THE ASSUMPTION

OF MOSES

R.H,

CHARLE

\ STUDIA

IN

THE LIBRARY
of

VICTORIA UNIVERSITY
Toronto

PRESS OPINIONS.
THE APOCALYPSE OF BARUCH.
Translated from the Syriac.

BY REV,
Crown

R.

CHARLES.

H.

8vo, cloth, price Js. 6d. net.

Mr. Charles s last work will have a hearty welcome from students
whose interest is linguistic, and from theological students who
have learned the value of Jewish and Christian pseudepigraphy ; and
"

of Syriac

the educated general reader will find much of high interest in it,
regard being had to its date and its theological standpoint." Record.

Charles has in this work followed up the admirable editions

of apocalyptic literature with an edition
equally
admirable.
Some of the notes on theological or other points of special
"Mr.

of other pieces

interest are very full

and

instructive.

The whole work

is

an honour

to

The work before us is one that no future

English scholarship.
student of the apocalyptic literature will be able to neglect, and
students of the New Testament or the contemporary Jewish thought
Primitive Methodist Quarterly
will find much to interest them in
Review.
.

it."

"As

is

intimated in the title-page, the Syriac text, based on ten

MSS., from which the Epistle of Baruch is translated, is included in

The learned footnotes which accompany the translation
the volume.
Indeed, nothing
throughout will be found most helpful to the reader.
seems to have been left undone which could make this ancient writing
intelligible to the

student."

Scotsman.

To

say that this is the edition of the Apocalypse of Baruch is to

Let us say that it is an edition which alone would give
say nothing.
an editor a name to live." Expository Times.
"It

is

a book that should be mastered by every student of the

Testament."

New

Westminster Review.

Mr. Charles s new work, The Apocalypse of Baruch, which he is

the first to edit from the Syriac in a form accessible to English readers,
is the best example that English literature has ever had of the modern
analysis of ancient books ; and those to whom such criticism is still
obscure cannot do better than study the way in which the artist
unravels the tangled skein of authorship in the most beautiful of all the
He has certainly written a
Apocalypses that have come down to us.
very valuable work, for which the students of apocalyptic literature will
"

give

him

their hearty

thanks."

Expositor,

THE

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

OTHER WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

THE APOCALYPSE OF BAR UCH.
Syriac

MS.

in

Translated from the

Chapters I.-LXXVII. from the Sixth Century
Ambrosian Library of Milan, and Chapters

the

LXXVIII.-LXXXVII. THE EPISTLE OFBARUCH.

From a New and Critical Text based on Ten MSS. and
published herewith.
Indices.

Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and

75. 6d. net.

LONDON:

A.

&

C.

BLACK.

THE BOOK OF ENOCH.

Translated from Dillmann s

Ethiopic Text (emended and revised in accordance with
hitherto uncollated Ethiopic MSS. and with the Gizeh and
other Greek and Latin Fragments), with Introduction,
Notes, and Indices.
8vo, i6s.

THE ETHIOPIC VERSION OF THE HEBREW BOOK

OF JUBILEES.

Edited from Four MSS. and critically

emended, and restored in accordance with the
Hebrew, Syriac, Greek, and Latin Fragments of this Book.

revised,

4to, i2S. 6d.

THE BOOK OF THE SECRETS OF ENOCH.

Trans

lated from the Slavonic by W. R. MORFILL, M.A., and

edited, with Introduction, Notes, and Indices, by R. H.
CHARLES, M.A. 8vo, 75. 6d.

OXFORD:

THE CLARENDON

PRESS.

THE

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN SIXTH
CENTURY MS., THE UNEMENDED TEXT
OF WHICH IS PUBLISHED HEREWITH,
TOGETHER WITH THE TEXT IN ITS
RESTORED AND CRITICALLY EMENDED

FORM

EDITED

WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND INDICES

BY

R. H.

CHARLES,

M.A.

TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN, AND EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD

LONDON
ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK
1897

pfi

[All Rig/its Reserved}

TO

MY FATHER AND MOTHER

PREFACE

WKITTEN

in

Hebrew

shortly after the beginning of

the Christian era, this book was designed by its

author to protest against the growing secularisation
of the Pharisaic party through its fusion with
political ideals

and popular Messianic

beliefs.

Its

author, a Pharisaic Quietist, sought herein to recall

party to the old paths, which they were fast

forsaking, of simple unobtrusive obedience to the
his

He

Law.

accordingly, the old ideals

cherished and pursued by the
Chasid and Early Pharisaic party, but which the
Pharisaism of the first century B.C. had begun to

which

had

glorifies,

been

disown in favour of a more active role in the

of the

nation.

which

his

He

foresaw, perhaps, the

doom

life

to

country was hurrying under such a

shortsighted and unspiritual policy, and laboured
with

But

all

his

power

all in vain.

Cassandra.

The

to stay its

He

downward

progress.

but played afresh the part of

leavening of Pharisaism with

PREFACE

viii

earthly political ideals

movement thus

went on apace, and the

initiated culminated finally in the

destruction of Jerusalem by the

adds no

It

that

it

Lord,

little

Romans

was written during the early

or

life

At

all

events,

vii.,

probably to the writers of 2 Peter

ii.

It

xxiv.

may

29 (Luke

xxi.

be well here

in

which

of

the Assumption.
critical

our

of

His
to

and most

10-11 and

25-26).
indicate

to

this edition differs

and more

A.D.

was known

it

the writers of Jude 9, 16 and Acts

Matthew

70

with

contemporaneously

possibly

public ministry.

in

the interest of the book

to

the

features

from previous editions

These consist (1) in a fuller

treatment of the Latin text, and

Greek and Semitic background which it pre

supposes (2) in an exegesis of the text at once

of the

more comprehensive and

I.

The Latin

critically edited

many.

Text.

detailed.

The Latin text has been

and emended four times

But three

of these

in

Ger

editions have failed to

recognise the Semitic background of the Latin text,

and have thus limited their horizon.

that of

recognition of this fact,

The fourth

which has shown ample

Schmidt-Merx
is

often

brilliant indeed,

but oftener arbitrary, alike in its emendations and

With a view to carrying forward the
restorations.
criticism of the Latin text, the present editor has

tabulated the peculiar Latin forms

it

contains,

and

PREFACE
compared them with

MS.

Latin

like

forms in the fifth-century

the Gospels,

of

ix

k,

and

appropriate references to lions ch

gata and Schuchardt

The

idiosyncrasies of

carefully summarised,

also given

Itala

the

und Vul-

Vokalismus des Vulgar -Lateins.

the text have likewise been

and

its

Greek exhibited on grounds

in

derivation from the

respects new.

many

At

the next stage of the investigation I have been

obliged to part company with all scholars but

advocacy of a Hebrew original.

That the book was derived from a Semitic original,
it is no
longer possible to doubt. That the language
Eosenthal in

in
of
it

my

question was Aramaic is, owing to the advocacy

Schmidt-Merx, now generally accepted, but, as
for I
appears to me, on inadequate grounds
;

have shown, I believe, that it is possible to explain,

from the standpoint of a Hebrew original, most of
the crucial passages adduced by Schmidt-Merx in

favour

Aramaic, and

an

the remaining
passages have no evidential value on the question
at

of

issue.

whereas

have

many

shown

that

further,

of the passages

admit

hope,

that

of explanation

on either hypothesis, there are several which are

explicable only on that of a Hebrew original.
II.

tion

The
has

Exegesis.

been

The work done

in this direc

Short

studies,
very inadequate.
from
time to time, have appeared in
indeed,
and
Germany
England, but these have in every

PREFACE

instance confined themselves to one or more of the

salient features

and main statements

of the book.

The occasional explanatory notes in the editions of

Volkmar, Hilgenf eld, and Schmidt-Merx are, though
often

same

most helpful and suggestive, open

the

to

This exegetic meagreness of past

on
the
subject has made the task of
scholarship
more
editor
arduous than might have
the present
It has, however, been beneficial in
been expected.
criticism.

necessitating a first-hand study of all the questions

As

involved in the text.

a result of this study,

have been obliged to differ from all preceding

scholars on the interpretation of several of the
I

most important facts and chapters

With what success I must leave

in

the

to

others

book.
to

determine.

As

a help to the reader, I should add that the

exegetical notes are placed under the English trans
lation

and the

critical

practice, however,

is

under the Latin

text.

This

occasionally broken through.

Finally, I wish here to express my deep grati

tude to Dr. Cheyne for his revision of my proofs
of a Hebrew original, and for suggestions connected

therewith, and also to Dr. Sutherland Black for his

revision of
for

the entire

numerous
17

book in proof, as well as

corrections.

BRADMORE ROAD, OXFORD,

April 1897.

CONTENTS
PAGE

INTRODUCTION
1.

xiii-lxv

Short Account of the Book (pp. xiii-xiv).

Other Books of Moses (pp. xiv-xvii).

2.

Editions of the Latin Text

3.

Ceriani, Hilgenfeld,

Volkmar, Schmidt and Merx, Fritzsche (pp. xviii4.

Critical

Inquiries

Hilgenfeld,

Haupt,

Rb nsch,

xxi).

Wieseler,

Carriere,

Rosenthal,

Colani,

Heidenheim, Haus-

Geiger,

Drummond,

Stahelin,

rath,

Ewald, Langen,
Philippi,

Dillmann,

Reuss,

Deane,

Baldensperger,

Schiirer,

Thomson, De Faye, Briggs (pp. xxi-xxviii).

5. The Latin Version of the Assumption
Its
:

Palaeography and Syntax,

Linguistic Character

and

Critical

The

Latin

Greek
(2)

Worth

Translation

from

the

Greek Words are transliterated

for (1)

Greek Idioms survive in the Latin

must

6.

xxviii-xxxvi).

(pp.

Version

(3)

we

at times translate, not the Latin Text, but

the Greek which

misrendered

by

it

presupposes, but which was

the

Latin

translator

(4)

through retranslation into Greek, the source of

the incoherencies of the Text can, in some cases,
be

discovered

Fragments of the

survive (pp. xxxvi-xxxviii).

7.

Greek

still

The Greek

from the Hebrew Original for

Hebrew idiomatic Phrases survive in the Latin

a translation

Hebrew

syntactical

Idioms probably

(1)

(2)

survive

CONTENTS

xii

PAGE

we must

(3)

at times

Hebrew presupposed by

Text, but the

frequently

it

not the Latin

translate,

is

Hebrew that we

them

corruptions in the Text and remove

on

Paronomasias

appear

Hebrew

xxxviii-xlv).

Book

(pp.

it

(4)

only through retranslation into

can understand the source of the

retranslation
8.

(5)

into

The present
The

in reality a Testament of Moses.

original Assumption preserved only in a few

Greek quotations (pp. xlv-1).
9. Dislocation
of Chapters VII I. -IX. in the Latin Text from
their original position after Chapter Y. (p.
10.

The Author

Essene, but a Pharisaic Quietist (pp.

11.

The Date

li).

not a Sadducee, Zealot, or

(pp. lv-lviii).

12.

li-liv).

Views of the

Author on Moses, Israel, the Messianic Kingdom,

Good Works (pp. Iviii-lxi).
13. New Testament
and later Writers acquainted with the Assumption
(pp. Ixii-lxv).

THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

TRANSLATION AND EXE-

GETICAL NOTES

1-51

THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

CRITICALLY REVISED AND EMENDED, TOGETHER
WITH THE UNEMENDED LATIN TEXT OF THE SIXTH
CENTURY MS. IN THE MILAN LIBRARY
.

THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

FEW GREEK FRAGMENTS
APPENDIX ON

I.

SURVIVING ONLY IN A

103-110
.

INDEX I. PASSAGES FROM THE SCRIPTURES AND OTHER

ANCIENT BOOKS DIEECTLY CONNECTED OR CLOSELY
PARALLEL WITH THE TEXT
INDEX

II.

53-101

NAMES AND SUBJECTS

Ill

113

114-117

INTRODUCTION

SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BOOK

1.

THE Assumption

Moses was, in all probability,

a composite work, and consisted of two originally
distinct books, of which the first was really the
of

Moses, and the second the Assumption.

The former was written in Hebrew, between 7 and

Testament

29

of

and possibly also the

A.D.,

version of

the entire work appeared

Of

A.D.

this

35;

St.

Jude

Baruch, Clement
Greek writers.
writers

are

9,

in the first

St.

16, 18

Matt. xxiv. 2 9
(?),

The fragments

in

and other
the

fifth

Greek

below (pp. 107-109).

Greek version was translated into Latin not

than the

Acts

the Apocalypse of

of Alexandria, Origen,

printed

Greek

a few phrases and sentences

century
have been preserved in
vii.

latter.

The
later

That such a Latin version

century.
ever existed was unknown to the modern world

till

nearly forty years ago, when a large fragment of it

was discovered by Ceriani in a sixth-century MS.
in the Ambrosian Library in Milan.
xiii

INTRODUCTION

xiv

The book was written by a Pharisaic

Quietist,

and

forms a noble but ineffectual protest against the grow

Its author was a
ing Zelotic spirit of the party.
learned Jew, well versed in the Scriptures, and inti
mately acquainted with the history of his nation

He was full
subsequent to the close of the canon.
of patriotism; thus he looks for the return of the
ten tribes, the establishment of the theocratic king

dom, the triumph

final exaltation to

of

and

its

should see

its

Israel over its foes,

heaven, whence

it

enemies weltering in the fires of gehenna.

But
though a patriot, he is not a Zealot the duty of
;

the faithful

is

not to resort to arms, but simply to

keep the law and prepare, through repentance,

the personal intervention of

2.

There
literature

for

in their behalf.

OTHER BOOKS OF MOSES

a

large

and

the

name

of

been

has

God

bearing

furnishes little or no

help

to

very
Moses.

diverse

As

it

the explanation of

content myself here

present
with a simple enumeration of the various Apocry
phal books of Moses that have appeared in Jewish,
Christian, and Gnostic literature.
the

I.

book,

In Jewish

Greek,

(c) in

shall

literature

(a)

In Hebrew,

Arabic, (d) in Slavonic.

(b)

in

INTRODUCTION
(a)

xv

Midrash Tanchuma Debarim, translated into

German by Wiinsche (1882).
Petirath Moshe (n^D nTED), ed. by Gilb. Gaul-

myn

(Paris,

1629), with a Latin translation.

This translation was subsequently published

in

1714 by

J.

A. Fabricius, and in

1840

by Gfrorer, Prophetac veteres pseudepigraphi,

Two

pp. 303, 304.

other recensions of this

Midrash have been published by Jellinek,

Beth - ha - Midrash (1853), i. 115-129;
(1877),

Some

71-78.

vi.

have not been able to

of these

On

see.

books I

these legends,

see also Beer, Leben Moses nacJi Auffassung

der jiidischen Sage (Leipzig,

1863); Bene-

Morte di Mosc (Pisa, 1879);

Zunz, Gfottesdienstliche Vortrcige, p. 146.

detti, Vita

(b)

Philo

Vita Mosis,

Ant.

iv.

8. 4,

39

p.

and Josephus,

48.

Bi/3\osA6<ywvMva-Ti,Kwv

Mwvaecos.

This book

is distinguished from the Assumption in the

Acts of the Nicene Council, II. 18, where,

after mentioning the latter, these proceed

Kal ev {3i{3\(p

auro?

Aoywv M.vcmKwv

Ma)fO"7J9

irpoetire Trepl

^ahofjiwvTos, OVTCOS TTpoeiTTe

et?

Kal

avrov

060?

Kal SiaSo%ev(76t,

7r\TJpr]

avTos

OLKO^OfJirjO et,

7ov OIKOV TOV Seov Kal ra er}5.

b

Mcovo-ecoS)

rov Aa(3l& KOI

crotyiav Kal Si/caiocrvvrjv

7Ti,o nJijLr)v

have

INTRODUCTION

classed this book

(c)

as a Jewish

work, but

the evidence tells neither way.

Dr. Leitner has translated into
In Arabic.

German
pp.

(Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift (1871),

184-212) from
of

Apocalypse

the Arabic, a Samaritan

Moses.

ful in the explanation of

(d) In

informed
"

Mr.

as

Slavonic,

me,

The Exodus

it

use

IX. 1 of our book.

has

Morfill

there
of

have found

book

is

or

Moses,"

kindly
entitled

more

fully,

Prophet Moses, and

how he ruled among the Saracens, and how
he resisted King Pharaoh and Balaam the

"

The

Life of the holy

Wizard, and how he brought the People

out of Egypt," Tichonravov, Pamiatniki
otrechennoi russJcoi literaturi,

i.

p.

233

sqq.

This writing has no connection

(1863).
with our Assumption.
It is very rabbinic
in

character,

features

in

and possesses

common

account of Moses.

with

many such
Josephus

Mr. Morfill will shortly

publish the translation of this work.

II.

In Christian

literature.

Apocalypsis Mosis, in Tischendorf

s "Apocalypses

"

apocryphae
Monument.

(1866),
V.

Sacr.,

Armenian version has

pp.
i.

1-23;

pp.

also

Ceriani,

2124.

An

been published in

INTRODUCTION

xvii

the Uncanonical Books of the Old Testament,

by the Mechitarists at Venice, pp. 1-23 (see

James s Apocrypha anecdota, ii. 158, 159,

whence

have derived

this last reference).

belongs to the Adamic

literature (see Eonsch, Das Buch der JubiThis book

really

laen,

pp.

470-474

E.-K,

xii.

Dillmann,

Apocryphum Mosis ^AiTOKpv^ov

p.

Euthalius

to

According

monumcntorum

lectanea

561),

Herzogs

pp. 366, 367).

Photius

Mcovaecos).

(Zaccagni s Col
veterum (1698),

(Amphil.

Syncellus (ed. Bonn, i.

derived Gal. vi. 16, ovre

p.

St.

Paul

earnv

KTicris,

from

48),

TrepiTOfjuj

OVT

aKpo/Bvaria

a\\a

this

Apocryph.

There can be no

this

composition,

of

doubt

just the other way,

Apocryph is a Christian

that the borrowing

and that

fcaivrj

and

183),

is

the

general

contents

of

which we have no knowledge.

Story of Moses. This is found in Armenian
(see

III.

James s Apocrypha

In Gnostic

anecdota,

ii.

p.

160).

literature.

See Epiphanius, Hcer. XXXIX. 5, where it is

said that the Sethites used certain Books of

Moses

in addition to others

Abraham and

attributed to

other Old Testament worthies.

INTRODUCTION

xviii

EDITIONS OF THE LATIN TEXT

3.

Ceriani,
fasc.

i.

Monumenta

(1861),

sacra

et

pp.

profana,

To

55-64.

this

vol.

i.

scholar

belongs the honour of discovering and identifying

these fragments of the lost Assumption of Moses.

In

this

edition

himself with

with

of

the

text

Ceriani

This he did

reproducing the text.

such

contented

that

subsequent inquiries,
accuracy
conducted by Volkmar, relative to the reading of
certain

lead

to

passages, failed

any material

to

improvement on Ceriani s printed

Appendix C, Volkmar s edition).
Hilgenfeld,
receptum,

1st

(1876), pp.

owe the

Novum Testamentum
ed.

(1866),

finest

canonem

93-115; 2nd

ed.

we

work that has been pro

textual

Much

duced on this book.

extra

(see

this great scholar

pp.

To

107-135.

edition

of

of it is

permanent
and many of his emendations are accepted
His contention, however, that the book
as final.
value,

was written

originally in Greek, has, of necessity,

limited the range of his vision, and barred the

to further progress.

But

fault-finding

is

way

ungracious

where such high services have been rendered, and

particularly in the case of one

who has not only

done the best work within his self-limited province,

but has also been the first to do it.
Ceriani,
indeed,

was

the

first

to

publish

the

text,

but

INTRODUCTION

xix

Hilgenfeld the book, as he himself rightly claims

non
M. Cerianio
codicis
latini,
:

"Antonio

libri

ipsius

primam editionem debemus

"

(Mess.

Jud., Proleg. p. Ixx, note).

In the Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftl. Thcol. (1868),

pp.

273309,

356, and in his Messias Judaeorum

(1869), pp. 435-468, Hilgenfeld has retranslated

the Latin into Greek, and on the whole with
admirable

On many

success.

found occasion to

differ

reader will find a

number

passages

have

In the sequel the

with him.
of these,

where the

critical

treatment of the text presupposes a Greek back

ground diverging from that supplied by Hilgenfeld.

Volkmar, Mose Prophetic und HimmelfaJirt, eine
Quellefiir das

herausgegeben

und

der

Neue Testament, zum erstenmale deutsch

im

tions to the

emendation

errors,

Apokrypha

(Leipzig,

1867).

made some undoubted contribu

to its interpretation.

many

uberliaupt

Christologie

This writer has

der

Zusammenhang

of the book,

But

his

and occasionally

work

is

by
His

disfigured

and at times by gross ignorance.

well-known partiality

for a certain period of history

intervenes here also, and leads

him

to

wrest facts

into accordance with his preconceived theories.

Schmidt and Merx, Die Assumptio Mosis, mit

Einleitung und erkliirenden Anmerkungen heraus
"

"

gegeben

(Merx, Archiv fur

forschung des Alien Testaments,

ivissenscliaftliclie
I. ii.

(1868), pp.

Er-

Ill-

INTRODUCTION

xx

In this learned study Schmidt-Merx have

rightly shown that the original of our book must
have been written not in Greek, but in Semitic
152).

according to their view, in Aramaic.

They were
the first to recognise a Semitic
not, indeed,
but
they were the first to apply this
original,

hypothesis

consistently

and continuously in the

For some review

interpretation of the Latin text.

of their

arguments in favour

against a

Hebrew

Aramaic

an

of

as

original, see p. xxxix.

Their emendations and restorations of the Latin

are not unfrequently happy, but at times they are

wholly beside the mark and unreasonable.

for instance, are

we

to explain

How,

the correction of

the Semitic idiom, facient facientes, into the un

faciem facientes, by editors who are

That Hilgenfeld,
advocating a Semitic original ?
remove this
and
Fritzsche
should
Volkmar,

meaning

in

Hebraism

from

their
texts
by
from their standpoint

intelligible

can

principle
editors

Their

we

explain

treatment

the
of

correction

but

action

the

text

is

on

what

of

these

in

other

must be con
just
arbitrary.
passages
ceded, however, that their work, though often un
trustworthy, is always stimulating and suggestive.
is

as

It

Fritzsche, Libri apocryphi Vet. Testamenti graece

(1871), pp. 700-730.

In this

very serviceable

edition, Fritzsche prints on one page the text as

INTRODUCTION

xxi

by Ceriani, and facing it, on the

opposite page, an emended text with critical footnotes.
This work is based mainly on the labours of Hilgenoriginally published

feld,

To

Volkmar, and Schmidt-Merx.

their con

tributions to the recovery of the text Fritzsche has

added some

own.

of his

than

It is a saner text

that of Schmidt-Merx, but not half so brilliant.

CRITICAL INQUIRIES

4.

Under the head

on

the

of each of the

his

Assumption,

following writers

most characteristic con

tributions or views are briefly given.

Ewald,
pp.
des

Gfottinger gelehrte

110-118,1416-1429;

4-7, (1867), pp.

Volkes

Israel,

vol.

vi.

Ewald regards our book

original

Anzeigen (1862),

5161

as derived

(Hebrew or Aramaic).

It

(Eng.

vol.

i.

Gesch.

trans.).

from a Semitic

was written by
Herod the

a Zealot a few years after the death of

Great, and subsequent to the rising of Judas the

Gaulonite.

The

Maccabean high

"

slaves, sons of

priests,

slaves,"

and chap. VII.

is

are the
directed

against the Pharisees.

Langen, Das
pp.

No.

102-111
3.

Judenthum in

Keusch

Paldstina (1866),

Theolog. Liter aturU. (1871),

Langen holds that the Assumption was

written in Palestine in Hebrew, and shortly after

the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A.D.

INTRODUCTION

xxii

Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr. f. ivissenscJi. Theol (1867),

pp. 217-223; Messias Judaeorum (1869), Prolegom.
Ixx.

name on
in

The Assumption was written

pp. xviii-xix.

Greek by a Roman Jew

A.D.

Chap. VII.

princes.
is

See also the books quoted under his

Ixxvi.

is

in the

West

The exegetical

4445

circa

to be interpreted of the

Herodian

work

side of Hilgenfeld s

weak compared with the textual.

Haupt, Bemerkungen zu der editio princeps der
"

Himmelfahrt des

Z.f.W.T. (1867),

Moses,"

These remarks consist

p.

few emendations

of a

448.

of the

Latin text.

Eonsch has made many contributions

Some

study of the Assumption.

of

to

the

these are of

great value, especially those which deal with the

Latin

Version

from

purely

Others, which are devoted

text, are less

the

to the

side.

linguistic

emendation

of the

good, though occasionally his restora

tions are very felicitous.

These subjects are treated

of in the Z.f.W.T., vol. xi.

(1868), pp. 76-108,

(1871), pp. 89-92.

vol.

In

suggests certain corrections

xi.

pp.

xiv.

466-468, he
to be made
Greek.
The

and changes

in

Hilgenfeld s retranslation into

various names under which the Assumption has

appeared

are

discussed

(1869), pp. 213-228.

Zeitschrift,

pp.

in

Z.f.W.T.,

vol.

xii.

In the 17th volume of the

542562,

he addresses himself to

the exegesis of this book, and then again returns

INTRODUCTION
emendation

to the

xxiii

The exegesis could

of the text.

hardly be more unsatisfactory, and the impression

left

by these, his

cannot be said to be

later

attempts at emendation,
In six pages of
better.

much

I
emendations, only one or two appear probable.
For the wellhere append a specimen of his work.

known

corrupt word putavimus in VII.

8,

Eonsch

proposes laetabimus or litabimus, or adjutabimus, or

si lutabimus, or exaltabimus, but ultimately prefers
Eonsch returned once again to this
perpotabimus.

same Zeitschrift (1885),

For
further
102-104.
references to this book,
pp.
see his Das Buck der Jubilaen, 273, 380, 480-482.
Philippi, Das Buck Henoch (1868), pp. 166-191.
subject in vol. xxviii. of the

This writer assigns the composition of this book to

the second century of our era, and interprets chap.
VII. of the Pharisees.
"

Colani,

L Assomption

TUologie, vol. iv.

de

Moi se

(1868), pp. 65-94).

thinks that Schmidt-Merx have

made

"

(Revue de
This scholar

it

impossible

doubt the Aramaic origin of the book.

any
With Volkmar, he regards chap. VIII. as historical
longer to

and concerned with the tragic history of the Jews

under Hadrian, and IX. as a veiled account of the

Jehuda ben Baba, who, after ordain

seven
of
his
ing
disciples in a narrow gorge near
This
Usha, was put to death by the Eomans.
action of Eabbi

rabbi

is

the Taxo in IX.

1.

Chap. VI. contains an

INTRODUCTION

xxiv

indictment of the Jewish Doctors of Jabneh and

Hence the book was written

Usha.

As

137138.

c.

for its silence regarding the destruction of

salem in 70

A.D.,

he thinks

Jeru

quite immaterial.

this

This book was the work not of an Essene, nor a

Zealot, but

was the manifesto

of a writer

who

felt

that Israel could do alike without the temple or

national independence, since

it

could find

faction in those elements of the cult

independent of the temple.

its

its

satis

which were

This very clever, but

most inconclusive, treatise concludes with the words

Toute difficult^, je crois se trouve levee

"

"

"

Carriere,
Moise"

Note sur

(Revue de

le

Taxo de

Assumption de

Tktol. (1868), pp.

94-96).

See

my

Commentary, p. 35.
Die jiingst aufgefundene Aufnahme
Wieseler,
Moses nach Ursprung und Inhalt untersucht
"

"

(1868), pp. 622Wieseler thinks that our book was written

(Jahrbucher fur
648).

deutsclie Theologie

by a Zealot, in Hebrew (?), shortly after the war of

His interpretation of chap. VII. will be

Varus.

found on

p.

24

in

my

notes,

and

of

Taxo on

p.

35.

Geiger, Judische Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft und

Leben, vol. vi. (1868), pp. 41-47.
Geiger takes

chap.

VII. to be

a description of

the Sadducees,

adducing such phrases as regnabunt de his homines

In
pestilentiosi and tanquam principes erimus.
docentes se esse justos (D pns) there

is

a play on

INTRODUCTION
their

The words

name.

me

noli

xxv

empha

tangere

sise their priestly purity.

"

Heidenheim,
der Ascensio

und

Beitriige

Moysis" (

zum

bessern Verstandniss

Vierteljahrschrifl

englisch-theologische

Forschuny und

fur

deutsch-

Kritik, vol.

This is the most un

(1871), pp. 63-102).
trustworthy work it has been my duty to read in
iv.

Occasionally a few

the literature of this book.

all

helpful references to Jewish literature are given.

Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2nd

iv.

pp.

7680.

Hausrath

is

of

opinion

book was written at Borne in the reign

in Aramaic.

of

ed.,

that the

Domitian

St&hQlm,Jakrbucherfur deutsche Theologie (1874),

The book preaches not a Messiah
pp. 216218.

kingdom, but an O.T. theophany.

introduce the

Drummond,

We
of
"

order of things.
The Jewish Messiah (1877), pp. 7

to

is

48 4.

have here a very clear and but too brief account

the Assumption.

as there

Hebrew
the

Michael

new

or

is

no

Dr.

Drummond

thinks that,

reason for supposing a

original, we may assume that

sufficient

Aramaean

book, notwithstanding

its

Hebraic colouring,

was composed in Greek." Then follows an able

cussion on the date, which he holds to be about 6

dis
A.D.

Beuss, Geschichte der h. Schriften des Alien Testa

This writer does not
ments (1890), pp. 738-740.
commit himself to a definite date. He thinks that

INTRODUCTION

xxvi

words in VI.

the

children,
periods,"

7,

"He

Herod)

will

beget
succeeding him will rule for shorter
do not necessarily determine the date.
(i.e.

who

Philip and Aiitipater did,

it

is

true,

reign longer

Der Verfasser konnte auch an

Archelaus und Agrippa denken die ja allein fur
than their father.

"

einen Jerusalemer Interesse

hatten."

"

Dillmann,

art.

2nd

Real-Encyc.

ed., xii.

352, 353.

in

Herzog s
Dillmann agrees

Pseudepigraphen,"

withEwald, Wieseler,andDrummond in assigning the

composition of this book to the first decade after the
death of Herod.

The writer was a Zealot and was

hostile to the Pharisees,

VII.

whom

he

assails in

The book was probably written

chap.

in Aramaic.

Bosenthal, Vier apocryphische Bilcher (1885), pp.

This is a very interesting and fresh study
13-38.
of our book.

The writer

ascribes

immediately succeeding the

fall of

it

to

the years

the temple.

The

author was a Zealot, and wrote in Hebrew and not

He

in Aramaic.

the removal

attempts to prove this thesis by

from the

of obscurities or corruptions

text through retranslation into Hebrew.

In only
one or two cases, however, is it possible to admit
that he is successful.
On his view of chapter VII.

see

my

notes, pp. 24, 25.

Schiirer,

History of the Jeivish People in the

Time of Christ (1886), II. iii. pp. 73-83 (Eng. trans.).

have here an admirable account of this book.

We

INTRODUCTION
Schiirer refers its composition
after the death of Herod.

and the
"

homines

Pharisees, to

to the

Its writer

pestilentiosi

whom

xxvii

every word

decade
Zealot,

VII.

in
is

first

was a

are

the

unmistakably ap

A very valuable bibliography is appended.

plicable."

Baldensperger, Das Selbsfbewusstsein Jesu (1888),

This writer regards the Assumption
pp. 25-31.
as a Jewish manifesto, with

an apologetic, or rather

This aim

secret, polemical

aim.

is

to

glorify

Moses, the Law, and Judaism over against Christi

The attributes ascribed to the Founder of
anity.
Christianity are here, in large measure, assigned to

He is the

Moses.
(I.

"

mediator

14, 17), the high priest

"

between God and

who

man

intercedes daily on

bended knee (XL 11), the divine prophet and perfect

teacher
2,

(XL

16).

The Law

is

to abide for ever (IV.

XII. 13), and Israel always to be pre-eminent

The book was not written before 50 A.D.

(XII. 4).

Its author

was a

Quietist,

and chap. VII.

regarded as descriptive of the

Koman

to be

is

procurators.

95-130.

Deane, Pseudepigraplia (1891), pp.

have here a very full and readable account

We

of our

book, which shows a large acquaintance with the

literature of the subject.

a Zealot.

century.

Its author

he takes to be

was written very early in the first

Chap. VII. is directed against the Herodian
It

princes and the Pharisees.

Thomson, Books

ivhich

Influenced

Our Lord and

INTRODUCTION

xxviii

His Apostles (1891), pp. 14, 321-339, 440-450.

We have here a scholarly treatment of the Assump
tion.

date

Its

is

language as Aramaic.
It is

strange.

of

is

the

and Publicans.
Juives (1892), pp.

Dillmann, Schiirer,

to the date

were wholly confined

Taxo

to this world.

the righteous kernel of the nation.

Briggs, The Messiah of the Apostles (1895), pp.

The Assumption

5-7, 18.
against

Christianity.

much.

Its author

70

to

A.D.

Its

was a

Taxo and

antithesis to Jesus

The law

is

is

a secret

very
Zealot,
his

title

polemic

betrays

who wrote

seven

and His twelve

sons

as

prior

are

disciples,

in

and

them

in self-sacrifice.

of perpetual obligation.

Its fulfilment

are represented as excelling

is

VII.

and the interpretation of

The author was a Zealot, whose hopes

chap. VII.
for Israel

original

of

a description

De Faye, Les Apocalypses

6775. De Faye agrees with

is

its

His interpretation

regarded as

Pharisees, Sadducees,

and others as

and

fixed at 6 A.D.,

the preparation for the divine advent.

THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION ITS

LINGUISTIC CHARACTER AND CRITICAL WORTH

5.

