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Reading the Miraculous Powers of Japanese Poetry: Spells, Truth Acts, and a Medieval
Buddhist Poetics of the Supernatural
Author(s): R. Keller Kimbrough
Source: Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Vol. 32, No. 1 (2005), pp. 1-33
Published by: Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30233775
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R. Keller KIMBROUGH
R. Keller Kimbrough is an Assistant Professor of Japaneseat Colby College. In the 20052006 academicyear,he will be a Visiting ResearchFellowat the Nanzan Institutefor Religion
and Culture.
1
T SOMETIMEin or around the fifth year of the Engi era (905), the Japanese court poet Ki no Tsurayukiwrote in his introductionto the antholT
ogy Kokinwakashfui-JcM(Collection of Poems, Past and Present)
that Japanesepoetry has the power to "move heaven and earth, stir feeling in
unseen demons and gods, soften relationsbetween men and women, and soothe
the hearts of fierce warriors."'His words are well-founded, for the literatureof
premodern Japanabounds in tales of poets who have used poetry to a varietyof
ends, including to inspire love, cure illness, end droughts,exorcise demons, and
sometimes even raise the dead. Contemporaryscholars refer to such stories as
katokusetsuwa
, "talesof the wondrous benefits of poetry"'2Entiresecand thirteenth-century tale anthologies have been devoted to
tions of twelfth- ffaIti,
the genre,3and the accountsthemselves,frequentlyfantastic,arecited in numerous premodernworks as evidence of the truth of Tsurayuki'swords.
Despite the largenumber of such stories survivingfrom the Heian and medieval periods (ninth through sixteenth centuries),modern scholarshave devoted
relativelylittle attention to katokusetsuwa as a whole. What researchhas been
done has tended to focus on the boundariesand origins of the genre, ratherthan
the theory or mechanics of the poems themselves.4To some extent,investigation
*An earlier version of this paper was presented for the panel "Worldsof Wonder:Setsuwa and
the Configurationof Belief in Heian and Medieval Japan"at the 2001 meeting of the Association for
Asian Studies.The authorwould like to thank the SainsburyInstitutefor the Studyof JapaneseArts
and Culturesfor its generous support during the composition of this work.
1. SNKBT
5: 4. Tsurayuki'sassertion is modeled on a passage in the Shijing
Major Preface
(first century CE), translated in McCULLOUGH 1985a, pp. 304-5. In writing about., Japanese poetry,
Tsurayukiuses the term waka T'i1,"Japanesesong.' In this article,I employ the term waka to refer
Japanesepoems composed in a more-or-less thirty-one-syllableformat.
specificallyto tanka W-Ot,
2. Setsuwais a genre of anecdotalliterature,usually short and often didactic. The term katokuis
based upon the phrase uta no toku kQa)Pt
("thebenefits of poetry"),which dates from the late Heian
[twelfthor
period (Toshiyorizuin6 j~R aN[ca. 1115;NKBZ50: 82]; Kohon setsuwa shfiu e
thirteenth century; 1: 7, SNKBT42: 414]). As WATANABESh6ichi (1974, p. 11o) explains, the toku V in
KIMBROUGH:MIRACULOUSPOWERSOF JAPANESEPOETRY
turned away from kotodama theory in their discussions of katoku setsuwa. Kamioka posits that
the poem-stories proliferatedunder the influence of the Japaneseand Chinese Kokinshfiprefaces;
Ogawa arguesthat they emerged in response to a perceived decline in the status of waka in the late
Heian period.
7.Notions of waka and music theory are advanced in the Buddhist poetic commentary Nomori
no kagami
(1347), and various other
(1295), KitabatakeChikafusa'sKokinshfichfi N-L
3,ikM
sources. See OGAWA
1999, pp. 252-63. On waka and esoteric Buddhism,see KLEIN2002.
8. See, for example,KamiyoKomachi fkJII e (MJMT
3: 473b) and MurasakiShikibuno maki
2: 243a).
(in IshiyamamonogatariEa
Pie
~ % ,MJMT
,
Journal
Studies 32/1(2005)
ofReligious
I Japanese
between pre-histori-
fioteisho -We
dharani association are traceable to the work of Jien AnR (1155-1225),a Tendai poet-priest best
known for his authorshipof Gukansh6
. Yamadadiscusses records of actual uses of waka as
,EAW and sixteenth centuries.
dharaniin religious ceremonies in the fifteenth
12.The Ritsuryocode of 718,for example,permits the chanting of dharanifor medical purposes.
INOUE1976, p. 216; ABE 1999, pp. 161-62.
poem "possessesthe power to move heaven and earth,to calm demons and gods,"
because, among other attributes,"itcontains many truths in a single word"(hito
kotoba ni 6ku no kotowari wo kome).14Ch6mei's explanation is similar to the
priest Kfikai's,some four hundredyears earlier,regardingthe natureof dharani.
In Hizoki (Record of the Secret Treasury;ca. 805), Kfikai-founder of the esoteric (Shingon) sect of JapaneseBuddhism-notes that "dharani,as the speech of
the Tathagatas,contains only truth (shinjitsuAi)'" In Hokekyoshaku(Interpretation of the Lotus Sutra;834), Kfikaiwrites: "Theexoteric is to consume many
words to denote one meaning. The esoteric is to unleash countless meanings
from within each letter of a word. This is the secret function of dharani."'5
Poetry
4:2A
13.NihonryoikiFB
shfi
(ca.787),Konjaku
monogatari
'Itft
(earlytwelfthcentury),
of Nihon rybikicites a passage from the sutra Senjuky6ZfVf to the effect that dharani"canbring
SNKBT
branches,blossoms,andfruitevento a deadtree"(trans.by KyokoNakamura;
30:149and
tc'F (fourteenthcentury;NKBT
27:642b);andTaiheiki
34:434;McCULLOUGH
1959,p.378).
14.NKBT65:88. The largerMumy6sh6passage reads:
In whatwaydoesa poemsurpassordinarylanguage?
