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Ambiguity of Death
No Singular Definition
The idea that there is a singular definition of death is an
accident of historyour language surrounding death
evolved only because technologies that exist now were
not possible in the past.
Alan Shewmon 04, [UCLA Medical Center], "The Dead Donor Rule: Lessons from Linguistics," Kennedy
institute of Ethics Journal, Volume 14, Number 3, September 2004 (pp 277-300).
The dynamic interaction between language and thought goes much deeper
than merely focusing attention by naming. What if the assumption that there
must be a clear, unitary, objective, correct concept of death is derived not
so much from intellectual insight as from an accident of the language we
think in: the singularity of the word death? What if our very lexicon is a
setup for the interminable and seemingly unresolvable debates about the
nature and determination of death, as well as for the incoherent thinking
about death that abounds among not only the general public but health
professionals as well? Most languages contain a single-word equivalent to the
English death, suggesting that there is indeed a corresponding singular
concept universally understood across societies down through history. This
makes sense, because up until the very recent advent of life support in
developed countries, the set of candidate death events was fairly limited
final breath, decapitation. . . . Moreover, nothing critical hinged on the exact
timing of deathso long as it had surely occurred prior to burial. But modern
developed countries now find themselves with death situations unknown and
inconceivable throughout the millennia during which languages developed.
Therefore, just because one grew up learning to speak and think with the one
word death, it does not follow that one also must think with the same
singular concept in the context of modern ICUs. (Neither does the new
context necessarily imply that one should not think in terms of a singular
death concept; it simply raises the question, which I believe is answered in
the course of this paper.)
Some languages have no equivalent for the English word death. For
example, in the Kovai language of Papua New Guinea, the verb um means to
die, but the noun formed from it, umong, means not only death but also
mere sickness (not necessarily fatal). There is no other obvious word for
death or sickness. This may be quite common in Papua New Guinean
languages (personal communication, Michael Johnstone, Cam- bridge
University). In Tok Pisin, English-based creole of Papua New Guinea, he
dies/is dead is rendered em i dai, which can also mean he is unconscious.
To indicate what we call death they add an aspectual qualifier: em i dai pinis,
which also can mean something like he is al- ready dead and which is not
available for the future tense, or dai olgeta (die altogether) (personal
communication, Eva Lindstrom, Linguistics, Stockholm University). These
peoples very language seems to reflect a world-view in which the
demarcation between life and death lies more in the direction of life than we
tend to think. A similar thing occurs in Quechua: My sister-in-law is dying!
This, in Quichua, may mean anything from a headache to a snakebite. If one
is in excellent health, he is living. Other- wise, he is dying. (Elliot 1957,
pp. 4243) Such a linguistic difference reflects a profound difference in worldview, in which death is viewed not as the end of life but as a kind of extreme
of illness, after which the spirits of the dead continue to live (physically) in a
different place, eating, sleeping, working, and so forth, from whence they
may return periodically to speak about their present life to family mem- bers
in dreams.
We should abandon the search for criteria for the universally true moment
of death, as there is no single, context-independent, true mo- ment of
death. Rather, there are various moments of state discontinuity, not all of
which necessarily occur in a given case, and not all of which are equally
striking to the senses and intellect of an observer. All of these state
discontinuities are equally real and valid phenomena in themselves, and
there is no a priori reason that one of them must be singled out for the
designation death while the others slip into conceptual obscurity for want
of a word. Once we recognize the restrictions that our language tends to
impose on our ways of thinking about death, we can attempt to transcend
them through expanding the vocabulary to correspond to the more
enlightened understanding. We could invent words for E1, E2, and so forth,
that would be distinct enough not to create a false impression that they were
all spe- cies of the same conceptual genus death, but simply different
moments of state discontinuity resulting from changes in observable
parameters along the continuous process known as dying and decaying.
Relativity
Death is ambiguous and culturally relative.