The

solitary

MS.

of this version

was discovered

Ambrosian Library at Milan by Ceriani, and

published by him in his Mon. sacr. et prof., I. i.

in the

INTRODUCTION
1861.

in

55-64,

MS.

is

a palimpsest of the

It consists of eight folios, written

sixth century.

on both

This

xxix

There are two columns on each

sides.

page, and from twelve to eighteen letters in each

line.
There is no division of words, and the punc

which but rarely occurs, is above the line,

not on it.
Occasionally whole verses are inde
tuation,

The palimpsest came

cipherable.

Abbey of Bobbio, near Pavia.

Some scholars have supposed

originally from

the

we have the

actual

work

that in this

of the original

MS.

translator

Latin Version, but I shall show presently

that this is not so.
It is, in fact, only a fragmentary

of the

copy of that version.

but only a copy of

It is not the original version,

it;

renderings

duplicate

for (a) our

and

text
at

attempts

contains

better

which must primarily have been merely

marginal glosses, but were afterwards introduced by
translation,

a copyist into the text.

extends

The

clearest example of
where
the dittography
6,
in the MS.
Other ditto-

found in V.

this is to be

to

six

lines

found in VI.

graphies will be
(&) Again, in

XL

we

find

3,

VIII.

5,

XL

an actual correction

the copyist.
The text reads, et hortatus est
but
the
context requires et hortatus est
Monse,

Monses.
to be

c,

Here,

and

so,

first of all,

the copyist took e in

finding cum Monses

emended Monses

13.

into Monse.

of

cum
eum
eum

to be impossible,

Eum

is

twice taken

INTRODUCTION

xxx

as

cum

(c)

Ab

MS.

the Bobbio

in

his, corrupt for abis

k,

in Mt.

(XL

ix.

1, xiii.

48,

must be due

9),

to

a Latin copyist, and not to the Latin translator.

The Latin belongs

the
will

fifth

in

style

and orthography

to

In order to make this clear

century.

show that nearly

all

its

chief characteristics

can be paralleled from the old fifth-century Bobbio

MS. k edited in 1886 by Wordsworth, Sanday, and

White.

Sanday

MS.

have drawn

my

examples

This N.T.

Introduction, pp. xcix-clxvi.

I shall henceforth refer to

likewise used Schuchardt

k.

Der Vokalismus

des

simply as

gar -Lateins, and Konsch s Itala und

which I refer the reader occasionally.

We
heads

k from Dr.

of

now

shall
(i.)

Vul

Vidgata, to

under two

treat of the Latin text

Its linguistic character,

have

(ii.)

Its critical

worth.

(i.)

Linguistic Character.

with under two divisions

and

(a) its

palaeography and

(b) its

syntax.
Palaeography and Orthography.

orthography,
(a)

This can best be dealt

consonantal changes

some are due

occurring

Of the vowel
in

this

MS.,

to errors of sight, others to errors of

sound, while others represent the pronunciation of

the time.
ae

is

found

for a in profetiae,

ae for e in quaerella,

I.

10

I.

cf. k,

Mt.

xii. 31,

blasfemiae.

quisquae, VI. 1; inconpraehensibilis,

INTRODUCTION
XL

16; praeces, XI. 17;

frequent occurrence in k

X. 6

(et),

Mt.

cf.

Mt.

cf. k,

XL

This

18.

is

of

10, saecuris

iii.

iii.

parata (parate).

3,

XL

12 erant,
14.
in timebat,
a for u in secabantur, VIII. 3.
Conversely,
a for

XL

faciae,
:

praetiosus, etc.

xiii. 46,

a for e in ad

xxxi

for a in

cf.

Mt.

clabunt (dabant).
cf. k, Mt. viii. 2,
b for p in scribtura, I. 16
clibsis, III. 7
cf.
lebrosus
Schuchardt, Vokalismus des Vulgar xiii. 8,

c for e in

c for s in

Lateins,
2

125-126.

i.

XL
celares, XL

cum,

cf.

c for t in turn, III. 11

ch for c in chedrio,

17.

for t in

ad

I.

cf. k,

cf.

(quot);

a in fecit (faciet), II. 4

e for

ae in

XL
i.

ii.

38, acutu (a

xv.

163, cimul (simul).

21, devocasti (devotasti).

Mk.

cf. k,

4; Amorrei,

XL

12

Mt.

cf. k,

op. cit.

i.

ix. 1,

viii.

19,

quod

125, 126,

quideni (quidain).

4; herere, X. 9; que (quae),

16: cf. k, Mt. x. 9, es (aes);
cf.

Schuchardt, op.

cit.

IX.

ix. 32,

XII.

3,

7: cf. k,

temebant,

Mt.

x.

22,

odebiles

See Schuchardt,

etc.

op. cit.

1 sgq.

XI.

e for o in celaris,

XII.

i.

226-235.

Mk.

e for u,

XL

III.

in contegerunt,

op. cit.

21, facte (factae), etc.:

xi.

(eum).

Mk.

k,

73.

i.

7; liena,

I.

cf.

xiii.

Schuchardt,

e for

e for

Mk.

scene,

For other instances of this usage see

Schuchardt, op. cit.

X. 6 tali(dari),

(et),

cum

x. 10,

See Schuchardt,

susu).

Mk.

k,

for Solaris

4,

4, for Solaris

cf. k,

Mt.

vi. 28,

quemodo,

etc.

6, et (ut).

forph always in

XL

16);
profetiae, I. 5 (III. 11,
fynieis, I. 3
blasfemare, VIII. 5. So always in
allolilorum, IV. 3
k, as Farisaei, blasfemare, etc.
;

tin ferrum

f for

(?),

II. 4.

ge for qui in ingenationibus, V. 3.

i for e in transio, I. 15; dimittes (demittes),
II. 2; liena, III. 4;
ducit (-et), III. 3, and passim
scalciati, XL 12
cf. k, Mt. vii. 23, recidite (recedite), etc.
:

for

in allofilorum, IV. 3
op. cit.

m for
o for

ii.

256

acrobistiam, VIII. 3

co in mortes (for coortes (?),

i in forma,
cf. k,
X. 15
:

Mk.
C

xiii. 13,

cf.

Schuchardt,

sqq.

hoc

i.e.

Mt.

(hie).

cohortes), VI. 8.
xiii.

27,

zozania (zizania)

INTRODUCTION

xxxii

o for u in misereator, IV. 6

Schuchardt,

Mk.

cf. k,

149

ii.

viii. 38, filios (iilius), etc.

pa for au in palam (?), II. 4.

b in regnarunt (?), VII. 3. The converse change of b into
found in k, Mt. xii. 14, exiebunt (exierunt).

r for

XL

for ex in scalciati,

12

cf.

n in suscitabunt (corrupt
t in abrumpens, II. 3

s for
s for

cf.

Mk.

k,

r is

op. cit. 469.

Ronsch,

for concelabunt

sqq.

VII.

(?)),

4.

adstans (adstant),

ix. 1,

etc.

in tune, I. 15
cf. k, Mt. x. 11,
digtus (dignus).
t for s in eminent, IX. 2
cf. k Mt. ii. 4, scribit (-is), etc.
t for

for e in transferunt, II. 4

coguntur, VII. 2 ; ut, VII. 7; cresXII. 10 cf. k, Mk. xii. 32, ut for

cunt, exegunt,

et, etc.

putavimus (potabimus), VII. 8

for o in

putes

(potes)

Ronsch,

op.

cit.

ix.

41,

p.

465

cf.

putaverit
cf.

k,

Mk.

ix.

22,

See

(potaverit).

Schuchardt,

cit.

op.

ii.

91 sqq.
v for b in intravit and oravit, IV. 1 acervus, VI. 5, X. 4 putav
imus, VII. 8; suscitavit, VIII. 1 vindicavitur, IX. 7
(X. 2); conturvavitur, X. 5
altavit, X. 9
provata,
;

XII. 9

(-abit); xii. 42,

z for di in

Zabulus, X.

change

XII. 13

exivit,

is

damnavit
cf.

k,

Mt.

i.

21,

salvavit

(-abit), etc.

Mt.

k,

cf.

xiii.

Ziabolus.

39,

frequent in the Latin fathers

cf.

This

Ronsch,

op. cit. p. 457.

Other noteworthy points

the prefixing of the aspirate
haestis (estis), Mt.

462-463.
cf.

note):
op.

cit.

cf.

The insertion
k

alii

Mt.

vi.

458-459.
Mt. xv. 31

sion of one of

IV. 9

are

26

viii.

of

see

Eonsch,

in

Monses

in profetis, IV.

written

op.

k,

cit.

(III. 11,

see Eonsch,

in Istrahel, III. 8, X. 8

see Eonsch,

two doubled

usually

19, thensaurus

Of
;

orthography are
heremo, III. 11: cf.

of

The omis

460.

letters in tribum, III. 6,

11:
fili

cf. h,

and

where
ali

filii

also

and

Mk.

INTRODUCTION
see

50, fa turn (fatuum), etc.;

ix.
cit.

patruum, IV.

Schuchardt,

The duplication

464-466.

ii.

xxxiii

8.

Another peculiarity

of style consists in the use of

irregular futures in bo, stabilibis, II. 2

VIII. 2

tremebit, X. 4

Cf.

etc.

Eonsch,

Syntax.

(&)

III.

14,
it

ille.

= et

14,

Je,

Mt.

tradibit

ii.

(?),

6, prodibit,

291.

op. cit.

We

cf.

shall here notice

usages and constructions.

for is or

op.

a vowel in

of

some peculiar

Iste

is

used frequently

Qui = et

ego, et

is,

or et

X.

Cf.

Mk.

ix.

2.

ii,

in

I.

6,

10, where

ille.

Dominari

used as a passive, II. 3 judicare

governs a dative, VI. 2 so also miser eor, XL 10.
But the greatest departures from classical usage
is

are to be found in connection with the prepositions.

Thus cum takes the

where, see

De

ace.,

X.

3.

For

this usage else

und Vulgata, 409410.

I. 9, V. 1, where it is used

Eonsch, Itala

twice takes the

ace.,

of the agent, being here

perhaps a rendering of Bid

In XL 13 it takes the ace. also

with the gen.
where it has its ordinary meaning. For this usage
In III. 10
elsewhere, see Eonsch, op. cit. p. 410.
it

takes the dat. or ablat.

V. 4

with the ablat. where

X. 5

= eW

with

it takes the ablative of instrument.

ablat.,

and with the

VI.

5.

it

should be the

ace.

In VIII. 4

where
it

it

In

dat.).

In
ace.,

is

used

IX.

6,

should be the

takes the ablat. of the

INTRODUCTION

xxxiv

Secus occurs eight times as a preposition

with the ace., I. 10, II. 2, 5, etc.
Sine takes the

agent.

ace., I.
cit.

op.

10.
p.

For

this usage elsewhere, see

Kbnsch,

412.

As regards conjunctions, nam is always used in

a non-natural meaning, i.e. as a rendering for Se

for the instances, see

same way, V.

Enim

xxxvii.

p.

is

used in

5.

Finally, the ablative of the gerund is used for the

For
present participle in I. 9, V. 5, XT. 17.

instances of this idiom, see Ronsch,

op. cit. pp.

432-

433.

But the above

list

is

peculiarities of the text.

isms and Hebraisms.

reader should consult

(ii.)

Critical

For a discussion
sec. 6

though Latin in diction,

of these the

sec. 7.

is

when we come

which we

sections, in

and

This Version

Worth.

This will be apparent

two

from exhausting the

It is replete with Graec-

far

very
to

literal.

the next

shall find that our text,

is

occasionally Greek, and

This, of course, is due

frequently Hebrew in idiom.
to the almost servile faithfulness of the Greek,

no

less

than

the Latin, translation.

of

indeed, the translation

is

careless,

At

times,

very careless, but

We
extremely trustworthy.
shall now proceed to point out its defects under the
following heads
as a general rule

it is

INTRODUCTION
Omissions.

(a)

omnem
Naue

Similitudinem, in

homoioteleuton.

through
X. 1

in

originated

15

the

in

may

II.

Greek, where

see IV. 6, note

rov

in the

I.

VII.

10, X. 10, 15,

XII.

9,

may

Hebrew copy used by

Interpolations.

(&)

I.

after

before

may have
may have

Suffixes are occasionally

be due to the Greek translation.

as those in

9,

Filius

but this omission

fallen out before Nav/j.

omitted

xxxv

These

7.

Others, such

be due to defects

the Greek translator.

35

seem

to

have been

originally marginal glosses from a Greek hand.

We have a most interesting
(c) Dittographies.
case of this nature in V. 6, where six lines of the

MS.

are

repeated

The

twice.

slight

differences

existing between these duplicate renderings

make

we have here an

attempt, on the part

of the Latin translator, to improve on his first
But the scribe of our MS. incorporated
rendering.
it

clear that

Other dittographies occur in VI.

and probably in VIII. 5.
both.

(d)

Transpositions.

et testans in IV. 12, etc.,

the

phrase

cum

XI. 13,

In addition to transpositions

of such as ut et for et ut in

of

3,

I.

8,

and

we have

infantibus

testa tus et for

the transposition
nostris

from the

very com
In
5.

close of verse 5 to that of verse 4.

plicated case of transposition occurs in X.

I.

of

there is a transposition of the verb to the end

the clause such as we find not infrequently in

INTRODUCTION

xxxvi

k: cL Mt.

vii.

But the most

10, 14, xv. 23, etc.

remarkable transposition of all is the removal of

chaps. VIII.-IX. from their right position after V.
Similar transpositions are to

to their present place.

be met

with in the Etli.

occurrence.

Iviii.

These are

Corruptions.

(e)

Enoch

xciii.

very frequent

be dealt with

can

Many

Ixxxii., xci.

of

when we

understand the character of the language and the

it.
There are some cases of

confusions incidental to

But many

sheer blundering.

of the present corrup

tions of the text are not native to

either in

and

sec. 6

(/)

Greek Version or

in

it,

but originated
See

the Hebrew.

sec. 7.

We

Carelessness.

have instances

of careless

renderings in III. 11, 13 (see crit. notes, in loc.).

The translator at times also renders the thought

and not the word:

where Jerusalem

is

cf.

colonia, III. 2, V. 6, VI. 9,

meant.

that the Latin (or Greek

This points to the fact

?)

translation

after the destruction of Jerusalem,

tion

by Hadrian

name

Aelia Capitolina.

G.

as

Eoman

and

was made
its

restora

colony under the

THE LATIN VERSION A TRANSLATION FROM

THE GREEK

Of the derivation

of

our Latin text from the Greek

there can be no question.

Thus (1) Greek words are

INTRODUCTION
transliterated, as chedrio,

xxxvii

17, from tceSpda); clibsis,

I.

from 6\ltyis\ heremus, III. 11, from

acrobistia, VIII. 3, from aKpo/Svarrla.

III. 7,

Greek forms and idioms survive in the Latin.

(2)

Thus

epfjfjLo?

scene,

= rfj

I.

crKrjvfj

and

in scenae,

I.

ev

and in IV. 2, plebem hanc esse tibi plebem

hanc exceptam, the second hanc is the Greek article
thus the text = TOZ; \aov TOVTOV elvai aoi TOV \abv

rfj o-Krjvfj

For instances

K\KTOV.

TOV

of this

Konsch, Itala u. Vulgata,ipp.

cf.

quia, V.

= OTL

captives, III. 13,

e&)9

TOV

rjfjLcis

recitantis

usage elsewhere,

420-421.

Finally,

and in usque nos duci

we have an

imitation of the Greek,

al^fjiaXcoTicrOrivat,.

(3) Not infrequently we must translate, not the

Latin text, lut the Greek which it presupposes, lut

which was misrendered ly the Latin

nam must not be rendered by for

translator.
"

"

Thus

in the following

passages [I. 3], II. 4, 5, VIII. 2, 4, X. 11, XL 8,

XII. 11, 12, for in all these instances it is a render

In
ing of Se and must be translated accordingly.
like manner enim, V. 5 = Se.
Again, in VII. 7, we
must render ab oriente usque ad occidentem, not
"

from east to

i.e.

rj\iov

a</>

Greek

XL

is

11,

west,"

but

"

from sunrise

amreXXoi To?

^XP

to

sunset,"

Svo/ievov.

The

Again, in
must translate, not nee patiens ne unum

susceptible of either meaning.

we

quidem diem, but the Greek which

ouSe Travel? ovBe/Jilav ^fiepav,

"

it

presupposes

not omitting a single

INTRODUCTION

xxxviii

For other instances, see

day."

XL

12, 18, XII.

(4) Through retranslation

of
be

discovered.

for opicov

Thus finem in

and adcedenfc

=
TrapafB^crovTcu

notes

on

"

will

Greek the source

into

incoherences of the text

the

critical

7.

in some

can,

II.

cases,

opov, corrupt

= TrpoajBijo-ovTai, corrupt for

transgress."

It is possible

that the Latin translator had TrapaptfcrovTai before

him, and followed a meaning of it inappropriate to the

= a^O^aovrai,
context.
Again, in III. 4, ducent se
corrupt for a^Oiaovrai] and in V.

6, in

campo

= eV

In these passages I
See the
have corrected the Latin text accordingly.
dypw, corrupt for eV apyupw.
critical notes, in

loc.

(5) Fragments of the Greek Version are

See the notes on

served.

p.

still

see also pp.

pre

107-

110.

7.

A TRANSLATION FROM A HEBREW

THE GREEK

ORIGINAL

The

derivation

original

was stoutly

others.

Volkmar
But

56, 57).
tained.

It is

grounds

it

(Mess.

our

of

is

text

Semitic

denied by Hilgenfeld and

doubtful (Mose Prophetic, pp.

view can no longer be main

surprising, indeed, on what slender
this

has been advanced.

Jud., p.

from

Ixxiii)

urges

Thus Hilgenfeld

the absence

of

the

INTRODUCTION

xxxix

pronoun in the accusative after Deus creavit, in

XII. 4 of the pronominal suffix after magistri
In
in V. 5, as reasons against a Semitic original.
;

my

Greek

and

sionally

on IV.

note

critical

Latin

omitted

6,

translators

the

in

suffix

shown
Hebrew

have
of

their

that

occa

translation.

For instances in the LXX. and Vulgate, see the

note referred
not

call

discovers,

to.

Hilgenfeld

other arguments do

The

consideration.

for

which make against a Semitic

own

are mainly the offspring of his

But although a Semitic

conceded,

difficulties

it

is

still

an Aramaic or

original,

imagination.
is

now

generally
a matter of debate whether
original

the balance of evidence preponderates

of

he

Hebrew

of a

in

source.

favour

Schmidt-

Merx, Colani, Hausrath, and Carriere decide for

the former, and Rosenthal for the latter.
Ewald
apparently
(G-ottinger

pp.

gelelirtc

110118).

views

both

held

Anz.

at

1862,

different

times

4-7

1867,

pp.

Schiirer thinks a Semitic original

Of the above scholars,

minor degree
it is only Schinidt-Merx, and in a
Eosenthal, that have seriously treated the subject.
probable, but not certain.

In the Arcliiv

f. ivissenschaftl.

Erforschung des A.T.,

111-152, Schmidt-Merx show, in a variety

passages, how readily the text admits of rebut this proof in itself
translation into Aramaic
I.

ii.

of

is

wholly

inadequate, for the

same passages can

INTRODUCTION

xl

just as easily be rendered into

cases,

however,

they

whereas

that,

urge

In two
the

the Latin text can be explained

of

idiosyncrasies

Hebrew.

on the hypothesis of an Aramaic original, no such

explanation is possible on the hypothesis of a

Hebrew

The

original.

instance

first

is

be

to

found in

I.
10, where, according to these editors,
the order of the Latin text can only be accounted

In
by an Aramaic original.
on that verse, I have shown that

for

interpret the text in two ways.

of those, the present order of

my

critical

is

it

the

to

resort to the

other,

it

possible to

According to one
the text can be

explained as derived from the Hebrew.

according

note

not

is

But even,

necessary

to

Aramaic hypothesis for we cannot

certainty from our text as to the
;

argue with
order of the original source.
This is clear from
I. 14, where,
the
and Latin Versions
Greek
though
are preserved and agree verbally, they do not agree
as

to

Hence

order.

order

the

in

question

is

probably due to the carelessness of the translator.

Moreover, other undoubted transpositions of the
text do occur

(cf.

III. 4, 5,

X.

5, crit. notes).

That

the Latin translator did not observe the order of

the Greek before him,
in

the Codex

Bobbiensis,

The second instance

that in III.

2.

we

see in
k,

numerous instances

see

of alleged

pp.

xxxv xxxvi.

Aramaic order

is

Here Schmidt-Merx point out that

INTRODUCTION

xli

omnia in the phrase sancta vasa

conformable to Aramaic, but not to Hebrew,

the position of

omnia

is

This

syntax.

justify the

quite true, but does not thereby

is

conclusion they seek to draw from

For even in

made

translations

directly

it.

from the

Hebrew, and not as in the case of our text, which

is derived
from the Hebrew through the Greek,
this

same phenomenon recurs three times

LXX.
1.

14

of

Genesis,

Now

xiv.

if,

15,
;

in a careful translation

from the Hebrew,

directly

xxviii.

11,

See also Lev. xx. 23

(in several MSS.).

2 Chron. xxi. 18.

made

in

i.e.

in the

non-Hebrew

this

can appear three times in one book, it

shows that no value is to be attached to its single

order

occurrence

version

in

that

is

not immediately

from the Hebrew, but only mediately, and that

likewise

often

careless

therefore

must

be,

to

that

Our

boot.

is

verdict

Schmidt-Merx have fur

nished no adequate grounds for their thesis that

the Assumption is derived from an Aramaic, and

not from a Hebrew original.

It is now time to advance the grounds for a
Hebrew original. These have gradually discovered
themselves in the course

study

of

this

book.

successful in

my

must be

to

left

of

long and

Whether

contention than

shall

my

the reader to decide.

(Vier apocryphische

Bilclicr, pp.

careful

be more

predecessors

Rosenthal

34-38) has already

INTRODUCTION

xlii

me

preceded

are

restorations

his

of

adopted
the bulk

of his

and

good,

sequel, with

the

in

One

in advocating this view.

suggestions I

two

or

have

been

due recognition, but

cannot accept they
;

are frequently wild and quite beside the mark.

The grounds, then, for a Hebrew original are

(1) Hebrew idiomatic phrases survive in the text.
Thus

in

sanctitatis, II.

suae, III.

invocabat

quo

respectu

circumibo, II. 7

homo de proximo

testes, III. 1 2

tur ad veritatem, V. 2

and facient

de

18

I.

respiciet,

tribus

terrain patriae

suo

isto, III.

testans
1

dividen-

in sacerdotes vocabuntur

facientes, VI.

implebuntur manus,
pure Hebraisms. The Hebrew equivalents
will be found in the critical notes on the various
X.

2, are

Now it is quite true that the majority

could be paralleled by Aramaic expres
but not all.
Thus circumibo, II. 7 = I

passages.
of these

"

sions,

will

protect,"

i.e.

miDS

(cf.

Deut. xxxii. 10), cannot

be explained from the Aramaic nor yet in sacer

dotes vocabuntur, VI. 1 = D OPD
l&np
(cf. 1
;

11

5>y

Chron.

xxiii.

14).

idioms probably survive,

clause in VII. 9 and IX.

(2) Syntactical

circumstantial

VIII.

2,

et tradidit,

torquebit

there

(3)

In some

cases

4.

the

In

be an

may

instance of perfect with the strong vav

VII. 2, 3, cogentur
et regnarunt.
.

e.g.

also in

we must

translate, not the

Latin

INTRODUCTION
but

text,

successor
"

minister,"

= ^&on

Hebrew

the

&6,

^dSo^o^ =
in

I.

xliii

ly
be

presupposed

must

mb>

and non coepit

must be rendered by

"

Thus,

it.

rendered

= ov/c ijpt-aro
He was not

pleased."

it

(4) Frequently
that

is

we can understand

the text,

retranslalion

through

only

source of corruptions in

the

and remove them.

IV.

Thus, in

devenient

9,

the

nationes

(MS.
apud
impossible
tribum
for
in
tribuum
writes
(MS.
tempore
natos)
=
Here the
D onc? njn D*I:Q nv.
genitive, cf. III. 5)
text,

two

that

corruptions

destroy

the

context at once become apparent

for ini%

and D^np

for

sense
IIT

of

is

the

corrupt

Thus the text

onutr.

is

harmony not only with itself, but

brought
also with similar statements in Josephus, 4 Ezra,
and Philo.
This restoration would be impossible
into

on the assumption of an Aramaic original.

In V. 5, the equally impossible text, qui enim
magistri sunt doctores
ol

$e

Bi$a(TKa\oi,

= (with

eorum

ovres,

ol

Hilgenfeld)

/caBrjyrjral

avrwv

L^mm. Now the context of these words is

against any mention of the rabbis or teachers here.
DrTHVD

But we

see that the

Hebrew

does not necessarily

the many."
And

means

refer to them, but also

"

most appropriate sense.

In the
some
are
false
in this
preceding verse,
priests
verse,
many are venal judges. Hence we see
this

gives

"

"

"

"

INTRODUCTION

xliv

that

nmiD

here merely a marginal but mistaken

gloss that was later incorporated in the text.
In X. 4 (see crit. note, p. 86) we can restore
to

sanity

X. 10

is

the

we have

text

retranslation.

In

a most interesting restoration.

In

through

the words said of Israel triumphant in heaven,

inimicos

videbis

impossible
Israel s

tuos

in

enemies can no

longer

final

judgment,
be on the earth.

The context implies that they are

in torment in the

we have an

terram,

After the

statement.

torment, and

in

of glorified Israel.

sight

Now

these two facts suggest at once Gehenna, and that

the original was

how

lost,

on

But the

^2.

Din

was some

and VQ was partly rendered partly trans

and this in turn by in terram. ij is

literated eV 7$,

frequently so transliterated (see notes, pp. 43, 44).

I shall only

adduce one more passage.

temperantius misericordiae ipsius

mihi,

we have an

of the corruption

Thus the

= non

topi

comes

to light
avve/Br)

In XII.

contegerunt

if

we

JJLOL

retranslate.

eXeo? avrov

Here we should read

^Nin.

7,

But the source

inadmissible text.

words = eTTieiK&s

TIIN

JD

before non, and with this simple change we get an

He was pleased to call me
unexceptionable text
"

in His

See pp.

compassion."

This restoration also

is

98, 99 for details.

impossible on the Aramaic

hypothesis.
(5)

A play upon words

discovers itself

on retransla-

INTRODUCTION
tion into

Hebrew

in VII. 3,

where

xlv

is

it

said of the

Sadducees (n^pm), dicentes se esse justos, i.e. D

This has already been pointed out by Geiger.
recurs in VII. 6 (see

On

It

27).

p.

the above grounds, I hold, therefore, that

no longer possible

is

p nv.

of this book.

It

it

doubt the Semitic original

reasonably also be concluded

to

may

from what precedes, that that original was in Hebrew

and not in Aramaic.

How

the character of classical

far

preserved in the original

My

is

impossible to

say.

such

but the cogency of the restorations

is

retranslations

character,

it

Hebrew was

presuppose

generally

not bound up with such a presupposition.

8.

THE PRESENT BOOK IN REALITY A TESTAMENT

THE ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION PRE
SERVED ONLY IN A FEW QUOTATIONS.

OF MOSES.

In the
a

of

lists of

Testament

apocryphal books we find mention

Moses

of

(AiaOrjicri

Mcovaeax;)

followed immediately by an Assumption of Moses

(^

Avd\r)fyis

Books,"

and

In

Mwvo-ews).
in

the

the

Synopsis of

"

List

of

Sixty
Athanasius, the

This book is so named in the Ada, tiynodi Niceen, ii. 18, 20 ;

the Stichometry of Nicephorus
and the Synopsis of Athanasius
as the Adsccnsio Mosis in Origen, cU Printip. iii. 2. 1; as the
Assumptio Mosis in Didymns Alex, (sec p. 108 for quotation); as
:

Secreta Moysi in Evodius (sec

p.

108).

INTRODUCTION

xlvi

number

two books

of stichoi in these

but this desideratum

ascribed

to

is

which

Nicephorus,

1100 and 1400

respectively

not given,

is

supplied by the Stichometry

to

assigns

stichoi.

nection an excellent suggestion has been

Schiirer to the following effect

come down

writing that has

a

Testament

already seen,

"

them

In this con

made by

Seeing that the

to us is in point of fact

Moses, though, as we have

quoted in the Acts of the Council

(will)
it is

of

under the title Ava\r)tyis Mcovaews, it may

be assumed that both these designations were the

of Niceea

two separate divisions of one and the same

work, the first of which has been preserved, whereas
titles of

the quotations in the Fathers almost

belong to
the second."
My study of the Latin Version and
the Greek fragments has led me to accept this
all

The Testament and

suggestion in a modified form.

Assumption mentioned in the above lists are to be

regarded not as two separate divisions of one and
"

the same work

"

with Schiirer, but as two originally

independent works subsequently put together and

edited in one.

Before

owing

we adduce

cannot be

many

identification of

Book

of

480, 481)

we must

first

the above

Jubilees
is

the grounds for this theory-

scanty amount of

the

to

(Das

contrary

"

materials

these

show that Eonsch

Testament

Buck der

to existing

"

with the

Jubilaen,

evidence.

pp.

We

INTRODUCTION

xlvii

have seen above that in the Stichometry of Nice-

1100

phorus,

in the

same

Hence,

if

Now,

ment."

to

stichoi are ascribed to

Genesis.

list,

Eonsch

4300
s

"

this

Testa

are assigned

identification

is

Genesis should be nearly four times larger

But since, as a matter
than the Book of Jubilees.
right,

of fact, it is

considerably smaller,

it

is

needless to

consider further this identification.

of

Having disposed

this

objection,

we

return to our thesis that the present Latin

and

sion

the

Greek

in

fragments

the

now
Ver

Fathers

belong respectively to two

originally independent
which
were
works,
subsequently edited together.
This conclusion is probable from the following
facts

The book quoted by St. Jude, by Clement of

Alexandria, and later Greek writers, was wholly con
(i.)

cerned with the Assumption of Moses and incidents

This we take to have been the
connected with it.

Assumption of Moses.
The book preserved in the Latin Version

original
(ii.)

reality a

"

Testament,"

Indeed,

Moses."

to this claim
(a)-

it

and not an

appears

made on Moses s

According
Testament
"

death.

passing

"),

Thus

away

Moses was
in

I.

Assumption

of

for

Version
to die

with

my

(i.e.

the

an ordinary

15, Moses says:

to sleep

in

be quite opposed

behalf

Latin

the

to

to

is

"

"I

am

fathers even

INTRODUCTION

xlviii

In
presence of all the people."
III. 13 the tribes speak of Moses s death
the

in

shall
In X. 14 Moses again declares:
In
12
X.
go to sleep with my fathers."
"I

this

was clearly the

my

death

original sense.

until His advent

assumption

there will be CCL.

We

times."

presently on the explanation

word
(b)

From

"

shall touch

of the intruded

"

assumption."

of

description

the

conclusion

of

the

Testament appears to have been preserved

in a Catena on the Pentateuch edited by
Franc. Zephyrus, and quoted in Fabricius
in his
"

Est

Cod. Pseud. V. T.

quidem

in

ii.

pp. 121, 122.

Apocrypho

Mysticoque

codice legere, ubi de creatis rebus subtilius

agitur,

nub em lucidam, quo tempore mor-

tuus est Moses, locum sepulchri complexam

oculos circumstantium perstrinxisse

ita,

ut

nullus neque morientem legislatorem neque

locum videre potuerit, ubi cadaver conder-

Here no Assumption seems to be

implied, but only an extraordinary disap
pearance of Moses s body, such as is
etur."

recorded in

Deut.

had

been

writer

xxxiv.

acquainted

original Assumption, in
of

Moses

5,

ascension to

If

this

with

the

6.

which the

details

heaven were

re-

INTRODUCTION

xlix

corded, he could not have written in these

vague terms.
The Testament

"

and the

"

Moses
this

"

Assumption of
were subsequently edited in one book.
Of
From my
editing we find a trace in X. 12:

(iii.)

"

"

death

assumption

the word

His advent/

until
"

Here

etc.

can best be explained as an

"

assumption

insertion of the editor in order to adapt the text of

the Testament to the main subject of the second

work which he incorporates,

(iv.)

In

the

thirteenth

i.e.

the Assumption.

section

of

Yassiliev

Anecdota Graeco-Byzantina, entitled Palaea historica,

an O.T. history of events from Adam to Daniel,
of

the portion which deals with the death

of

Moses, part seems to be ultimately derived from the

Testament," and
part from the
Assumption

"

"

"

The following

properly so called.

258) would form a fitting

[Uept
Ma)vo"fjs

TO) opei.

Te\evrf)s

T?}?

^Irjo-ovv

Trpos
real

lines (pp.
"

KCLI

MwvaewsJ]

TOV

Navi

257

Testament

"

elirev

Ave\0(0/jLev

ave\0ovTQ)V avT&v elSev Mwvcrijs

J}? <f7ra77eA/a9

TOV

close to the

\aoi>,

tcai

/cal elirev

Trpos avrov.

avayyetXov a^TOt?

on

V
Trjv

Kdr6\0e
Mcovcrfjs

Kdl K.CLTr)\QeV I^CTOl)? TT^O? TOV \CLOV,

6

Be

MCOVO-TJS

ra

re\7j

TOV j3[ov

K7ijcraTO.

Here

Moses dismisses Joshua, and dies apparently an

But according to the Assumption
ordinary death.
proper (see quotation from Clement Alex.

p.

107),

INTRODUCTION

and Caleb were present when the

Moses took place. The words that

Joshua

both

of

assumption
follow on the above in Vassiliev are based

mately on the Assumption proper,

av Kara/3d(rr) rb a/cvvcofia
Sajjiovrj X
ft>5

avrov
6

\da) iva

Ta>

dp^io-Tpdrrjyo^

avrbv Kal

irpovrd^ei,

o-vv(TTel\at, KOI

7r6TlfJL7JO-eV

Kal
o

= o-rcrfvco/jba)

avrov.
Mi%ar)\ Se
Seov rj\6ev \a/3eiv

avdla-raro avra)

CLVTOV elTTCOV

ETTlTlfJia (76

OVTft)? r)TTr)07J 6

Be

dyava/crrjo-as ovv o

KOI Sie/jbd^ovTO.