Becauseit containsmanytruthsin
a singleword,becauseit exhausts,withoutrevealing,deepestintent,becauseit summons
forthunseenagesbeforeoureyes,becauseit employsthe ignobleto expressthe superior,
andbecauseit manifests,
in seemingfoolishness,
mostmysterious
truth-becauseof this,
whenthe heartcannotreachandwordsareinsufficient,
if one shouldexpressoneselfin
verse,the merethirty-onecharacters[of a poem]willpossessthepowerto moveheaven
andearth,to calmdemonsandgods.
of bothexcerptsby RyuichiAbe.HizikitJEI andHokeky6
shaku'ASMP, in
15.Translation
KosB DAISHI CHOSAKUKENKYUKAI1991, 5: 138 and 4: 199; ABE 1999, p. 264. In Hannya shingy6
hiken
the sermonsof theTathagata,
there
(818or 834),Kfikaisimilarlywrites:"Among
REL4,,49,,
are two
kinds. One is the exoteric;the other,the esoteric. For those of exoteric caliberhe preached
lengthy sermons containing many clauses, but for those of esoteric caliber, he preached the
dharanis,the words that embracemanifold meanings"(translationby Hakeda).KobB DAISHICHOSAKUKENKYiJKAI1991, 3: 11;HAKEDA1972, p. 274.
bt
&
of Izumo,"Susanoo-no-mikotooriginatedthe compositionof verse in thirtyone syllables.'8It was no differentthan the wordsof the Buddha.The dharani
of Indiaaresimplyin the languageof thatcountry'speople.Usingthe language
of India,the Buddhaexpoundeddharani.Thisis why MeditationMasterYixing wrote in his Commentaryon the Dainichi Sutrathat "thewordsof the
If the Buddhawere to appearin our country,
variouslands areall dharani."'19
he would surelyexpound dharaniin Japanese.Fundamentally,dharanihave
no words;they areexpressedin words.
(NKBT 85: 222-23)
According to Mujf's linguistic relativism, dharani transcend the spoken or
written idiom of any particularpeople. Languageis simply the medium through
which they are conveyed. The concept is Benjaminian,one might say,in its suggestion of a Pure Language-an "ultimateessence"within the "linguisticflux"lurking both beyond and within the multitudinous languages of humankind.20
Mujfulaterwrites:
Thethirty-onechaptersof the DainichiSutranaturallycorrespondto thethirtyone syllablesof waka.Becausewakaencompassthe naturaltruths(doriiFl)
of lay andmonasticlife in thirty-onesyllables,they provokeresponsesin Buddhasandbodhisattvasandmovegods andhumansalike.Althoughdharaniare
composedin the Indianvernacular,they havethe powerto expiatetransgressions and eliminatesufferingin those who takethem up. Japanesewaka,too,
arecomposedin the ordinarylanguageof the land,but if one shouldexpress
one'sfeelingsin waka,thereis sureto be a response.Furthermore,in thatthey
contain the essence of the Dharma,there is no doubt that they are dharani.
(NKBT 85: 223)
truth"
thattranscends
humanlanguage.
Inthat
dharani,
theyexpressa "natural
18.According to Kojiki(712),the deity Susano'o-no-mikotocomposed the very first waka when
he built a palace for his bride (translationslightly modified from BORGEN
and URY199o, p. 81):
yakumo tatsu
Izumo yaegaki
tsumagomi ni
yaegaki tsukuru
sono yaegaki wo
H fIMRL,
19. Dainichiky6sho kfB
by Yixing Chanshi --PTii
(Ichigy6 Zenji;683-727).
20. BENJAMIN
1970, pp. 69-82 ("Ultimate essence" and "linguistic flux"are from pages 79 and
80). RegardingMujfi's(and others')linguistic relativism,see KIKUCHI
1995,pp. 218-21.
JapaneseJournalof ReligiousStudies
32/1 (2005)
seems to have been identified with poetry from around this time as well. Kamo
no Ch6mei, for example, asserts in his Buddhist tale anthology Hosshinshci
(Accounts of Awakenings to Faith; compiled previous to 1216)that "waka is
the way of kotowariin its purest form."22Likewise, in judging a poetry contest
in 1247,Fujiwarano Tameiewrites that "in the past and today, Japanesepoetry
The
springs from the human heart and expresses the kotowariof the world."'23
locating of the miraculous powers of waka in this kotowari-a truth that is
expressed, dharani-like,in the semantic superabundanceof the Japanesepoetic
form-is the essence of thirteenth-centurywaka-dharanithought.
In the early sixteenth century,the Tendaischolar-priestSonshun 1* (14511514),author of the Lotus Sutra commentary Hokekyojurin shfiyosho (Gathered Leavesof the Lotus Sutrafrom a Grove on Eagle Peak), described the link
between waka and dharani in much the way that Muja did some two hundred
and thirty yearsbefore.24One of severalfifteenth- and sixteenth-centuryjikidan
("straighttalk")-typeLotus Sutracommentaries (so named for their self-stated
aims of explaining the Lotus Sutra in an unambiguous, straightforwardmanner),25Jurinshfuyosh is notable for its pervasive use of waka to explicate passages and ideas from the Lotus Sutra.In the "Dharani"(Darani-hon MitQau"a)
chapter of the work, Sonshun explains that "dharaniare the sacred words of
21. An inter-linear note in Hosokawa Yfisai's l)llt*i poetic commentary Kokin wakash0
(1574;quoted in KAMIOKA1986, p. 189) defines kotowarias d3ri.
kikigaki
6: 9, in MIKI1976,p. 276. IwasakiReitar6argues (unconvincingly) that for
22. Hosshinsha
,RL the kotowariof Tendai Truth (concerning the empty,provisional, and
Ch6mei, kotowari signified
in which Ch6mei uses
non-dual natureof all phenomena). He identifies five instances in Mumy6shW
the term (two occur within the quoted passage in footnote 14,above).IWASAKI
1978,pp. 51-63.