Elysa R. Koppelman 03, [Oakland University], "The Dead Donor Rule and the Concept of Death:
Severing the Ties that Bind Them," The American Journal of Bioethics, 3:1, Winter 2003, 1-9.
Veatch and Charo both believe that death is an ambiguous concept because
it is not a purely bio- logical concept. Death is a social, normative is- sue
that is inuenced by religion, metaphysics, and values (Veatch 1999); it is a
concept that is intimately tied with social or political goals (Charo 1999).
Death has moral, religious, and political connotations making its extension
something not purely empirical, but laden with feelings, values, and beliefs.
Because of this belief about the nature of death, these theorists claim that a
single mo- ment is insuf cient to justify all social and moral concerns that
seem to be connected with death for all people. Both theorists share the
intuition that lies behind the dd rule, claiming that we need mo- ments of
death, both socially and psychologically, but they argue that these moments
differ among individuals and cultures.
Legal Fictions
Even if death is ambiguous, we can still create legal
fictions about death in the realm of public policy.
Elysa R. Koppelman 03, [Oakland University], "The Dead Donor Rule and the Concept of Death:
Severing the Ties that Bind Them," The American Journal of Bioethics, 3:1, Winter 2003, 1-9.
legal fictions in the past, Charo points out, because their acceptance resolves moral or social problems in a way that exemplifies
same
approach might work for public policy surrounding death. Given the
difficulties in reaching consensus on a medical definition of death, law can be
used to create fictions. For example, we have accepted the legal fiction of
considering persons who have been missing for a certain amount of years as
dead. Although the real status of the missing person is unknown, we have agreed to accept a set of somewhat arbitrary facts as grounds
for acting as if the person is dead. We deem it reasonable to act this way in agreed-upon circumstances in part
because doing so allows us to uphold certain values we believe to be
important. Likewise, Charo argues, we might get the public to agree that patients in PVS can be considered dead for the purpose of
presumptions about the hierarchy of values to be upheld in any particular situation in which they are implicated. The
resolving marital concerns. This is because some values that marriage refects are not being met if one partner is in PVS, and the public
these values are important enough to outweigh any rights the PVS
patient might have in this area.
believes that
AT Legal Fictions
There is no way to generate consensus on a legal fiction
about death as it relates to organ procurement.
Elysa R. Koppelman 03, [Oakland University], "The Dead Donor Rule and the Concept of Death:
Severing the Ties that Bind Them," The American Journal of Bioethics, 3:1, Winter 2003, 1-9.
The problem with the legal concept of brain death is that there is no
consensus on the state of affairs under which it would be reasonable to act as
if the person were dead for certain purposes, such as removing organs or
withdrawing life support. There is no common-sense reality; there is no common experience. We cannot get the public to fo- cus on a single, simple, selfevident truth, because there are too many alternative ontological and moral
commitmentscommitments that carry with them strong emotions because
they are often tied intimately to ones identity or worldview. And it seems
consensus is unlikely given the social, po- litical, and normative nature of the
concept of death. Legal ctions might be a good idea in some cases, but it is
unlikely that they will work here. Recognizing and then disregarding the
ambiguity of death simply has not been successful. So how can advocates of
the dd rule respond to the fact that brain death has not been completely
accepted by the public as a legal ction? The contrary approachesdiscarding
and em- bracing ambiguityare reected in a discussion on the Critical Care
Medicine-Listserv (CCM-L)1 concerning how to approach the parents of a
brain- dead child about organ donation. Should you A. tell parents that their
child is dead and that the organs are being kept functioning by articial
means; or B. tell the parents that their child is brain-dead and then explain
what that means? Aviel Roy-Shapira, who posted this question, wrote that
arguments for A focused on the claim that the message of death should be
unambiguous (that is, the ambiguity should be downplayed or masked) and
that arguments for B. emphasized that the ambiguity cannot be masked, that
the family cannot believe a direct statement of death, seeing their beloved
all rosy, with a regular heart rate on the monitor.