{3d\.

6eo7roir)0a)cri,v

ulti

teal eTreiparo

KVplOS,

dvTlK6lfj

cruvecrreiXev TO

dp^dyyeXos Mt^arj\

McovaTj OTTOV TTpoaerd^Orj Trapa Qeov rov

XpiaTov

rj/jicov.

This editing of the two books in one was

probably done in the first century, as St. Jude
(v.)

draws upon both in his Epistle (see p. Ixii).

The
statement of Josephus (Ant. iv. 8. 48) is interesting:
vetyovs al<f)Vi8iov vjrep avrov o-rdvros, d^av
"

Kara TWOS

Se avrov

Feypafa

(frdpayyos.

lepals /3ij3\o^ reOve&ra, Setcra?

eV

$1 V7rep/3o\rjv rrjs

firj

avTov aper?}? Trpo? TO Oelov avrbv dva%copr)crai,

elTrelv."
It
holds fast to Deut.
ToXfjirja-tocTiv

Trepl

xxxiv. 5, 6 and the account in the Testament, but

shows that the writer

made on Moses
the

is

aware

of

the

new

claims

behalf in the Assumption.

account of the

Transfiguration

respect to popular belief in

Moses

Does

point in

Assumption

any
?

INTRODUCTION
9.

li

DISLOCATION OF CHAPTERS VIII.-IX. IN THE

LATIN TEXT FROM THEIR ORIGINAL POSITION

AFTER CHAPTER V.

The interpretation

of

two chapters

these

will

remain an impossibility so long as scholars attempt

I
to deal with them in their present position.

have given, in the notes on pp. 28-30, the grounds

which necessitate this new departure in the exegesis
of the book.

THE AUTHOR A PHARISAIC QUIETIST

10.

There

some

determining the
religious party in Judaism to which the author
First of all, however, it is clear that he
belonged.
is

difficulty

was not a Sadducee

for (1)

the direct intervention of

and the establishment

earth

(X.

3-8).

(2)

in

he looks forward to

God on

of a

He

behalf of Israel,

theocratic

dwells

on

kingdom on
the future

blessedness of the righteous (X. 10, 11).

attacks

the

Sadducean party

in

(3)

the most

He

bitter

terms (VII.).
Secondly.

He was

not a Zealot.

This view has

been advocated by Wieseler, Dillrnann, Schiirer, and

others.

But

it

is

just as impossible as that

which

precedes; for (1) the writer s complete silence as

to the Maccabean rising forms an emphatic censure

--

INTRODUCTION

lii

to arms.

of their appeal

more impressive

the

as

This

silence

writer

was

is

all

the

thoroughly
Thus
acquainted with the Maccabean movement.
his text shows an intimate acquaintance with Books
I.

and

facts

II. of

the Maccabees, or, at all events, with the

on which these are based

fail to

and the reader

will

appreciate the allusions and nuances of the

narrative unless he brings to

its

perusal an accurate

and detailed knowledge of Maccabean history.

have here, in fact, to deal with the work, not

We
of a

popular enthusiast, but of an accurate scholar.

(2)
he
thus
shows
his
whilst
aversion
to
the
aims
And,

and method

the Maccabees,

of

he

a militant Judaism,

own

Thus

flesh.

of Israel,

bitter persecution

faithful unto

in other words, to

careful

will not

his hero (IX.)

arms on behalf
most

He

admirations.

is

is

indicate his

to

trust in

not one

an arm

who

of

takes up

but one who, amid the

that ever befel Israel, was

death, and, lifting

no hand in

self-

See notes
defence, committed his cause unto God.
on pp. 3238.
(3) The aim of such a description
as appears in IX.

is

to indicate

the line of action

which the Pharisaic party should pursue,

of non-resistance.

i.e.

one

The writer protests against the

growing corruption of the Pharisaic party by pol

See notes on pp. 34, 35.
itical aims and methods.
is
X.
3-10
(4)
wholly against the idea of a Zealot
author.

This passage, in

fact,

confirms

all

that has

INTRODUCTION
been

The theocratic

above.

said

liii

Messianic

or

be introduced not by the militant acts

kingdom
of the saints, but through the direct intervention of
to

is

God.

He was

Thirdly.

not an Essene, as Schmidt-Merx

have supposed.
(1) The entire book is interpene
See
trated with national hopes and aspirations.
The ideal of the Essene was indi
especially X. 8.
vidualistic

and

ethical,

greatest interest

Thus

temple.

and

1),

its

is

(VI.

9).

built

by God

dwelt upon

(2)

The

(II. 4), its

(II.

8,

frequent
V.

9,

3,

4,

complete destruction by Nebuchad

nezzar (III. 2) and

an

national.

taken in all the fortunes of the

was

are

profanations

VI.

it

and not

its partial

destruction by Varus

Such an interest could not be natural in

who was excluded from

Essene,

(Joseph. Ant.

character of the sacrifices in the temple

Thus

recorded.

it

its

courts

(3) The pure or polluted

xviii. 1. 5).

is

carefully

said that they are (rightly)

is

offered during a long period of history (II. 6).

At

a later period they are said to be imperfect (IV. 8).

It is observed in II. 8 that sacrifices were offered
to idols,

and

in V.

they were polluted.

sacrifices of

though offered to God,

such a concern in the

that,

Now

the temple

is

likewise unnatural in an

Essene, who disapproved wholly of animal sacrifice

wa KaraOvovres), and esteemed
(Philo, ii. 457, ov
their

sacrificial

meals

as

far

transcending

any

INTRODUCTION

liv

sacrifice

temple

worth (Ant.

to our author, the

According
blessed

in

xviii.

(4)

5).

future abode of the

the heaven of the stars (X.

is

1.

9),

but the

Essene heaven was beyond the ocean (Bell. Jud. ii.

8. 11).
Again, Gehenna is the place of punish

ment
of

for Israel s national foes (X. 10).

We

know

no such conception among the Essenes.

(5) The
is ascribed to Moses as a

fact that pre-existence

14) implies a disbelief in the

Essene doctrine of the pre-existence of all souls

special distinction (I.

(Bell Jud.

ii.

8. 11).

As we have now shown

that our author was

neither a Sadducee, a Zealot, nor an Essene, there

remains no further difficulty in determining the

religious party to which he belonged. He was clearly
This is shown by the facts
which we have enumerated above in the refutation

a Pharisaic Quietist.

of the preceding views.

He was

a Pharisee of a

fast-disappearing type, recalling in all respects the

Chasid of the early Maccabean times, and uphold

ing the old traditions of quietude and resignation.

While
political

his

party was

fast committing itself to

and movements, he raised his
them from the evil ways on which

interests

voice to recall

they had entered, and besought them to return to

the old paths, but his appeal was made in vain, and
so the secularisation of the Pharisaic movement in

due course culminated in the

fall of

Jerusalem.

INTRODUCTION
11.
It

is

Iv

THE DATE

impossible to deal seriously with the late

date assigned to this book by

137138

Volkmar and

Colani,

Their only ground for so doing is

to be found in the historical character of chaps.
A.D.

VIII. IX., which, they allege, is a veiled narrative of

the persecution under Hadrian.
The reader will
,

see that, like these writers, I too have accepted the

historicity of these chapters,

and shown, by a minute

investigation of every phrase, that they recount, not

the calamities of the

Jews under Hadrian, but under

Antiochus Epiphanes.
See notes on pp. 2838.
If this has been proved satisfactorily, as I hold it

no longer possible to advocate a

But even should the proof
second-century date.
to be,

then

it is

be deemed inadequate, insuperable difficulties still

confront the upholders of such a view.
For, from

appears that the book must

have been written before 70 A.D.
This we shall

internal evidence,

now proceed

it

to show.

The book was written before 70

temple

is

to

stand

till

the

A.D.

For (1) the

establishment of the

kingdom (I. 17). See note on p. 7. (2)

The temple was still standing when the book was

theocratic

written.

This

is

tion that

if

had

it

to be inferred
fallen,

have been passed over

from the considera

such an event could not

in silence.

It could not

have

INTRODUCTION

Ivi

been passed over for all the fortunes of the temple,

even its temporary profanations by a faithless priest
;

See

hood, are carefully recorded.

V. 3, 4, VI. 1, 9, VIII. 5.
fall, it left

II. 4, 8, 9, III. 2,

When

the temple did

an ineffaceable mark on

all

subsequent
Jewish literature, but particularly in that of the
next sixty years cf. the later portions of the Apoc.
Bar. and 4 Ezra.
The views, therefore, of Volkmar,
:

Keim, Hausrath, and Rosenthal, who date

Colani,

the composition of the Assumption after 70, are

untenable.

other scholars are agreed as to its com

position before 70 A.D., but differ with each other

Now,

all

as to the exact period to

between 4
ences
of
2,

of

B.C. arid

70

which

should be assigned
of

these differ

are due to the purely arbitrary restorations

the unintelligible fragments of numbers in VII.

and may therefore be at once discounted.

So far we have determined only the latest limit
composition,

70

i.e.

already dead (VI.

past

(VL

9).

0),

There

A.D.

This

as to its earliest.

is

come"

is

B.C.

and the war

of

no
for

difficulty

Herod

is

Varus already

After this war, the writer declares,

the times will be ended, and

lie

it

Many

A.D.

(VIII.

1).

between 3

B.C.

Thus the
and 70

A.D.

"

the four hours will

limits of composition

But there are data

Thus Hilgenfeld assigns the book to the years 44-45 A.D.

Schmidt-Merx to 54-64 Fritzsche to 50-60.
1

/-

INTRODUCTION

In VI. 7 the state

for a nearer determination.

"

ment,

And

Ivii

he (Herod) will beget children, who,

succeeding him, will rule for shorter periods," was

for Philip and Antipas
true of Archelaus alone
Hence the book
their
father.
than
reigned longer
;

must have been written before these princes had

1
reigned for thirty-four years, i.e. before 30 A.D.
Thus the date
and 30

more
sons

closely.

should

father,

may

siderations

of

composition

But the

A.D.

limits

between 3

lies

may

be defined

B.C.

still

For the prediction, that Herod s

rule for shorter periods than their

be reasonably explained from two con

(a)

from the general expectation that

the sons of such a wicked king could not long pre

serve their authority
but still more (6) from the
;

actual deposition of Archelaus after a short reign

of ten years 4 B.C. 6 A.D.,
an event which would

naturally be construed by our author in the light

of a divine judgment, and suggest to him the pre

which appears in the text as to the impend

and Antipas.
Hence, however,

diction

ing fate of Philip

we may

may

it

interpret

be

fairly

the

"

four

concluded

hours
that

"

in

part

VII.
of

these

Ewald, Wicseler, Drummond, Dillmann, and Schiirer refer

the composition of the book to the first decade after 4 B.C.
This
conclusion they arrive at by pressing the words "the times will
in VII. 1.
For the way in which Reuss, followed by
Baldensperger and Rosenthal, seeks to evade the conclusions that
naturally follow from VI. 7, see the note on that verse (p. 22).

be ended

"

INTRODUCTION

Iviii

have already elapsed when the author writes, and

the

that

limit

earliest

of

7 A.D.

is

composition

Thus the book was composed between the years

7-30

A.D.

VIEWS OF THE AUTHOR ON MOSES, ISRAEL

THE MESSIANIC KINGDOM, GOOD WORKS

12.

Moses was prepared, from

Moses.

before

mediator of

foundation of the world, to be the

God s covenant with His people

During

(XL

his life

11, 17)

he was Israel

(I.

the

14, III.

intercessor with

for forty years he suffered

many

12).

God

things

hands in Egypt, the lied Sea, and the

When about to die, he chose
wilderness (III. 11).

at

their

Joshua in his stead (X. 15), apparently as the

His death
prophet promised in Deut. xviii. 15.

was an ordinary one (I. 15, III. 13, X. 12, 14);

but no single place was worthy to mark the place
of his burial, for his sepulchre was from the rising
to

the

setting sun,

and from the south

confines of the north

yea

his sepulchre (XI.

But

to

the

to Israel

his relation

he was appointed by
be their intercessor in the spiritual world

did not cease

God

8).

to

the entire world was

with death

(XII. 6).
Israel.

Israel

is

God

own

people

world was created in their behalf

(I.

(I.

12)

12): the

and Moses

INTRODUCTION

lix

prepared, from before the foundation of the world,

covenant relation between God and

to establish the

His people

and Jerusalem prepared,

14),

(I.

in like

manner, to be the centre of the worship of Jehovah

establishment of

the

till

the theocratic

kingdom

then shortly summarised

(I. 17).
from the time of the Exodus to the split between
Israel s history

the two

kingdoms.

is

From

this

time

two

carefully distinguishes between the

the

(II. 4),

never lost sight of

attributed to the

time

the

and

"

holy
yet the solidarity of the twelve tribes

"

is

tribes

The former constitute the two

ten.

tribes

the writer

for

Judah

sins of Israel (III.

captivity
5).

is

In due

two tribes return from their captivity,

but grieve over their imperfect sacrifices (IV. 8)

imperfect, apparently, because the ten tribes are not
with them, though they are increasing and multi
But
plying in the land of their captivity (IV. 9).
the history of restored Judah becomes an evil one,

namely, owing to the Sadducean priesthood (V.), but

a righteous kernel still survived who were faithful
to the

law (IX.

4).

Then ensues the persecution

of

Antiochus (VIIL), and the withdrawal of the Chasid

party from political alliances (IX.). The Maccabean
king-priests

Herod

(VI.).

are

alluded

With

his

period.

and

their

death, and

successor

probably the

we arrive at the writer s

we
Herewith
pass from the region of

deposition of Archelaus,

own

to,

INTRODUCTION

Ix

history to

The

that of prediction.

theocratic or

be ushered in by a day
1750 years after the death

Messianic kingdom will

of

repentance

of

Moses,

observed,

(X.
in

(I.

17).

between 75 and 107

i.e.

A.D. (?),

intervene on behalf of Israel,

will
it

not

of

God

Israel,

be

Judah and Benjamin alone

of

Here, again, the solidarity of the nation,

8).

writer

the

mind, discovers

As they

itself.

suffered vicariously for each other s sins (III. 5),

so likewise the promises
tribes

be

collectively (III.

glorified

theocratic

together

were made

and

9),

(X.

they should

Thus

8).

when

kingdom was established the ten

were to be restored.
national

to the twelve

this

During
were to be

enemies

kingdom

all

the

tribes

Israel s

destroyed (X.

8).

be exalted to heaven (X. 9),

whence they should see their enemies in Gehenna
Finally, Israel

was

to

(X. 10).

The Messianic or

Theocratic

preceding paragraph
1

In the

Kingdom.

we have given the

various

This seems to be the period meant by the 250 times spoken of

As \ve have no means of determining the

in X. 12 (see note).

length of the interval between the death of Moses and the Christian
era, according to our author, we cannot determine the date of the
expected advent of God, which was to take place 1750 years after
If we may accept Josephus s chronology for this
s death.
period, then the date of the Divine Advent was to be in the year

Moses

75 or 88 or 107, according as we regard 1675 years (Ant. xx. 10. 2)

having elapsed between Moses s death and the Christian era, or

as

1662 years (Ant. x. 9. 7

1643 years (Bell. Jud. vi.
;

xi. 1. 1
4. 8).

Bell.

(See

Jud.

Herzog

vi.

4.

R.E.

10. 1), or

xvii. p. 460.)

INTRODUCTION
kingdom which are found

references to this

There

author.

"

expectation
punish the

may
of

The Eternal God alone

Gentiles
the

to

Messiah, as

the

our

in

Indeed, in X.

"

due

be

no Messiah.

is

7,

seems to be really inimical to this

author

the

Ixi

(see

note,

fact

that

man

of

in

loc.).

the

war,

will

This

conception

was gaining

more and more acceptance amongst the Pharisees,

and was thus of a nature to promote the grow
Now, it is
ing secularisation of Pharisaism.
against the latter evil that the author

writing

is

directed.

On

Good Works.

works, our author

tions, rather

the doctrine of merit, or good

views are allied to O.T. concep

than to the rabbinic doctrine of

man s

righteousness, which bulks so largely in Jewish

See my edition of
literature from 50 A.D. onwards.

the Apocalypse of Baruch xiv. 7, xxi.

9, notes.

So far

from representing man s righteousness as involving

an undoubted Pharisaic
merit over against God,
doctrine of the first century of our era,
our author
represents

even the greatest hero of Judaism as

declaring

but in

Not

any virtue or strength of mine,

His compassion and long-suffering, was He
"

pleased to

call

for

(XII.

me"

declares to Joshua

"

It is

7).
Similarly Moses
not on account of the

godliness of this people (Israel) that thou shalt root

"

out the nations

(XII.

8).

INTRODUCTION

Ixii

NEW

13.

TESTAMENT AND LATER WRITERS

ACQUAINTED WITH THE ASSUMPTION

Jude unquestionably was acquainted both

with the Testament of Moses and with the Assump
St.

tion,

properly so-called, which together compose the

complete book.

Thus
p.

Jude

St.

From

107.

we proceed
evidence

is

to

latter

of

see

borrowing

deal with another, for which the

St.

of several clauses

Jude 16

is

composed
which agree verbally or in sub

very strong.

stance with V.

from the

9 is derived

this indubitable case

VII.

5,

7, 9

our Latin text

of

We

the original Testament of Moses.

shall here

give the Greek text of Jude, inserting after each

clause

its

joyyvcrral,
losi),

parallel

from

fjLefjL^rLfjLoipoi

Kara ras

avT&v XaXet

eorum

et

Ovrol

text.

elcn

Moys. VII. 7, quaeruavrwv Tropevo/mevoi Kal TO

(Ass.

liridvfJLta^

(TTOfjia

our

vTrepoy/ca (VII.

mentes immunda tractantes,

9,

et

et

os

manus
eorum

loquetur ingentia), Oavud^ovres TrpoercoTra, ax^eXeta?

Xdpiv (V. 5, mirantes personas locupletum et accipientes rnunera).

In

St.

Jude

the

18

(e^iralKrai) appear to be the

homines

(VII. 3) (see note, in

The

who

loc.).

are mentioned in St.

chap. VII. 3, 7 (impii).

"

mockers

pestilentiosi

"

ungodly

men

Jude 4 appear twice

Now,

"

"

in

lest the full force of

these parallels should escape us,

we should observe

INTRODUCTION

books are actually or

both

accounts in

the

that

Ixiii

The classes of evil-doers

nominally prophetic.
in the last
dealt with are those who shall be
"

according to Jude 18, and

ended," in our text.

time,"

are

The writer
both

or

of 2 Peter also appears to

Thus

our text.

are

Some

Assumption.

ev

TTJV

rjyovjjLevoi,

(Vulfj.,

rjSovrjv

avrwv

a/yaTrafc

affluentes, in conviviis

luxuriantes vobiscum), compare VII.

discubitiones et luxuriam.

3 with VII.

latter-

rpvtyijv,

Moysi, VII. 5, omni hora diei

with evrpvcfruvres ev rat?

ii.

original

compare Ass.
amantes convivia

^epa

and

(Twevco^ovfjievot,

the

passages support the

with 2 Peter ii. 13,

Thus

alternative.

on

dependent

equally

have used

are based on Jude 9,

10, 11

II.

the times

"when

8,

2 Peter

also

Compare

suis

Habebimus

6.

There are some remarkable parallels between St.

The
Stephen s speech in Acts vii. and our text.

most remarkable

many

things in Egypt, and in the

the wilderness
for

verbally
TroiricrcLs

during forty

the

most

repara KCU

EpvOpa

6a\dcro"y,

The

Kovra.

We

that in III. 11,

is

ical

likeness

is

ev

ev

rfj

with
rf)

text,

or

suffered

Sea,

and

in

which agrees
Acts vii. 36,

Al yvirrw KCU

epijfjLqy

errj

ev

reacrapd-

too close to be accidental.

must either assume that Acts

from our

Eed

years,"

part

arjijiela

"Who

that III.

1 1 b

vii.

of

36

is

derived

our text

is

INTRODUCTION

Ixiv

The evidence

interpolated.
is

Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 3

against the latter supposition

word
"

of

"

suffered."

transgress (God s)

ments in the which he was a mediator

them

they did transgress

fact that

the words,

2, in

Again, in III.

we should not

that

likewise also the

is

command

to

implied, and

whom

the fact that Moses was the mediator through

are

facts

This

is

spake

to

"

distinctly given

he that was

Acts

in

living oracles to give unto us

be

prediction

obedient."

the

of

citation of the

38, 39

vii.

with the angel which

him on the Mount Sinai

would not

these two

Now,

expressly stated.

is

they came,

the

us,"

captivity

to

who

whom

received

our fathers
the

Finally,

there

in

13, and the

III.

Amos

prophecy of

is

that effect in

to

VII. 43.

29

Again, Matt. xxiv.

Luke

xxi.

2526)

(cf.

Mark

xiii.

our text, or else both are derived from a

This

source.
O

is

clear

if

we compare Matt.

7J\IOS (TKOTl(T0r)0-eTaL Kdi

^7709

avrrjs,

KCLI

24-25;

either dependent on X.

is

T)

ol darepes

0-6\1]V7}
.

0V

of

common
xxiv. 2 9
&a)(Tl,

TO

rwv ovpavwv

G-a\ev9iicrovTai, with X. 5
1
This idea of Moses s suffering in connection with Israel is found
in the Jalkut (translated by Heidenheim, Deutsche Vicrteljahr-

Herr der Welt,

Moses
sagte
meine Mlihe und mein Leiden, das
ich mit ihnen (den Israeliten) zu erleiden hatte, bis ich ihnen die
Lehre
eingepragt hatte."
"

(1871),

schrift

otfenbar

p.

217).

und bekannt

1st dir

INTRODUCTION

Ixv

(Sol) in tenebras convertet se,

Et luna non dabit lumen.

Et orbis stellarum conturbabitur.

noteworthy that in the parallel passage in
Luke xxi. 25 there is a reference to the sea also,
It is

as there is in X. 6 of our text.

For another close

parallel of our text, VIII.

with Matt. xxiv. 21, see notes on pp. 80, 81.

On the above grounds we conclude that this book

was known

of

to

the writers of the Epistle of Jude

and most probably to the writers

2 Peter and Matt. xxiv. 29 (Mark xxii. 24-25

and

of

Acts

vii.,

Luke
It

xxi.

25-26).
was known

Ixxxiv.

25:

also

to

see notes in

the writer of Apoc. Bar.

loc.

(pp.

12, 13).

the citations in Clement of Alexandria, Origen,

see pp.

107-110.

For
etc.,

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

TRANSLATED FllOM THE LATIN

(And

I.

it

came

to pass in the

twentieth year of the

1.

1.

2.

See

crit.

life

note.

Two thousand

five

hun

dredth year. This date of Moses

death is of great importance in
Jewish chronology.
If we com
pare it with the various dates
assigned to this event in the
Massoretic text, the Samaritan,
the Book of Jubilees, and Josephus,we shall find that no two
of these authorities agree. Thus
the death of Moses is variously
dated according to

Anno
Assumption of Moses

Book of Jubilees

Josephus, Ant.
,,

or

viii. 3. 1

viii. 3. 1

com

bined with xx. 10

Samaritan Pentateuch
.

LXX
From

Mundi.
2500
2450
2550
2530
3309
3859

these variations among

authorities
before
and after
the Christian era, it appears

of

one hundred and

Moses),

2.

That

is,

that the Massoretic chronology,

which sets it down to 2706,
either did not exist at the be
ginning of the Christian era, or
else was only one of the many

systems competing for popular

I shall return to
acceptance.
this question in my Commentary
on the Book of Jubilees, where
the subject necessarily demands
to be treated at some length.
I
shall, however, add here another
fact which shows that the Mas

soretic chronology was wholly

wanting in traditional authority
as late as 50-100 A.D.
a cir
cumstance that is incompatible
with its assumed ancient origin.
Thus according to Exod. xii.

40 (Mass, text), Israel is said to

430 years in
Egypt alone whereas, in the

have sojourned
;

Samaritan, this period embraces

also the sojourn of the patri
archs in Canaan before their

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
two thousand

the

hundredth year from the

6. That he called to him

five

creation of the world,

of Nun, a man approved of the

That he might be the minister of the people
the tabernacle of the testimony with all its

Joshua the son

7.

Lord,

and

of

Here the
descent into Egypt.
Samaritan is supported by the
LXX., and substantially also by
the Pharisaic Book of Jubilees.
This reckoning, further, is fol
lowed by

St. Paul, Gal.

and Joseplms, Ant.

It reappears also at

in the

Targum

of

iii.

ii.

17,

15.

2.

a later date

Jonathan on

Some

Onom.

Sacr., ed. Lag., 88, 31 :

quae nunc Filadelfia,

Amman

urbs Arabiae nobilis, in qua

habitaverunt olim Rafaim, gens
Anrmon
antiqua ; and 92, 2
trans Jordanem in tribu Gad.
Haec est Amman de qua supra
:

diximus, Filadelafi, civitas

tris Arabiae.

illus-

writers
Exod.
have cited as testimonies to the

The MS. inserts:

the
prophecy which was- made by

Massoretic reckoning Philo, Quis

rcr. div.
54 (i. 511) Josephus,
Ant. i. 10. 3 ; Bell. Jud. v. 9. 4;
Acts vii. 6 but all these pas

Moses in the book Deuteronomy.

40.

xii.

sages are either directly drawn

from or based upon Gen. xv. 13,
where 400 years are spoken of,
except that in Bell. Jud. v. 9. 4,
where the context is indecisive
either way.
The MS. inserts here
3.
"But
according to the reckon
ing of the East ... of the de
parture of the Phoenix." This
verse was interpolated by the
Greek translator in the West.
It may originally have been a
:

Greek marginal

gloss.

See

crit.

note (p. 54).

The MS.

inserts here
the people went forth
after the exodus which was made
by Moses to Amman across the
See crit. note.
The
Jordan."
Amman here mentioned ap
pears, as Ronsch(^./. W. 7*. 1884,
pp. 555, 556) points out, to be a
town in the tribe of Gad. See
4.

"When

5.

See

"In

crit.

"

note.

6. Called to him Joshua the

son of Nun.
These words are
drawn from Deut. xxxi. 7.
For
Approved of the Lord.
phrase cf. Acts ii. 22; 2 Tim. ii.

15.
7.

Minister of the people. See

note on this verse (p.

critical
56).

Tabernacle of the testimony.

is
the O-K-TJVT] TOV /j,ap-

This

rvpiov,

i.e.

nnyn

?nx,

as

would

appear from the words follow

with all its holy things.
ing
These holy things were the ark
and the tables of testimony.
Only for the addition of this
clause the Hebrew might have
been ijno VnK="tent of meet
"

"

where God spoke to Moses,

Exod. xxxiii. 7-11, etc., and to
Moses and Joshua in Deut. xxxi.
14-23.
These two differing
names of the tabernacle were
derived from the two different
purposes which it served.
ing,"

CHAPTER
holy things,

8.

And

I.

6-12

that he might bring the people

into the land given to their fathers,

That

9.

it

should be given to them according to the covenant

and the oath, which he spake in the tabernacle to

by Joshua saying to Joshua these words

1 0.
(Be strong) and of a good courage according
to thy might so as to do what has been commanded

give

(it)

"

that thou mayst be blameless unto

saith the
8.

And

Lord

that he

of

might bring

the people, etc.

Deut. xxxi. 7
cf. also xxxi. 21.
9.

This

The covenant and

the oath.

a favourite expression of
the writer, cf. III. 9,
17, XII.
13.
We must restore it also in
II. 7.
See crit. note in loc. (pp.
is

XL

62, 63).

Which He spake in

the taher-

nacle,i.e.inDc\it. xxxi. 14, 20, 23.

These
Saying to Joshua.
words are to be connected
"He
immediately with ver. 6
called
to him
Joshua
:

saying to

Joshua."

The

inter

vening words are of the nature

of a parenthesis.
10. (Be strong] and of a good
See crit. note (pp.
courage.

These words go back

56, 57).
immediately to Deut. xxxi. 7,
from which also part of ver. 6
is

derived.

Blameless unto God. See crit.

note (pp. 57, 58). For the phrase
cf.Deut. xviii. 13;2Sam.xxii. 24.
11. So saith the Lord.
Moses
here declares God to be the
of
the
words
Be
speaker
strong,
etc.
In Josh. i. 7 ; Deut. xxxi.
are
addressed
23, they
directly

11. So

God."

12. For

the world.

He

hath

to Joshua by God, but in Deut.

xxxi. 6, 7 it is Moses that first
uses them.
12. Created the world on be

half of His people. This is the

prevalent view of Judaism from
the first century of the Christian
era onwards.
Cf. 4 Ezra vi. 55,
59, vii. 11, and my note on

Apoc. Bar. xiv.

18.

more limited view, i.e.

that the world was created on
still

behalf of the righteous in Israel,

expressed in Apoc. Bar. xiv.
This con
19, xv. 7, xxi. 24.
ception reappears in the Shep
herd of Hernias in a form
adapted to its Christian en
vironment.
There it is the
Christian Church to which the
world owes its creation
Vis.
is

4. 1, 8ia TavTTjv (
TTJV e/c/cXT?Cf.
criav) 6 /c6cr/xos KaTfjpTijdfj.

ii.

also

Vis.

i.

1.

6,

iv., v.

The

larger view that the world was

created on account of mankind,
is found in Apoc. Bar. xiv. 18
r

Ezra viii.

Mand.

xii.

44; Hermae Pastor,

4, tKriae rbv Koff^ov

1,

eveKa TOV avdpu-rrov, and is the

prevalent one in post- apostolic
writers. Cf. Justin Mart. Apol.

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
created the world on behalf of His people.

But

13.

He was

not pleased to manifest this purpose of

creation from the foundation of the world, in order
that the Gentiles might thereby be convicted, yea

own

humiliation might by (their) arguments

1 4. Accordingly He designed
convict one another.
to their

ii.
Dial. c. Tryph.
4, 5
Irenaeus, v. 29. 1 TertulAdv.
i. 13;
Marc.
lian,
Origen,
i.

10,

41

Contra

Cels. iv. 23.

Was

Alexandrian Judaism
not as
the prerogative of one or more
favoured souls, but as the com

mon

characteristic of all souls.

pleased.
(See
crit. note, p. 58.)
The sense
of the verse appears to be
God
was unwilling to reveal the fact

See Slav. En. xxiii. 5. This

was the prevailing doctrine of
later Judaism.

that the world was created on

behalf of Israel in order that the
Gentiles might be put to a com

world.

in their reasonings
on this subject. Whatman could
not discover (Eccles. iii. 11, viii.

of

13.

not

mon shame

17),

God

revealed through Moses

(ver. 14).
14. This

verse is quoted by
Gelasius of Cyzicum in his Com
ment. Act. Syn. J\7 ic. ii. 18 (Fab
ric. Cod.
Pseud. V.T. i. 845;

Man si,

Concil.

ii.

e^ievai rov

Mwucrewr,

Trpocr/caAe-

OVI>

vibv

Trpbs

poededcraro

p. 844): /xeXXwv

Manxes

fj.e

Naw?

Kal 8ia-

Kal
avrbv
Qebs Trpb Karae<f>r)

v elval

From

foundation of the
note on I. 14

the

See

crit.

(pp. 58, 59).

The word

Mediator.

which

is

translation,

is

(Polybius, Lucian, and

once only in the LXX., Job ix.
33.
This designation of Moses
as a mediator does not occur in

Greek

the O.T. or in the Apocrypha,

though his mediatorial functions
appear clearly in Deut. v. 2, 5 ;

Exod. xx. 19. It was, however,

a recognised title of his in the
first century of the Christian
era.
This is clear
(1) From
the present work, I. 14, III. 12.
(2) From the N.T. Gal. iii. 18,
19, where Moses is said to be
the mediator through whom
5iacame the law 6 ^6/xos
.

Prepared

me

before the founda

raycis

ev

tion of the world.

Again in Heb.

is

xii.

Pre-existence
here ascribed to Moses, as it
was also to the Son of Man in
Eth. En. xliii. 2 (where see
But about the beginning
note).
of tlie Christian era such preexistence came to be regarded in

yuecri TTjs,

clearly a
found only in later

arbiter

24 there

is

%etpt
viii.

fieffLrov.

6,

ix.

15,

an obvious allu

sion to this designation of Moses,

where

over

against the O.T.

legislator, Christ is described as

a "Mediator of a new (or

better

covenant."

(3)

From

CHAPTER
and devised me, and
foundation

of

the

He

world,

I.

13-17

prepared
that

mediator of His covenant.

me

before the

should be the

And now

15.

unto thee that the time of the years of

fulfilled

and

am

passing

away

I declare

my

is

life

with

to sleep

my

even in the presence of all the people.

16. And receive thou this writing that thou mayst

fathers

know how

to

books which I shall

preserve the

deliver unto thee

17.

And

thou shalt set these in

them with

order and anoint

oil

and put
the place which

of cedar

them away in earthen vessels in

He made from the beginning of the
Vit.

Philo,

Mays.

19

iii.

fiealr-qs /ecu 5iaXXd/cT7?s.

(4)

ola

From

the Talmud, where Moses is fre

quently spoken of as a mediator,
see Levy, Neuhebr.
i.e. as
und Chald. Lex. iii. 595, 590.
See also Shem. rab. on Exod.
iii.
13
Bam id. rab. xi. 3.
See Schottgerj, llor. pp. 738,
"iiono

Wetstein, N. T. ii. p. 224.

15. Sleep with myfathers. Cf.
III. 13; X.12,14; Deut.xxxi.16.
Moses makes no reference here

739

The words,

creation of the

Apoc. Bar. xliv. 2: "Behold I

go unto my fathers according to
the

XL

of all the earth."

This writing. Cf. X. 11,

way

16.
1.

17.

cedar.

Anoint them with oil of

The sacred heavenly

books shown to Enoch (Slav.

En.

xxii.

"fragrant

12) are described

with

as

myrrh."