23. Cited in OGAWA
1999,p. 245. Tameiemakes similar statements in his Kokinshf2commentary,
Kokinjosh6
fT-T' (1264). See OGAWA1999, pp. 242-46, and 250.
in Hitachi Province in or
was completed at Senmy6ji
24. Jurin shfyosho
,J work, the priest Jikkai U (a+af4,I
,~~ to the
around 1512.In his prologue
contemporary of Sonshun) gives
the year 1510,while in the woodblock-printed manuscriptof 1650,Sonshun gives the years 1511and
1512.Sonshun was a native of Tomobe in the central region of Hitachi.
25. On the jikidan-type Lotus Sutracommentaries,see Kimbrough,forthcoming (chapter5).
the various Buddhas.For this reason, if one chants them as instructed, one will
Sonshun laterwrites:
receive benefits without limit."'26
Wakaarethe dharaniof Japan.As MasterJichinexplains,"WakaareJapanese
dharani.When Buddhasappearin this country,naturallythey expounddharanias waka.Thethirty-onechaptersof the DainichiSutra,too, takethe form
of the thirty-onecharactersof waka."27
LordTsunenoburelates,"Wakaarethe
source of magicalpowers;they are seeds drawingus to enlightenment.The
EightyThousandHoly Teachingsarecontainedwithin their thirty-onecharIt is thus thatwe chantpoems,both in our Buddhistpracticesandto
acters.'28
entertainthe gods. The sutrasextol the Buddhas'virtuesin verse,and among
the thirty-sevendeitiesof the ShingonDiamondWorld[Mandala],Kabosatsu
of the Ki,Man,Ka,and Bu [Bodhisattvas]manifestsas a deityof poetry.
(Jurinshfiyosh 4: 459)
Like the poet-priests of the thirteenth century,Sonshun assertsthat Japanese
poetry expressesa multiplicityof meanings greaterthan the sum of its individual
words; like dharani,he explains, (mis)quoting Minamoto no Tsunenobu,waka
contain within their few syllables the entirety of the Buddhist teachings. Sonshun supports his explanation by citing poems attributedto Kfikaiand Saich6,
progenitors of the JapaneseShingon and Tendai sects, and he recounts a story
about how Saich6 once pacifiedtwo demons with a poem. Unlike waka,dharani
were widely known in the Heian and medieval periods for their ability to ward
off demons,29and it was perhaps for this reason that Sonshun chose to include
the Saicho story in his discussion of the identity of waka and dharani:
26. Jurinshfy6sh6 1991,4: 453.The chaptersof Jurinshy6dsh6are titled afterthe chaptersof the
Lotus Sutra.
F (1155-1225). KIKUCHIHitoshi (1995, p. 225)
27. JichinVq is the posthumous name of Jien ~M
R
argues that Jien has been confused here (and in a related passage in Wakashinpisho flM."hM
[1493])with MujfiIchien.
{ (1016-1097) is the traditionally (and wrongly) attributed
28. Minamoto no Tsunenobu
author of Wakachikensha f:RUfM .IP(ca. 1265),which contains similar remarksin its opening lines
(KATAGIRI1969, pp. 97 and 199). Comparable statements are attributedto Tsunenobu in Sangoki
(NKT4: 341) and Sasamegoto (NKBT66: 182). On the history and dating of Waka chikenshfi,see
to an unrelatedstoryin Fukuroz6shi
KLEIN 2002, pp. 108 and 212-25. According
(SNKBT 29: 157),
Tsunenobu once composed a poem that magically added years to EmperorShirakawa'slife.
29. Fujiwarano Tsuneyuki ORMT (836-875), for example, is reported in various sources to
have been saved from demons by the power of the Sonsh6dharani
(Konjakumonogatari
-W*,MVJ
about Fujiwarano Morosuke
she 14:42; Kohonsetsuwa shA2: 51,and so on). A similar story is told
WOaIsM(908-960) in Okagami kSt (ca. 1085-1125; NKBT 21: 127-28; MCCULLOUGH1980, p. 136),
and about Fujiwarano Takafuji W S (838-900) in G6dansh6 (GR 27: 577b-578a). In this same
chapter of Jurin shfiy6sh6,Sonshun tells a story of an imperial envoy who drove off demons with
a waka,in this case by invoking the authorityof the Emperor (translatedin footnote 52,below). In
Maigetsush6b ,T (dated 1219),the poet Fujiwarano Teika includes the "demon-crushing style"
among his ten styles of poetic composition, but he has little to say about it other than that it is
difficult to learn. See NKBT65: 127; NKBZ50: 514-15; BROWERand MINER 1961, pp. 247-48.
10
The poem that Saich6 uses to appease the demons is a famous one.33 It
resembles a dharani not only in its reported effects, both for Saich6 and for
later travelerswho chant it as a spell at night, but also in its incorporation of a
transliteratedSanskritphrase (anokutarasanmyakusanbodai,"PerfectUltimate
Enlightenment"), rather than a Chinese or Japanesetranslation. Insofar as it
comprises thirty-eight syllables,however,Saicho'spoem pushes the boundaries
of the traditionallythirty-one syllablewaka form. By comparison,a characterin
Ki no Tsurayuki'sTosanikki (The Tosa Diary; ca. 935) is said to have composed
30. Krakucchandha,the fourth of six Buddhasto appearin the world before Shakyamuni.
31.Traditionalaccounts maintain that Saich6 dedicated the image in 788. GRONER1984, pp. 30
and 133,note 93.
(an encyclopedia of 1446, revised and enlarged in
32. According to Jinten ainoshW i
1532), Saich6 recited his benediction (identical to the one quoted here) every time he swung his
hatchet. Upon completion, the image nodded whenever it was revered.BussHo KANK)KAI
1912,P.
TiiYAYLis another name for YakushiNyoraiX-OmA .
