not go on this journey
because, on his way back the hero sees the cattlekeepers.
In some cases the person who goes to earn money is associated, with
IlaiyarJuniors (NT:361,367). Tol. mentions these Ilaiyar as one of the
mediators between the husband and wife, when there is
misunderstanding between them (TolKarp:170-171). It is said that they
should tell the wife about the features of the path and the labour
involved in the 'task.' Besides working for the master, they have also to
be his bodyguards. Thus it is clear that Ilaiyar are really employees.
The reasons given for the undertaking of the trip vary. It is generally
mentioned that he goes to earn wealth so that he may give donations
and perform righteous obligations (Kur:63; AN:93, 151). Very often it is
said that the hero goes to earn the wealth necessary to lead a good
married life. And in one instance the girl's companion urges the
prospective groom to go out to earn wealth (NT:298).
The reason why there is no mention of the form of wealth is perhaps
because it was too obvious to be mentioned and also because the very
act of earning and the thing earned did not come within the province of
this poetry. But the descriptions seem to indicate that the persons
would have gone to collect gold or do something connected with it.
They would have gone to Mysore region. This region fits all the
descriptions that is given i n the texts."' AN:3 says that the aim of the
journey was to bring ornaments for the wife. This looks very
suggestive. The gold mines of Kolar and Upper Karnataka are very
famous.
Allchin, who discussed the antiquity of gold mining in Deccan, says that
the high period of mining in South India should correspond with the last
centuries of the pre-Christian era and the first two centuries of the
christian era. This period remarkably fits in with the Cankam period.
Along with rice production, this provides for the accumulation of
surplus and the social effects of this wealth is becoming increasingly
discernible.
This brief account of the economic conditions of the period against the
background of the known political history brings to light the fact that
29

the economic history of the period is not as blank as the dynastic

chronologies.
The continuity in agricultural development is seen in Kalit. and Pari. We
have already noticed the feudal character of the heroes of these works.
Another noticeable trend is the increasing urban bias of literature. The
problem of Mullaikkali should be noted here. In it we find portrayed
loves and life of the cattle keepers. Throughout the entire section the
consciousness that they are a distinct group is seen. This is well
illustrated in the way the characters refer to themselves as Ayarcattle
keepers (106: 20; 107: 9-10; 112: 7, 9; 114: 4). In song 116 the girl
says,
Cerikkilavag makalen yan
"I am the daughter of the 'owner' of the settlement (colony)."
The concept of Ceri (DED: 1669) as a colony or hamlet of a
homogenous group could arise only after the social acceptance of the
differences between groups. Thus Mullaikkali by its exclusiveness also
proves that the tendency to isolate the other regions of the akam
division and concentrate only on Marutam was gaining strength. The
artificial character of the Kurinci and the Neytal sections and the
difficulty the glossator had in fitting many of those poems into the Tol.mould have already been mentioned.
The possible decrease in the amount of trade was not due to local
conditions but due to developments in Rome. The revival of trade in
Byzantine times shows that it could have been done without the help of
any major Tamil monarch.
Thus it is clear that even though the monarchies had declined feudal
development and trade did not suffer.
To understand the cause for this dynastic disintegration we should
know the power structure in heroic and feudal societies.
In a heroic society the ruler by virtue of his military powers and ability
establishes his authority over his own people and the conquered ones.
The initial base of his power is the bond of kinship and group allegiance
characteristic of collective tribal society. He uses this to further his own
30

end, that is to keep himself in power. This could be done only as long
as he is able to provide more spoils. This achievement soon creates a
`lord' retainer relationship. We see this well reflected in the concept
of Surram and in the description of warriory and chieftains as the
'fighters of the king.' We have already noticed this in the case of
Nalaikilavan Mikan (PN:179). The ruler's power over the chiefs or
retainers is maintained as long as he leads them to victory. For the
retainers wealth comes only through ruler's efforts. The economic basis
of the state was that there was no conscious development of the
sources of production."'
But this cannot go on forever. The moment the ruler tries to stabilise
his power the concept of territorial sovereignty emerges. The already
established concept of succession and personal property now leads to
the strengthening of political power which could be maintained and
fostered only through the development of the resources. Thus we
would find a heroic monarch or his successors making efforts to
develop the land or further trade. From cattle raiding he now turns to
guarding cattle. From the stage of raiding the food stores of others he
passes on to the stage of producing food in his own region and
guarding it from the attacks of outsiders. The economic and military
activities prescribed for Mullai and Marutam regions reveal that the
more complex military organisations were the result of the economic
wealth of the regions.

Mullai
Marutam

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY
Cattle rearing,
cultivation of cereals.
Sowing, planting and
harvesting, cattlerearing.

MILITARY ACTIVITY
Guarding the settlement
raiding it.
Guarding the
fortifications and
attacking them.