From the beginning of the

See crit.
creation of the world.
note on I. 14 (p. 58, 59).
In

in the presence of all the

if they are the true
people,"
text, refer clearly to his bodily
decease.
These words disagree
both with the account in Deut.
xxxiv. 5, 6, according to which
no man witnessed his death, and
with the Greek fragments of the

etc., i.e. Jeru

In Jorna 54&, Sifre 76&,
the world is said to have been
created with Zion as a startingSee Weber, pp. 199,
point.
In Ezek.
63-65 (2nd ed.).
xxxviii. 12, v. 5, Zion is said to
cf.
earth
of
the
be the centre
Jubi
Eth. En. xxvi. 1, xc. 26

Assumption

lees viii.

to his
"

Assumption.

Even

(see pp. 107-110),

according to which Joshua and
Caleb were witnesses, but none

other.

With

this verse

compare

the place,

salem.

here to

Is there

any reference

of

foundation,"

"stone

N ns? pN, mentioned in the Targ.

Jon. on Exod. xxviii. 30 ?

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
18. That His

world,
until the

of

end

II.

them

visit

into the land which

He

day of repentance.

to stand till the establishment

of the theocratic kingdom.
As

Hilgenfeld remarks, no Jew could

have so written after the de
struction of the temple in 70
A.D.
Still more impossible is
the later date of Volkmar and

which assigns

book
to a time when Jerusalem was
rebuilt as a Roman colony with
a heathen temple and sacrifices,
and no Jew was permitted to
approach
i.

47

it.

Tert.

Cf.

this

Justin, Apol.

Adv.

Jud.

13

Div. I. vol. ii. 294,

306-308, 315 sqq. (Bug. trans.).
The day of repentance. Taken
in connection with the following
words, this phrase refers to the
great national repentance that
was to precede the establish
ment of the Messianic or, as
here, the theocratic kingdom.
This national repentance was a
precondition of the coming of
the kingdom.
"If Israel
prac
tises repentance, it will be re
deemed if not, it will not be
redeemed, "Sanh. 976. This re
pentance was called also the
Schurer,

"Israel will
great repentance.
not fulfil the great repentance
before Elijah comes," Pirke de
R. Eliezer, xliii.
According to

Mai.

iv.

consummation

and Luke

i.

by means of thee
determined and promised

will go

The temple was thus expected

(Jolani,

in the

upon
where

of the days.

(And now) they

18. Until the

called

repentance in the visitation

day
with the Lord shall
of the

name should be

16, 17,

was to
So
strongly were the Rabbins im
pressed with the value of this
this moral reformation

be

by

wrought

Elijah.

repentance, that in Pesikta 163&

it is said
If all Israel together
repented for a single day, re
demption through the Messiah
would follow (see Weber, 333,
"

"

334, 338, Isted.; 348, 353,

2nd

ed.).

The
In the visitation, etc.
visitation here spoken of is one
of mercy in relation to Israel.
The word

visit (eTrtcr/ceTrreo-^at

nps) has generally in the O.T.,

and always in the N.T., a good

sense.
In the Apoc. Bar. and
4 Ezra it is almost always used
in a bad sense of the penal

visitation of

God

(see

my

note

"The
on Apoc. Bar. xx. 1).
time of visitation (/catp6s iiria"

is
the
AVisd. iii.
KOTTTJS,
7)
establishment of the kingdom
;

cf.

Luke xix. 44.

Them. Israel.
In the consummation of the end

of days. Similarly in the Apoc.

Bar. xxvii. 15, xxix. 8, the

Messianic time is denoted by

the phrase "the consummation
of the times." The same phrase
is used also of the last judgment
see Apoc. Bar. xxx. 3.
II.
Deut. xxxi. 7,
1.
Cf.
21-23.
;

CHAPTERS
give to their

to

shalt bless

firm unto
for

to

In the which thou

2.

fathers,

and give

them

i8II.

I.

them individually and con

their inheritance in

them the kingdom, and thou

me and

shalt appoint

good
Lord in judgment and righteousness.

come

the

in

to

them

pleasure of their

prefectures according to the

will

establish

sixth

3.

And

(it

year after

they
pass)
enter into the land, that thereafter they shall be
ruled by chiefs and kings for eighteen years, and
during nineteen years the ten tribes will be
apostates.

And

4.

the twelve tribes will go

inheritance in me.
a peculiar phrase, but
Ronsch supports it by 2 Sam.
xx. 1: "Neither have we in
heritance in the son of Jesse"
2.

Tlieir

This

is

221); but
his later suggestion on this pas
sage is possibly better, in which
he takes the Latin
in me
to
be a corruption of "in earn."
See crit. note on II. 2.

(Z.f.W.T. 1869,

p.

"

"

Appoint them prefectures. The

text

is

obscure.

See crit. note

render also

We might

(p. 60).

them

local

magis
trates."
These might be the
anas? mentioned in Deut. xvi.
18
1 Chron. xxiii.
xxvi.
4,
"appoint

29.
3.

In

the

conquest

of

sixth

year.

The

Canaan

occupied
five years.
Of. Josh. xiv. 10
Ant.
1.
19
eras Sc
v.
Joseph.
;

Tre/JWTTOv

Xapaj

cutoi

/ecu

Trape\r]\udeL
ovKeri ovdeis UTroXe -

7J07)

XetTTTO.

For eighteen years.

Each year
The

signifies a reiini or ruler.

"chiefs

and

kings"

down

are

the

judges and the three

kings, Saul, David, and Solomon.
And during nineteen years the
fifteen

ten tribes will be apostates. These

are the nineteen kings of Israel
from Jeroboam to Hoshea. In

these two statements the writer

anticipates for the moment the
In the next
course of history.
verse he turns back to record
the removal of the ark by David
to Jerusalem.
4. And the twelve tribes will
2 Sam. vi. 1, 2,
go doitm, etc.

See

17.

crit.

note

(p. 61).

The God of heaven.

Cf. iv. 4,

This expression, which is

found in Gen. xxiv. 7, was a
favourite one amongst the postexilic Jews, Ezra v. 11, vi. 9,
Dan. ii. 18,
10, vii. 12, 21, 23
x. 3.

etc.

The Cod of heaven will make,

etc. The building of the temple
under Solomon is here referred to.
The court of His tabernacle.
See

crit.

note

(p. 62).

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

io

and transfer the tabernacle

the

God

of

of the testimony.

heaven will make the court

Then
His

of

tabernacle and the tower of His sanctuary, and the

two holy

tribes will be (there) established

the ten

tribes will establish

selves according to their

own

them

for

kingdoms
ordinances.

But

5.

6.

And

they will offer sacrifices throughout twenty years

7. And seven will entrench the walls, and I will
:

protect nine, but (four) will transgress the covenant

of the Lord,

and profane the oath which the Lord

made with them.

8.

And

they will sacrifice their

sons to strange gods, and they will set up idols in

the sanctuary, to worship them.

house

of

the

Lord they

Tower of His sanctuary.

crit.

note

And

See

the

Only two

two holy
tribes

tribes,

will

etc.

remain

faithful to the temple so built.

This calls for a reference to the
action of the ten tribes, which
is given in the text verse.
5. This statement relative to
the ten tribes is really parenthetical.
It was called out by

the prediction that (only) the

two tribes would preserve their
allegiance to the temple.
6. The writer, after the parenthetical reference to the ten
tribes in ver. 5, returns here to
the history of the two.
Offer
sacrifices
throughout
twenty years. The twenty years
the
designate
twenty sovereigns
of Judah from Kehoboam onwards, including Athaliah.

in

the

work impiety and

will

Seven

7.

will

entrench

Hie

seven

kings will
advance the strength and proi.e.

walls,

(p. 62).

And

9.

of Judah-Eehoboam,
Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoram, Ahaziah, Athaliah.
I iirill protect nine, i.e. nine
kings will enjoy the divine
sperity
Abijah,

Amaziah,
Joash,
protection
Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah, Manasseh, Amoii, Josiah.
(Four) will transgress, i.e.
Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, Zedekiah.
oath.
Transgress
note (pp. 62, 63).
.

See

crit.

8.

Sacrificed their sons,

etc.

2 Kings xvi. 3 ; Ps. cvi. 37, 38 ;

Ezek. xvi. 20, xx. 26 ; Hos.
xi. 2.

Set

up

idols in

the,

sanctuary.

Cf. Ezek. viii. 8-16.

9.

This verse

is

clearly based

CHAPTERS

II.

III.

engrave every (form) of beast, (even)

ii

many abomina

tions.

III.

And

in those days a king

come against them and cover

2.

cavalry.
fire

And

from the east will

their land with (his)

he will burn their colony with

of the Lord, and

together with the holy temple

3. And
he will carry away all the holy vessels.
he will cast forth all the people, and he will take

them

he will take

to the land of his nativity, yea

the two tribes with him.

will call

4.

Then the two

as a lioness on the dusty plains, being

5.

thirsty.

And

they will cry aloud

on Ezek. viii. 9, 10. Thus "in

the house of the Lord they will
work impiety," is derived from
viii. 9, and the remaining words
from viii. 10. See crit. note for
the restoration of the text.
III. 1. A king from the east.
Nebuchadnezzar, 588-586 B.C.
2. Colony.
This word is due
either to the Greek or Latin

translator, and points to the

fact that when the translation

was made Jerusalem had been

rebuilt by Hadrian as a Roman
colony under the name Aelia
Capitolina. See also V. 6, VI. 9.
The original may have used
or "place"
cf. IV. 7.
"city"
All tlic
vessels.
2 Chron.
xxxvi. 7.
According to Dan.
L 2, part of these had been
carried away in the reign of
;

hol>/

Jehoiakim
20.
first

cf. Jer. xxvii.

19,
tradition current in the
of
our
era
recounts
century

tribes

upon the ten tribes, and will be indignant

hungry and
"

Eighteous

that on the destruction of Solo

mon s temple the holy vessels
were concealed by angels (Apoc.
Bar. vi. ) or by Jeremiah (2 Mace,
ii. 4-8) in order to preserve them
for the future Messianic king
dom. See also Bammidbar rab,
15.
The writer of this book

was not apparently acquainted

with this tradition.
3, 4. Will be indignant.
crit.

note (pp. 64,

and

Cf.

thirsty.
Ixxvii. 14.

65).

See

Hungry

Apoc.

Bar.

5. Righteous and holy is the

Lord. Ps. cxlv. 17, 5iKai.osKvpi.os

Kal oaios, and Vulgate,

et
sauctus.
Justus Dominus
Dan. ix. 14.
Pss. Sol. x. 6
.

Righteous

is

the Lord,

for inasmuch

Cf. Apoc.
as, etc.
Ixxvii. 3, 4. Both here and

Bar.
in the Apoc. Bar. the calamities
of Judah are said to be due to the
In the
wickedness of Israel.

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

12

and holy
sinned,

the Lord,

is

we

inasmuch as ye have

for,

too, in like manner, have been carried

away with you, together with our children." 6.

Then the ten tribes will mourn on hearing the
reproaches of the two tribes, 7. And they will say
What have we done unto you, brethren ? Surely
this tribulation has not come on all the house of
:

"

Israel

?"

And

8.

all

God

of

of Isaac

and God

"

9.

covenant which Thou didst

the

mourn crying
God of Abraham
Jacob, remember Thy
make with them, and

the tribes will

unto heaven and saying

oath which Thou didst swear unto

Thyself, that their seed should never

Thou hast given

land which

latter book, however, Ixxvii. 10,

xi. 17,
Dan. ix
and
7,

Jer.

the Apocryphal Bar. ii. 26, these

are attributed to the wickedness
of both Israel and Judah.
Together with our children.
These words are found at the
end of ver. 4 in the MS., but
there they are impossible.
See
crit.
7.

note

(p. 65).

Baldensperger (Das Selbst-

bewusstsein Jcsu,

p.

30,

note)

thinks that if we could admit

the date of the book to be after
70 A.D. the word "tribulation"
here might hint also at a re
cently experienced calamity.
8.
Unto heaven.
Heaven
seems here to be used as equi
valent to God. This usage ap
It is
pears first in Dan. iv. 23.
Cf. Matt. v. 34.
frequent later.
9.

The

oath

that

their

them by

fail

the

in

Then

10.

them."

seed should never fail in the

land.
Gen. xvii. 8 ; cf. for
phraseology Pss. Sol. xvii. 5
airw irep rov
avTOv els rbv aiCova rov /JLTJ
:

Keireiv

(SaffiXeiav

avrov

also Test. XII. Patriar., Jud. 22.

10-13. These verses are either

the source of Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv.

2-5, or both passages are derived

from a common

The

original.

passage in Baruch is: 2. "Re

member that formerly Moses as
suredly called heaven and earth
to

witness against you,

If ye transgress

the

and said

law,

ye
shall be dispersed but if ye keep
be
3.
And
shall
it, ye
kept.
other things he used to say unto
;

you when

ye, the twelve

were together inthc desert.

tribes,
4.

And

after his death ye cast them away

from you on this account there
:

CHAPTER

III.

6-14

13

they will remember me, saying, in that day, tribe

11.
unto tribe and each man unto his neighbour
:

"

which Moses did then declare

Is not this that

unto us in prophecies, who suffered many things in

Egypt and in the Eed Sea and in the wilderness
during

forty

years

heaven and earth

to

1 2.

And

assuredly

called

witness against us, that

we

should not transgress His commandments, in the

13. Behold
which he was a mediator unto us?
these

things

have

according to his

befallen

us

after

words and according

his

death

to his declara

he declared to us at that time, yea behold

these have taken place even to our being carried

tion, as

away captive

into the country of the

came upon you what had been

And now

5.

predicted.

used

to tell

you,

and

Moses

you

before they befell

they have befallen
I have italicised the poryou."
tions which are undoubtedly of
close kin.
Cf. Dan. ix. 11-13.
!

In Egypt and in

11.

and

Sea

lo

years.

the

the

Red

wilderness forty

These words are found

exactly as they stand here, and

likewise in reference to Moses
in Stephen s speech in Acts vii.
36: ovros e^rjyayev avrovs,

Tepara
/cat

/cat

eprjfj.(j)

trotr/cras

iv TTJ A-lytiirrty,
/cat ev rrj
6a\d<T(rr),

a-rj/j.e ca

iv EpvdpS.

try TeaaapaKovra.

The

of their having a partial

parallel in Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv.
3 (see above) seems to preclude
the possibility of their being an
interpolation here.
fact

12.

Assuredly

called

heaven

east."

14.

and earth

to witness.
See crit.
note (pp. 66, 67). Dent. iv. 26,
xxx. 19, xxxi. 28; Apoc. Bar.

xix. 1, Ixxxiv. 2.

Mediator.

See

I.

14, note,

That we should not transgress His commandments. Apoc.

Bar. Ixxxiv.

2.

And

behold these things.

See crit. note (p. 67).
his
See crit.
death.
After
note (p. 67).
Yea behold, etc.
See crit. note.
Into the country of the cast.
See crit. note.
14. Seventy and seven years.
13.

This refers back, no doubt, to

Jeremiah s prophecy of seventy
years captivity, Jer. xxv. 11,
This prophecy
12, xxix. 10.
is referred to in Dan. ix. 2, and
interpreted in ix. 24 to mean
How
seventy weeks of years.

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

14

Who

will be also in

bondage for about seventy and

seven years.
IV. Then there will enter one

and he
his

who

will spread forth his hands,

and pray on

knees

their

is

over them,

and kneel upon

behalf

saying

2.

King on the lofty throne, who rulest

the world, and didst will that this people should be
Thine elect people, then (indeed) Thou didst will

"

Lord of

all,

that

Thou shouldst be

the

covenant which Thou didst make with their

fathers.

3.

And

another

into

children,

called their God, according to

yet they have gone in captivity

land with their wives and their

and around the gates

and where there

is

will

He made

the limits of this period arc to

be determined, it has hitherto
been impossible to define. That
the same impossibility attaches
to the present time-determiiiation is therefore not strange.
If seventy-seven years be taken

weeks of years (as in Daniel),

This
the total is 539 years.
from
when
subtracted
588,
Jerusalem was destroyed, gives
as

49 B.C.

But this is not intelliMerx thinks there is a

play on
seven in
crit.

note.

Lord

of

heaven."

remember them on account

covenant which

gible.

Eegard and

4.

great vanity.

have compassion on them,

Then God

of strange peoples

the words seventythe Semitic.

See

Can seventy and

seven signify here an indefinite

number, as it actually does in

5.

of the

with their fathers, and

the 0. and N.T. (cf. Gen.
24
Mt. xviii. 22).
IV. 1. One, i.e. Daniel;
Dan. ix. 4-19.
2. Rulest the world.
See

iv.

cf.

xi.

17, note.

Thine

Cf. Isa.
Ixv. 15, etc.

elect people.

xlii. 1, xliii. 20,

Observe the contrast

3.
2,
existing between Israel s reasonable expectations
and their
actual lot God s chosen covenanted people the slave of an
idolatrous human power,
3.
crit.
4.

See
Vanity, i.e. idolatry.
note (pp. 68, 69).
Cf. Dan. ix. 18, 19
Apoc.

Bar, xlviii. 18.

CHAPTER
He

will manifest

IV. 1-8

15

His compassion in those times

And He

put it into the mind of a

king to have compassion on them, and he will send

also.

6.

them

will

land and country.

off to their

their appointed place,

the

place renewing

continue

will

6.

i.

i.e.

king,

Chron.

xxxvi.

in

23

;
;

cf.

Ezra

1-4.

because they
8. Lamenting
will not be able to offer sacrifices,
etc.
Worship in the second
temple during the Persian period
and later was discredited by
several writers in different cen
turies and no doubt on different

grounds.

Thus Malachi

(i.

7)

bread
"ye
upon Mine altar." Next, in the
Eth. En. Ixxxix. 73 the sacrifices
are declared to be unclean under
"all the
the symbolical words
bread on it was polluted and not
Our next reference to
pure."
the low estimation in which the
worship of the second temple
was held is found in the Apoc.
"And at that
Bar. Ixviii. 5, 6
time, after a little interval, Zion
will again be builded, and its
offerings will again be restored
and the priests will return to
their ministry, and again the
writes

offer polluted

Gentiles will

come

and they

And

8.

to glorify

it.

Nevertheless, not as fully as in

the beginning." The passages
from Malachi and the Eth. En.
seem to arraign only the imper
fect character of the victims, and

will

will

the

their prescribed

Cyrus

22,

(it).

Then some

up and they

portions of the tribes will go

to

7.

two

faith,

come

entrench
tribes

sad and

the spirit of those that offer

them. That in the Apoc. Bar.
may not amount to anything
more than a reflection on the
lesser glory of the second temple
as compared with that of the
first, such as we find in Hag.
3

ii.

Who

"

is

left

among you

that saw this house in its

former glory ? and how do ye
see

it

iii.

12.

now

"

also

Cf.

Ezra

But the passage

in our text
It implies
an imperfection attaching to the
validity of the entire temple

seems to go deeper.

There is, indeed, no

objection to sacrifice as such in
this book
hence no Essenic
tenet is to be sought for here.
The writer s views may possibly
service.

be explained on the ground that

he regarded it as impossible for
Israel to render perfect worship
so long as they were subject to
heathen powers.
From these
powers God alone could deliver
them. They were not, as we
gather from IX., to attempt this
task themselves.
God Himself
would achieve it for them when

they duly repented,

writer

is

I.

17.

The

a Pharisaic quietist.

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

i6

lamenting because they will not be able to

sacrifices to the

Lord

of their fathers.

ten tribes will increase

9.

offer

And

the

and multiply among the

Gentiles during the time of their captivity.

V. And when the times of chastisement draw

nigh and vengeance arises through the kings who

share in their guilt and punish them,
2. They
themselves also will be divided as to the truth.
3.

Wherefore

it

hath come

9. Multiply ammig the Gentiles

during the time of their captivity.

See crit. note (pp. 70, 71) for

the grounds for this emendation,
for the passages from con
temporary writers supporting the
present statement.
V. 1. Vengeance arises through

and

the kings

who share in

their guilt.

The writer shows that there was

a special Nemesis in the instru
ments of their chastisement for
the very people, whose manners
;

and customs they were

so eager
to adopt to the destruction of
Hebrew religion and character,
became in due course the actual

means through which a righteous

vengeance overtook them. We

find the same thought expressed

in reference to the Hellenising

priests of Jason s time in 2 Mace.
iv. 16:
By reason whereof sore
"

calamity came upon them for

they had them to be their
enemies and avengers whose
customs they followed so eagerly,
:

and unto

whom

be like in

all

rets

ayuyas

they desired to

things"

/ecu

(&v ^rjXovv

Ka.Qa.irav ijdfXov

TOVTOVS

TroAe/a ous

"

to

pass

They

will

Here as in our text the

writer regards the persecution
under the Seleucidae, especially
Antiochus, as a judgment on
the Hellenising and apostasies
of the leaders of the nation.
2. They
will be divided as
to the truth.
The enormities of
.

the Sadducean priesthood pro

moted in the way of reaction a
religious awakening among the
scribes, and gave birth to what
later known as the Pharisaic

was

The origin of this party

symbolically described in the
Eth. En. xc. 6, 7 as taking place

party.
is

at this time.

(See

my

edition

Schmidt-Merx wrongly
describe these two parties as
the war party of the Maccabeans
and the stricter Chasids. Hilin

loc.

genfeld strangely interprets these

words as referring to the disper
sion (diaairopd) under the Seleucids, and the preceding verse to
the Persian kings.
The two
verses refer to the period of the
Seleucid domination.
There is
no question of the Maccabees as
yet.
3. It is impossible to trace
this quotation, but portions of it

CHAPTERS

IV. 9

V. 4

turn aside from righteousness and approach iniquity,

and they will defile with pollutions the house of
their

worship,"

strange

and
4.

gods."

they will go a whoring after

For they will not follow the
"

their phraseologymay be found in the O.T. For

turn aside from righteousness,
cf. Ezek. iii. 20
for "they will
defile
the house of their
at

least

worship,"
"Ye

...

cf.

have

Ezek.

brought

to be in

My

xliv.

aliens

in

sanctuary, to
"

profane it, even My house

"her
Zeph. iii. 4
priests have
profaned the sanctuary"; see
also Pss. Sol. i. 9, where of the

Jewish

priesthood it is said
i
ra ayia Kvpiov ev
and viii. 26 e^iavav
/ecu ra i)yi.a0-/j.ei>a
TOV Beou.
The clause
"will
go a whoring after strange
is found in Dent. xxxi. It!,
gods"
j, 4. All previous writers have,
:

T<

believe, wrongly interpreted

these verses.
They have taken

them as referring to the early

Maccabean high priests and
their
Sadducean
supporters.
But there are certain statements
here which make such an inter
pretation

words

"

i.

The

whoring

after

impossible.

will go a

strange gods" cannot possibly

be applied to the Maccabean
In
ii.
high priests, 160-103.
no case could the latter be de
scribed as those "who are no
No such charge is
priests."

brought against them in all

Jewish literature, whereas they
are everywhere acknowledged
to be of true priestly descent
see 1 Mace. ii. 1-5
Joseph.
Ant. xii. 6. 1.
They were
;

sprung from Joiarib or Jehoiarib

who returned from the Captivity.
1 Chron. ix. 10
1 Mace. ii. 1
:

Neli.

xi.

10,

xii.

6,

19.

iii.

book the
statement that the Maccabees
should be succeeded by one who
was "not of the race of the
i.e. Herod, shows that
priests,"
the writer regarded the Macca
Finally, in vi. 2 of this

bees as being of priestly descent.

But the very facts that make
against the application of these
verses to the Maccabees make it
clear that they can only be
rightly explained as descriptive
of the high priests who held
office previous to the Maccabees,
together with their Sadducean
i.
There was every
following,
ground for charging the pagan
ising high priests Jason and
Menelaus with "going a whor

ing after strange gods." Thus,

not to dwell upon the contri
bution Jason sent to Tyre to
be expended in a sacrifice to
Hercules in that city, 2 Mace,
iv. 19, 20, he set up a palaestra
under the citadel, in which the
young nobles of Jerusalem prac
tised the Greek games, and even
the priests, forsaking their ser
vice at the altar to do so.
This
Jason also, called in 2 Mace. iv.
13 "that ungodly wretch, and

no high priest," encouraged

Greek fashions and heathen
"

manners,"

"put

down

the in

stitutions that were according

to law, and brought up new

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
some

truth of God, but

will pollute the altar with

the very gifts which they offer to

customs against the law," 2
Mace. iv. 11. Jason is finally
declared in 2 Mace. v. 8 to be
as a forsaker of the
"hated
laws, and being had in abom
ination as an open enemy of
his country and countrymen."

The

above facts will amply

account for such words also as
"

they will approach iniquity,

and they will defile with pollu
tions the house of their worship,"
in ver. 3, and
lute the altar
gifts

"some

with

which they

will pol
the very

in ver.

otter,"

For similar charges against

the priesthood, cf. the quota
tions given on ver. 3.
But the words conclusive
ii.
some
for our interpretation are
4.

who

slaves,

have
clause

not priests

are

sons

of

shown above
"who

show that

that

but

We
the

are not priests"

case be referred to

cannot in any
the Maccabees.
to

slaves."

We
it

have now

applies to the

Hellenising high priests under

Antiochus Epiphanes. Amongst

we have undoubtedly in
Menelaus a high priest who was
these

not of priestly extraction at all,

but was of the tribe of Ben
In 2 Mace. iv. 23 he is
jamin.
called the brother of Simon.
This Simon, a Benjamite, was
a Hellenising governor of the
temple, 2 Mace. iii. 4. Josephus
represents Menelaus as a brother
of Onias in., Ant. xii. 4. 10,
5.1; but wrongly, as is univers
This illegiti
ally admitted.

mate appointment was exactly

in

keeping with the policy of

who

the Lord,

It was his aim, not

only to outrage the Jewish Law,
but to procure its entire aboli
tion.
Although this is the only
authenticated instance of the
high priesthood being held by
one who was not of priestly
Grimm and other
descent,

Antiochus.

scholars are right in concluding

that the occurrence of similar
irregularities in appointments to
the high priesthood is implied in
1 Mace. vii. 14.
There the Asi-

daeans declare, on the appoint

ment of Alkimus to the high
that they could
priesthood,
suffer nothing at the hands of
the

army which was marching

against them, because "one that

is a priest of the seed of Aaron is
come with the army."
These
Slaves, sons of slaves.
words have been referred to the

Maccabean

high priests

and

the passage in Josephus, Ant.

xiii. 10. 5, has been quoted in

support of this view, where, at

a banquet given by Hyrcanus, a
Pharisee named Eleazar requested
Hyrcanus to lay dow n the high
priesthood, on the ground that
his mother had been a captive
during the reign of Antiochus.
T

This statement, which Josephus

declares to be false, is repeated
in the Talmud.
But, (1) as we

have already seen in the preced

ing notes, there can be no refer
ence here to the Maccabean
high priests ; and (2) the first
reference to them is found in
If v. 4 already referred to
the Maccabean high priests, we
should not find in vi. 1 the

vi. 1.

CHAPTER

V. 5-6

5. And
are not priests but slaves, sons of slaves.
many in those times will respect the persons of the

and receive

rich

and wrest judgment [on

And on this account the

gifts,
G.

receiving presents].

special record that the Maccabees

themselves high priests

The phrase "slaves,
of God.
sons of slaves," then, is to be in
terpreted, not of the Maccabees,
but of their predecessors. In
called

this regard it is full of signifi

cance, and points to the condition
of complete degradation in which
the holders of this office stood
tinder Antiochus ; for they were
the nominees and absolute tools

of that despot, being made and

unmade by him at pleasure.
Thus Onias in. was deposed to

make room

for Jason,

and Jason

in turn to make room for Menelaus, 2 Mace. iv. 7-9, 23-29.

o. And many in those times.
The Latin text here is, qui eniin

doctores eorum
In the crit.
note (pp. 72,73)1 have shown that
an incorrect
is
doctores eorum
marginal gloss in the Hebrew
MS. on the preceding words
D mm, which are here wrongly
rendered by qui enim magistri
These "many" were the
sunt.

magistri

illis

stint

temporibtis.

Sadducean party who supported

the Hellenising high priests.
Probably the reference may be
more specific, and the "many
may signify the large Hellenising
Sadducean majority in the San
hedrim in Jerusalem. The San
hedrim was the chief court for
the administration of civil and
See p. 26.
criminal justice.
"

Respect
rich.

See

the

persons
note

crit.

of
(p.

the
73).

Dettt. xvi. 19 is the source of

and the two following
this
clauses
"Thou shalt not wrest
judgment thou shalt not re
:

neither
persons
thou take a gift."
spect

shalt

and
wrest
See preceding note ;
note (p. 73).

Receive gifts

judgment.
also crit.

I
[On receiving present* ].
have bracketed this phrase as

a dittography.

See

crit.

note

(pp. 73, 74), where I have shown

that, if it is genuine, as it may
be, we should probably be right

in regarding accipientes munera

in
the preceding line as

greedy of gain (cf. Prov. xv.

27), and accordingly render the
whole verse: "And many in
will respect the
of the rich, and be
greedy of gain, and wrest judg
ment on receiving presents."
In this case 1 Sam. viii. 3 was
clearly before the mind of the
writer: "And his sons walked
not in his ways, but turned
aside after lucre, and took bribes,

those

times

persons

and perverted judgment.

5, 6.
crit.

See

Win

Will forsake the Lord.

note
be

(p. 74).
to

ready

See

judge for

money,

etc.

(p. 75).

Cf. Isa. v. 23.

note

crit.

VIII. IX. The persecution of

the
the Jews under Antiochus
breach between the Chasids and
the early Maccabees, and the
resumption by the former of
;

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

20

colony and the borders of their habitation will be

filled with lawless deeds and iniquities
they will
:

forsake the Lord

they will be

they

ready

will be impious

to judge for

money

judges

as each

may

wish.

VI. Then

there

their quietistic attitude.

will
These

chapters should be read immedi

ately after V., where they be
For
the
longed originally.
grounds for this conclusion see
notes in loc.
VI. 1. Kings bearing rule,
and they will call themselves
See crit. note.
high priests.
Previous scholars have referred
these words to Antigonus as
sumption of the title of king in

104 B.C. It is true, no doubt,

that Antigonus was the first to
do so but, on the following
grounds, it seems clear that the
line of kings mentioned in the
text begins, not with Antigonus,
but with Jonathan or Judas.
For (1) the name "king" is
;

it
used loosely in this book
does not necessarily mean any
thing more than commander or
prince. Thus the Roman general
:

Varus
king

"

title

who

is

in

called
8.

vi.

"a

powerful

Hence

this

could be used even of Judas,

was the de facto ruler of the

and on still better grounds

who was invested
by Alexander Balas of Syria
with princely rank through the
symbols of the purple robe and
diadem in 153 and on the most
Jews

of Jonathan,

adequate grounds of Simon, who

was the first independent Maccabean ruler of his nation. (2)

up unto them

be raised

Now, according

to the text, their

assumption of the high priest

hood is regarded as subsequent to
their assumption of the office of
supreme military and civil rulers
of the nation.
Hence, as the
office of high priest was
usurped
as early as 153 B.C. by Jonathan,
and this usurpation made legiti

mate, and the office declared to

be hereditary in the Maccabean
line in 141 B.C. by a council of
the nation (1 Mace. xiv. 41),
11

words "kings bearing rule

must be referred to the Maccabean
the

rulers previous,

at

all

events,

141 B.C.
Hence this verse
(vi. 1) embraces the entire Mac
cabean dynasty from Judas, 165
to

B.C., to

Antigonus, 37

B.C.,

was succeeded by Herod.

High priests of God.
Latin, which is here

who
The

sacer-

dotes summi Dei, "priests of

the Most High God," I have,
in my critical text, necessarily
emended into summos sacerdotes Dei (see crit. note, p.
for
such a title
75)
(1)
would be unparalleled in con
nection with the Maccabees. In
1 and 2 Mace., and in the An
tiquities and Jewish Wars of
;

Josephus, they are simply de

scribed in their sacred character
as

"high

priests,"

priests of the

or

nation."

"high

(2)

The

CHAPTER
Kings bearing
high

and they

rule,

God

of

priests

VI. 1-3
will

call

themselves

will assuredly

they

21

iniquity in the holy of holies.

2.

And an

work

insolent

king will succeed them, who will not be of the

race of the priests, a man bold and shameless, and

he will judge
Jewish

high

them

as
was

priesthood

never, so far as I can discover,

called a priesthood of the Most

High God.

"

divine

Most

Again, if the
were here
the
we should find,
(3)

title
High,"

according to universal Biblical

usage, Dei stimmi or altissimi or
excels! (cf. Gen. xiv. 18, 19, 20,
22; Ps.

Ivii. 2, Ixxviii.

iii.

v.

26,

Luke

viii.

18,

28

21

Heb.

56; Dan.

Mark

v.

and

vii. 1),

not summi Dei.

(4) Summi
sacerdotes is in many instances
a Vulg. rendering of dpxiepets
(cf.

Mark

61, 63, 66

xiv.
;

47,

Acts

53,

54,

xxiii. 4).

60,
(5)

The phrase "the high priest of

God is found in Acts xxiii. 4.
The Maccabees had no wish
"

to differentiate themselves

from

the high priests that preceded

them. Their claim to this oiiice,
so far as they had any, rested
on their Aaronic descent.

Will assuredly work iniquity.

this Hebraism see crit. note.
2. This verse refers to Herod
the Great, who reigned from 37
He could not assume
to 4 B.C.
the high priest s office, as he was
not even a full-born Jew, much

On

less

of priestly descent.

phus, Ant. xiv. 15.

2, calls

Jose-

him

Tjfj.uovda ios.

Not of the race of the priests.

Herod was the son of Autipater

they shall

deserve.

3.

of Idumea, and not of Jewish

descent, according to Joseph.
Ant. xiv. 1. 3
Bell. i. 6. 2.
Our text does not go so far.
Its silence seems to concede the
Jewish origin of Antipater, and
thus to agree with the statement
of Nicolas of Damascus to that
;

effect (Ant. xiv. 1. 3).