I will argue that it is exactly in this sense that organ donation plays a role in
the refinement of death concepts. (The same could also be said for the
relevance of other high-technology medical practicessuch as the termination of high cost, resource, and labor intensive carefor the development of
new criteria for determination of death. For the sake of simplicity, I will just
focus on the questions related to organ donation.) Two things jointly motivate and inform the development of more precise criteria for determination of
death: (a) the costs of being too conservative and (b) the potential masking
effect of technologies used to sustain life. We can thus concede that an
interest in harvesting organs (along with some other interests) partly
Brain Death
While some debate continued, the use of brain criteria for determining death
grew in acceptance in the 1970s and 1980s in both the United States and
abroad. Legislative action in the United States (Curran 1989; Report 1986)
and elsewhere (Kaufman et al. 1979) attempted to prove identification and
recruitment of brain dead donors. In Denmark, Sweden, France, Israel, Italy,
and Norway organs can be taken from all brain dead patients unless the
patient had specifically denied permission (Kaufman et al. 1979). Over the
last 18 years, withdrawal of life support from living patients who have
requested, or whose surrogates have requested, that the support be
withdrawn has been gaining in acceptance in the U.S., and is supported by
case law (In re Quinlan, 70 N.J. 10, 355 A.2d 647 (1976); Meisel 1992). This
has probably contributed to the acceptance of discontinuing ventilator
support of patients who can be declared dead using neurologic criteria.
These problems have led scholars to support organ re- trieval from braindead patients by way of two main justi- fications. The Presidents Council on
Bioethics has argued for the necessity of a new definition of death: the
cessation of the fundamental vital work of a living organismthe work of selfpreservation, achieved through the organisms need-driven commerce with
the surrounding world (Pres- idents Council on Bioethics 2008). This
alternative has been acknowledged to be the best available rationale to
equate the destruction of the entire brain to death, but has also been
thoroughly criticized as being a vague, arbitrary, in- consistent and
counterintuitive contortion of semantics intended to save the neurological
standard at all intellec- tual costs (Shewmon 2009, 20). A second
justification has been offered by Truog and others, who have claimed that
procuring organs from patients with a severe brain injury can be performed in
a respectful and protective way, albeit acknowledging that it constitutes an
acceptable violation of the DDR (Truog and Robinson 2003). We explore the
impli- cations of this proposal throughout this article. There are clearly
unresolved issues regarding the determination of death by neurological
criteria in relation to organ procurement. However, organ procurement from
brain-dead patients is widespread and is for the most part a fairly
AT Brain Death
Japan does not accept the concept of brain death in
organ transplantation.
Michael A. DeVita et al 92., [assistant professor of anesthesiology/critical care medicine and director
of the Surgical Intensive Care Unit at Montefiore University Hospital, University of Pittsburgh medical
Center], History of Organ Donation by Patients with Cardiac Death, in Procuring Organs for Transplant:
The Debate over Non-Heart-Beating Cadaver Protocols, Johns Hopkins University Press, Print, 1992, p. 25.
The general acceptance of brain death criteria was not without exception,
however. In Japan, where controversy over organ procurement from a brain
dead donor had broken out more than a decade earlier, as late 1985
surgeons were indicted on murder charges for the removal of kidneys,
pancreas, and liver from a brain dead woman. Because of lack of public
acceptance of the concept of brain death, cadaver organ donation in japan
comes only from non-heart-beating cadaversthose pronounced dead by
cardiac criteria (Koyama et al. 1989, Fujita et al. 1989; Kozaki et al. 1991).