413a (17:4). YakushiRuri K6butsu
i Aiifa
602, Shinkokin wakashu
1920, and
.33. The poem is Wakan roeishuf
F-Tin
It
is
also
e
(SNKBT
29:
152),
(NKBZ
565.
KoraiftiteishW
reproduced
Fukurozoshi
RyOjinhisho
,ATJV
50: 286), Toshiyorizuin6 (NKBZ50:69), Ogish6kLABY
(NKT1: 223), etc. According to these works,
Saich6 composed it when he built the CentralHall on Mt. Hiei.
11
ple to my attention.
35. The dying Koshikibu no Naishi (998?-1o25), for example, is reported to have composed a
poem so moving that it convinced a deity to save her life. See Jikkinsh6 tJ+Rl 10: 14 (1252; SNKBZ51:
182 (1254; NKBT84: 167-68), Shasekishii (NKBT85: 227), and so on.
401), Kokon chomonjai
]i
There is an
account of how Izumi
one
Shikibu (in
version of the story, Sei
36.
Edo-period
Shonagon) quieted the Naruto Maelstrom with a poem containing a pun on the name "Naruto."
YanagitaKunio suggests that since the poem is so difficult to understand, it may have succeeded
by bewildering
286-87).
12
Almightygods,
if you too can see,
then rise up shouting
and castopen
Heaven'sRiver'sgates!
543, Konjaku monogatari shfi 24: 51, Jikkinsho 10: 15, and other sources.
,I,-lfA9%
JVAJ(1689),for example,contains stories of three poets who
itoku monogatari
fl
38. Waka
pffari
conjured rain and three poets who caused it to abate (TACHIBANA 1980, pp. 18-22). Priestsare attributed with the power to make it rain in Konjakumonogatarishi 7: 11and 14:41, Uji shfi monogatari
1fE 5: 9 (1407-1446; IKEGAMI1982,
1 :20, Kokon chomonjfi 60 (NKBT84: 96), and Sangoku denki
vol.1, pp. 265-66). Kokonchomonjfi250 and 17are accounts of people who produced rain by playing
music and by means of an imperial decree (NKBT84: 204 and 58).
39. ZGR 16:2:544; the passage is quoted in MORIYAMA 1974, P. 3, and in KAMIOKA 1986, pp. 185-86.
40. Komachi sha 'N9l
(Heian Period); SKT3: 22b, poem 69.
,
, the drought occurred during
41.According to the JingfiBunko recension of Komachishi /J',
the reign of EmperorDaigo (r. 897-930). YokotaYukiya,who believes that the poem is by Komachi,
dates its composition to the drought of 898 (YOKOTA1974, PP. 173-74). KATAGIRI Y6ichi (1975) and
TANAKAKimiharu (1984) argue that the poem is not by Komachi at all.
42. ZGR 33:1:47b. The absence of a statement in Komachishfi concerning the poem'seffect should
not be taken as proof that it was not believed in the Heian and Kamakuraperiods to have produced
rain. As MORIYAMA
Shigeru observes in cases of katoku setsuwa poems included in imperiallysponsored poetic anthologies, the miraculous effects of the poems are usually not described
(1976, pp. 6-9).
13
How shameful!
Eventhe plum at the sacredfence
is withered.
43. KONISHI
1984,p. 211.Konishi follows Orikuchiin his conception of makurakotoba.See ORIKUCHI1946,pp. 174and 191.
A served in the salon of Empress Sh6shi in the court of Emperor
44. Izumi Shikibu U7~k
Ichijo (r. 986-1011ll).She is known today primarily for her poetry and poetic diary,Izumi Shikibu
nikki.According to Koshikibu
a work of fiction from around the sixteenth century,she was
/J,4-%, and Ono no Komachi
of the line of Sotoorihime, Lady
forthcomIse,
(MJMT5: 21;KIMBROUGH,
ing). According to Todengyihitsu tiWJAt3 (mid fifteenth century), the ghost of Ono no Komachi
bestowed her poetic powers on Izumi Shikibu for having rescued her skull from a field (ICHIKO
1992,pp. 197-98; KIMBROUGH,
forthcoming [chapter1]).
14
Calling attention to the withered plum tree at the deity's shrine fence and
punning on the phrase ama no kami (in this case both "godof the heavens"and
"god of rain"),Izumi Shikibu questions the deity's provenance in the absence
of rainfall. Ratherthan simply invoking a name (ama no kami), Izumi Shikibu
uses a pun-producing a dharani-likemultiplicityof meaning-to challengethe
validity of the god's appellation. How, in reason, can it allow a drought if it is
a god of the heavens/a god of rain? Confronted with Izumi Shikibu'ssemantic
manipulation and its own dying tree, the deity is compelled to make it rain.46
Although Sonshun providesno explanationfor how he understoodthis particular poem to have worked, in an account in his "MedicineKing"(Yaku6Bosatsu
) chapter in which an imperial envoy is said to have
honji-hon ~i~i 1
composed a similar sort of verse and thereby caused a wooden image of Jiz6 to
smile, Sonshun remarksthat "it is interestinghow [the poet] employed truth [to
make the statue grin]" (makotoo motteomoshironari).47
Because she is a poet, it is naturalthat Izumi Shikibubeseeches the deity with
a poem. For many others, however,waka was not preferred.In the fifteenthcentury,the monks of K6fukujiin Nararecited sutrasand conducted lecturesfor the
sake of rain, while lay people danced, prayed,and even put on performancesof
sarugaku,noh, and sumo wrestlingto bring an end to their droughts.48Although
45.Jurinshiy6shd 1991,4: 461.A similar story is contained in the Lotus SutracommentaryIchijo
shiigyokush6--*
t4& (Gathered Jewels of the Single Vehicle; 1488), according to which Izumi
Shikiburapped on the shrine fence before reciting her poem. Ichij6shfigyokush61998,p. 723.