See
Sehurer, i. i. 314, 315, notes.
Judge them as they deserve.
The persons here declared to be
deserving of punishment may be
(a) the surviving members of the
Maccabean family, all of whom
were ultimately cut off by Herod
(&) the Sadducean aristocracy
forty-five of whom he had exe
cuted on becoming king (Ant.xv.
1.2; Bell. i. 18. 4). To the Phari
sees, on the other hand, Herod
was on the whole favourable.
Even when they refused to take
the oath of allegiance, they were
spared at the intercession of
Pollio and Sameas. The Essenes
were also excused, but not the
rest of the people.
See Ant. xv.
10. 4.
(c) Or else the nation at
;

VI. 1. We should
observe that VI. 4, 5 support
the last interpretation.
large, as in

3.

Out

off their chief

the Sadducean nobles.

ceding note.
Destroy (them} in

Murders of

men,

i.e.

See pre

secret places.
this secret sort are

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

22

And

he will cut

off

their

men

chief

with the

sword, and will destroy (them) in secret places, so

that no one may know where their bodies are.
4.

He

and the young, and he

will slay the old

5.

spare.

them

in

Then the
their

fear of

land.

6.

him

will not

will be bitter unto

And he

will

execute

judgments on them as the Egyptians executed upon

them, during thirty and four years, and he will

And

he will beget children,

succeeding him will rule for shorter periods.
punish them.

in

reported
10. 4

\e\Tjd6Tws

Ant.

Joseph.

TroXXot re

7.

fts

TO

/ecu

xv.

(fiavep&s /ecu

(fipovpiov
v, e/ce?

dvacue<-

OeipovTo.

Perhaps, as Hilgenfeld and

suggest, we should
omit the et before non and
translate: "He will slay the
old, and the young he will not
4.

Volkmar

spare."

Of. Jer.

Cf. for

5.

li.

3.

phraseology 2 Mace.

vi. 3.

and four years.

6. Thirty
Herod reigned thirty-four years
the death of Antigonus,
and thirty-seven after he had
been declared king by the
Romans. Cf. Joseph. Ant. xvii.
after

8.

Bell.

i.

8.

and Philip thirty-seven.

From these facts we must con
clude that, as Herod died 4 B.C.,
this book must have been written
earlier, at all events, than 30
A.D.
Reuss, on the other hand
(Die Geschichte der h. Schriften
A.T., 1890, pp. 738-740), does
not agree that these words
necessarily determine the date.
Philip and Antipas did indeed

years,

reign longer than their father,

but our author, he urges, was
thinking only of Archelaus and
die allein ftir einen
Agrippa,
Jerusalemer Interesse hatten."
In this view Reuss is followed
by Rosenthal and Baldensperger.
8.

See

33. 8.

who

Into their parts, cohorts, etc.

crit. note.

who
will
7. Children
rule for shorter periods.
See
crit. note.
Although there is
some corruption in the text,
there is no difficulty as to the

A powerful king. Varus,

governor of Syria, who sup

sense.
Herod s sons, it states,
are to reign for shorter periods
than their father.
this
was true of Archelaus alone ;
for Antipas reigned forty-three

10.

Now

pressed a rebellion of the Jews

against the Roman authority in
4 B.C.
See Joseph. Ant. xvii.
9,

10,

11.

Bell.

ii.

5.

1-3.

Burn a part of their temple.

The temple was set fire to, not
by Varus, but by the soldiers

CHAPTERS
Into their parts cohorts

who

the west will come,

VII. 3

VI. 4

and a powerful king

conquer them

will

of
9.

And

he will take them captive, and burn a part

of
temple with fire, (and) will crucify some
around their colony.
their

VII.
ended,

And when this is done the times

in a moment the (second) course

(ended), the four hours will come.

be forced
under his lieutenant Sabinus.
See Joseph. Ant. xvii. 10. 2
Bell. ii. 3. 3. The injuries done
to the temple on this occasion
were not made good till as late
as Xero s reign, though 18,000
men were employed in the re
See Ant. xx. 9. 7.
storation.
Will crucify some, etc. 2000
were crucified by Yarns (Ant.
;

xvii. 10. 10).

VII.

1.

And,

3.

And when

this is

the times will be ended.

done

With

these words the actual history

recounted by our author, as
Ewald, Wieseler, Dillmann, and
Schiirer have recognised, comes
to a close.
have arrived at
the date at which he is writing.

We

Up

to this point his historical

allusions have been easy to in
series of predictions
terpret.
follow, couched by their author
in enigmatical symbols to begin

with, and afterwards corrupted

by translators or transcribers
beyond the possibility of restora
tion.
2. It is worse than idle to
attempt to deal with this verse
till we know something about
its actual wording.
On the for

2.

in

lorn attempts

will be

will be

They

will

the time of

made

to restore

it,

by Hilgenfeld, Yolkmar, Merx,

Colani, and Wieseler, see crit.
note (pp. 77, 78).
3-10. Who were the persons
aimed at by the writer ? They
are

evidently contemporaries.
picture is drawn from life.
And yet there is the greatest di
versity of opinion among scholars
as to the class designed by the
writer. They have been taken to

The

(i.) The Her odian princes, by

Hilgenfeld, Mess. Jud. 464, 465.
But there are many objections

be

to this identification.
(ii.)

The

Pharisees,

(a)

in

decade after Herod s

death, by Ewald, History of
v.
Israel,
367, note 5 (Eng.
Dillmann.
tr.),
Drummond,
Schiirer, II. iii. 79, 80; (b) be
tween 54-64 A.D., by SchmidtMerx (Merx, Archiv.f. Wissenschaftl.
Erforschung des A.T.,
the

first

i.
p. 121, 1868). Though cer
tain traits in these verses seem to
favour this view, the prevailing
tone of the entire passage makes

vol.

impossible. The persons here

arraigned are unblushing Epi
cureans, gluttonous men and

it

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
and impious men

these, scornful
winebibbers.

Now,

although

nearly every other vice has been

1 aid to the
charge of the Pharisees,
even their worst enemies have
not accused them of open glut
tony and drunkenness. Indeed,
the Pharisees were decidedly
ascetic in character, according
to the testimony of Josephus ;
he writes,
"the
Pharisees,"
make little of the pleasures
"

and do not sur

render themselves to the com
of
the
forts
(Ant.
body"
of the table,

xviii.
rrfv

1.

diairav

o i re

yap

^aptcrcuoi

eevTe\iov(rLi>,

ovdej>

touch

will rule, saying

me,"

etc., in their relation

the people of the land.

He
points out, further, that the
words dicentes se haec facere
propter misericordiam are to be
explained by a decree of the
Sanhedrim in that period, which
forbade a man to give more than
^th of his fortune to the poor.
Colani s views are decidedly
ingenious, and might win our
assent if he could likewise con
vince us of the late date he
assigns to the book, i.e. after
136 A.D. But that a Jew, writ
ing the history of his people in
"

to

main outlines, should omit

mention of the final and

TO fj,a\aKwrepov ev$LbvTe<s. In
Matt, xxiii. 25, indeed, they are

its

accused of secret profligacy, "but

within they are full from ex

completed destruction of Jeru

salem under Titus, and pass on

els

tortion

and excess

"

(e

apirayTJs

/ecu cl/cpacrta?).

But this ascetic tone was not

universally characteristic of the
Hence
Pharisees after 70 A.n.
this objection will not tell against

the views of Philippi (Das Buch

176) and Colani
p.
(Revue dc Thcol. 1868, 2nd part,
pp. 73-79), who interpret the
passage as referring to the
Pharisees in the earlier half of
the second century.
Colani, in
particular, identifies the class
assailed in the text with the
Jewish doctors at Jabne and
Usha.
At the head of the
Sanhedrim at these places was a
ffenoch,

president ( = Nasi), who lived in

princely luxury, and enjoyed
immense authority over the Jews
of the Dispersion. Such phrases,

he urges, as
princes,"

"we

shall

"we

shall be as

have

feast-

and luxury," would apply

him and his likewise
not

ings
to

"do

all

at a bound to the national

troubles which were consum
mated by the erection of Aelia
Capitolina on the sacred site of

indeed simply im
this date of
Colani is dealt with elsewhere.
(iii. ) The Pharisees and the Sadducees, (a] in 4 B.c.-6A.r>. This
view was first advocated by
Wieseler (Jahrb. f. deutsche
Jerusalem,
possible.

is

But

Thcol. 1868, pp. 642, 643), who

referred vers. 3, 4 to the latter,
arid 6-10 to the former, (b) Soon
after the fall of Jerusalem, 70 A.D.
is urged by Rosenthal
(Vicr Apocryph. Biichcr, 1885,
pp. 20, 21, 25-30), who follows
Wieseler in attributing vers. 3,
4 to the Sadducees, and 6-10
to the Pharisees. But this two

This view

fold interpretation is just as un

tenable as those that precede.

The attempt

to assign vers. 3, 4
and 6-10 to another,
can only proceed from a superto one class,

CHAPTER
for if
ficial study of the passage
the persons denounced in ver. 4
are charged with gluttony, this
if in 3
is no less true in 8
;

they are said to hold high office,

if in 3
they do so also in 8
they proclaim their justice, in
if
10 they assert their purity
in 3 and 4 they are declared
;

to be

"deceitful,"

"treacherous,"

denounced
"

pious,

"

as

"impious,"

in 6-10 they are

"deceitful,"

"im

filled with lawlessness.

"

We have therefore one and

the same class of persons to deal
with in the entire passage, and
these are not Pharisees prior to
to 70 A.D., as we have already
seen under ii. (&).
But, accord
ing to Rosenthal, the classes
6-10
in
are the
vers.
designed
Pharisees, 70-90 A.D., i.e. R.
Jochanan ben Sakkai and his
companions and pupils, who for
sook Jerusalem during the siege

and established themselves at

Jabne. That a small body of
learned men, whose main pur
suit was the study and applica
tion of the law, who alone in
the time of universal prostra
tion held on high the standard of
national hope and faith, could be
so described by any thoughtful
and learned Jew of that period (a
Zealot, as Rosenthal supposes),
this is, I confess, simply in
credible.
Besides, there is not
a shred of evidence to show that
the rabbis of Jabne (70-90) could
with the faintest approach to
truth be described as gluttons,

drunkards, traitors, hypocrites,

and murderers.
Other argu
ments, on the ground of chron
ology, etc., might be advanced
against the hypothesis of Rosenthai, but no more are needed.

VII.

(iv.) The Roman procurators,

by Baldensperger (Das Scllst-

bewusstsein Jesu, 1888, p. 31).

is a very attractive inter
pretation, and several of the
charges made in the text, such as
those of gluttony, drunkenness,
and murder, could be amply
substantiated against the Roman
On the other hand,
governors.
there are phrases that cannot

This

with any propriety be applied

to them; i.e. "do not touch
me, lest thou shouldst pollute
me"

(ver. 10),

and

"concealing

themselves lest they should be

recognised."

(v.)

The Sadducees.

(a) in

the

time of Nerva and Trajan, by

Yolkmar (p. 105). This view
may be at once dismissed. The
Sadducees were nobodies at this
(b) Between 15-70 A.I).
period,
It is
This is my own view.
likewise advocated by Lucius
(Der Essc.nismus, 1881, pp. 116119)

and by Geiger

(Jiidlnche

1868, pp. 45, 46),

though they assign no date to
Zcitschrift,

The latter adduces

such phrases as regnabunt de
the book.
his

homines

pestilentiosi,

and

In
principes erimus.
dicentes se esse justos, he points
to the play on the words D pnx
and D pns. These Sadduqim or
Sadducees cover themselves with
the mantle of priestly holiness.
They emphasise their special

tanquam

priestly purity, and keep the

In the
people afar from them.
notes that follow, this passage
will be dealt with verse by verse,
and the chief charges which it
brings against the Sadducees
justified by parallels from the

Psalms of Solomon.
from Ryle and James

I
s

quote

edition.

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

26

that they are just.

wrath

And

4.

these will conceal the

minds, being treacherous men,

of their

self-

It will be suficient to premise

here that from tlio deposition
of Archelaus in 6 till 70 A.D.
the government of Judea lay
practically in the hands of the

is

Sanhedrim, which was almost

Josephus,
wholly Sadducean.
Ant. xx. 10, describes the form

It
standpoint of a Pharisee.
could not, however, be used of a

of government as aristocratic,
as opposed to the monarchical
rule of Herod and Archelaus
(see

Schiirer,

words are

rr/v

La,
oi

ii.

de

72).
T-TJV

priests

jj.ev

Pss.

Pharisee.

Will

rule.

8:

Cf. ver.

"we

We

shall be as princes."
have
shown in the preceding column
that the government of Judea was

an aristocracy from
This aristocracy ruled
through the Sanhedrim, which

practically

6-70

<ru

A. D.

And

in the time of these.

here supposing that de his
is a rendering of eVt rovrwv.
It
may, however, be a rendering
of 6K rovrwv.
have here an
Scornful.
instructive instance which illus
trates the necessity of translat
ing, not the Latin before us,
but the Greek or Hebrew which

We

The Latin

is

homines

pestilentiosi
a.v6pwiroi
?
cox.
This Hebrew
\oLiJ.oL
pis
in
is
found
Prov.
xxix.
phrase
8
Is. xxviii. 14
and the Greek
in 1 Mace. x. 61.
Xot^,6s is a

Cf. Pss. Sol.

iv.

ivarL

Kadrjirai, j3/3v)\e, ev avvedpia).

Diccntes se essejustos.
Geiger

has rightly recognised here a

play on the words D pm, "Saddu
cees,"

4.

presupposes.

cf.

natural descrip
Impious.
tion of the Sadducees from the

cees.

am

it

was mainly composed of Saddu

government.
3.

the scorn

to

1, 35, iv. 28.

ii.

eireiriffTevvro.

often the willing tools of the

Roman governors. Every abuse
in the government would natur
ally be traced to those who were
the actual though not nominal

Sol.

were but too

dp^tepas

The high

His

TOVTUV

^v 77
de irpoffracriav rov

dpiaroKpaTia

edvovs

I.

/zero,

nearly related

spoken of in the text

See

and

crp iK, "righteous."

the wrath,
etc.

Conceal
crit.

"rouse

the

Text

note.

Treacherous,

i.e.

reads

etc.

wrath,"

56Xtot.

The

Sadducees are so described in

Pss. Sol. iv. 27
diro dvdpuiruv
:

8o\id}v /ecu d/mpraAcDj

So

the Latin
should prob
of the
read
ably
"pleasers
We
See crit. note.
mighty."
should
then have in some
measure a parallel to the de
Self-pleasers.
sibi placentes.

We

Cf.
frequent rendering of f7.
i. 1
Prov. xix. 25, xxi. 24,

signation so frequently applied

to the Sadducees in Pss. Sol. iv.,
of
"Pleasers
avOpwirapeffKOL.
the mighty" would best be
applied to the Sadducees owing
to their subservient attitude to

xxii. 10, xxiv. 9.

Rome and her Roman

Ps.

The

ascribed to
the Sadducees in the Pss. Sol.
virepr/fiavla

Dissemblers.
ficti,

The

which may be

governors.
text gives
v

CHAPTER
dissemblers in

pleasers,

VII. 4-7

their

all

27

own

affairs

and

lovers of banquets at every hour of the day, gluttons,

gourmands
goods
*

ground

....

5.

...

Devourers of the

6.

the poor saying that they do so on the

of

of their justice, but (in reality) to destroy

them, complainers, deceitful, concealing themselves

they should be recognised, impious, filled with

lest

lawlessness and iniquity from

cf. 2 Mace. v. 25, vi. 21,
ir\aaroL
In Pss.
24, or else
Sol. iv. 7 the Sadducees are

res

spoken of as living
Lovers

hour of

ev vTTOKpicrei..

banquets at every

of

Cf. ver. 8.

the day.

The
Gluttons,
gourmands.
text is devoratores, gulae.
Pre
vious editors take gulae as a
genitive or dative in connection
with devoratores.
Devourers of the goods of
A similar charge is
brought against the Sadducees
in Pss. Sol. iv. 23
T}p7]^u<rav
0.

the poor.

7TO\Xoi)j

Oi /COUS

/ecu

dri/jiiq.

dvfjila

cf.

dvdpdoTTWV
eaKOpirLcrav ev
also iv. 11, 13,

15,

though profligates in secret,

were stern administrators of
justice

text

5i

by

justice.
Propter
eXe-q^oavv^v.

<5t

however, taken
is hardly in
Hut the difficulty

eXerjfj.oavv riv,

in its usual sense

telligible.

disappears when we call to mind

that this word is a not infre
quent rendering in the LXX.
of np-is.
Thus we are here to
translate. not misericordiam,

the

see Pss.

Hebrew word

it

but

presupposes.

Sol.

iv.

2, 3.

severe,
as the

Joseph. Ant. xx. 9. 1,

Pharisees
were
proverbially
merciful in judgment,
Ant.
xiii. 10. 6.
7.

Cf.

Deceitful.

like state

ments regarding the Sadducees

in

Ps.

Maying that they do so on

ground of their justice. I
have rendered misericordiam in
the

They were proverbially

Sol.

iv.

12.

ot

TJ

y\Coacra.

\6yoi avrou

7rL0virpa ^iv
14. TrapeXoyia-aro ev
ei s

the

misericordiam

avrou ^evdrjs

xii. 2, 4.

sunset

to

The text thus recovered agrees

well with the statement in ver.
3
"saying that they are just,"
and this second reference to
the professed justice of the
Sadducee repeats the play upon
the
name.
The Sadducees,

ev
eirt.-

sunrise

aSiKov

Concealing themselves lest they

should be recognised.
For this
also we iirid an excellent parallel
in a similar accusation of the
Sadducees in Pss. Sol. iv. 5
:

ev VVKTL Kal

ravei

<i>s

oi>x

diroKpixpoLS dfj.apat
I. 7.
bpu/j.evos

ei>

Impious, filled with lawless

and iniquity. irapdvo/Aoi and

d/xaprwXot are standing epithets

ness

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

28

We

"

8.

Saying

have feastings and luxury,

shall

eating and drinking, yea we

be as

shall

9.

princes."

shall drink our

And though

we

fill,

hands

their

and their minds touch unclean things, yet their

mouth will speak great things, and they will say
furthermore:

10.

shouldst pollute

And

VIII.

(See Ryle and James s ed.

Introd. xlv-xlviii.)
In iv. 3,
moreover, of that book there is
a like accusation against the
Sadducees to that in our text
aVTOS ?1>OXOS V TTOi/CiX/Ct a/JLapTLUV
:

ev

and

25

d/cpacricu?.
:

"filled

Matt.

Cf.

From

The

to sunset.

ab oriente usque ad occidentem, which dfi i)\LovdvaTe\is

dvofifvov.

The

Greek can mean either

"from

^XP

XOJ TOS

1-

to west" (cf. xi. 8), or

sunrise to sunset." The
context requires the latter mean
Thus "from sunrise to
ing.
sunset is the equivalent of at
every hour of the day," in ver.
east

"from

"

"

4.

Cf. ver. 4.

8.

Yea we
See

shall drink our

note.
Though their hands

their

minds

ye.

For the Hebraism see

touch, etc.

in

(TTO.TOVV

Pss.

rb

is

Sol.

also

dwelt
13

viii.

dvaiacrrripiov

Kvpiov

dwo
d0e5py

iv
aKadapffias /ecu
a 1/j.aros
rds
efj.io.Lvov
Bvaias ws /cpea (3t(3ri\a.
See also
7rd0"r)S

Pss.

i.

10.

8, ii.

14,15, xvii. 17.

Do not touch me =

probably derived from

Come not near to
am holier than thou,"
me,
and the jnrrW here may be a
corruption of the K jrrW in Isa.
VIII.-IX.
We have now
come to one of the most difficult
questions in this difficult book.
How are we to regard VIII.-IX. ?
Two interpretations have been
Is.

is

Ixv. 5

"

for I

offered.
Volkmar,
Philippi,
and Colani contend that they
are a record of what is already
past, and constitute in fact a

and

bellion of

yet
crit.

Their mouth will speak great

Dan.

short history of the persecution

under Hadrian after the re

note.
things.
9, 10.

fill.

crit.

9.

cean priesthood

upon

This

sunrise

sacerdotal holiness in the Saddu-

from extortion

excess."

text

thou

"

come upon them a second

there will

Sol.

/ecu

lest

the place where I stand

of the Sadducees in the Pss. of

xxiii.

me

touch

not

"Do

me in

vii. 8, 20.

This combination of
inward uncleannessand outward

Bar Cochba, 136

A.I).

All other scholars agree in re

garding them as a forecast of
what is yet to be
the final
woes that are immediately to
precede the advent of the theo
cratic

kingdom.
Both views are untenable on

CHAPTERS
visitation

VII. 8

VIII.

and wrath, such as has not befallen them

from the beginning until that time, in which

The
following grounds.
former, which regards VIII. -IX.
as a record of the persecution of
136-138, is impossible for the
Look was written in the first
the

century (see p. xiii. ). The second

view is equally impossible for
VIII. -IX. are not a prophecy of
;

the final woes.

They

are clearly

designated as "the second visi

tation
that is to befall Israel
The first
(see VIII. 1, note).
visitation was the destruction of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar.
The last woes could not be de
scribed as "the second visita
tion."
Other facts that support
this conclusion will be dealt
with in the sequel.
If, then, "the second visita
tion
is not to be explained as
the last woes, how are we to in
terpret it ?
Clearly as that
which actually befell the Jews
"

"

under

The

Antiochus

Epiphanes.

was that in
which Jerusalem was destroyed
under Nebuchadnezzar.
That VIII.-IX. are to be re
garded as an account of the per
secution under Antiochus is to
be inferred from the fact that
they furnish an accurate descrip
first visitation

of that

tion

accuracy

We

29

Its
persecution.
be gainsaid.

cannot

shall prove it presently be

possibility of refuta

yond the
tion.

But the question now natur

ally arises, How comes it that we
an accurate description of
the Antiochian persecution at a
period in our book where it is
find

chronologically impossible

Has

He

our author not already taken

account of it in its proper
chronological sequence ? These
questions lead to the final solu
tion of the problem.
For on re
viewing the past chapters we
are unable to discover a single
reference to the persecution by
Antiochus and the desecration
of the temple, and as we study
the context we further discover
that such an omission is im
For as we proceed we
possible.
find on investigation the facts to
be as follows. A gap in the history
exists between V. and VI.; ori
ginally there was no such gap : its
place was filled by VIIL-IX.
For () in V. the history is
bro light dowr n to the Hellenis-

ing high priests under Antiochus,

and VI. opens with a clear refer
ence to the Maccabean princes,
beginning with Jonathan. Thus
there is not even an allusion to
the severities of the Antiochian
persecution and the horrors that
accompanied it, or to the dese
cration of the temple ("the
abomination that maketh deso
late
and its subsequent reconan event that was
secration,
kept green in the national re
membrance by the yearly "Fes
tival of the Dedication."
That
one of the most tragic and
")

never-to-be-forgotten periods in
Jewish history should be wholly
unrecorded is therefore highly
is more
(b) But
improbable.
than improbable.
It becomes a
matter of moral certainty when
we further observe that not only
the main fortunes of the temple

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
will stir

up

against

them the King

of

the kings of

who
who confess to their circumcision:
who conceal (it) he will torture and

the earth and one that ruleth with great power,

will crucify those

And

2.

those

are closely followed throughout

this book, but even the minor
injuries inflicted on it are re

corded cf. II.

IV. 7, 8
V.
;

4,

8,

3,

9; III.
VI.

Its greatest desecration,

fore,

1,

2;
9.

there

could not have been passed

over in silence.
(c) But the moral
certainty
that there was no such gap
originally, is resolved into scien
tific conviction when, in addi
tion to the former facts, we ob
serve, that in VIII.-IX. we have
not only an accurate account of
the Antiochian horrors, but also
the very fragment that is needed
to fill up the gap between V.
and VI., and one that harmon
ises perfectly with that context.
This transposition of the text
For
is due to the final editor.
other transpositions the reader
can consult the Introduction
(p.

xxx v).

VIII. 1. A second visitation.

It will be seen through reference
to the critical notes that the

word for "second" is partially

restored.
That this restoration
of Schmidt- Merx is right is clear
from IX. 2, where it is referred to
again as

We

"a

second.

visitation."

already remarked
(p. 29) that the final woes prelud
ing the theocratic kingdom could
never have been so described.
This "second visitation" is the

have

Antiochian persecution, of which

we have a faithful description in
the subsequent verses.

Such as

lias not befallen, etc.

From Dan.

xii. 1
cf. Jer. xxx.
Mace. ix. 27 Matt. xxiv.
21
Rev. xvi. 18.
On the re
semblance between Matt. xxiv.

21 and our text, see crit. note.

The phrase was clearly a current
one.

of the Icings of the earth.

used of Nebuchad
nezzar in Ezek. xxvi. 7
Dan.
ii. 37
and of Artaxerxes in Ezra
vii. 12.
It is a title peculiar to
Oriental despots.
Hence it is
aptly used here of Antiochus iv.

Kiny

This

title is

u ho

Crucify those

confess to

Antiochus
forbade circumcision, 1 Mace. i.
48
Joseph. Ant. xii. o. 4
their

circumcision.

e/orAeucre

5e

/ecu

avrovs ra reKva

who

/ZTJ
:

TrepLTe/jt.ve<.v

certain women
this edict were

disobeyed
hurled headlong from the city
1
Mace. i. 60, 61 2 Mace.
wall,
From 1 Mace.
vi. 10, viii. 4.
ii. 46, and
Joseph. Ant. xii. 5. 4,
;

is clear that this edict was to

a large extent obeyed till the
Maccabean rising. But Josephus,
Ant. xii. 5. 4, writes that the
best and noblest amongst the
Jews refused to obey this and
similar commands of the king,
and were accordingly tortured
it

and

crucified alive
iJ.a<?TiyovKai ret
TL
Kal ffiTTveovTes avefutvTes
CTTCLVpOVVTO.
2.
I

Those who conceal

emend, but the text

ful.

See

crit. note.

So
doubt

(it}.

is

CHAPTER
deliver

And

3.

among

them up

to be

bound and led into

wives will

their

VIII. 2-4

be

given

the Gentiles, and their

prison.

the

to

gods

will be

young sons

operated on by the physicians in order to bring

4. And others amongst
forward their foreskin.
3.

given

Ami

wives

will

be

to the gods, etc., i.e. for

the

their

of Venus, as Colani has

observed.
According to 2 Mace;.
vi. 4, the abominations peculiar
to this goddess were carried on
even in the temple and its
courts.
Antioch was a centre
of this worship
especially its
notorious suburb Daphne. Many
women were, no doubt, as stated
in the text, transported to An
tioch and elsewhere to serve
these purposes.
Josephus, Ant.
xii. 5. 4, says that upwards of

removed by an opera
To bring forward fheirfore-

cision were
tion.

cult

10,OOU men, women, and chil

dren were carried away captive

by the king.
Their young

sons will lie

operated on by the physicians, etc.
Some years before Antiochus
adopted ultimate measures in
dealing with the Jews, many of
the latter of noble birth volun
tarily underwent this operation
in order to appear like Greeks

when they undressed and took

part in the Hellenic games es
tablished in Jerusalem
1 Mace.
i.
15
Joseph. Ant. xii. 5. 1
T l-jv rdov aidoiwv irepLTO/mTj
\v ^a.v, u}s &v elev /ecu ra

"YA\r]ves.

when
final mea

But,

the king resorted to

sures. not only was circumcision
forbidden, as we bave seen above,
but in the case of young chil

dren who were already circum

cised, the traces of the circum

See Levy

Neu-

hebrdisches Lex. iii. 275, 276.

Cf. 1 Cor. vii. 18, where this
Wetoperation is referred to
stein and Lightfoot on 1 Cor.
:

vii.

and

18,

Hor.

Sclioettgen,

Heir. i. 1157, 1177; Celsus, De

Medic, vii. 18
Winer, Rcalworterbuch
licalHerzog,
Schenkel, Bib. Lex.
Encycl.
;

under article
Beschneidung."
4. Will be%>unished by tortures.
"

Josephus, Ant. xii. 5. 4, says

of those who refused to obey the
commands of Antiochus, that
Kara ira.a a.v rj/mcpav at
Kal TriKpas fiacrdvovs vircKpt
also 2 Mace.
u.Tre6vriffKQv
;

vi.

28, viii.

And

fire.

Mace.

Cf.

vi.

11.

Forced to bear in public their

In Amos v. 26, Isa.

idols.

reference is made to
xlvi. 7,
Israel having voluntarily carried
idols in the wilderness, and later.
Cf. also Epist. Jcr. 4
Secede iv
evr &JLLOLS
KafiuXuvi. deous
:

aipo/~Levovs

and

ver. 26.

In the

passages we have
parallels in expression, but in
2 Mace. vi. 7 we have a parallel
in fact
yevo/j-tv-r/s 51 kLovvcriuv

preceding

eoprfjs

ZXOVTCS

rjvayKai. ovTO
TTOfj^reveiv

TU

KICTCTOVS

Acovvcrw.

Antiochus compelled the Jews

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
them

be punished by tortures and fire and

to bear in public
are
idols, (which
as) polluted as are the

will

sword, and they will be forced

their

(shrines) that

contain them.

likewise be forced

enter

by those

they will

torture

and

inmost sanctuary,

their

And

5.

who

them

they will

to

be

forced by goads to blaspheme with insolence the

name, finally after these things the laws and what

they had above their altar.
IX. Then in that day there will be a
to observe his birthday by join
ing in the Dionysiac festival.
Polluted as arc, etc.
This is
the best I can make of this
obscure clause.
5. Enter their inmost sanctuary,
i.e. the ddvTov of the heathen

temples. According to Josephus,

Ant. xv. 5, 4, the Jews were
compelled to "build temples

and

raise

idol

in every

altars

and village, and offer swine

Cf.
npon them every day."
city
1

Mace.

i.

47.

Blaspheme

the

name,

i.e.

Lev.

xxiv.
11.
fear
Israel was commanded to
the name," and one of "the
seven precepts of the children of
Noah enjoined Israel to "sanc
tify the name," ci?n ro-a (Sanh.
566). 2 Mace. viii. 4 speaks of the
Diy.TnN

npj,

"

"

blasphemies committed against

God s name during the Antiochian persecution
yevo^vuv
:

eis

TO

6vofj.a

The

avrov

laics, etc.

What

they

their altar.

and

/3\a(T0?7 iucDi>.
See crit. note.

had above

(or

upon)

to

mean

This clause = ityjrnN

appears

the

sacrifice.

man

Cf.

of the

Matt,

xxiii.

18.

Interpretation and his

source of this chapter.
This chapter belongs closely to
the preceding one. It is at once
historical and parenetic.
It is
historical, (a) Its historical root
is to be found in 1 Mace. ii. 2938, where we are told of a large
body of men who, with their
wives and children, forsook all

IX.

torical

that they had and took refuge

in the caves in the wilderness in
order to worship there.
When

Antioclms

officers

were informed

movement they went in

pursuit, and, coming up to the
of this

caves where the Jews had taken

demanded that they
should submit to the king s com
mands. When the refugees re
fused they wr ere put to the sword,
offering no resistance because it
was the Sabbath. Their words :
Let us all die in our innocency

refuge, they

37), correspond perfectly in

sense with the words in our text,
ver. 6
Let us die rather than
(ii.

"

transgress."

Those that were

CHAPTER
slain were, accord ing to Josephus,
xii. 6. 2, in number about

Ant.

Let
1000, but many escaped.
us next try and determine the
religious affinities of this body
of zealous adherents of the law
in the wilderness.
In the first
place,

lowers

were

they

not

of Mattathias

fol

and

his

party ; for it was not till after

the massacre that its survivors
became adherents of Mattathias,
Ant. xii. 6, 2. In the next, it is
most probable that they belonged
to the Chasid party.
For the
survivors of this church in
the wilderness, Ant. xii. 6. 2, as
well as the Chasid party, 1 Mace,

many

42, gave in their adhesion to

Mattathias after, and, without
doubt, owing to the massacre
In 1 Mace. ii.
just mentioned.
42 the Chasids join Mattathias
ii.

just after the latter had resolved

henceforth to fight in self-de
fence on the Sabbath
a new
line of action adopted in conse
quence of the murder of their

In
brethren, 1 Mace. ii. 41.
Josephus, Ant. xii. 6. 2, the
only fresh adherents gained by
Mattathias at this period are the
survivors
above
mentioned.
"These,"

he says,

"appointed

Mattathias to be their ruler, and

he taught them to tight on the

Sabbath

Thus

day."

this

mas

sacre, which is the historical

fact at the root of our text, con
tributed to two results.
(1) It

was the direct cause of a new

line of action as to the legitimacy
of defensive warfare on the Sab
bath (1 Mace. ii. 40, 41 Ant.
xii.
6. 2).
(2) It secured for
Mattathias and his party the
temporary support of the Chasids
;

(1

Mace.

ii.

42

Ant.

xii. 6. 2).

IX.

33

In addition to 1 Mace. ii. 29which w e have dealt with

above, our author has drawn
upon other materials such as we
find in 2 Mace. vi. 18-vii., where
we have an account of the mar
tyrdom of Eleazar and of the
mother and her seven sons under
Autiochus. Thus ver. 6: "Let
us die rather than transgress the
commands of ... the God of
our fathers," is obviously the
same as 2 Mace. vii. 2 erot^uoi
r

38,

yap

a.irodvf]a Kciv

ecr/nev

fiaivetv roi)s Trarpiovs

latter statement

?)

Trapa-

i>6fj.ovs.

This

is

reproduced
For a similar
in 4 Mace. ix. 1
expression of Eleazar s feeling,
see 2 Mace. vi. 19. Again, in ver.
7 the strong assurance that God
will avenge the blood of His
servants is likewise found in 2
Mace. vii. 14, 17, 19, 34-36.
Finally, the visitation is called
an "unclean" one, ver. 2. This
epithet better than any other
would describe the Antiochian
persecution from a Jewish stand
.

pointtheir holy

altar polluted

unclean ani
mals, the temple and its courts
profaned by the indecencies of
the Venus cult, and the faithful
adherents of the law forced to
eat swine s llesh and to join in
the Dionysiac revels.
This martyrdom of the mother
and her seven sons was a very
favourite subject both with Je\v
and Christian.
It forms the
theme of 4 Mace, It is alluded

with the

in

to

sacrifice of

Heb.

xi.