We have already seen in Cankam texts a concern for the development,

of agriculture. Poets often refer to the need for the development of
resources (PN: 35, 184, 186; NT: 226; Aitik.: 29). There is also the
emphasis on the royal duty to look after the subjects (PN: 76; PrP: 13).
When the ruler, who is powerful enough to do this, set's out on this
task of stabilisation, he changes the very economic basis of his power.
No more need the chiefs and retainers rely on him and his leadership in
31

wars and raids for subsistence and prosperity. They have now firm
bases of wealth. In a society which has not changed its military habits
this could lead to sturdily independent chieftains. Such a situation of
course would not arise during the time of a powerful ruler; but after
him it is bound to rise. In Tamilnad we have seen that the great rulers
of each line were associated with agricultural development. Each of
these kings was able to initiate or complete with 'success a
restructuring of the economic order of the country; but their careers, as
seen in the case of Karikalan and of Netuncelian reveal how 'heroic'
they have been.'" But a continuity of that political supremacy would
have depended on strong successors: The absence of it would only
mean that the great kings by their progressive activities had brought
about a change which ultimately leads to the dimming of the glories of
the heroic monarchy. The civil strifes and internal dissensions that are
seen in the kingdoms after the great rulers amply prove this point. The
change in the economic order begins to shake the political structure
and the result is a series of rois faineants. Only when a strong and
powerful personality ascends the throne 'we get a glimpse into
monarchical activities, otherwise it is blank. Kingdoms thus stricken,
cannot stand up against any powerful invader. The rallying of the group
during the times of crisis, a feature of the old order, cannot be done
now, and the kingdom falls.
It could sometimes be argued that the changes the great kings brought
about would have underwritten the need for a monarchy or, in the
least, the need of a central authority. We have already noticed that the
economic changes credited to them were those of tank irrigation and
lift irrigation. They had not controlled the waters of the Vaikai or the
Kdveri in such a, manner as the Early kings of Ancient Egypt and
Mesopotamia controlled the floods of the Nile and the Euphrates. In
those cases, the character of the flooding and the methods devised to
control and irrigate were such that there was a demand for a central
authority which would have a number of officials under it. But in the
case of Ancient Tamilnad we did not have such a control. Even in later
times such a system of flood control and irrigation did not exist. Even in
the days of the Imperial Colas "but for the passing mention in an
inscription at Tiruvavatuturai of a Parakasari Karikal Cola who raised
the banks of Kaveri, we hear little in inscriptions of the methods
32

adopted to turn natural streams to count. Even in the late period it was
the tanks that mattered. As for Vaikai, the Manikkavacakar legend
reveals how helpless the state was during floods. Thus the economic
changes were not that far reaching as to make some central authority
indispensable; they only helped to diversify the form of wealth and
create new land holdings.
Besides this, we have also seen from the analysis of the tradition of
'going away to earn wealth' that there were already wealthy men in the
state. This too could have helped to undermine the authority. In trade
too, the king had no monopoly control. The politically weak monarch
would have been helpless against such well entrenched aristocratic
groups.
It is, therefore, possible that during the intervening 150-200 years
between the great kings and the Kalabhras, a development as the one
postulated above would have taken place.,
We have already observed the connections the Kalabhras had with
Buddism and Jainism. Though these two religions were in existence in
Tamil country from Cankam times, it was during this period they rose to
powerful prominence. The last great kings Karikalan (PN:224; PP),
Netuficeliyaq (MK) and Irumporai (PrP: 74) were associated with Vedic
cults and Brahmanism. The traditional association of Sravanabelgola,
the original habitat of Kalabhras, with Jainism is testified to by the
famous Gomateswara statue seen there. It is, therefore, possible that
the new leaders identified themselves with these new sects. It was
during this period of dynastic darkness' that we find the establishment
of the Dramila Sangam (470 A.D.) in Tamilnad. The Kalabhra invasion
did not, as we have seen, result in a unified political entity. Instead it
added to the general confusion by splintering into different families
ruling in different areas.
On the basis of the foregoing discussion we could describe the different
periods as follows.
I.
II.
III.

C.A.D. 100-250/300 -- Heroic Age.

CAD 300-450-- Decline of Monarchies.
CAD 436-560/590 Kalabhra Interregnum.

33

Literature and Political History

The above periodisation should now be viewed against the literary
periods. Those are
I.
II.
III.

Cankam Age.
Age of Tol., Kural, TMA.
Cil.

Any attempt to seek the social character of these literary phases

should be prefaced with Chadwicks' analyses of the social character of
heroic and post-heroic literatures.
"Stated briefly, heroic literature may be said to represent the
warrior or the princely class in general, while non-heroic
literature represent the seer and the religious interest. No other
class or interest seems to be represented, at least in ancient
literatures before post-heroic timesindeed not before the
phase of transition from barbarism and civilisation. In this latter
phase the warrior and the seer are still prominent; the former is
now frequently a soldier of fortune, who serves under a
temporary contract like Archilochus or Egill Skallagrimson.
Beside him there appear new classesthe merchant, especially
the merchant ship owner, the independant landowner and the
city official. Now, too, we meet with lawyers or legislators and
philosophers, who, at least in Greece, do not claim to be seers.
There is, of course, no dispute in taking the Cankam Age as the Heroic
Age.
The similarity the class characteristics depicted in Kalit. and Pari. have
with the general characteristics outlined for post-heroic literatureland
owner, city officialis very striking and need not be argued here all
over again. The Maturai bias of these two works could be explained by
the fact that the Pantiya country being the southernmost kingdom was
able to retain its political identity for a slightly longer time than the
Cola kingdom. The traditional association of the Pantiya country with
Standard Tamil a concept, which was introduced at this time, also
becomes meaningful now.
Tol.'s hero is a land owner.