46. Incidentally, because puns tend to be specific to individual languages, they are usually
untranslatable.In its use of wordplayto establish a coercive kotowari,Izumi Shikibu'spoem relies
upon the particularhomonymic possibilities of the Japaneselanguage.It would thus seem to contradict Mujfi'sassertion that the powers of waka and dharani stem from statements of "natural
truth"that transcend the languagesin which they are expressed.
47.Jurinshfiydsh61991,4: 257-58. The envoy is said to have taken shelter from the rain in a small
Buddha hall near the Sunomatariver in Mino Province. He was told that the Jiz6 image there had
been carved from an old wooden bridge-pillardredgedup from the riverbed. The envoy composed
the following verse, whereupon the Jiz6 image smiled:
The bridge pillar
kuchinokoru
half-rotted
masago no shita no
beneath the sand
hashi hashira
has again changed its form,
mata sama kaete
still leading to the Other Shore.
hito watasu nari
The poem is similar to Izumi Shikibu'srainmakingverse insofaras it uses a pun (in this case, on
the verb watasu,"to convey [acrossthe river]"and "to convey [to enlightenment]")to state a truthful observation regarding the nature of its referent (the bridge pillar/Jiz6 image). The story is also
contained in Hokekyojikidansh6 (ca. 1546;in JikidanshW
1979,3: 361-62).
48. MORISUE
1941,PP. 429-34. On the ritual aspects of sumo, particularlyas kami-asobi (entertainment for the gods), see PLUTSCHOW
1990,p. 59. On the history of JapaneseBuddhistrainmaking,
see RUPPERT2002.
15
165-66).
The second Jurinshufy6shbIzumi Shikibu rainmakingaccount is one of several rainmakingtales cited in the "Parableof Medicinal Herbs"(Yakusoyu-hon
Ml6iRaN)chapter of Sonshun's work (Jurin shuiydsho 1991, 2: 472-74). In one of
these stories, the Sui priest Jizang
(Kichiz6; 549-623) is said to have conjured rain by reciting the "Parableof Medicinal Herbs" chapter of the Lotus
Sutra; Kfikai,by presenting food offerings and beseeching a dragon deity at
Shinsennen Pond; the priest Ch6ken (in the fourth month of 1174),by reciting a
formal prayer-proclamation;and Izumi Shikibu,by composing a waka:
Duringthe reignof EmperorMurakami,IzumiShikibuwas once commanded
to composea poem prayingfor rain:
hi no moto no
Thoughsurelyit shines
in accordwith our namena ni ou tote ya
terasuran
"Japan:
Originof the Sun"if it does not rain,how arewe
furazarabamata
"beneaththe heavens-beneath the rain"?
ame ga shitaka wa
According to the commentary Hokekyojikidanshd (StraightTalk on the Lotus
Sutra; ca. 1546), when Izumi Shikibu finished reciting her poem, "the sky
clouded over and rain suddenly began to fall."0
Similarto her previous verse, Izumi Shikibu'spoem puns on the phrase ame
ga shita, "beneaththe heavens"and "beneaththe rain."The conceit is not original to her,51but its effect is clear.Unlike her earlierpoem, directed at a specific
deity at a particularshrine, this one is addressedto the universe at large. Izumi
Shikibuproposes that because the name Japan(Nihon HB1) is written with the
characters"originof the sun,"it is natural that the sun would shine. However,
as Japanis "beneaththe heavens,"it must also-by a coincidence of sound-be
1986,p. 46c; HERBERT
49. TYLER
1992,p. 1o8;NAKAMURA
1967,p. 483.Tylerpoints to a reference
in Kojidan358 (ca. 1212;KOBAYASHI
1981,2: 93-94) to a rainmakingdragonwho was relocatedin the
Nara period (710-784) from one pond to another by throwing a dead body into its waters.
1998,p. 193.Also see the relatedaccountin Ichij6shfigyokushW,
50.Jikidansho1979,2:233;NAKANO
cited in NAKANO1998, p. 194.
The poet's question is rhetorical.Since all the land is ruled by the Emperor,there is no place for
demons to call their own. According to a version of the tale cited in the poetic commentary Kokin
wakashzjo kikigakisanryash
f
(ca. 1286),the demons served the renegade
TI-RIN---ii
general Fujiwarano Chikata *Jq,{f in his defiance of the Emperor.The imperial envoy (Ki no
Tomo'oC~#f ) reasoned that because "demons and gods are exceptionally forthright"(kiwamete
jiki naru mono), they can be moved if shown the error of their ways. Indeed, upon hearing the
poem,"the demons realizedthe evil of Chikata'sdeeds, abandonedhim and disappeared."Quoted in
KAMIOKA 1986, pp. 194-95, and in TOKUDA
1988, p. 448. The story is contained in numerous sources,
including at least six medieval Kokinshficommentaries,Taiheiki,the Kei6 UniversityLibrarymanu1986, pp. 195-96; NKBT35: 167-68;
script of Shuten D6ji, and Waka itoku monogatari (KAMIOKA
1980,pp. 42-43, respectively).
MIMT3: 144b-45a;and TACHIBANA
53. Konjaku monogatari shii 1: 2 (SNKBT33: 7), for example, explains that when the Buddha
Shakyamuni appeared in this world, he "causedthe rain of the Dharma to fall, extinguishing the
fires of hell and granting sentient beings the joys of peace and tranquility"Accordingto Ippenhijiri
e - -M~i, an illustratedbiographyof the priest Ippen composed in 1299,a "Dharmarain"fell upon
the MandalaHall of TaimaTempleduring an attackby the Taira(in the Jish6 * era [1177-1180]),
SHOTENHENSHIUBU
saving it from fire while all the surrounding buildings burned. KADOKAWA
1960,p. 75b.
17
far greaterthan that of simply ending a drought:it calls forth the non-discriminatory compassion of the Buddha, leading all beings to enlightenment. That it
should do so is to be expected, perhaps, considering that waka, according to
Sonshun, contain within their thirty-one syllables the entirety of the Buddhist
teachings.