35,

and Origen

(Exhortatio ad Martyrium, 2227 Comment, in Epist. ad Rom.

:

iv.

10)

atum,

and Cyprian (ad Fortunand Testim. iii. 17)

xi.,

recount
retold

it

at length.

It

by Prudentius,

has been
irepi

are-

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

34

x., and Maiius Victorinus.

Augustine was so fascinated with
it that lie thought (de Civ. Dei,
xviii. 36) that the books of the
Maccabees should on account of
these chapters be regarded as

canonical.
(6) But the character of this
chapter appears to be not only
historical, but also parenetic. Its

purpose is to indicate tne line

of action which the Chasids or
Pharisaic party of his own time
should ?mrsue. Thus he ignores
the temporary coalition of the
Chasids with Mattathias and
Judas Maccabteus. This coali
tion lasted, as wo know, but a
few years. Very early the aims
of the Maccabean party began
to change with their successes

and their strife, at first

nothing more than a life and

in arms,

death struggle to maintain the

faith of their fathers, soon re
solved itself into a war for the
independence of the nation.
When this phase of the conflict
appeared, the Chasids withdrew
from all further share in it.
Their attitude was quietistic.
Their sole duty was to obey the
law, and leave the rest to God.
It is this conception of duty

that

is

depicted in historical
But the actual in
our author s hands

actuality.
cident in
is

more than an

historical event.

precedent and
It pre
scribes the duty our author would
enforce on the Pharisaism of his
own time. Just as his complete
silence as to the Maccabean up
It is likewise a

example

for after ages.

rising forms an emphatic censure

of its aims, so his vigorous state
ment of the opposed and Chasid
line cf action is designed as a

commendation of its character.

Thus while some of the Phari
saic party of his own time were
seeking to give a political char
acter to religion, and so to follow
Maccabean precedents, others,
as our author, were as vigorous
ly upholding the old traditions
of quietude and resignation, and
while the former urged, "Let us
war," the latter, with equal de

termination, rejoined:
"Nay
rather, let us die."
But let us return for a mo
ment to the history of the

Chasids after 164 B.C.

their coalition with Judas,

When

which
we have already mentioned,
came to an end, they forsook
so completely the field of pol
itical

and public

life,

that they

are practically unknown to his

tory till the reign of J. Hyrwhen they reappear
canus,
under their new name of Phari
sees.
This characteristic aver
sion of the Pharisees to patriotic
aspirations began to disappear
towards the close of the next
century a change that is in
part attested by the Psalms of
Solomon.
About this time a
fusion took place between their
traditional doctrine of Law and

popular Messianic beliefs, and

thus the bulk of the Pharisaic
party

became

political

ments

committed to
and move
the bulk, but not all
interests

for some, like our author, clung

to the old attitude of non-resist

ance.

But he protested in

The leavening
with

patriotism

of

vain.

Pharisaism

and

earthly

political ideas, and its corruption

through success, went on apace,
and became the fruitful mother

of

national

disasters.

These

CHAPTER
culminated in the

fall

In that day

1.

there icill be.

crit. note.

A man

of the tribe of Levi.

Chasid movement thus

sprang from or was associated
with the priestly tribe, according
to our author. He was probably
thinking of Eleazar, who, in
2 Mace. vi. 18, is called one of
the principal scribes, and in 4
v. 3 a priest.

Whose name

will be

Taxo.

We

have here the crux of the

Scholars have to no pur
book.
pose wasted their ingenuity

upon

it.

The various

inter
i. Hil-

"

Nm

who, before he was

slain in 137 A.D., ordained the
seven last disciples of Aqiba
as rabbis.
At the close of
this explanation Colani adds:
ordainer,"

Tout

bien entendu, est

qu un jeu
and we agree with him
but
his pleasantry is finer than the
seriousness of his two prede

nil

cela,

jeu,

rien

"-

pretations are as follows

Next,
genfeld takes it rd^w.
he suppresses the second letter,
and supposes the last to be cor
=
rupt, and thus arrives at r^y
363. But rrsron ( - the Messiah) 363. Hence Taxo is the Messiah.
It is needless to criticise this
further than to add, that if it is
allowable to change without
some external documentary evi
dence two letters out of four,
:

hypothesis of a Semitic original.

iii. Colani (Revue de Theologie,
1868, pp. 90-9-1) takes Taxo
to be a corruption of rd^wv,
This last =
ordaining = ny.
340.
So also does p ,m,T
Hence R. Jelmda ben
N3X
Baba is the great Taxo, "the
iv.

The

Mace.

35

Later scholars
sense be right.
have essayed the problem on the

of Jeru

salem.

See

IX.

possible to make what we

please out of anything.
Volkmar takes it = rd^w,
ii.

it is

which, he assumes, was corrupted

from Taio-431. But xnpy pm

cessors.

Carriere (Revue de TheoL

pp. 94-96), like his
predecessor, believes in an Ara
iv.

iv.

1868,

The words cujus

original.
nomen eritTaxo retranslated into

maic

Aramaic = NODS noisy n, which is

"who
corrupt, for NDDB D ^H
will promulgate a decree," i.e.
trace a line of conduct.
NODE,

which = ordinance, etc. was

wrongly taken to be a proper
name by the Greek translator.
v. Hausrath
(Neutestamentl.
"

which we

iv. p. 77, note) thinks

that here by the method Ath
Bash r\h*v was transposed into
can. The Greek translator took
ni v here is for the
the D as D.
Messiah.
We might say here
with Colani in reference to Hil-

need not enter.

These last two attempts at
solution proceeded on the hy

genfeld s interpretation: "This

passage has as much to do with
the Messiah as with the

pothesis of a Greek original

but if the original was Semitic,
no interpretation arrived at on
that hypothesis could in any

peror

(Rabbi Aqiba) = 431. Hence Taxo

is Rabbi Aqiba. But. unhappily
for Volkmar, }m is an impossible
form, and Aqiba was never writ
ten without the yod. There are
further objections into

Zeit<je*ch.

Em

Barbarossa."

Other

have

been

made on the hypothesis

Hebrew original.

of u

attempts

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
Wieseler (Jahr. f.

vi.

1868, p. 629 ;
p. 193) thinks
goes back to
This
like one.
to be explained
dwell
to
having
the earth cf. 2

ZDMG,

Th.

d.

1882,

that that Taxo

the badger-

e>nn,

tv

rols

designation

from the pious

history.

in the caves of
Mace. x. 6 Kal

Mann
Name

cnn]\aloiS Orjpiuv

ve[j.6/j,voi.

^CTOLV

marks on

is

rpljirov

Hilgenfeld re

this

interpretation
melis Wieseleriana e
sua
iiunquam prorepspelunca
:

U tin am

sisset.
vii.

(Tier

gested, corresponds to n^w, we

have a mystical reference to a
second Moses who was to rise
He appeals to Detit.
again.
xviii. 18 in support of his con
tention.
None of these solutions is
The person re
satisfactory.
ferred to is, as we have seen,
not one living in the future, but
one who was a contemporary of

Judas the Maccabee.

From

the

standpoint of this interpretation

I offer the following suggestion.
In the Samaritan
Legends of
from the
translated
Moses,"
Arabic into German by Dr.
Leitner
(Viertcljahrschrift f.
TJieol.
dcutsch - und
cnglisch
Forschung, iv. 1871, p. 210), the
following passage occurs, which
seems to be to some degree de
pendent on our text: "AngeMann
zeigt wurde dass ein
auferstehen wurde
Levi und

Name

sollte

sein

Eiferer

der Gemeinde/ und er die Ebraer

und das Hans des "VVeines heil-

The

phrases
Levi
and

"ein

"

sein
Eiferer der

sollte sein

Gemeinde

seem to be drawn
from our text. Hence we con
"

jecture that in cujus

nomen

erit

Taxo, which = Kopn 101? -IS^N, the

last word is corrupt for Njpn =
"the

Rosenthal

Apoc.
Biic/icr,
31,
32)
pp.
adopts
llausrath s idea. He points out
that nyp is numerically equal
to ne-D, and thinks that in isan,
which, as Hausrath has sug

sein

Er wiirde in drei Tagen

auferstehen ohne Recht." This
passage appears to be very cor
rupt, and to be derived partly
from our text, partly from N.T.
igen.

Hence the text

zealous."

will be,

man

of the tribe of
Levi whose name will be the
zealous one."
This person will
be zealous for the law only, and

show
death

"A

his zeal

by submitting
than

rather

to

transgress

the commandments. Cf. vers. 4,

The writer regards the
6, 7.
person here described as repre
senting those who were truly
xealous for the law, over against
the
Maccabean party who
claimed to be so. Zeal for the
law Avas the most conspicuous as
well as the most essential charac
teristic of the religious move
ment which opposed Antioehus.
Cf. the words of Mattathias,
1

Mace.

ii.

27, ?ras 6

tfXuv r$

This comes out still

/JLOV.
more clearly in the words attri
buted to Mattathias in Joseph.
Ant. xii. 6. 2, ei TIS ^XWTT/S ian
TUV TTOLTpiuV 60UV Kal T7/S TOU
Qeov prjff Keias
(f)7]fflv,
oTriffu

efJLoi

sons,

reKva, ^Xwcrare

rds

e7recr#ct>,

also in his address to his

1 Mace. ii. 50, Kal vvv,
r<^

^VXCLS V/ULUV
Trartpuv VJJLWV.

v6fji.it}

virtp

Kal Sore
Siatf^KT/s

Seven sons.
The reference
here can only be to the seven
sons of the widow in 2 Mace.

CHAPTER
tribe of Levi,

whose name

IX. 2-6

37

who having

will be Taxo,

2.
seven sons will speak to them exhorting (them)
ruthless
second
a
(and)
Observe, my sons, behold
:

"

unclean visitation has come upon the people, and

a punishment merciless and far exceeding the first.
3. For what nation or what region or what people
are impious towards the Lord, who
many abominations, have suffered as

who

of those

have done

calamities as have befallen

great

therefore,

my

sons, hear

me

us

Now

4.

and know

for observe

that neither did (our) fathers nor their forefathers

tempt God, so as

And
we
vii.

ye

will

and

know
do.

4 Mace.

to transgress

that this
6.

Let us

See notes on

p. 33.
2.

The
III.,

Second unclean visitation,

has been described in
which they endured at the

first

hands of Nebuchadnezzar the

second is that which they suffer
under Antiochus. This latter
;

far
exceeds the first,"
writer proceeds to say.

the

Why

was called unclean we have shown above in

the notes on p. 33.
this

3.

visitation

What

nation,

etc.

"VVe

might compare Josephus words

in reference to the sufferings of
the Jews during the wars between
Ptolemy Philopator and Autioelms Epiphanes, Ant. xii. 3. 3.
4. Neither did (our} parents
nor their forefathers tempt God.
This absence of
See crit. note.
the sense of demerit appears

His commands.

5.

our strength, and thus

is

fast for the space of three

many of the Psalms. Our

author must have supposed that
in

a faithful remnant
at all times.

had existed

To transgress His commands.

Cf. ver. 6.
5.

And

this

we will

i.e.

do,

as our fathers.
Cf. Dan. vi. IS, ix.
6. Fast.
3
Apoc. Bar. v. 7, ix. 2, xii. 5,
4 Ezra v. 20,
xxi. 1, xlvii. 2
;

vi. 35, ix. 26, 27, xii. 51.

Let us go into a cave in the

When the persecution
field.
became severe in B.C. 168, 167,
those who still clung to the law
took refuge in caves, 1 Mace.
i.

53, ev Kpvcfiiois.

These hiding-

places are described in 1 Mace.

31 as "secret places in the
ii.

wilderness

"

/care/3 -rjaav

ei s

a very
TOVS Kpvfovs v rrj ep^y)
close parallel to the phrase in

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
days and on the fourth
is

and

in the field,

commands

gress the

God
die,

us die rather than trans

For

7.

of

the

lords,

we do

if

this

and

our blood will be avenged before the Lord.

X. And then His kingdom will appear through
out

our text.

His creation,

all

Mace.

also 1

Cf.

ii.

Those who were zealous

law fled with their wives
and children, and finding conceal
36, 41.
for the

ment in these caves lived there,

Joseph. Ant. xii. 6. 2 ^erd rCjv
T^KVWV /cat yvvaLK&v etyvyov as
:

Kai ev rols a7rr]\aiois

Heb. xi. 38 points to

TT]V epri^ov

8i7jyov.

this period.
In these also they
observed the religious festivals,
2

Lord

the

of

our fathers.

of

go into a cave which

let us

let

Mace.

x.

fj.er

crTT^Xatots

r)<ra.v

endured death passively as of

those who rushed to arms in
defence of their religion. These
words are almost exactly those
that were used by one of the
seven martyrs in 2 Mace. vii. 2
yap airo6vqffKei.v ecr^v 7}
:

T/^epas 6/crw
vevovres wy irpb /xi/cpou -^povov TT,V
T&V GKf]vQ)V OpTl]V
if TOiS

ijyov

originated with the persecution

It gives a char
acteristic and true note of the
temper of the persecuted. It
stereotypes the attitude of the
faithful, as well of those who
of Antiochus.

ve^b^voL.

But these hiding - places were

betrayed to the Syro- Macedonian
governor, and many Jews slain
or burnt, 2 Mace. vi. 11
ere/sot
:

Cf.

Mace.

d r]a

ai>,

(Ha TO ev

eauro?s Kar
T-^S (Te/jLvoTaTrjs rj/j,epas.

Lei us die rather than trans

gress,

etc.

had been
Taxo and

As their fathers
faithful to the law,
his seven sons are

resolved to be so likewise, lest

they transgress the commands
of their fathers God.
The ex
pression, "let us die rather than
transgress," etc.,

appears to have

They

1.

are

Their
echoed in Mattathias
address to his children, Ant.
Travres eV

thought

cruve(f>\oyia

ix.

the same as those

uttered by the 1000 that were
martyred in the wilderness,
1 Mace. ii. 37
a.Troddvw^ev oi
essentially

TTJ

d7r\6T7?Tt

7]/u.u>i>.

is

Kpelrrov avrdis elvai

Q.TT od O.V LV
OVTWS d56ws ; and the re
1

xii.

6.

VTTfp

T&V iraTpLWV VOpiWV

r)

^r/v

solve they express is ascribed

also to the martyred Eleazar, 2

Mace.
7.

vi. 19.

Our

blood will be avenged,

This assurance that God

will avenge is frequently found
in the history of the seven mar
tyred brethren, 2 Mace. vi. 14,
etc.

17, 19, 31, 35-37.

X. 1-10. These

verses

form

CHAPTERS
And
And

39

then Satan will be no more,

sorrow will depart with him.

Then the hands

2.

X. 2

IX. 7

And
And

of the angel will be filled

he will be appointed chief,

he will forthwith avenge them of their

enemies.
a

of ten stanzas of three

It falls into three
sections.
The first constitutes
the introduction, and consists of

hymn

tiating

1, 2 and 3-10 other than

mentioned by Schmidt-

lines each.

those

two stanzas.

Merx, as will appear below.

1. His kingdom will appear,
etc.
This seems to promise a

The second and

third consist of four stanzas each.

The two last sections open with
words almost identical. It will
be observed that every stanza
has a triple movement or paral
lelism at all events, the greater
number.
This i act makes it

highly probable that where this

triple parallelism is not observed
the error is due to corruption of
the text.
The error may be of
the nature either of defect or

redundancy.

Tims

vers. 3

and

new heaven and a new

earth,

but this is not the case if ver.

10a is right.
Satan will be no more. Does
Satan mean here the head of
the kingdom of evil or the
adversary of Israel ? The follow
ing line makes for the former
view.

10

Cf.
Sorrow, etc.
Rev. xxi. 4.
2.

le

xxxv.

Isa.

The hands of the angel will

filled,

the

i.e.

angel

will

verses, they may be due to dup

licate renderings or incorporated

be delegated, appointed.
The
phrase T N^D = to fill one s hand
means, to deliver the priest
hood to him. Cf. Exod. xxviii.
Lev. xxi. 10 Test.
41, xxix. 9

marginal glosses.

Lev.

9 are defective in this respect,

and

4, 5,

10

may

be redundant.

If there are redundancies in these

Schmidt-Merx are of opinion

that the
3,

and

is

begins with ver.

therefore only of eight
They regard the enim

hymn

stanzas.
in ver. 3

as =

introductory.
They point out that the subject
of ver. 3 is "God," but that
is the subject in ver. 2.
angel"
Hence they suppose that the
"

hymn

is

of earlier

authorship than
book.

and

different
the rest of the

There are grounds

"

Tr\ripw<rav

^f/x/a/aaros

axrre

Job xxx ii. 3.

The angel,

ras xetpas p-ov

iepareveiv

i.e.

patron saint of

yu,e;

Michael the

Israel.

Cf.

Dan.

xii. 1.

And

he will be appointed chief.

Michael will lead

text, qui est in

tutus =

Israel.

The

sunmio consti"

"who

is

placed supreme,
appointed chief," cannot be
This
clause, as it stands,
right.
or
is

for differen

8,

"

a mere epithet of

"angel"

(nuntii) in the preceding

line,

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
3.

For the Heavenly One will arise from His

royal throne,

And He will go forth from His holy habitation

And His wrath will burn on account of
His
4.

And

sons.

the earth will tremble

will it be

And
And

shaken

the hills will be shaken and

designation
author.
Of.

Hence
appears in the first line.
for est I have read erit and taken
as
in
6.
I.
In
sumnio
qui Kim,

miDta

tfN 1

or

or

i?K-a,

equivalent.
And he will

something
avenge, etc.

that destroys the Gentiles and

avenges Israel (vers. 7, 8), it is
probable that 1, 2, and 3-10
are not from the same author.
This conclusion gains confirma
tion if we compare the picture
of perfect goodness and perfect

happiness throughout all crea

tion depicted in ver. 1, and
compare it with vers. 4-6, and
particularly with ver. 10, if the
text is there right.
Vers. 3-10
are, I believe, native to the text,
but not 1, 2.
3-6. Second section.
which will accompany

Signs

God

coming.

The Heavenly One.

This

fall.

our

to
belongs
IV. 4.

II. 4,

From His royal throne. The

Latin a sede regni sui = NDa JD

He
3

Of. Dan. v. 20.

will go forth, etc.

Mic. i.
Eth. En. i. 3.
holy habitation.

Isa. xxvi. 21

From

7/is

Deut. xxvi. 15
.

Michael will avenge Israel.

But
since Michael is not so much as
once referred to again in this
hymn, and as it is God Himself

3.

made low

the high mountains will be

whereas the parallelism requires,

in the second line, the statement
of a fresh fact which will modify
or develop the statement which

to its confines

And His
The

text

tionem

Isa. Ixiii. 15.

wrath will burn.

cum

here

is

indigna-

But the

et iram.

paral
lelism requires a finite sentence,

and not an adverbial phrase

depending on "will go forth."
The corruption seems to have

Cum

arisen in the Greek.

which

Kal opyrj,

corruption of

= isx

mm,

/ecu

fli

pirn,

^uxrercu

6/3777

and His wrath

The text

burn."

f]Ni

"

"with

in-

= eV

dv/mf re
I take to be a

dignatione et ira

will

as it stands

indignation and

wrath."

4.

And

will be

Eth. En.

And
and

the

made
i.

high mountains
low.

Isa.

xl.

6.

the hills will be

shaken

The text, which was

fall.
corrupt, I have emended by
means of Eth. En. i. 6 (Greek
See crit. note.
Version).

CHAPTER
5.

And

X. 3-7

the horns of the sun will be broken

and he

And

moon

the

turned into darkness

will be

will not give her light,

and

be turned wholly into blood.

And

the

circle

of

the

stars

will

be

dis

turbed.
6.

7.

And
And
And

the sea will retire into the abyss,

the fountains of

For the Most High will

And

5.

will

the horns of the sun

On this restor

where the parallel

passages from the O.T. and the

(pp. 86, 87),

cited.

Circle of the stars will be dis

turbed.
Of. Mark xiii. 25.

Fountains

Cf.
fail.
Pss.
Sol.
xvii.
21,
Tnrjyal
avveffxfdfjo o-v aluvtoi Test. Levi
4 Ezra
4, \>5a.rwv ^pa.ivofj.evwi
vi. 24, et venae fontium stabunt.
.

Fountains
and rivers.
For this collocation, cf. Rev.
.

10, xvi. 4.

viii.

7-10.

Third

God

punishes the Gentiles, destroys

makes Israel to
idols,
triumph over Rome, and exalts
r
finally to heaA en.

The Most High will arise.

ver. 3, "The Heavenly One

7.

Cf.

will

editors have wrongly connected

Summus and Deus. Yer. 3
shows that Summus here, as
Coelestis there, are to be taken

by themselves.

Dip

"nStf,

as

Sa certainly

is

from

the same chapter,

and Sb probably from the same

29 of

ver.

verse.

Alone.
The text solus = vn^.
The meaning seems to be God
alone will come to punish the
Gentiles and exalt Israel, and
:

a Messiah.

This is said
clearly in 4 Ezra, where, to
the question in v. 56, Dernonstra
servo tuo per quern visitas creaturam tuam ? God answers in vi.
6, Finis per me et non per alium.
Thus this forms another argu
ment against 1, 2 and 3-10

more

being from one and the same

arise."

The Eternal God.

Deus aeternus,

moreover, is in all probability

derived from Deut. xxxiii. 27,

not

section.

their

them

the Eternal

appear to punish the Gentiles,

ation of the text see crit. notes

X.T. are

arise,

will destroy all their idols.

into blood.

will fail,

alone,

And He
And He
.

the rivers will dry up.

God

w aters

Previous

author.

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
Then

8.

And

thou,
Israel, wilt be happy,
thou wilt mount upon the neck[s and

wings] of the eagle,

And (the days of thy mourning) will be

And God will exalt thee,

9.

Israel s

8.

triumph over

its

enemies in this world.

Then

Israel, wilt le

thou,

This is taken directly

happyfrom Dent, xxxiii. 29.

Thou

iv iU

and.

mount upon

the

the text is
right, it recalls Dent, xxxiii. 29,
-pin iO jii!23-Sj,, and gives the
interpretation of that verse that
was current for some time before
and long after the Christian era.
necks

It

Thus, whereas modern scholars

render "Thou shalt tread upon
their high places," the LXX.,
Syr., Vulg., Targ.-Onk., Targ.Jon., Jarchi translated "Thou
shalt tread upon their necks," or

This rendering was

probably due to Joshua x. 2-J,
Put your feet upon the necks
"neck."

"

of these

kings."

Our text

re

Dent, xxxiii. 29, but does

not agree exactly with it or any
of the Versions.
In Bar. iv. 20,
eVi Tpaxtf\ovs avr&v eVt/S^crrj is
derived directly from it.
If our
text is trustworthy, the refer
ence is clearly to Israel s triumph
over Rome. The plural "necks
ought in that case to be written

calls

"

mount on the Mings

ended.

of eagles,

and was derived from Isa. xl. 31.

So the Targ.-Jon. interprets Isa.
xl. 31.
cervices et

Si: hy p^o.
Thus
a later inter
This figure of Israel

pa>j

would be

polation.

wings"
"mounting on eagles
would harmonise well with the

If
exalted tone of the passage.
this be so, there is, of course, no
reference to Rome in the text.

The days of thy mourning.

So the lacuna is supplied by
See crit. note.
Dr. Cheyne.

On

the vision of the three-

headed eagle with

see 4 Ezra xi.-xii.

many

wings,

9. Israel s exaltation to eternal

blessedness in heaven.

Cause thee
heaven of the

approach the
This lan

to

stars.

guage might be metaphorical.

For other examples, cf. Pss. Sol.
i. 5,
v^uOtjcrav e ws r&v ttarpuv
Jer. li. (LXX., xxviii.) 9, #%>ev
;

cos

TtDi>

"the

have

(SiffTpwv.

heaven of the
"the

stars of

Instead

of

stars"

we

heaven"

in

13 (LXX.), eiravw TUV

affTepwv TOV ovpavov (^N 3313)
rbv dpbvov /J.QV.
These
Isa. xiv.

Qri<r<j)

"

"neck

it

is

for ontox, from which

derived, can, according
;

Hebrew

usage, be rendered
singular or plural as the context
But it is not at all
requires.
impossible that the text is cor
rupt, and that it ran originally,
to

ja-^y

n^?n,

"thou

wilt

"stars

of

God"

("of

heaven,"

LXX. ) are rendered by the Targ.

in this passage by "the

people of God," and thus re
garded as a metaphor.
But the language seems not to

Jon.

be metaphorical, but to relate to

Israel transfigured

and

glorified

CHAPTER
And He

X. 8-10

43

will cause thee to

approach to the

heaven

And He

of the stars,

will establish

thy habitation among

them.
10.

And

thou wilt look from on high and wilt

see thy enemies in Ge(henna),

And
And

thou wilt recognise them and rejoice,

thou wilt give thanks and confess thy

Creator.
after the
Israel not

final
judgment to
in the body, but in
In this case we should

the spirit.

compare Eth. En.

civ.

2,

"Ye

will shine as the stars of heaven,

.
and the portals of heaven
will be opened to you
civ. 6,
;
"Ye will become
companions of
the hosts of heaven."
The
words, "Thou wilt see thy
enemies in Ge(henna)," in the
.

"

next

verse

favour

this

inter

pretation.

And He will establish tJi ij

habitation among them.
The
text is here, loco habitations
eorum=:C3E iD Dip.tn, and is be
yond question corrupt

for (1)

the parallelism is wanting, and

(2) we expect here a statement
as to the place of Israel s habi
tation and not that of the stars.

= "their
Hence we regard
habitation
as
defective for
en -pens =
thy habitation
among them," the ~3 being
omitted owing to the copyist s
eye passing from the first 3 to
the second.
In the next place,
cips3 = loco, is, as the structure
of the rest of the stanza shows,
a corruption of some transitive
ciw\z>

"

"

verb preceded by vav,

it to

establish."

text.

10.

Cf.

Eth. En.

See

take

pm "and He will
Hence the above

be of D

thy

civ. 2, 4, 6.

enemies

in

Ge(henna] videbisinimicostuos
in Ge(henna).
So I emend and
restore the corrupt text vides
inimicos tuosin terram. Previous
editors have merely changed this
text into videbis inimicos tuos
in terra.
But the sense thus
If
arrived at is impossible.
the words in terram are not
corrupt, it is difficult to take

them otherwise than literally

but if we do so, how are we to
Israel s
them ?
If
explain
enemies are on the earth, and
Israel beholds them from on
must be
Israel
high, then
But that
already in heaven.
;

could only be alter

the final

judgment, and after that event

the enemies of Israel could no

Hence
longer be upon earth.
we must take the phrase "on
the

"

earth
metaphorically, or
But to
regard it as corrupt.
take it metaphorically as="in
the depths
is
not possible.
"

Hence

it is

corrupt, or rather,

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

44

And

11.

do thou, Joshua (the son

words

these

and

this

death

(my) assumption

will be

CCL

times.

13.

The context points

defective.
to Israel

enemies

being

in

torments
for Israel rejoices
over the plight of the latter.
They are, moreover, in sight of
Israel.
These two facts at once
suggest the thought of Gehenna
here, and that the original was
;

DJH

:3.

But

njn

was

lost

and

rendered ev 777, and this in

cjma un is
turn by in terrain,
twice rendered tv yfj Beevvd/ut, in
2 Chron. xxviii. 3 and in xxxiii.
J3

yaL is likewise merely N J

transliterated in Josh, xviii.

777 or

6.

or

16 1 Sam. xiii. 18 1 Chron. iv.

14
2 Chron. xxxiii. 6
Ezek.
xxxix. 11,15; Eth. En. xxvii. 2.
Hence I take the true text to
be, "Thou wilt see thy enemies
;

in

and

Gehenna,

thou

wilt

recognise them and rejoice."

portrays
faithfully the
expectations of the Jews as to
the future life.
In early times

This

(Isa. Ixvi.
2,

liv.

3,

until

And

24
1,

Eth. En. xxvii.

2,

xc.

27)

Jews, who should there suffer in

the presence of the righteous
but in N.T. times it had be
come the future abode of the

wicked generally, who were to

be tormented within view of the
blessed.
Cf. 4 Ezra vii. 36,

Et apparebit locus tormenti, et

contra ilium erit locus requietionis clibanus gehennae ostendetur, et contra eum jucunditatis
paradisus.

Nun, keep
from my

His advent there

this is their course

If

Recognise them, etc.

both

and their enemies were on

and Israel had just
earth,
triumphed over the latter, this
statement would be absurd.
But if they are respectively in
heaven and gehenna, the recogni
tion is full of point, and just
Israel

cause for rejoicing.

11. This book. Cf.
12. My
death

I.

16,

XL

1.

as

(my]

The word "assump

was not in the original
here, which told only of Moses
death.
Cf. ver. 14 and I. 15.
It was introduced by the final
one
editor, who combined in
work the two distinct books,
The Testament of Moses and
"The
Assumption of Moses."
Our present book is what sur
of
vives
"The
Testament of
Moses," which knew nothing of
Moses "Assumption."
His Advent, i.e. God s advent
for judgment.
COL times. Each time =
sumption.
tion"

"

"

"

26,

Gehenna was regarded as the

place of punishment for faithless

of)

12. For

book;

7 years, or a year-week.

"

Thus
Hence

250 times = 1750 years.

from the creation (see I. 2) to
the final judgment was to be a
period of 4250 years, or 85
This estimate is found
jubilees.
elsewhere, I think, only in Sanhedrin 97b but there the goal
is the coming of the Messiah.
;

14.

shall go

to

sleep, etc.

Moses here looks forward to an

ordinary death, and to joining
his fathers in Sheol, as also in
I. 15 (see note) and X. 12 (note).

CHAPTERS
which they

And

14.

will

till

pursue

I shall

X.

to sleep

(thee) to be

XI.

of)

Nun, (be strong

(for)

God hath chosen

And when Joshua had

Moses that were written

all

same covenant.

successor in the

my

45

they are consummated.

with my fathers.
15.

go
Wherefore, Joshua thou (son
and) be of a good courage

XI. 7

ii.

heard the words of

in his writing as well as

that he had before said, he rent his clothes and

Moses

cast himself at

feet.

And Moses com

3. And Joshua

2.

forted him and wept with him.

answered him and said
4.
AVhy dost thou com
"

And how shall I be

me, (my) lord Moses ?
comforted in regard to that which thou hast spoken

fort

word which has gone forth from thy

mouth, which is full of tears and lamentation, in
that thou departest from this people ?
5. And
the

bitter

now what

place will receive thee

6.

Or what

be the sign that marks (thy) sepulchre

In XL 4, 9 also, an ordinary
death seems to be implied.

tions

(Be strong and) be of a

See crit. note.
good courage.
Successor.
See I. 7, note.
Joshua is the prophet promised
in Dent, xviii. 15, according to
our author.
Thus no Messianic
interpretation is here given to
this passage by the Jews.

word

15.

XL

1.

His

Of.

writing.

I.

16,

X. 11.
4.

Comfort me

forted ? See
Departest

be

com-

crit. note.

from

this

people,
Bar.
xxxiii.
Apoc.
3,
Ixxvii. 12, for similar lamentaCf.

on

Baruch

See also 4 Ezra

Bar.
etc.

"depart"

is

xii.

will

Or

7.

departure,
44.

The

used in Apoc.

xiv. 19, xv. 1, xliii.

in the sense of dying

2,

an

That seems to
ordinary death.
be implied here, and in ver. 9
also.

5-8.

No

single

locality

is

worthy enough to become the

burial.
The
place of Moses
whole earth is his sepulchre.
7.

Baldensperger thinks that

is directed polemically
against the Christians, since the
of
Christ
was moved from
body
the cross to the sepulchre.

this verse

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

46

who

will dare

man from

move thy body from thence as

?
8. For all men when

to

place to place

they die have according to their age their sepulchres

but thy sepulchre is from the rising to

on earth

the setting sun, and from the south to the confines

all the world is thy sepulchre.
9.
thou art departing, and who will feed this
10. Or who is there that will have com

the north

of

My

lord,
?

people

them and who will be their guide by the

11. Or who will pray for them, not omitting

passion on

way

a single day, in order that I

the land of (their) forefathers

am

12.

them

How

into

therefore

people as a father (his) only

a mistress (her) virgin daughter, who

I to control this

son, or
is

lead

may
?

as

being

prepared

husband she

will

to

handed

be

revere,

while

over

she

the

to

her

guards
person from the sun and (takes care) that her
feet are not unshod for running upon the ground.
8.

All the world

chra.

The

dvdpuiv

yap

is

thy scpul-

original of these
words is, as Ronsch recognised,
to be found in Thuc. ii. 43,
eiri.(t>a.v&v

Tracra

777

As with a very slight

change these words become
Greek iambics, it is possible that
they were popular expressions,
rd0oy.

and thus reached Palestine as

did those of Aratus, Menander,
and Epimenides. Cf. Acts xvii.
1 Cor. xv. 33
28
Tit. i. 12.
11. Who will pray for him.
See XII. 6.
Not omitting. The text is nee
patiens ; but here, as frequently
;

elsewhere,

we

must

translate

not the text but the Hebrew, or,

as it is here, the Greek presupposed by the text,
See crit. note.
Trapieis.
ou<5e

12.

See

Am I to control this people.

note.
mistress her virgin
See crit. note,
daughter.
To be, given to the husband.
crit.

Or as a

See

note, where also parfrom Ecclus. will be found.

crit.

allels

She will revere. See crit. note

and
from Ecclus.
parallels
Guarding her person.
(p. 93).
Cf. Ecclus. vii. 24, dvyartpes
etVt

Trpocrexe

r<f

crol

06part avruv.

CHAPTER
1 3.

And how

XI. 8-17.

shall I supply

47

them with food and drink

1 4-. For
according to the pleasure of their will ?
of them there will be 600,000 men, for these have

multiplied to this degree through thy prayers, (my)

15. And what wisdom or understand
lord Moses.
ing have I that I should judge or answer by word
16. And the kings of
in the house of the Lord?