Finally, clinicians have patients who fulfill the tests for brain death frequently
respond to surgical incision at the time of organ procurement with a
significant rise in both heart rate and blood pressure. This suggests that
integrated neurological function at a supraspinal level may be present in at
least some patients diagnosed as brain-dead. This evidence points to the
conclusion that there is a significant disparity between the standard tests
used to make the diagnosis of brain death and the criterion these tests are
purported to fulfill. Faced with these facts, even supporters of the current
We contend that the proposition that brain death constitutes death of the
human being is incoherent and, therefore, not credible. To be sure, brain
death is a valid diagnosis of irreversible coma. No one who satisfies the
criteria for brain death regains consciousness.3 Contrary, however, to the
Uniform Determination of Death Act developed by a president's commission
in 1981, many patients properly diagnosed as dead under whole brain death
criteria do not have "irreversible cessation of all functions of the entire
brain."4 For example, the brains of many patients retain a variety of
homeostatic functions, from regulation of temperature to control over salt
and water balance.5 James Bernat and colleagues have responded that brain
death should not require the loss of literally all functions of the entire brain,
but only those that preserve the "functioning of the organism as a whole."6
According to Bernat, the diagnosis of brain death signifies the loss of those
critical brain functions that maintain the integrity of the body as a living
organism.7 The loss of these functions causes the body to "dis-integrate,"
leading over a period of days to cardiac arrest. This deterioration is claimed
to be inevitable, regardless of whether the patient is on life support.
With both theoretical analysis and empirical data, Alan Shewmon has
seriously challenged Bernat's defense of brain death. Shewmon has shown,
for example, that some patients who fulfill all of the diagnostic criteria of
brain death can "survive" for many years.8 With life support systems no more
complex than home mechanical ventilation, these patients maintain an array
of integrative functions including circulation, digestion and metabolism of
food, excretion of wastes, hormonal balance, wound healing, growth and
sexual maturation, and even gestation of a fetus. Based on meta-analytic
data of brain dead patients maintained on ventilators for one week or more,
Shewmon argues that the human body does not need the brain to integrate
homeostatic functions, and that integration of these activities is possible
even in the absence of these supposedly critical brain functions. In sum,
patients who fulfill all of the diagnostic criteria for brain death remain alive in
virtually every sense except for the fact that they have permanently lost the
capacity for consciousness.
"Reconsidering the Dead Donor Rule: Is it Important that organ Donors be Dead?" Kennedy institute of
Ethics Journal 14.3 (2004) 249-260.
Problems with the medical definition and ascertainment of "brain death" have
long been evident. Many patients determined to have lost all brain function
still maintain hypothalamic function sufficient to regulate water balance (Lynn
and Cranford 1999), so the "whole brain" in fact has not ceased to function.
Cells continue to function, evidenced by recovery of stem cells which can be
propagated in vitro. And in the real world of clinical practice, even those who
are called upon to make the determination of when a patient is dead
according to these criteria have a high rate of misunderstanding, confusion,
and error. For example, only 35 percent of physicians and nurses likely to be
involved in organ procurement at a major academic health center correctly
identified the legal and medical criteria for determining death. Nineteen
percent of these clinicians "had a concept of death that was consistent
with . . . (classifying) . . . anencephalics and patients in a persistent
vegetative state as dead" (Youngner et al. 1989).
The other conclusion of the Harvard reporti.e., that patients who are "brain
dead" are in fact deadalso has been subject to increasing criticism for two
reasons. First, on epistemological grounds, there are many competing
Lack of Consensus
A current lack of consensus exists on the definition of
death and the permissibility of organ procurement from
dead patients.
Robert M. Veatch 04, [Professor of Medical Ethics, Kennedy Institute of Ethics, Georgetown University],
"Abandon the Dead Donor Rule or Change the Definition of Death?" Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 14.3
(2004) 261-276.