One of the most frequently cited rainmaking poem-stories in Heian and
medieval literatureconcerns the poet-priest Ndin H6shi (988-1050?).The following version is from the twelfth-century poetic anthology Kinyo wakashi
(Golden Leavesof Waka;1127):54
When NMinaccompaniedLordNorikuni to Iyo Province,it had not rained
a drop in the three or four months since the new year.Unableto preparethe
rice-seedlingbeds, the people raised a clamor.Theirmany prayershad not
the least effect,and the situationbecamedifficultto bear.Thegovernorasked
Noin to compose a poem andvisit the leadingshrineto pray.Noin visitedthe
shrineand composed:
amano gawa
nawashiromizu ni
sekikudase
amakudarimasu
kaminarabakami
The deity was moved and a greatrain fell. As we can see from Noin'sprivate
anthology,the raindid not ceasefor threedaysand threenights.
Like Izumi Shikibu,NMinuses wordplay (the phrase ama kudarimasukami,
both "agod come down from heaven"and "agod who gives us rain")to oblige
the deity to make it rain.55Throughlinking the truth of the deity'sorigins (that
it is a god come down from heaven) with the conjecture that it is a deity who
28: 433,
9: 184-85, poem 625. The story is also contained in NMinshaiP[
(SNKBT
54. SNKBT
29: 157), Toshiyorizuin6 (NKBZ50: 75-76), Jikkinsh 10o:1O
poem 211),Fukurozishi (SNKBT
(SNKBZ
51:397), Kokon chomonjfi171(NKBT84: 158), TMsaizuihitsu AjilaRM(KUBOTA
1979,p. 198), Waka
itoku monogatari(TACHIBANA
1980,pp. 19-20), and at least four medieval Kokinshficommentaries
(KAMIOKA1986, pp. 182 and 192-93).
18
JapaneseJournalof ReligiousStudies
32/1 (2005)
bestows rain, N6in createsa situation in which the deity cannot deny N6in'sone
statement without denying the other. Thus, because it is indeed a deity from
heaven, it is bound by the kotowariof N6in'sverse to produce rain. While kotodama theory might locate the poem's power in its ritual recitation at a shrine
(or in the use of the words ama kudarimasuas a kind of rain-inducing pillowphrase for kami), dharani theory suggests that it was the poem's expression
of reason, within the semantic superabundanceof the waka form, that gave it
its effect. Simply put, in the way that Izumi Shikibu manipulates the universe
through the logic of her previous poem, N6in coerces the god by punning on a
statement of truth.
Indian TruthActs and JapanesePowerPoetry
Among the various miracle-producingtechniques ascribedto the poets of Heian
and medieval Japan,one of the most common seems to have been the composition of waka (like N6in's rainmaking poem) that either contain or themselves
constitute declarationsof truth. According to this method, the poet constructs
a statement of logic so compelling that it forces supernaturalbeings to act on
the poet's request. The procedure,which is often achieved through clever uses
of wordplay,is not unlike that of the ancient Indian "TruthAct" (saccakiriyal
satyakriya),a ritual declarationof fact of such profunditythat it is imbued with
the power to overcome naturallaws.56As we have seen, an intrinsic characteristic of dharani (and of waka, according to some thirteenth-century commentators) is that they express truth. The Truth Act, like the dharani,was a potent
instrument in the magico-religious technology of Indian Buddhism, and it
seems to have been adopted-albeit in somewhat condensed form-for use in a
number of the miraculous poems of Japan.
TruthActs are exceedingly common in the Pali and SanskritBuddhistcanon,
especially in the jataka tales of the former lives of Shakyamuni,transmittedto
Japanin a variety of sutras and Buddhist commentaries.57Men, women, and
56. E.W.BURLINGAME
(1917,p. 429) defines the TruthAct as "aformal declarationof fact,accompanied by a command or resolution or prayerthat the purpose of the agent shall be accomplished"
W. Norman BROWN (1968, 1963, 1940) cites several early examples from the Rig Veda, composed
from around 1500 BCE,and he notes that TruthActs are"commonin post-Vedic literature,whether
Hindu, Buddhist, or Jain"(BROWN1963,p. 8). Burlingame argues that the Pali term saccakiriya,a
compound of sacca ("truth")and kiriyd("anykind of act, operation or performance")is preferable
to the Sanskrit satyakriya,which he says does not actually occur in Sanskrit texts (BURLINGAME
1917,pp. 433-34). Bruce Sullivan maintains that the Sanskritterm is in fact employed in Buddhist
(although not Hindu) literature in Sanskrit (personal communication, June 2003). Nakamura
within his second definition of jitsugo
Hajime includes "sacca-kiriyd"
, which he describes as a
vow of truth"(tV ~) and a synonym of dharani (W-I4t ~kb nR~). NAKAMURA1975,1: 597c.
57. The jatakas were widely known in Japanthrough such sutras as Rokudojufkkyo~AI4 ~,
Shoky5 Et9,Bussetsu bosatsu hongyaky6~LJ\
Daihobenbutsuhoongy6k
and the commentary Daichidoron tkINUA . Jataka stories from these works were reproduced
i)l9,E ,,,in
19
and medieval sources (KAMATA1998, pp. 41C and 868; NAKAMURA1975,1: 504b). Konjaku monoga-
tari shfi reproducesat least two jatakas containing explicit Acts of Truth.In the first (Konjaku5:7),
a prince heals himself by declaringthe fact of his future enlightenment and proclaiming,"IfI speak
falsely about this, then my body shall not be cured. But if I speak the truth,my body will be as it was
before"'In the second (Konjaku5:9), a king saves himself by announcing his unwaveringdesire for
enlightenment and vowing,"Ifmy words be untrue-if they mislead Taishaku-then may my thousand lacerationsnever heal. But if they are true, then may my blood become milk and my thousand
wounds, cured." SNKBT33: 415 and 420; DYKSTRA1986, pp. 191 and 195.