Amorites also will

the

attack us

then

be

emboldened

(and) believing that there

amongst them the sacred

is

who was worthy

spirit

to

no longer
of

the Lord, manifold and incomprehensible, the lord

the word,

of

who was

faithful in all things,

God s

most perfect
the world, (yea) that he is no longer

chief prophet throughout the earth, the

teacher in

will

among them, they

them.
18.

17.

See

note.

crit.

See
600,000 men.
Cf. Exod. xii. 37.
note.

crit.

14.

111

is,

= 6^

in tuis oratiouibus.
3.

That there is no longer

amongst them. See crit. note.
Sacred spirit
manifold.
vii.
Wisd.
Cf.
Trvev/ma
22,
16.

ayiov

7roXi;/x.epes.

Worthy of the Lord.

Cf.

Wisd.

5, 6 6eos eTreipaffev avrovs /ecu

ous eavrov.
eupei/ O.VTOVS
Lord of the word. I cannot

iii.

dt

suggest the origin of this phrase,

Cf.
Faithful in all things.

Num.

xii.

7,

faith ful in all

iii.

2.

"Moses

Let us go against

Thy house"

God s chief prophet throughout

the earth.
The text is divinum
per orbem

The
The

Through thy prayers.

text

say

enemy have but once wrought

If the

was
Heb.

ten-arum prof et em.

superlative underlies
this phrase.
It = TOV Oelov dia
rov
KOfffjiov
irpo^r-qv = N 33
pxn DTiSxri = "the prophet of

A Hebrew

etc.

God,"

The most perfect teacher in

world.

The text

matum

in

saeculo

the

consuniiloctorem

is

another Hebrew superlative =

3 D Dnn mien.
C^i>

17.

No advocate to offer prayers,

Cf. ver. 14.

This office of
praying on behalf of Israel is
frequently ascribed to Jeremiah.
Cf. 2 Mace. xv. 14, where Jeremiah
with
appeared
along
Onias in a vision to Judas

etc.

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

48

impiously against their Lord, they have no advocate

to offer prayers on their behalf to the Lord, as did

Moses the great messenger, who every hour day and

night had his knees fixed to the earth, praying and
looking for help to

Him

that ruleth all the world

with compassion and righteousness, calling to mind

the covenant of the fathers and propitiating the

is

not with them

He

18. For they will say:

Lord with the oath.

us go therefore and destroy

from off the face of the earth.
19. What

them

become

will then

let

of this people,

my

And when Joshua had

XII.

lord

Moses

finished

"

(these)

words, he cast himself again at the feet of Moses.

2. And Moses took his hand and raised him into
the seat before him, and answered and said unto

him

"

3.

thy mind

Joshua do not despise

and hearken to

thyself, but

Maccabaeus, and

words.

my

at ease,

described by
6 TroXXd
irpoa-evxbfJievos wepi rov Xaou /ecu
T?)s dyias TroXews
Iepe/j,[as 6 rov
6eov 7rpo0?7T7;s. Rest of words of

installation of Joshua in

Baruch

judgment,

the latter as

ii.

3,

is

ovros

e<m

8rai>

-rmdpravev 6

Xads ... 6 lepe/ads

rjvx TO
virep rov Xaou, e ws
See also Apoc. Bar.
d/mapria.
ii. 2, and the Talmudic
passages
cited in the notes.
.

&i>

d(f>e6fj

avru>

rj^

Looking for help to

ruleth all the earth.
note

on this

Him

that

See

crit.

difficult passage,

where

also parallels are given.

XII. 2. Took his hand and
raised
into the seat before

him.

Cf.

place.

Sifri

Num.

xxvii. 28:
a teacher that in

may

question,

set
4.

Moses

Piska 140 on
Give Joshua
thy lifetime he
"

expound, give
thy death

lest after

the Israelites may say

During
the lifetime of his teacher he
did not give judgment, but now
he does.
Thereupon (Moses)
raised him (Joshua) from the
ground and placed him beside
himself on the chair." Quoted
by Heidenheim, Deutsche Vier:

tcljahrschrift, 1871, p. 102.

4.

Both the Gentile and the

work of God s

Mm

Israelite are the

This verse refers to the

hands.

The

destinies

likewise

CHAPTERS

XI.

XII.

49

God hath

All the nations which are in the earth

He

created as

hath

us,

He

hath foreseen them and

us from the beginning of the creation of the earth

unto the end of the age, and nothing has been

things

He

forth.

5.

earth

the

Him

even to the least thing, but all

hath foreseen and caused all to come

neglected by

(Yea)

all

things which are to be in this

Lord hath foreseen and

lo

are

they

brought forward (into the light

of both

are

^Vhateve^

of

befalls

His making.
whether of

disaster to Israel or exaltation

to the Gentile
has been fore
seen even to the smallest detail,
and nothing can set at nought
or hinder God s original purpose
in creation
for the world was
created on Israel s behalf, I. 12.
However glorious the fortunes
of the Gentile and depressed
those of the Jew, there is no
reason for downheartedness or
;

God s pur
despair (see ver. 3),
pose standeth sure, and will
ultimately assert itself.
Foreseen and caused to come,
forth.

See

crit.

note.

Appointed me

p a ll for
their sins. This was a genuinely
Jewish conception, and not bor
rowed from Christianity. Thus,
as we have already seen in the
note on XL 17, Jeremiah was
held to discharge this office in
the spiritual world, 2 Mace. xv.
14.
Enoch also (Slav. En.
(MSS. AB) Ixiv. 5) was conceived
of as "one removes the sins
of men." Philo speaks of the
6.

intercessions

to

and prayers

offered

6.

on behalf of

Israel by the right

eous forefathers of the nation
these intercessions of the de
parted saints of Israel were to be
the second of the three chief
means for the restoration of their
descendants, De Extcrat. ix.
:

430)
rpicri xprjcrofj.evoi TrapaK\ f]Tois T&V Trpbs TOV Trartpa
:

(ii.

devrepaide

TOV edvovs

rrj

rdoi>

oaihTfjTi., 6 rt

TCUS d0ei/xcfrats (rw/idrwj i^i^cus

&ir\a(TTOv
/cat
^TriSeiKyvfj.vr)v
vv/j,tvais

Trpos

TOV

rds

inrp

deparrelav

t/ceret aj

dpxpvra,
viu>i>

ou/c

/cat

a.Te\eis

ytpas aurots
TOV ?rarp6s rb eirrjKooy
Ill Joseph. Ant. i.
13. 3, Abraham is described as
to Isaac,
when on
saying
the point of sacrificing him
LfLffdcLL,

eu^ojf
t KeivOV
TT]V

yuer

ov

5e

/cat

~(pv-)(T]V

/cat
fj.ol

iepovpylas
TTfV

ffrjl

Trap airry Kadeets

K~r)5e[j,6va,

In the Slav. En.

doctrine is denied.
See my note in loc., where a his
tory of this doctrine is sketched

liii.

briefly.

this

ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

5o

The Lord) hath on their behalf appointed me to

pray for their sins and make intercession for them.
For not for any virtue or strength of mine, but
His compassion and longsuffering was He pleased
it is
8. Fur I say unto you, Joshua
call me.

7.

in
to

not on account of the godliness of this people that

9. The lights of
thou shalt root out the nations.
the heaven, the foundations of the earth have been

made and approved by God and

signet ring of His right hand.

under the

are

10. Those, there

commandments of God
fore,
11. But those
will increase and be prospered:
who sin and set at nought the commandments will

who do and

without

be

the

fulfil

the

before

blessings

they will be punished with

12.

nations.

7.

But wholly

For not for any

virtue, vie.

He

pleased to call me,

See crit. notes. Just as in Rom.
ix. 11, 12, the selection of Jacob
rather than Esau is declared to
be due not to works, Imt to the
divine purpose, so also here,
.

icas

This election
privilege

is

and not

an election to
to eternal

life,

As regards the latter, it is written

in the Tanchuma Pikkude 3,
God does not determine beforehand whether a man shall be
righteous or wicked, but puts
this in the hands of the man
See Slav. En. xxx. 15,
only.
note.
8.

Not

on

account

of

the.

and

mentioned,

many torments by

to root out

the

and destroy

godliness of the people, etc.

Ezek.

xxxvi.

22,

32.

By

Cf.

writer who so frankly recognises

the wickedness of his nation and
its need of frequent
chastiseraent, its selection as the people
of God
could not well be
ascribed to its merits, but must
be traced back to the divine
And yet he holds
purpose.
that the world was created on
behalf of Israel, i. 12
and in
;

xii.

4,

5,

13,

it

is

God

s fore-

knowledge, and not His predetermining purpose, that is dwelt

upon.
9. See crit. notes.
12. Destroy.
See crit. note.

CHAPTER
them

not permitted.
forth who has foreseen
is

XII. 7-13

13. For
all

things

51

God
for

will

ever,

go

and

His covenant has been established and the oath

which

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI
FRAGMENTA
THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
CRITICALLY REVISED AND EMENDED
TOGETHER WITH

THE UNEMENDED LATIN TEXT OF THE SIXTH

CENTURY

MS. IN

THE MILAN LIBRARY

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

CRITICALLY REVISED AND EMENDED
Words included within round
Editor

brackets

words within square brackets

[ ]

are supplied by the

regarded as in-

are

to be

When the text is corrupt, but the corruption is not

tcrpolations.
native to the Latin but to the Greek or the Hebrew, then the text
is corrected accordingly, and attention is drawn to the correction
*

by an asterisk

I.

placed in the margin.

(Et factum est anno aetatis Moysi centesimo

2. Qui est bis millesimals

annus
a creatura orbis terrae,
gentesimus

et

vigesimo),

secus qui in oriente sunt

mus

et

exivit

plebs

post

numerus

profectionis

1.

Tliis

verso,

wanting in the MS.,

which
is

vicesimo

is

nam

miis* et
4.

fiebat

Cum
per

cf.

et

est

by Ronsch

Liber

anno

3. With Volkmar and SchmidtMerx I have omitted nam secus

.... mus as a marginal gloss,

Such a remark is impossible in

a book of Hebrew or Aramaic

quae facta

5.

receptionis Moysi factae

vitae ejus Cmo et XXmo.

supplied

byHilgenfeld: AssumptioMoysis

Liber

quae

trans

Deut. xxxi. 2, by
Schmidt-Merx, save that I have
written Moysi instead of Mosis, as
this is the form of the genitive
used by the Latin translator
as above,

Cmo

fynicis.

profectionem

Amman

[3.

Jordanem,
proquae facta est a moysen in libro deutero-

Moysen usque
fetiae
I.

inns

et quin-

anno vitae ejus

Profectionis fynicis are

also to be omitted with Volkmar,
though Schmidt Merx retain
them, inserting before them the
origin.

XXmo; by Volkmar:

profetiae Moysis, quern

aiio aetatis centesimo

scripsit

54

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

TEXT OF THE SIXTH CENTURY LATIN

IN THE MILAN LIBRARY

MS.

The figures in clarendon in the margin denote the folio in

MS., and the letters a and b in the margin denote respectively
beginning of the first and second columns in a folio.

et

4
2

mus

et

the

mus

mus

tionis fynicis

the

profec

cum

qui est bis millesi

exivit plebs post

rnus et quingente

profectionem quae

simus annus a crea

fiebat per

tura orbis terrae

usque aminan trans

nam

secus qui in ori

ente sunt numerus

follows

sunt

nam

secus qui in oriente

numeros [MM]

[CC] mus

et

mus

[XXXXX] mus

et

pro-

Ronsch
phoenicis.
1874, p. 556, regards
cum exivit
qui est bis
plebs as a parenthesis and thus
restores vcr. 3 nam secus qui in
oriente sunt numeros
mus et
fectionis

Z.f.

jordanem profetiae
quae facta

word quadragesimo. Hilgenfeld,

wlio holds the book to ho of
Greek origin, regards the entire
verse as genuine and restores as

W.T.

MM

mosysen

est a

CCLV mus

DCCL

rnus, et
fectionis Pha-nices.
4.

as

an

moy
pro-

have bracketed this verse

Moses
interpretation.

could not have spoken of Amman

as across the Jordan
only a
dweller in Jerusalem could have
so described it.
:

5. Schmidt-Merx rightly re
In a
ject this verse as a gloss.
book of Hebrew origin the phrase
libro Deuteronomio could not

have been

original.

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

56

(Emended and Revised Text)

6.

nomio],

Qui vocavit ad se lesum

hominem probatum Domino, 7. Ut

plebi et scene testimonii cum omnibus
Et ut inducat plebem

8.

Ut

9.

eorum,

detur

filiuin

Nave,

successor

sit

sanctis illius,

in terram datani patribus

per testamentum et per jus-

illis

jurandum, quod locutus est in scenae dare de lesum

dicendo ad lesum verbum hoc: 10.
firma te secus industriam

Qui-

6.

X. 2

Kim.

see

III.

Of.

Introd.,

lesum

p.

14

xxxiii.

l-rjvovv
filiuin Nave,
This shows that the
Nau??.
i.e.

mbv
Latin was derived directly from
the Greek.
If it had been
directly from the Hebrew, these
words would have been Josue
filium
7.

Nun.

Ut

iva

plebi

Aaa;.
What is
cudoo%os
It
the meaning of diddoxos 1
r<2

cannot mean
as

"a

successor"

here,

Schmidt-Merx recognise when

they propose successor

antecessor).
of such
a

(sibi

et

But there is no need

violent remedy.
8id5oxos means also (1) a court
official of the second rank in the

Egyptian

papyri (see Steph.

Thesaurus); (2) the chief minister
of the king
LXX. 1 Chron.
xviii. 17
2 Chron. xxvi. 11,
xxviii. 7; Ecclus. xlvi. 1.
This
7iieaning is found in Joseph.
Ant. xv. 10, and is frequent in
:

And

exactly what
the context requires
"that he
be
the
of the
minister
might
Philo.

this

is

have now to dis

people."
cover the Hebrew behind didThis we learn from
ooxos.
Ecclus. xlvi. 1, where it is a
rendering of rny;?. This word
"We

(Confortare) et

oinnia quae

mandata

often means the chief minister

or servant
thus in Exod. xxiv.
13 ; xxxiii. 11 ; Num. xi. 28
Josh. i. 1, Joshua is described
par excellence as Moses servant,
ntyD me D.
It is also used of
service in the tabernacle ; cf.
:

Num.

viii.

same

the

Hence the

26, etc.

cyn nna-D nvn ?.

text

sit successor

er/7

tuam

"

meaning

In
is

x.

to

15
be

is, of course, pos

Siddoxos here may
represent ~\y, as in 2 Chron. xxvi.
11.
But this would not differ
materially from the sense we
have reached above.
8. I read et ut instead of ut
ct, and patribus instead of ex

followed.
sible

It

that

tribus,

with Schmidt-Merx.

After illis Schmidt-Merx

adds ut dens illis, and for quod
tv
read quondam.
In scenae
rr)
just as scene in I. 7
Dare de lesum
rrj 0-K-rjvrj.
seems interpolated. De is used
in the sense of
by means
also in V. 1, de reges, "by
means of the kings."
9.

<rKf)vy,

"

of,"

Verbum hoc, (confortare)

The text here is
te.
verbum hoc, ct promitte. Now
10.

ct

firma

Moses address to Joshua cannot

Some verb has
begin with et.
fallen out between hoc and et.

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTER

sen in libro deute

6

ronomio qui voca

vit ad se jesum filium

turn

mitte secus indus

sanctis illius

triam tuain omnia

ut et inducat plebem

quae mandata sunt

datam ex

Thus there was probably here

the oft-repeated phrase addressed
to Joshua in Deut. xxxi. 6, 7,
23
Josh. i. 6, 7, 9, 18, pm
Now if we retranslate the
DKi.
;

present text into Hebrew we

shall discover the source of the
corruptions and at the same
The
time the original text.

words verbum hoc

nDNi

missing

nm

et promitte

Now

n:nn.

verb

before

the

the

is

clearly pm, as suggested above

for this could readily fall out
after nm, and IDN is an easy cor
ruption of fCN as Rosenthal has
Hence the text
already seen.
ran
This
pDNi pm nm 131 n
;

confirmed by X.
15.
See note in loc.
Hilgenfeld emended the above
words into verbum hoc ait pro
mitte.
Volkmar took vTrotrxov
promitte to be a corruption

restoration

is

of vwocrx^

"undertake."

Omnia quae mandata

facias.

In

my

xvnt
translation

ut,

have supposed ut facias to be

wrongly transposed to their
present position.

locutus

de jesum dicendo ad jesum

10 verbum hoc et pro

successor plebi et

in terram

per testamen

et per jusjuran

est in scenae dare

b scene testimonii

cum omnibus

57

eorum ut de

illis

dum quod

naue hominem pro

domino ut sit
batum
7

tribus

tur

6-10

I.

The Hebrew

order requires us to place them

But since such
before omnia.
faulty transpositions of the Latin
text are frequent we cannot

argue on this ground against

the Hebrew original in favour
The Aramaic
of an Aramaic.

would admit of this order, and

Dr. Neubauer assures me the
But it is
later Hebrew also.
possible to regard the text in
present order as derived from

its

the Hebrew. Thus "be strong,

and hold fast according to thy
might to all that is commanded
to be done" would represent
niB yS

D Tipan

"?:n

This construction
2 Chron.
xxxi.

-rim pDKi pin.

is

4,

found in
ipm
jycS

"mina.

Quemadmodiimsincquaercllam
den.
I have here emended

sin

est ideo into sis deo.

The

ideo

cannot stand here, as ver. 11

refers to ver. 10.
In Luke xxi.
14 of the Vulgate, praemeditari
respondeatis re
presents /u.?7 TrpOyU.eAeraj aTroXoThe text = D on invnS
yri6ijvat.
Sine has often the

quemadmodum

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

58

(Emended and Revised Text)

sunt ut facias

sine quaerellam sis

Dorninus orbis ten-arum. 12.

quemadmodum

Haec

11.

Deo."

dicit

Creavit enim orbem terrarum propter plebem suam.

Et non coepit earn inceptionem creaturae ab

13.

terrarum palam facere, ut in ea gentes

initio orbis

et humiliter inter se disputationibus

arguantur

guant
qui ab

14. Itaque excogitavit et

se.

initio

orbis terrarum praeparatus sum, ut

sim arbiter testament!

facio

meae

meorum

et

transio

nunc palam
tempus annorum

15. Et

illius.

quia consummation est

tibi

vitae

ar-

invenit me,

dormitionem

in

patrum

palam omnem

16. (Tu) autem

plebem.
ad
hanc
scribturam
percipe
recognoscendam tutationem librorum quos tibi tradam
17. Quos
et

accusative in the Itala. SchmidtMerx emend est ideo into est

deo.
13.

Non coepit. The text here,

tb
non coepit =OVK -fjp^aro
Win. But the Greek translator

has here followed the inappro-

He
meaning of *?K\
should have rendered OVK epovXero.
Hence render "He was
Merx was the
not pleased."
tirst to discover the real meanpriate

ing here.

He

retranslation
N ?.

did so through
into
Aramaic,

Inceptionem = "design." So
Schmidt-Merx. Hilgenfeld
has missed the sense of the passalso

of
reproduction
OVK ijp&To
the Greek shows
as

his

TO.VTTJV rrfv a-rrapx^v T??S Acrttrews:

likewise
coepit

to

taking non
be a corruption of

Ronsch

air^p^aro
KTicews.

W. T.

OLVTOV

1874, p. 557
a.irapx nv

Volkmar

is

TTJS

wholly at

sea.

Ab

The MS.

initio.

et before these words.

Humiliter inter se.

inserts

Humiliter

be corrupt for humilitate.

In my translation I have sought
to
only to give the sense:

may

their

own"

(or

miliation."

"common") "hu-

Hilgenfeld emends

humiliter into similiter.

This verse is found in the

See exeg. note, p. 6.
Ab initio orbis terrarum.
This phrase has already occurred
14.

Greek.

ns>

age,

incepit, Z.f.

in

I.

XII.

13.
4,

It recurs twice, I. 17,

ab initio crea-

in the form

Of this
turae orbis terrarum.
verse the Greek (see I. 14, exeg.
note) is happily preserved
irpb
= nnoiD J3 ?
/caraj3oX^s Kb<r^ov
:

TEXT OF
ut facias

modum
11 rellam
dicit

12

CHAPTER

MS.

59

praeparatus sum
ut sim arbiter testa

rum

sine

quae
ideo baec

dominus orbis

15 menti

ter

illius et

tune

rarum

palam

Creavit enim orbem

consummatum est
tempus annorum

terrarum propter

13 plebem suam

et

vitae

non

facio tibi quia

meae

et tran

dormitionem

coepit earn inceptio

sio in

nem

patrum meorunr
et palam oninem

creaturae

lllaet ab

initio orbis ter

rarum palam

16

face

bem

pie

autem

re ut in earn gentes

percipe scribturam

argnantur et humi

bane ad recognos

liter inter se

cendam tutationem

dispu

librorum quos tibi

&17tradam quos ordina

tationibus arguant

14

11-17

initio orbis terra

quemad

est

I.

se itaque excogitavit
et invenit

me

bis et chedriabis et

qui ab

It is to be
observed that the Vulgate renders
Heb. ix. 26 Rev. xiii. 8, a-rro
K ara/3oA?)s Koff/j-ov by ab origine
mundi, similarly as in our text,
but elsewhere in the N.T.
Matt. xiii. 35, xxv. 34
Luke
xi. 50
Heb. iv. 3 Rev. xvii. 8

cSiyn or o nyn ipirnp.

by a constitutione mundi.

The.

phrase in I. 17, XII. 4, ab initio

creaturae orbis terrarum = dir
TOV

apX^s Kriaeus

Mark
Snnn

x.

6,

rus nn.

xiii.

On

Kocr/mov

(cf.

= rrc x-iD
;

19)

the other hand,

possible that the

latter form of the phrase goes
it

is

quite

back to the same Greek as the

former, for our Latin translator
is far from being consistent or
accurate.

Nunc. MS. tune.

Palam.
Hilgenfeld emends
15.

into
I
d,7raAXdw.
pellam
follow Rb nsch in taking it as
a proposition, but the text is
doubtful.
16.
recognoscendam tuta

Ad

The obscurity

tionem librorum.

of this phrase disappears when re

translated into Hebrew, jnn jyoS
nnsD.TnN met?
mayst know
"

how

to

preserve."

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

60

(Emended and Revised Text)

ordinabis
libus in

et chedriabis

et

loco quern fecit

ab

repones in vasis fictiinitio creaturae orbis

18. Ut invocetur nomen illius usque in

diem paenitentiae in respectu quo respiciet illos
Dominus in consummatione exitus dierum.

terrarum,

II.

intrabunt

per te in terram,
dare patribus eorum:

decrevit et promisit

quam
In

2.

nunc)

(Et

qua

stabilibis

regnum,

tu

eis

et

benedices
sort em

in

et

me

dabis
et

unicuique, et

constabilibis

magisteria locorum dimittes

Domino eorum

eis

secus

illis

in judicio et justitia.

quod placebit
3. (Fiet) autem postquam intrabunt in terram suam
anno s(exto), et postea dominabuntur a principibus
et

tyrannis per

abrumpent

annos XVIII, et XVIIII annos

tribus X.

4.

18. Diem poenitentiae. Rosenthai supposes an error on the

part of the Greek translator, i.e.
that lie took rnie nn cv to mean
the day of repentance, whereas it
incant "the day of the return,"
or
of the coining again," and
refers to the return of the people
to Palestine.
"

In respectu quo

respiciet

ev

a
eTriaKoirrj y
e7ri(T/cei//ercu
familiar Hebraism, ic x mpsn
nn ~\ps\ Cf. Test. Lev. iii., iv. ;
Pss. Sol. xi. 2.
In consummatione exitus di-

T7)

erum
II.

Q
1.

genfeld.
2.

DM

fp m^33.
So Hil(Et nunc).
Volkmar, ecce nunc.

Schmidt-Merx bracket

stabilibis eis as spurious.

In me. Hilgenfeld, in

et

Nam
Ronsch

(Z.f.

in earn

W. T.

1874, p. 558),

where the in earn goes

back to in qua,

iv y

ev cu rjy.

Magisteria locorum
roirap1 *Probably roTrapxtas is corrupt for Toirapxas.
Dimities.
This is corrupt,
X"

Schmidt- Merx emend it into

dimetieris, but their reference
to Pss. Sol. xvii. 30 gives no
support to their suggestion,

be for demittes =
may be a corruption of Kadicreis or /faratrr^creis
"thou wilt
In any
appoint."
case the sense required is clear.

Dimittes

may

Kadrjaeis.

This

The

original may have been Tp?fi

D 1p9, "thou wilt appoint local
Cf. Gen. xli. 34.
magistrates."
3.

qua.

descendent tribus

Fiet.

So Schmidt-Merx

Volkmar, dat

Hilgenfeld,

illi.

TEXT OF
reponis in vasis

MS.

CHAPTERS

ab

rum

11

18 rum ut invocetur

in

illius

respicit illos

in

usque

et postea

xviir et xviiii* annos

promisit dare pa

qua
tu benedicis et da

nam

runt scenae

tri

testi

moniunr tune deus

bilibis eis sorteni

From

and Joseph. Ant.

v.

Tribus.

Josh.

4.

i.

19,
Israelites

appears that the

spent five years in the conquest
of Canaan.
Hence the above
emendation.
Hilgenfeld, annos
(quinine); Merx, annos(eptiino).

it

descendent

bus duae et transfe

unicuique et sta

s(exto}.

tib

abrumpens
4

tribus eorunr in

Anno

dominabi

tyrannis per annos

decrevit et

xiv. 10

in ju

tur a principibus et

intrabunt

bis

domino eorum

suain annos

per te in terrain

illis

autem postquarn
intrabunt in terrain

quo
dominus

consummatio

quam

dimittes

dicio et justitia

ne exitus clierum
II.

regnum

secus quod place

bit

diem paenitentiae

in respectu

61

et magisteria loco

initio crea

turae orbis terra

nomen

II.

et constabi

libis eis

tilibus in loco quern

fecit

me

in

fie

18

I.

MS.

Nam.

tib.

Nam

and enim are

frequently used in this version

to render Se.
Dependent.
Schmidt-Merx,
discedent.

So Schmidt-Merx

Duodecim.

emend from

In

So Hilgen
Dominabuntur.
feld and Schmidt-Merx.
MS.

rightly

dominabitur.

of Israel and

So Hilgenfeld,
Abrumpent.
Volkmar, and Fritzsche. Abrumpentes, Schmidt-Merx MS.
abrumpens.

David. The corruption arose in

the Greek ai ifi (pvXai by the L
falling out, or else in the Hebrew.

Sam.

vi. 1, 2,

duae.
the chosen

men

Judah accompanied

TranferenL

MS. transform! t.

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

62

(Emended and Revised Text)

duodecim

Deus

transferent scenam testimonii.

et

caelestis faciet

aulam scenae suae

et

Tune
turrem

sanctuarii sui, et ponentur duae tribus sanctitatis.

5.

Nam X

suas regna
7.

tribus stabilient sibi secus ordinationes

6.

Et VII

VIIII

Et adferent victimas per annos XX:

circumvallabunt muros,

et

circumibo

(IV) transgredientur testamentum Domimi,

et

jusjurandum polluent quern fecit Dominus cum

eis.
8. Et immolabunt natos suos diis alienis, et
et

ponent

idola

scenae,

domo Domini

servientes

illis

9.

Et

in

omnem

facient sceleste, et sculpent

(similituclinem) animalium idola multa.

III.

illis

(Et)

veniet

temporibus

Scenam testimonii. MS. scenae

testimonmm.
So I emend
Faciet aulam.
from fecit palam with HilgenChron.
feld, who compares 2
The phrase aulam scenae
xx. 5.
is found in Exod. xxvii. 9.
For

Tribus

= irnpn
7.
i.e.

illis

ab

Hebraism

sanctitatis.

auty.

Circumibo = I will protect,

Cf. Deut. xxxii. 10
1

miDiS

Jer. xxxi. 22.

Et(IV). I have added the (IV).

Transgredientur testamentum

the various uses of -ran see the

new Hebrew Lexicon in loc.

Domini et jusjurandum poll uent.

So I emend the corrupt text

Rb nsch,

adcedent ad testamentum Do
mini et iinem polluent. First
of all, iinem = opov, which, as we
see from the context, is corrupt
for opKov.
Hence for finem we
should read jusjurandum. This
combination of testamentum

Merx,

figet
fecit

palum
palam

Schmidt(zelum)

Fritzsche, faciet palum.

Turrem.

So

emend from

ferrum. In a similar description

of the future in Eth. En. Ixxxix.
50, 67, 73, the temple is spoken
of as a tower.
Hilgenfeld,

forum, comparing 2 Mace. x. 2

Schmidt-Merx, fervorem. Volkmar gives the whole passage
thus fecit palam (locum) scenae
suae et terram sanctuarii sui ;
;

Haupt,

W.T.

1867, p. 448,
faciet palam (portam) scenae
suae et forem sanctuarii sui.
Z.f.

jusjurandum occurs four

other times in this book
I. 9,
III. 9, XL 17, XII. 13, and
thus confirms our emendation.
arid

The same combination

is familiar
in the O.T.
Cf. C4en. xxvi. 28
Deut. xxix. 12, 14 Ezek. xvi.
;

59, xvii. 16, 18, 19.

place,

adcedent

In the next
testamentum

TEXT OF
caelestis fecit

MS.

CHAPTERS

tis*

nam

dominus cum

cit

eis et

molabunt natos
suos diis alienis* et

*x tribus sta

ponent idola scenae

bilient sibi secus

servientes

ordinationes suas
9

bQ regna et adferent

et finem

polluent quern fe
8

sur et ponentur

duae tribus sanctita

5

men turn dominr

ferrum sanctua

rii

III.

adcedent ad testa

pa

lam scenae suae

et

II.

illis*

domo domini

et in

faci

victimas per annos

ent sceleste et

xx

culpent omnern ani

malium idola multa

et *vir

circumval

labunt muros et
circumibo

III.

viiir et

and jusjurandum polluent arc

clearly parallel expressions, and
as the latter
according to

is

obviously right
the context, the
The
former must be wrong.

lies
in
therefore
corruption
adcedent, and is easy to discover.
Adcedent = 7rpo<r/3?7cro; Tcu, corrupt
for irapa-^rjaovTai..
rty 5i.a9 qK7]v
Trapaftrjvai. is the actual phrase
in Ezek. xvi. 59, xvii. Iti, 18,
19.
Hence for adcedent read

illis

temporibus

xxxii. (xxxix.) 34, Kal edrjuav

/AtdcTjUaTCt

auTWf

TTK\r]drj TO

iv

TOJ

ftvofjui JJ.QV iir

TO.

oi /cy

ou

aimo

iv

aKadapaLaiS avr&v.
9.
Omnem (similitudinem}

animalium. Similitudinem fell

out after omnern through homoioteleuton. Hilgenfeld and Yolkmar changed omnem into om
nium, but the text thus arrived
at

is

intolerable.

They

failed to

recognise that this verse

is

based

on Ezek. viii. 10,

Every form
of ... abominable beasts and all
the idols
graven upon the
"

transgredieutur.
On this passage previous
editors are wholly at sea.
They

accept adeedent jusjurandum.

For et finem, Volkmar reads
sed in fine finem ; SchmidtMerx, et (iv) fidcm. Hilgenfeld
accepts the words as they stand.
8. Scenae I take as a dative,
"in
the Sanctuary."
Rb nscli
(Z.f.W.T. 1874, p. 558) in
to
read
idola
geniously proposes

all

obscena, comparing

LXX.,

Jer.

Thus omnem similitud

inem animalium ncm man- ?:!.
wall."

Idola mitlta,

The word

piy

i.e.

sipty.

used immedi

is

ately after ncnn in Ezek. viii.

The whole verse =
10, as here.

ipm nnjnn ivy m,T

III.

1.

Veniet

MS. veuient

equitatu.
equitatus.
.

im

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

64

(Emended and Revised Text)

eorum
2. Et
eorum igne cum aede sancta
sancta vasa omnia toilet
3. Et omnem

oriente rex, et teget equitatu terrain

incendet

coloniam

Domini, et

plebem eiciet, et ducet illos in terrain patriae suae,

duas tribus ducet secum.
4. Tune invocabunt

et

duae tribus

tribus, et

indignabunt, ut liena in

et sitientes.
5. Et
campis pulveratis,
clamabunt
Justus et sanctus Dominus, quia enim

esurientes

"

vos

nos

et

peccastis,

vobiscum cum infantibus

abunt

tribus

audientes

tribuum duarum,
vobis fratres

Nonne

advenit clibsis haec

in

8.

MS. colonia.
Coloniam.
2.
Sancta vasa omnia. SchmidtMerx point out that onmia after
sancta vasa is not Hebraic but
Aramaic order, prta N JKD *rt?np.
This is quite true, but it is impossible, on this ground only,
to argue back to an Aramaic;
for the Greek and
original
;

Latin

translators
frequently
to observe the Hebrew
order when it was possible to do
so.
Thus, though ^o in Hebrew
failed

always precedes its noun, it is

placed after it, as here, in the

LXX.
Gen.

in the following passages

xiv. 11, DID BOT^DTIN

LXX.
Zod6fj-wi
01

rriv
.

1.

LTTTTOV

troLffav

14, D Vvn-^3

TTJV

LXX.

Lev. xx.
ravra irdvra.

ffwafiavTes TraWey.

23, N^N

*?a

LXX.

2 Chrou. xxi. 18, HNI-^D nnt

Hence
/u-era ravTa Travra.

LXX.

"

plor-

verborum

Quid fecimus

omnem domum

"

Tune

6.

inproperia

Et dicent

7.

sumus

abducti

pariter
nostris."

Istrahel

Et omnes tribus

plor-

we can attach but little value to

this argument in itself, and
when we consider that our Latin
Version is but a careless rendering of the original, it ceases to

have any weight at

all.

Terrain patriae suae els

ri]v yrjv TTJS yevtatus avrov =
imSio px.
3.