Laura Siminoff, Christopher Burant, and Stuart Youngner (2004) have made
clear that substantial confusion and disagreement ex- ists among the citizens
of Ohio over the definition of death and [End Page 261] when organs for
transplant can be procured. The cases presented in their survey involved (1)
a patient who had lost all functions of the entire brain (Scenario 1: the "brain
death" case), (2) an irreversibly comatose patient on a ventilator with no
possibility of recovery of consciousness (Scenario 2: irreversible coma), and
(3) a patient breathing without mechanical support who had no possibility of
recovery of consciousness (Scenario 3: the PVS case). Responses to these
three cases from more than 1300 Ohio residents show not only that the
respondents apparently often misunderstand the Ohio law regarding the
definition of death and organ procurement, but also that their moral intuitions
appear significantly inconsistent with that law. A majority was wrong in their
belief about whether someone with a dead brain was legally dead. On the
other hand, a majority was willing to claim that the comatose person was
really dead, and, in spite of enormous publicity about famous patients in
persistent vegetative statesuch as Karen Quinlanbeing alive, a large
minority (34%) considered such a person dead. Youngner and others have
documented how physicians and nurses were similarly confused and in
disagreement about the status of patients with dead brains or severe brain
pathology. In 1989, using a somewhat different method, he and his
colleagues found that only 35 percent of respondents within the health
professions correctly identified the legal and medical criteria for determining
death (Youngner et al. 1989). The Ohio study by Siminoff and colleagues also
shows that one third of the respondents is willing to donate the organs of at
least some humans considered alive, at least when presented with a
hypothetical scenario. That is, they are willing to condone killing them to get
their organs. They would, in short, be willing to break the "dead donor rule"
(DDR), which holds that one cannot licitly procure life-prolonging organs from
a donor until that donor is dead. To procure when the organ source is still
alive would kill the donor. It would be a homicide, and even the explicit
permission of the donor does not legally justify a homicide. The present study
thus raises the question of whether a rule that is near sacrosanct in the
transplant community can be supported if there is such a large minority who
reject it. Moreover, Siminoff and her colleagues also found that a very large
percentage (about 95%) were willing to procure life-prolonging organs from
legally living comatose and vegetative patients when they were mistakenly
classified as dead. This represents a second group that would, in effect, break
the DDR because they were mistaken about classifying legally living patients
as deceased. [End Page 262] The apparent confusion among lay people and
health professionals over the definition of death and the DDR raises
provocative questions not only for clinicians and policymakers, but also for
theoreticians who have analyzed the definition of death and placed
substantial weight on the DDR (Arnold and Youngner 1993). Recent
scholarship has called that rule into question (see Koppelman 2003 and
fifteen accompanying commentaries on the subject).
Conflicts of Interest
Procuring organs from brain-dead patients generates
ethical problems for the doctor who must decide whether
to withdraw life support.
Byers W. Shaw 92, [professor of surgery and chief of transplantation, Department of Surgery, University
of Nebraska Medical Center], Conflict of Interest in the Procurement of Organs from Cadavers Following
Withdrawal of Life Support, in Procuring Organs for Transplant: The Debate over Non-Heart-Beating
Cadaver Protocols, Johns Hopkins University Press, Print, 1992, p 105.
The first time that the issue of conflict of interest arises is not in
contemplating withdrawal of care, but in judging that the prospective donors
condition is hopeless. For instance, imagine that the intensivist who has
grown weary of the prolonged and, to his view, agonizing deaths of so many
patients with so many horrible diseases. This physician may find more hope
in the life-saving opportunity provided by organ transplantation. If the person
in need of organ transplantation is younger, more attractive, or in some way
seems more deserving than another critically ill patient, then the conclusion
that one patients condition is hopeless can be tainted by an understanding
of the tremendous hope organ availability holds for another. To carry the
example further, once our intensivist (or other responsible physician) has
decided that a patients condition is hopeless, he has to work through exactly
which measures can be withdrawn without causing suffering. For example,
the physician often must decide whether removing the ventilator from a
ventilator-dependent patient will cause the patient to suffer. It will lead to
death by hypoxia or hypercarbia, and the obvious concern is that if the
patient can feel the symptoms of either of these syndromes, substantial
suffering, even terror, can result.
however, is that it might prolong the critically ill patients suffering, to say
nothing of making a spectacle of the entire proceedings.