58. BURLINGAME1917,p. 430; KHOROCHE1989, pp. 10-17. Translation of the vow by Burlingame.
20
foot outside these temple gates!"As the tale is told, on the sixth evening, Amida
appearedbefore her as an apparitionalnun.61
The similaritybetween Indian TruthActs and the miraculouspoems of Japan
is most conspicuous in the case of waka that begin with the phrase kotowari
ya, "trueindeed."62One such verse is attributedto Ono no Komachi in a rainmaking account within the farcical"Narihiramochi" (Narihira'sStickyRice;ca.
1605), a kyagenplay about the ninth-century poet Ariwarano Narihira and his
shameless attemptto eat mochifor free:
One yeartherewas a droughtthroughoutthe land. Not a drop of rainwould
fall.Thepeasantslost theirplantingseed, so they wereparticularlydistressed.
Hearingof the situation,the Emperorspoketo his nobles,andhe commanded
the finest and most distinguishedof prieststo conductprayerservices.However, they did not have the least effect. The Emperorsummoned Ono no
Komachi,daughterof Ono no Yoshizaneand a poet of worldrenown,and he
orderedher to composea rainmakingsong. Shetraveledto ShinsennenPond,
whereshe intoned:
kotowariya
hi no moto nareba
teri mo seme
sari tote wa mata
Trueindeed
that the sun should shine,
this being "Japan:Origin of the Sun."
Yetare we not also
amega shitakawa
By the power of her poem rain immediatelybegan to fall. The crops were
spared,and the peopleweremarvelouslysaved.63
In its overallconception and wordplay,Ono no Komachi'spoem is nearlyidentical to the earlierrainmakingverse attributedto Izumi Shikibuin the "Parable
61.MJMT9: 282a and 295b;translation(by Kimbrough)in SHIRANE
2005. The TruthAct is most
often described in premodern Japanesesources as a "vow"(chikai N), or "prayer-vow"(seigan N
NO).Like Chij6Ohime,a blind priest in Seiry6jiengiAVAT&4#4(ca. 1515)is said to have performed a
Truth Act during the reign of Emperor Horikawa (r. 1086-1107) based upon the fact of his future
rebirth in the Pure Land, thus compelling the Seiry6ji Shakyamunito restore his sight (ZGR27: 1:
403b-4o4a). In the Buddhist setsuwa anthology Sangokudenki (Tales of ThreeCountries;ca. 14071446), the poet-priest Saigy6 (1118-1190)is said to have performed an Act of Truth concerning the
spiritual significance of poetry. He declares:"If it be true that by the Wayof Poetry one may attain
release from the cycle of birth and death,then I shall meet the venerable [poet] Hitomaro.However,
if poetry is of no benefit-if it is but a meaningless discourse of fanciful words-then I shall not."
Saigy6 is reported to have later encountered the ghost of Hitomaro (fl. ca. 680-700) in the guise of
a white-haired old man. Sangokudenki 6: 21 ("How the Priest Saigy6 Met Hitomaro"),in IKEGAMI
1982,1:339.
62. The combination of kotowariand the emphatic particleya might also be translated,"itindeed
stands to reason,"or "reasonableindeed."SonjaArntzen translates,"Howtrue it is!"in a kotowariya
1997,p. 317).
poem in Kager6nikkiOWDE1~E(late tenth century;ARNTZEN
63. NKBT 43: 437.In Tsukino karu moshif J
(ca. 1630), the poem is attributed to Izumi
Shikibu.ZGR33:1 : 47b.
ra
21
-ar
o~
\'C
'1
FIGURE 1:Ono no
of Medicinal Herbs"chapter of Jurinshfiyosh6.However,by its initial declaration ("Trueindeed!"),it explicitly affirmsits own kotowari(that in a land called
"Originof the Sun,"the sun should shine), formalizing its function as a seemingly abbreviated,poetic Act of Truth.Having establishedthat by the fact of its
name, Japanis prone to sunshine, Komachi questions the meaning of ame ga
shita, "beneaththe heavens"and "beneaththe rain."'The gods, confronted with
the contradictionraisedin her verse, are obliged to make it rain. The ceremonial
22
In honest truth,
how mightthe deer
not cry out,
64. Accounts of Kfikaiproducing rain at Shinsennen Pond (in the second month of 824, according to Kojidan) are contained in Konjaku monogatari shfi 14: 41 (SNKBT35: 359-60), GodanshW (GR
27: 551b), Kojidan (KOBAYASHI1981, 1: 221-22), Taiheiki (NKBT34: 420-24; McCULLOUGH 1959, pp.
374-79), and other sources. Kfikaiis said to have followed the method described in the sutra Daiunrin seiuky&,which includes the chanting of dharani (see footnote 13,above). Rainmaking ceremonies were commonly held at Shinsennen Pond in the Heian and medieval periods; according
to Zoku kojidan (GR27: 642b), a two-story gate at the southern end of the pond once collapsed as a
result of a ceremony performed there.
5: 37a;KIMBROUGH,
65. MJMT
forthcoming. The account is also contained in Wakaitokumonogatari (1689; TACHIBANA1980, pp. 77-78). The Koshikibu passage reads:
One of the Emperor'sbeloved young pines suddenly withered,and His Majestywas filled
with deepest sorrow."Evengods and plants bend to the Wayof Poetry,"he declared."Send
for Izumi Shikibu and have her compose a poem in prayer for my tree!"But as Izumi
Shikibuwas in the province of Tango,which was very far away,Koshikibuno Naishi suggested that she first compose a poem instead."Verywell then, do it quickly,"the Emperor
agreed,and Koshikibuintoned:
How right that
kotowari ya
karete wa ika ni
you should wither,
himekomatsu
you dear little pine,
if you think to leave His Highness
chiyo wo ba kimi ni
yuzuru to omoeba
your one thousand years!