34

The question may now be raised how Kural, a work on political and
social philosophy could be assigned to this period. Scholarly opinion
does not doubt the fact that Valluvar was a Jaina. We have already
analysed the social base of Kural and showed that it does not fit into
the Cankam era but reflects the later period. At this stage it should be
pointed out that political and social philosophies rise only when there is
a need for them. Thus Plato's Republic came out at a time when
Athenian democracy had ceased to be democratic. Machiavelli's Prince,
Hobbes' Leviathan, Rousseau's Social Contract were all philosophical
answers to the existing political problems of the day. Nearer home
Arthasastra arose at a time when Magadha dominance had to be
turned into Mauryan Imperialism and Gandhi's concept of the Harijan
as men of god arose at a time when those low caste people were
considered subhuman by their compatriots. The emergence of any
work on social or political philosophy has to be understood in terms of
the historical need for it; and there is nothing in Kural to indicate that it
is an exception to the rule. This makes all philosophical writings on
polities both historical documents and idealistic speculations. We have
already seen how Valluvar had performed this task by resorting to the
principle of synthesis.
Thus it is clear that all these works belong to that era of monarchical
decline.
The problem of Cil. may seem more difficult than that of Kural. The
merchant class, according to Chadwicks, is as post-heroic as the land
owner.

If so, how are we to distinguish Tol., Kural, Kalit., and Pari.

on one hand and Cil. on the, other?

The important one is the accepted chronological difference. Cil. is
clearly 'later to Kural, and Tol. More important is the difference in the
social emphasis. We have seen how Tol., Kura!, Kalit. and Pari. portray
the different aspects of the same social order whereas the
chronologically late Cil. seeks to envisage a new social order. Whereas
Kural was taking the contemporary social base for the erection of its
political structure. Cil., in its own manner, is bringing in a larger
territorial unity unheard of in other literature. Viewed in the light of the
available political history this feature becomes explicable. CiL, was
written at a time when there was political fragmentation of the areas,
35

Kalabhra conquest had not helped to bring about larger political units;
instead it worsened the situation by leading to further fragmentation.
This could have been a great blow to the prosperity of trade, which, as
far as the foreign sector was concerned was already in the decline. In
the Indian context the commercial classthe Vaisyasnever sought
independent political authority; they preferred to work under the wings
of the politically dominant monarchies. Cil.'s glorification of the three
monarchies and the emphasis on the essential unity of Tamilnad as a
whole becomes More Meaningful when viewed in this light. The recent
date given to Cil. 465 A.D. fits very well into the picture.
It may therefore, be suggested that Cil. arose in late 5 th or early 6th
century as a reaction to the increasing feudal type of princely holdings,
and by its choice and treatment of the theme indicates an undeclared
but not unhidden aim of the poet to achieve political solidarity and
commercial prosperity. Thus not only the date but also its aim marks
Cil. from other works of the post-heroic Tamilnad.
It is important, at this stage to refer to kagliunathan's article on
"History of Nakarattai and the Story of Cil. In it he shows that the
migration of the Nakarattar, the ancestors of the
present Nattukkottai Chettis of Ramanathapuram District of Tamilnad,
from Pukar to their present habitat was due to a struggle between the
merchant community and the Crown. He has given ample evidence to
show that in reality this was a struggle between the landowning, feudal
power and commercial power. He says that the flourishing trade placed
enormous wealth in the hands of the trading community and cites
evidence from Cil. to show how the merchant community excelled the
king in wealth.
Our analysis of the political and economic history of this period shows
that this was a period of weak monarchy and flourishing trade. Cil.
itself reveals the great wealth of the merchant class and their almost
royal status in that society (1:31-4, 47; II: 2; IX: 70). It could, therefore,
be said that it was the most affluent and thereby socially the most
articulate community, especially after the Kalabhra invasion.
But it should be pointed out that this was a very short lived eminence.
Pallavas who rise to power brought trade under their control. This is
seen in such levels as the one on Taraku--brokerage. Salt was made a
36

royal monopoly. The extensive administrative system of the Pallavas

clearly indicate that they had full control over the political and
economic life of the community. Traders did not play an important part
in the social life of the Pallava period. Literature too reflects the
changed circumstances.
This period also saw the emergence of many cities and towns in South
India.
Though short-lived, this phase should not be by-passed. It has an
important place in the history of Tamil drama.
We could now equate the three phases of the political history with
those of literature and identify them by the governing social interest
found in the works as the Heroic, the Feudal and the Mercantilist.

37