Cardiac Death
The second strand of criticism comes from those who advance a nonbrain
criterion or, more positively stated, who advance cardiopulmonary function as
the sole criterion. At the time of the Presidents Commission (413), this
position was regarded as the traditional or romantic concept (Veatch, 2009,
17) of those who did not sufficiently appreciate how technology alters the
context for determining death. Today, however, it is often advanced as the
hard-nosed purely biological option (Truog, 1997, 2000, 2007; shewmon,
2001, 2009). here, I will take robert Truog as representative. For him, death is
a purely biological concept, and it occurs when the organism ceases to
function as a whole. But Truog denies any privileged role for the brain as an
organ of integration. he thinks that humans can continue to live even after all
brain function is lost. Cardiopulmonary function should then serve as the sole
criterion, and batteries of tests should be oriented toward ascertaining when
such functioning is lost. since this determination of death would push death
past the threshold where most organs are viable, Truog rejects DDr. he argues
that a genuinely biological death concept makes clear that an- other basis is
needed for determining when organs can be harvested (Truog and robinson,
2003; Truog and Miller, 2008).
Irreversibility Requirement
Cardiac death requires irreversibility of loss of circulatory
function, but current medical protocol involves declaring
individuals dead even when their vital functions could be
reversed.
Rodriguez-Arias et al 11, David Rodriguez-Arias, [Universidad del Pais Vasco/EHU], Maxwell J.
Smith [University of Toronto], and Neil M. Lazar [University of Toronto and University Health Network],
"Donation After Circulatory Death: Burying the Dead Donor Rule," The American Journal of Bioethics, 11(8),
2011.
The patient is not dead at the moment of organ retrieval because the time of
circulatory arrest is too short to ensure that cardiac arrest is irreversible.
Although this argument is based on an empirical claim regarding the
necessary and sufficient time to guarantee that the loss of circulatory
function is irreversible, the meaning of irreversible is problematic. While the
dictio- nary definition of irreversible refers to some process that is not able
to be undone or altered (Oxford Dictionaries), controlled DCD protocols have
embraced a weaker con- strual of irreversible, i.e., permanent cessation.
As we see, according to this weaker construal, individuals can be declared
dead at times where their vital functions could still be reversed. Some have
raised the suspicion that the moti- vation to abandon the standard conception
of irreversibility in controlled DCD is that the amount of time necessary to
prove such irreversibility would be sufficiently long so to damage
significantly the other organs [other than the heart], thus making them less
useful for transplantation purposes (Menikoff 1998, 158). Downie and
colleagues interpreted the term irreversible even further, as will not be
reversed without violating the patients decision or the law on con- sent
(Downie et al. 2009, 858). However, this interpretation contradicts the idea
that irreversible is a condition that does not depend on contingencies such as
availability of technical resources or human decisions and conventions.
The patient is not dead at the moment of organ retrieval because brain death
is not rigorously demonstrated and can only be assumed in DCD. Another
substantial problem is the possibility that a DCD donor could be declared
dead even though that per- sons brain may conserve the potential for
functioning to some extent. This concern raises the question of the relationship between brain death and circulatory death. In fact, the standard
tests used for the determination of brain death are not used in either
controlled DCD or uncontrolled DCD. Only a clinical evaluation, without
confirmatory tests, is legally required (Institute of Medicine 1999). It has been
questioned whether the waiting periods in existing pro- tocols are enough to
ensure total brain failurethat the functions of the entire brain are
irreversibly lostespecially as DCD may occur in the absence of a prior brain
injury (Menikoff 1998). In both DCD protocols, the assumption is that, in the
period between cessation of circulatory function and the determination of
death, loss of all brain function has also become irreversible (Capron 1999).
Advocates of DCD thus claim that those protocols do not violate the DDR because loss of circulation quickly results in irreversible loss of brain function if
no attempt to restore cardiac activity is undertaken (Bernat 2010).