The pine trembledviolently,and within moments it was thriving again.The Emperorwas
deeply impressed,and he granted Koshikibunumerous robes.
koyoibakarino
inochi to omoeba
23
knowingthattonight
will be its last?
:V
66. SNKBT42: 413. The poem is also contained in the poetic anthology Goshtiiwakashif i MfRU
(compiled in lo86), SNKBT8: 322, poem 999.
67. NKBT88: 209-210; COGAN 1987, p. 124. The account is also contained in Waka itoku monoga-
69. See above. Norinaga'sidentification of honesty and artifice as the two essential aspects of
miraculous poems is reminiscentof Ki no Tsurayuki'sdistinction in Kokinwakashzfbetween kokoro
and kotoba(content and form), and the traditionalzhilwen dichotomy in Shijingand other Chinese
sources. McCULLOUGH1985, pp. 303 and 314.
(2005)
Question:
In the compositionof poetry,if one shouldput asidetruth(makoto"Z)and
concentratesolely on the craftingof ornate language,is it not the case that
howeverfinea poem one mightproduce,thatpoem will failto stiremotion in
demons and gods?
Answer:
To move heavenand earth and stir emotion in demons and gods requires
both deep feeling and good poetry. Howeverdeep one'sfeelings might be,
if one should write, "How sad, how sad,"demons and gods are not likely
to be moved. But if a poem is born of an earnest heart and is but skillfully
wrought,supernaturalbeingsaresureto be moved of theirown accord.Likewise, howeverelegantthe languageof a poem, shouldthat poem lackfeeling,
demons and gods are unlikelyto respond.Butwhen people heara poem that
is both profoundin sentiment and gracefullycrafted,their heartsare naturallytouched.So too heavenand earthare moved and demons and gods are
affected.
Takefor exampleKomachi'spoem,
kotowariya
hi no moto nareba
teri mo seme
sari tote mo mata
ame ga shitato wa
Trueindeed
thatthe sun shouldshine,
this being "Japan:
Originof the Sun."
Yetarewe not also
"beneaththe heavens-beneath the rain"?
25
Norinaga was not alone in the eighteenth century in his belief in the importance of sincerityto the composition of miraculousverse.In the poetic commentary Shirinshuiyo(GatheredLeavesfrom a Groveof Words;1739),the poet-priest
Jiunwrites of a woman who used a poem to clear her name aftershe was falsely
accused of stealing a robe. "Herpoem is nothing special,"Jiun explains, "but
because it contains true feeling (fitsuj6d'i), there is no doubt that it moved the
gods.''71Sincerity was considered an important factor in prayer in earlier centuries as well. The author of Kohonsetsuwa shi (twelfth or thirteenth century)
notes that "whetherreverentor base, people'sprayersareeffectivewhen they are
most heartfelt.'72As these disparatesources suggest, it is through an emotional
truth that poems and prayersmay achieve their effect.
As a scholar of so-called "nationallearning,"Norinagarejectedthe prevailing
Shinto-Buddhistsyncretismof the medieval period, accordingto which miraculous poems "work"because they are the dharaniof Japan.In his refusalto privilege content over form, however,Norinaga'swords echo the Tendaiprinciple of
non-duality, the foundational concept upon which medieval syncretic thought
was based. Norinaga may have disagreedwith Kamo no Ch6mei, Muj i Ichien,
Sonshun, and others as to why or how Ono no Komachi'sand N6in's rainmaking poems conjured rain, but in emphasizing the importance of earnestnessWhen Ki no Tsurayukiwas on his way back to the capital from Kii Province,his horse fell
suddenly ill as if to die. Some passing travelers stopped and spoke: "The deity here must have
done this. There hasn't been a shrine or a markerhere for years, but he's an extremely terrible
god, and he used to make people sick like this before. You had better pray." Tsurayuki had
nothing to offer,so there was little he could do. He washed his hands and knelt facing the deity's
mountain, deserted though it appeared.
"Now,who is this god?"he inquired.
"He'scalled the Aritohoshi (Arid6shi) Deity,"someone said.
Takingin these words, Tsurayukiofferedthe following verse. His horse was cured as a result:
kakikumori
Covered by clouds,
the sky was lost to my eyes.
ayame mo shiranu
Still,I ought to have recalled
6zora ni
the presence of starsari to hoshi o ba
omoubeshi ya wa
the presence of Arid6shi.
Tsurayuki'spoem contains a pun on the name of the deity,"Aridoshi"("Aritohoshi")and ari to
hoshi (hoshi ari), "the presence of stars'."
Tsurayuki'swordplayis not entirely successful;in order to
make sense of the double meaning, one would need to change the word order from "6zorani ari to
hoshi o ba omoubeshi"to "5zorani hoshi [o ba] ari to omoubeshi.' NISHIMURA
T6ru has suggested
that Tsurayuki'sverse is not a particularlygood one, and that if the deity found it moving, "it did
not have much of an eye for poetry" (1966, pp. 7-8). Drawing upon kotodama theory, Nishimura
proposes that it was Tsurayuki'sincorporation of the deity's name within the poem that gave it its
power,and he cites further examples of poets said to have bid responses from deities by revealingor
simply articulatingtheir names (1966,pp. 8-11).
71. NKT 6: 429. Shirin shfiuyX
(1739) is based upon the oral instruction that Jiun WVk
in 1713.
(1673-1753) received from Mushanok6jiSanekage~
72. SNKBT
42: 463."Hito no inori wa, toutoki mo kitanaki mo, tada yoku kokoroni iritaruga gen
aru narn.
26
truthful intent-his views are in accord with those of the medieval Buddhist
scholars.And in that many of Japan'smiraculouspoems do indeed resemblethe
magico-religious formulas of ancient India (whether in their "semanticsuperabundance,'or their seemingly ritual invocations of truth), in statingthat waka
are the dharani of Japan,the thirteenth-century poet-priests do not appear to
have been far off the mark.
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