Indigndbuntur. The MS.

se.
These words
cannot be right.
Observe
et ducent
Tune invocabunt
se
et
clamabunt.
The
ten tribes cannot address the
two, then march or be marched
about, and then proceed with
4.

gives ducent

words of rebuke.
Hence, instead of ducent se, we expect a
verb expressive of anger, and
this all the more because of the
words immediately subsequent
ut

liena

in

campis.

Now

TEXT OF
venient

ab

illis

MS.

CHAPTER
entes

ori

ente rex et teget

cum

nostris et

infantibus

clamabunt

equitatus terram

Justus et sanctus

eorum

quia enim vos peccas

tis et nos pariter ad

colonia

et incendet

eorum

ig

ne cum aede sancta

109&domini
3

2-8

III.

et sancta vasa

om

omnem

nia toilet et

plebem

ducti

eiciet et

bunt

du

tes

patriae suae et duas

secum

4 Tune invocabunt
duae tribus x tribus

se,

if

retranslated into

probably stood originally in the

Greek Version. Hence my cor

rection of ducent se into indigCould ducent

audien

improperia ver
et dicent

tres*

nonne in

quid
faciemus vobis fra

domum

omnem

istrahel

ad

omnes

tribus plora

bunt clamautes in

siti

Greek =dx(?Tj(r0vTatj and as this

word is confounded in MSS.
with axOfoovrai, the latter most

nabuntur.

x* tribus

rum

8 et

in campis pulverati

ducent

tune plora

venit clibsis haec

et ducent se ut liena

esurientes et

sumus vobis

borum tribum dua

cet illos in terram

tribus ducit

cum

dominus

se be

a corruption of succensebunt ?
MS. pulverati.
Pulrfiratis.
Schmidt-Merx omit.
Here
the MS. adds
SUientes.
This
cum infantibus nostris.

phrase I have, with SchmidtMerx, transposed after vobiscum

in ver. 4. If retained here, nostris
must lie changed into suis ; for

the children of the two tribes

cannot be called children of
Moses and Joshua.
5. Alducti.
So Fritzsche
MS.
Schmidt-Merx, deducti.
;

adducti.

Cum infantibus nostris. See

note on ver. 4.
6.
vcrboru/n =
Inproperia,
mmin.
7. Fecimus.
So I emend with
Hilgenfeld from faciemus.

Clibsis, i.e. 0\fyts.

There arc

several other Greek words

bystia (VIII.
2),
(I.

eremus

3),

acro-

cathedra (XII.

(III. 11), chedriabis

17), allofyli (IV. 3).

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

66

(Emended and Revised Text)

abunt clamantes in caelurn et dicentes

Abraham

Deus Isaac

et

testamentum tuum quod

andum quod

terra

cum

factasti

reminiscentur me, die

dedisti

quam
:

eis, et

unquam

jusjurdeficiat

10.

illis."

Tune

dicentes tribus ad tribum

illo

homo de proximo suo

Deus

lacob, reminiscere

jurasti eis per Te, ne

semen eorum a
et

Deus

et

"

9.

"

11.

Nonne hoc

est

quod

testabatur nobis turn Moyses in profetiis, qui multa

passus est in Aegypto et in mail rubro et in heremo

1 2. Et testans invocabat nobis testes
annis XL
:

caelum
in

et terram,

ne praeteriremus mandata Illius,

13. Ecce ea advenerunt

quibus arbiter fuit nobis

nobis de isto secus verba ipsius et secus adfirma-

tionem
illis,

9.

ipsius,

quomodo

Reminiscere

10.

Homo
os CTTL

11.

testatus est nobis temporibus

ecce ea convenerunt usque nos duci captivos in

avap-LiJivriffKov,

de proximo sno
TW TT^vLov avTov=

quomodo

Turn.

So Schmidt-Merx.

MS. cum.
This name is written
Moyses.
thus in XL 1, and the interpolated passage I. 5.
In I. 4

Elsewhere, in XL 2,
4, 14, 17, 19, XII. 1, 2, it is
written as if from a .Nom.
Monses. For a similar insertion

Mosyses.

Bobbio MS.,

Mt. vi.
Moyses is
the Coptic form of this name.
The Hebrew form Moses = Mwo-?5s
= nu D, which Schmidt-Merx give
of n,

cf.

19, thensaurus,

in

q.

etc.

not found in this MS.

Testabatur. This word means
I. 1, is

here "he

5te/3e/3atoCTo,

declared."

It represents

and

this in turn,

TJH or jnin.
The same diction
behind adfirmationem ipsius

lies

<5ta/3e/3cu

testatus est (III. 13)

w0-ti

Ka#cl>s

diej3ej3aLovro.

It is due to the carelessness of

the Latin translator that he
used tester as a rendering of

two distinct Greek verbs.

MS. profetis.
Profetiis.
12. Et testans invocabat nobis
caelum. et terram,.
For et
testans the MS. reads, testatus
but wrongly; for clearly
et,
testans invocabat
testes
tester

=5iaima.pTvp6/j.evos die/j.apTvpeTo

vyn

lyrr,

and the whole phrase =

nym.
pK.vnNi DWn-nN 133
This statement is found, letter
for letter, in the Apocalypse
"pyn

of Baruch Ixxxiv.

2,

"Moses

TEXT OF
caelum
9

MS.

CHAPTER

67

9-13

quod testabatur no

et dicentes

cum moyses

in

deus abraham* et deus isa

bis

ac et deus Jacob remi

profetis qui multa

85a passus

niscere testamen

tuum quod
tasti cum eis et

turn

fac

et in

jus

in

quam

deficiat

eorum a
dedisti

invoca

et

et terrain

quam

ne prae

manda

teriremus

ta illius in quibus arbi

illis

10 Tune reminiscentur

me

him

semen

terra

heremo annis xl

bat nobis testes cae

ne urn

rasti eis per te

est in aegypto
mari rubro* et

12 testatus

jurandum quod ju

13

tor fuit nobis

die illo dicentes

quae
advenerunt nobis

ad tribunr et

de isto secus verba

tribus

1 1

III.

homo de proximo

ipsius

suo nonne hoc est

mationem

assuredly called heaven and

earth to witness against you."
Of.
Deut. iv. 26, xxx.
19,

DC

mandata
praeteriremus
Illius.
These words, also in a
slightly different form, follow
immediately on those just quoted
from Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 2, i.e.
if ye transgress the law."
13. Ecce ca advenerunt nobis.
So I have emended from quae
"

advenerunt nobis. That this is

right is clear from the exactly

befell

you, and

befallen

you."

is

taken to

compari

them away from you (see

XIX. 3), on this account
they came upon you," appears
to show that de isto = ririK =
"after

him,"

death."

Cf.

Ecce ca.
ct

quae.

Schmidt- Merx,

Cf.

"after

his

See above.

d.i>aro\r)S

Exod.

i.e.

Job xxi. 21.

So I have emended

In partem
TTJS

This

cast
also

they have

lo

isto.

titelvov (xpbvov).

son of the parallel passage in

Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 4, "And
after his (i.e. Moses ) death ye

parallel passage in Apoc.

Bar.
Ixxxiv. 5, "And now Moses
used to tell you before they

ipsius

followed by Hilgenfeld, emend

quae into vae ; Volkmar resolves
it into et ea.

etc.

Ne

et secus adfir

= et s fj.pos
pN n^p 7K

oricntis

Dip

xvi. 35.

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

68

(Emended and Revised Text)

"

orientis

partem

14. Qui et servient circa annos

LXXYII.
IV. Tune intrabit

unus qui supra eos

est,

et

expandet manus et ponet genua sua,

et orabit pro

Domine omnis, rex

in alta sede,

dicens

eis

2.

"

qui dominaris saeculo, qui voluisti plebem hanc esse

tibi plebem hanc exceptam, tune voluisti invocari

eorum deus secus testamentum. quod fecisti cum

3. Et ierunt captivi in terrain
patribus eorum.
alienam

cum

uxoribus et natis suis et circa ostium

allofylorum et ubi est vanitas magna.

eorum, Domine

reminiscetur

cum

fecit

reproduces

Aramaic
TH, and

this

jnay n pjx

thinks that
a play on the words
=
= idolatry),
=
(
77)also
.TTjrn!3y. (
as this latter phrase was often
simply denoted by the initial
pa>

"ly

there

is

"ly

"

letters.

Thus,

they shall also

idolatry through the

If this play was inyears."
tended by the author, it proves
practise

an Aramaic original
against a Hebrew, as mi mny is
good Hebrew also.
IV. 1. For intrabit, expannothing

for

ponet, MS. reads intravit,

expandit, ponit.

(let,

2.

Domine omnis

vrds
NHD.

illis

6.

Et mittet

in

regis ut misereatur eorum, et dimittet illos

Merx

14.

verse in

Respice
5.

caelestis."

patribus illorum, et palam faciet miseri-

cordiam suam et temporibus

animam

4.

Tune
Deus eorum propter testamentum quod

miserere

et

Heb.

*?3

Ktipie

jriN

TOU

Aram,

Jianc exceptam.
Hanc
the
Greek
represents
rbv \abv rbv K\eKr6v

Plebem
here
article

vmn

Cf. Isa. xliii. 20.

oyn.

ceptam

is

here

We

rendering.
electam.
3.
Vanitas.

an

Ex-

unhappy

should

have

The MS. reads

majestas. This is corrupt. Hilgenfeld and Merx emend it into
maestitia
Fritzsche into moles;

Volkmar supports the text,

but without success. The cortia.

ruption
Latin.

is

not native to the

Majestas

/u.eya\(i6Tr)s,

corrupt for /iarcuoY^s,

i.e.

"idolatry."

"

vanity,"

Nothing im-

pressed the Jews so much in

their captivity among the Gentiles as the idolatry of the latter.

TEXT OF
testatus

quomodo
est nobis

bus

14

illis

CHAPTERS

MS.

III.

cum

cisti

eorum

tempori
et quae conve

14

IV. 6

69

patribus

et ierunt

captivi in terram

cum

uxori

nerunt usque nos

alienam

duel captives in par

bus et natis suis et

tern orientis qui

circa ostium allofi

et servient circa

lorum

annos Ixxvir

majestas inagna

IV. Tune intravit unus

4 respice et misere
re eorum domine cao

qui supra eos est

et expandit
et ponit

et ubi est

manus

et oravit pro eis di

cens

Tune remi

lestis

eorum

niscitur deus

genua sua

propter testamen

Domine omnis

turn quod fecit

SQa patribus

rex in alta sede qui

cum

illorum et

mise

dominaris saeculo

palam

qui voluisti

ricordiam suanr et

hanc esse

plebem
6

tibi

plebem
hanc exceptam tune

temporibus illis et
mittit in animani re
gis ut misereator

voluisti invocari

eorum deus secus

tamentum quod

tes

fe

For this use of /xarcuoV^s

for

an

etc
ra
judrcuct, is frequent in this sense.
Cf. 2 Kings xvii. 15
Jer. ii. 5,
idol,

cf.

Ps.

xxxi.

6,

x. 3.
5.

*?3n is the Hebrew.

Reminiscetur. MS. remin-

iscitur.

Suam

et.

faciet

Hilgenfeld

Schmidt-Merx delete

et.

and

eorum

et dimittit

illos in

terram eorum

MS. misere
MS. dimittit.
eorum et
region-

Miscratur.

6.

ator.

Dimittet.

Terrain
em,
Semitic

syntax

requires

eorum after the regionBut the Greek and Latin

translators of Hebrew omitted

an

em.

the suffix
Cf.

LXX.

in
1

their

rendering.

Chron. xxviii. 11

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

70

(Emended and Revised Text)

eorum

in terrain

et regionem.

stitutum

suum

et circumvallabunt

Duae autem

fide

sua,

locum con-

tribus
et

tristes

locum renovantes.

permanebunt

in

praeposita

gementes, quia non poterint

immolationes Domino patrum suorum.

referre

9.

X tribus crescent et multiplicantur apud nationes

Et
in

Tune ascendent

partes tiibuum et venient in

aliquae

8.

7.

tempore captivitatis suae.

cum adpropiabunt tempora

V. Et
vindicta

punientes eos,

18

8.

2.

Et

ipsi dividentur ad veritatem.

Merx emend

arguendi, et

participes scelerum et

reges

xli. 8
Exod. xii. 9,
Neh. iii. 3, 6, 13, 14, 15.
Sua. VolkmarandSchmidt-

Vulg. Gen.
xl.

de

surge t

into sed.

Poterint. Sehmidt-Merx emend

into poterunt.
9 Multiplicantur apud nation es
in tempore captivitatis suae.
So
.

have emended the very corrupt

devenient apud iiato.s in
tempore tribum.
Hilgenfeld
accepts tlie text, but changes
tribum into tribulationis, and
takes these words as prophecy of
I

text

The right word in such a case

would be ascendent (see ver.
Volkmar emends deveni
7).
ent apud natos in tempore tribuum. But there is no meaning
in the expression in tempore
tribuum. Further, it is an un
paralleled phrase. Schmidt-Merx
emend devertent apud nationes
But the
in tempore turbarum.
:

sense

is

poor,

amongst the

"they

will stay
iu the

Gentiles

the return of the tribes to their

descendants in Jerusalem.
But

time of troubles," and Fritzsche

and Eosenthal rightly reject it.
Rosenthal emends devenient
apud natos in tempore judici-

this

iorum.

is

absolutely impossible.

Not

to speak of the incredible

change of tribulationis into tri
bum, there are other insuperable
difficulties.
If apud natos could
stand here at all, we should re
And
quire suos to be added.

devenient could not be

used of going up to Jerusalem.
great
Songs of the As
cents" would, in that
case, be
called "Songs of the Descents."
finally,

The

"

In the criticism of Hil

genfeld s emendation we have

already shown devenient apud
natos in the sense of a return to
Palestine to be impossible. Some
interest,
however, attaches to
his restoration in tempore judici-

In tempore tribuum is,

shows = D antsri njn, where

oruin.

he
D

corrupt for D
of the judgments is
that of the final judgment of God.
B32>n

is

The time

BSB>n.

TEXT OF
7

MS.

CHAPTERS

71

molationes domino

regionenr tune
ascendent aliquae
et

patruum suorum

partes tribuum et

et *x

venient in locum

1}

cent et devenient

suum

cons tit utum

tribus cres

apud natos

in tern

V. pore tribum et

et circumvallabiuit

V. 2

IV. 7

locum renovantes

cum adpropiabunt

duae autem tribus

temper a arguendi

permanebunt

et vindicta surgit

in

de reges participes
scelerum et puni

praeposita fide sua

tristes et

geinen

non pote
referre im

tes quia

rint

dividentur ad ve

We

have now discussed all

emendations of this
text, and been obliged to reject
them. My own restoration is

previous

First of all, I accept

the emendation apud natos into

as follows.

nationes.
Next, we see
that something is wrong with
devenient.
It is coupled with
crescent, and not improbably
has a kindred meaning. Now
devenient = /careXei;(j-oz rcu = nv,
which is clearly a corruption

apud

of

UT=: multiplicantur.

the

text

runs,

We

have

now

in

tempore
tribum is a

Thus

et
crescent
nationes.
to deal with

apud

multiplicantur

tribum.

This

frequent fifthcentury equivalent of tribuum.

The phrase, then, in tempore

tribuum
D onty

nyn

B3B>

is

suae.

nyn.

corrupt for

crrnB^in tempore

entes eos et ipsi

Here
njn

ca})tivitatis

Thus our emended

text

crescent

et

multiplicantur

apud nationes in tempore cap-

Now this agrees

exactly with the statement of
Joseph. Ant. xi. 5. 2, At de
dtxa 0uXcu -rrepav tlaiv
e ws Seupo,
/u;ptd5cs atrapoi, Kal
tivitatis suae.

Eu</>pdroi

dpidfjiw yvwffdrjvai.

p,r)

ovvd/J.evai,

and with the view expressed in

4 Ezra

xiii.

36-48

ad Caium, 31
(p6(3ovv

(ii.

de O.VTOV

Philo, Leg.
578, Mangey),
Kal ai irepa.v
;

\(ova Kal TroXXds dXXas rGiv crarpajrei&v VTTO

V.

1.

louSatwv Karexo/J.evas.

MS.

Surget.

De regcs = did

rC>v

here = per, as in

surgit.

jSacriXew*

I. 9,

De

de lesum.

So Rbnsch and
Hilgcnfeld.
Schmidt-Merx, not observing the
above sense of tie, propose to
emend de reges participes into
ad participes regis, and punientes into puriientis.
2.

Dividentur ad veritatem =

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

72

(Emended and Revised Text)

3.

et

Propter quod factum f uit "Devitabunt justitiam

accedent ad iniquitatem, et contaminabunt in:

domum

quinationibus
"

fornicabunt post

deos

veritatem

sequentur

servitutis

quia

Non enim

4.

quidam altarium

sed

Dei,

et

suae,"

alirnos."

de ipsis muneribus quae imponent

Domino, qui non sunt sacerdotes, sed servi de servis
5. Qui enim magistri sunt [doctores
nati.
eorum]

inquinabunt

6eiav

= r\EKi

xvi. 21,

irpbs

?p0

In

O\T\-

rr\v

Kings
pSn is used in the Niphal
.

of the division of the people into

two factions as here. In the
Talmud it is frequently used in
reference to difference of opinion.
Cf.

Chag.

nnn=

xvi.fr,

"the

^ru

ipSn:

greatest Rabbis were

divided on this point," quoted

in Levy s Lex. ii. 65.
Propter quod

dionep.

J^arfwm.Volkmar emends into

naturally to be regarded as
forming the class of teachers,
their
functions in the text
are of quite a different nat
ure.
They are judges, and
their justice is venal.
Now if
we retranslate into Greek and
thence into Hebrew we shall
be put in the way of discovering

not merely the original text,

but also a most interesting case
in Avhich what was at first an
incorrect

was

Hebrew marginal

gloss

dictum, and Schmidt-Merx into

fatum.
So Volk3. Inquinationibus.

incorporated in the
text.
To proceed
qui enim
magistri sunt doctores eorum =

mar and Hilgenfeld, from inSchmidt - Merx

genationibus.
(and later Hilgenfeld also), in
nationibus.

KCL\oi ovTeSj oi Kad ijyrjTal OLVT(JOV

err-no D mni (cf. John i. 39).
Now, first of all, we

4.

De

ipsis

muneribus.

have here followed Rb nsch, in

supplying the lacuna of six
letters with ipsis.
Hilgenfeld
Volkmar, omnibus ;
gives iis
Schmidt-Merx, donis et.
5. Qui enim magistri sunt
If we study
[doctores eorum].
this clause in connexion with
the rest of this verse and that
which follows, it will become
obvious that there is some cor
For whereas
ruption here.
doctores eorum are
masristri
;

later

(with

Hilgenfeld)

diSda-

de

oi

that

either

mn,
"the

many,"

which

can

know
mean

or

Rabbis"

"the

cannot have the former

meaning in this context, as

we have seen above
and in
we see that the
next,
;

the

latter

meaning,

"the

many,"

harmonises perfectly with the

For where
rest of the context.
as in ver. 46 it is said that
some who are not true priests
will defile the altar of God, it is
here said that many w ill ad
r

minister justice corruptly,

the

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTER

inquinabunt de

fuit

78$

devitabunt justi
tiam et accedent

muneribus quae
inponent domino qui

non sunt sacerdo

ad iniquitatem et
contaminabunt in
genationibus

73

sed quidam altarium

3 ritatenv propter

quod factum

V. 3-5

tes sed servi de ser

domum

vis nati* qui

ma

enim

servitutis suae

gistri sunt docto

et quia fornicabunt

res

post deos alienos

poribus erunt miran

4 non enim sequen

"some "and the "many" be

longing alike to the Sadducean
party, to the Sanhedrin, the
chief council of the nation.
The Sanhedrin possessed civil
and criminal jurisdiction (Schiiii.

vol.

i.

187),

and was

at this period a body representa

tive of the nobility, and not an
association of learned men (
cit. p. 174), as the Rabbins and
the glosser on our text conceived
it
later.
Having now deter
mined the meaning of Q mn to
</>.

be not
many,"

"

the

or

that DITTID

Rabbis,"

"

many,"

(i.e.

but

"

we now

suggestion of locuple-

in his

own

text.

Schmidt-Merx

propose (cupidi) cupiditatum.

muncra = 8wpoAccipicntes
\Tf]irTovvTe<s

or SwpoX^Trrets.

So

emend acceptiones munerum.

The corruption may have arisen
in the Greek by cJwpoATjTrrets be
I

coming

dwpo\T)\f/La s.

So

Pervertent.

Wieseler

The

emends from pervendent.

three chief statements in this

verse, that men will be mirantes

and acceptorcs

mun

personas,

erum, and pervertent justitias

are drawn from Deut. xvi. 19.
Pervertent justitias is based on
t2-:ra nan N^,
thou shalt not
wrest judgment." Erunt miran
tes
ITT3D vrr
justitias

the glosser misapprehended the

sense of the word is now obvious.
Hence we should translate, "and
many in those times will respect
the persons of the rich," etc.

The MS.

Fritzsche

tum, though he edits nobilitatum

see

doctores eorurn)

tern

the

must originally have been a

Hebrew gloss inserted in the
margin to explain D mn. That

Locupletum.
cupiditatum.

illis

tes personas cupi

ditatunr et accep

tur veritatem dei

rer, cliv.

eorum

gives

have adopted

"

Bsa io

lorn ins?

Q npi

?!

Accipiendo poewis

Tfyn

MS.

accipienuse,
of the

tes poenas.
Tliis
ablative of the gerund for the
present participle is characteristicof this Latin version. Cf. XL

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

74

(Emended and Revised Text)

illis

temporibus, erunt mirantes personas locupletum

et accipientes

munera,

piendo poenas].

6.

Domino

Et ideo implebitur colonia

eorum

habitationis

fines

et pervertent justitias [acci-

et

sceleribus et iniquitatibus.

deficient, erunt impii judices, et erunt in

argento judicare quomodo quisque volet.

VI. Tune exurgent illis reges imperantes, et
in sacerdotes
summi Dei vocabuntur
facient
:

facientes impietatem ab sancto sanctitatis.

succedet

illis

sacerdotum,

temeraiius et improbus,et judicabit

This usage is frequently found

the oldest biblical transla
tions.
See Ronsch, Z.f. W. T.
1868, pp. 96, 97. As these words
are simply a repetition of the

finis

1 7.

phrase accipientes munera, I

have bracketed them as a clittogrMphy. The only other alter
native is to regard accipientes

munera

as

representing
j/

2:i

Q i?ii3

owpo-

= greedy

after gain (Prov. xv. 27).

There
will then be no tautology in the

will respect the

persons of the rich and be greedy
of gain, and will wrest judgment

verse:

Et

rex petulans, qui non erit de genere

homo

in

\riTTTovi>Tes

2.

"They

tiories

fines habita

habita

eorum

tionis

leribus

sceler

ibus

see
et

ini-

quita
tibus a deo ut

qui fa
erunt impii
ju
dices erunt in

cit

earn post

et

iniquitat

ibus
a

domino qui
faciunt

erunt

impii
judices

inerunt

in

campo

If we compare the concluding

words of each column, it is clear

that erunt in earn post in the

is
first
corrupt for erunt in

on receiving presents."
This
form of the text would imply a
of
1
Sam. viii. 3.
knowledge
r
6. A\ e have here a remarkable
in
which
six lines of
dittography,
the MS. are repeated twice with

campo

some

Hilgenfeld reads
qui faciunt.
Volkmar
adeo jus qui faciunt.
and Schmidt-Merx connect a
domino and a deo respectively

variations.
The
slightly more correct.
Th"
scribe no doubt intended
to delete the former, but forgot.

second

slight
is

here append the repeated por

tions side

by

side.

I have given above

et.
the text presupposed by the
twofold text.

A Domino deficient. So I
emend from the corrupt twofold
text a deo ut qui facit and a dno
:

with what precedes, and proceed:

Volkmar, (quae) qui faciunt

TEXT OF
tiones
et

MS.

CHAPTERS

munerum

V. 6

VI. 2

75

et iniquitatibus

pervendent

1}

domino qui faciunt

justitias accipien

erunt impii judices

do poenas* et ideo

in erunt in

implebitur colo
nia et finis habita

judicare

tiones

eorum

campo

quomodo

VI. quisquae volet tune

see

exurgent

re

illis

leribus et iniquita

ges imperantes et

tibus a deo ut qui fa

in sacerdotes

mi

erunt impii ju

cit

sum

dei vocabuntur

dices erunt in earn

facient facientes

post fines habita

impietatem ab sancto
2

tionis sceleribus
erunt impii judices
SchmidtMerx, ut qui factarunt impie,
;

= in

judices erunt in ea iripost (

posterum), etc.
Erunt in argenfo judicare. So
I emend erunt in campo judi
care.
In campo = v aypw, cor

Erunt

for ev apyup(})=t}33i.

rupt

jndicare is either corrupt for

erunt judicantes or else it is to
1)0 referred back to the Hebrew.
ess? ? r,T= "they will be intent
1

For this
2 Chron. xxvi.
Hilgenfeld takes in campo

or ready

to

construction
f>.

judge."

cf.

iVn

sanctitatis* et succedit illis

tine-

numbered

"were

the tribe of Levi." But

the Niphal xnp has here a middle

among

sense, as in Isa. xlviii. 2 :

will number themselves

the priests," i.e.

themselves priests."

"they

among

"will

call

Thus the

non-Greek expression

els

iepels

is
to
be explained
a Hebrew background.
Instead of summos sacerdotes in
the clause in summos sacerdotes
Dei vocabuntur, the text reads
For the
sacerdotes summi.

K\T]dr)vait.

from

emendation

for this
see exegetical note,

grounds

corrupt for fy-rredoi, but

the resulting sense is bad.
VI. 1. In summos sacerdotes
Dei vocabuntur. This emended
text (see below)
eis dpxtepe?s TOV

pp. 20, 21.

Fritzsche unjustifiably changes
in into qui.
Facient facientes
the well-

Ocov K\rj6 f](rovTai- C 3nDrr hy isopn

c n -x ? o^n^n.
With this con
struction cf. LXX., 1 Chron.

yet Schmidt-Merx emend it into

in faciem facientes
Volkmar

iv

TredLif),

xxiii.

TOU

H,

Aei t

(KXrjdrjcrav

Massoretic,

eis

Sy

(f>v\rii>

ijop

known Hebraism

ibjr

mby

and

Hilgenfeld omit facient,

while Fitxsche omits facientes
!

2.

Succcdet.

MS.

succedit.

ASSUMPTIONIS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

76

(Emended and Revised Text)

quomodo digni erunt

eorum gladio, et locis

illis

nemo

illorum, ut

Qui

3.

elidet principales

corpora

stinguet

ignotis

ubi sint [corpora illorum]

sciat

4.

Occidet majores natu et juvenes, et non parcet.

5.

Tune timor

eorum

erit illius

Et

6.

fecerunt in

illis

et

eos.

punibit

acerbus [in
in

faciet

eis

7.

Et

terram

quomodo

judicia,

XXX

Aegyptii, per

eis] in

et IIII annos,

(p)roducet

natos

(qui

8.
su)ccedentes sibi breviora tempora dominarent.
In partes eorum cohortes venient et occidentis rex

potens, qui expugnabit eos

et

Et ducet captivos

9.

partem aedis ipsorum igni incendet, (et) aliquos

crucifiget circa coloniam eorum.

Ex quo

VII.

facto finientur

tempora,

momento

(fini)etur cursus a(lter) horae IIII venient.

Judicabit

Is this to

illis.

be

explained by am pi (cf. Ps. ex.

6), or should we correct illis into
illos
3.

MS.

Elidet.

Stinguet.

elidit.

So Ronsch,

MS.

denies

sibi

tempora
So Hilgenfeld and
Fritzsche, emending donarentof
MS. into dominarent. Volkmar,

tempora donarent
Schmidt-Merx, (p)roducet natos
sibi duriora

breviora

have, with
Schmidt-Merx, bracketed as an

pente.
8. Partes.

intrusion,

hortcs.

4.

Occidet.

genfeld and
et

before

not spare the

MS. occidit. HilVolkmar omit the

non:

"and

he will

young."

Acerbus. MS.acervus. With

Schmidt-Merx I bracket in eis.
6. Punibit.
Hilgenfeld and
5.

Volkmar, from puniunt.

7.

Ireviora

(p)roducet natos, (qi d)ecedentes

from

et.

illorum]

Co-

dominarent.

singuli
Hilgenfeld,
Schmidt-Merx, jugulsepeliet
abit. Stinguet = extinguet. [Cor-

pora

2.

(P)roducet natos (qui sn}cce-

succedeiites sibi et punientes eos

tempora

MS.

donee
pares.

re-

Co-

So Volkmar, from MS.

hostes
mortes.
Gutschmidt,
Ronsch, martiales.

Occidentis.

Qui.

MS.

occidentes.

So Schmidt-Merx, from

quia.
9.

Ducet.

MS.

MS. ducent.

In-

Et I
have added with Schmidt-Merx.
cendet.

Crucifiget.

incendit.

MS.

crucifigit.

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTERS

rex petulans qui

non

et iiir

homo

annos

et

7 niunt eos et

pu
rodw

cit

probus et judicabit

tes sibi breviora tern

quomodo

eorum

tis

ra illorum ut ne

sciat ubi sint

4 occidit majores
natu et juvenes
et

non

cervus in

modo

partem aedis ipso

to

1.

Facto.

quo

Merx and

Schmidt-Merx

So Hilgenfeld,
Wieseler.
SchmidtColani read (sequ)etur.

So Sclimidt-Merx,
Volkmar, quando Hil

A(lter).

Colani.

genfeld, a(evi).
Vcnient. So Hilgenfeld,

meant coguntur secim

.

pos

2. Though
it
is
quite im
possible to restore this verse,
many scholars have made the

We cannot discover
attempt.
the actual words of the writer
even if we knew them, their in
terpretation would be difficult, as
:

they are enigmatical

Volk

Schmidt-Merx, from MS.

veniant.

nomen

.... etur cursus

ac

(Fini)etur.

Volkmar,

eorum

a .... horae iiir ve

2

fecerunt in

VII.

igni incendit

tur tempora

omit.

mar,

et

VII. ex quo facto finien

et faci

et in eis judicia

ducent captives

circa coloniam
I

eis in ter

ram eorum

et

aliquos crucifigit

parcet* tune
erit illius

mor

venient et occi

rum

77 corpora illorum

timor

ec^den

quia expugnabit eos

singuli et corpo

mo

dentes rex potens

gladkr et locis igno

tis

pares eorum

3 ni erunt qui elidit

principales

natos

8 pora donarent in

dig

77

temerarius et im

illis

VII. 2

aegypti per *xxx

illis

de genere

erit

sacerdotunr

VI. 3

bolical.

Yet certain

or sym
scholars

presume they know the hidden

meaning of the writer, and re-

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

78

(Emended and Revised Text)

gentur secun
his

homines

justos.

4.

erunt

qui

omnibus

3.

Et hi concelabunt iram animorum suorum,

homines dolosi, sibi placentes, ficti in

omni hora

et

suis

amantes convivia,

diei

devoratores, gulae.

bonorum

Et regnabunt de

pestilentiosi et impii, dicentes se esse

6.

(Paupe)rum

comestores, dicentes se haec facere propter

misericordiam suam

sed ut exterminarent eos,

7.

ne possent cognosci, impii, in scelere pleni et iniquitate ab (sole)

quaeru(losi),

fallaces, celantes

store thc text accordingly.

such a defective text to

With

tres

se

septim(an)ae secunda, tria

tertia,

the text attest the period they

have settled beforehand. Hilgen-

guntur

feld restores as follows

facto fmientur tempora

.-

Ex quo

momento

(fini)eturcursusa(evi). horae IIII

Coguntur secus (sepVII pos(tumas) initiis

VIIII propter
tribus ad exitus.
venient.

quo

Colani, Ex
finientur
tempora

duae eractae.

start
from, they can easily read their
own ideas into it, and they so man
age their restorations as to make

facto

momento
a(lter)

(sequ)etur cursus
horae IIII venient co.

secu(li

tempor)a e(jus)

ab

pos(trema)

tribu-

initiis

(lationi)s ad exitus VIIII

ter initium tres septimae
.

cunda

prop
.

se

duae (p)eractae. Wieseler, Horae IIII ven

tria

in tertia

thn)as

ient: cogentur secul(i septim)ae

(dirae?) pos(tumae in) initiis

initium, tres septimae secunda,

in tertia, duae quartae.

tribus ad exitus VIIII

tria

Volkmar,

Ex quo

tur tempora

facto finien-

momento

(fini)etur

propter
initium tres septimae, secunda

tria(s), in tertia duae

h(o)ra(e p)er-

actae.

cursus, q(ando) horae IIII veniant. Coguntur secun(da, medi)a,

e(t sic) pos(tuma in) initiis tribus
ad exitus. VIII propter initium

3. Regndbunt. Hilgenfeld and

Schmidt-Merx, from MS. regnarunt. Is et regnarunt a Heb

Secunda

Hilgenfeld, from
docentes.
4. Concelabunt.
The MS.
reads suscitabunt.
But the
following word dolosi and ficti
seem to show that not the rous
ing of their anger, but its sup
pression or concealment, is the
thought here required.

tres

(e ws)

tria.

in tertia

septimae.

duae (p)eractae.

Schmidt-Merx, Ex quo finientur

(sequ)etur
tempora momento
.

cursus alter horae IIII venient.

;

Cogentur secun(do septiman)ae

VIIII, pos(tumae ab) initiis tribulationis ad exitus VIIII pro
.

pter

(fort,

tempora)

iuitium,

raism

i.e. iScbi.

Dicentes.

MS.

TEXT OF
....

MS.

CHAPTER

ad

initiis tribus

vim propter

exitus

timae secunda
in tertia duae

nus

ra

mi

facere propter

sericordiam qu

extermina

tores

quaeru

se et

fallaces celantes se

placentes

omni hora

bo

res dicentes se haec

qui
erunt homines do

omnibus

rum

tes

tabunt iram animo

et

ne possent cognos

suis

diei

impii in scelere

ci

amantes convivia

pleni et iniquitate

devoratores gulae

ab orient e usque ad

This does not

Sibi placentes.
appear to give the right sense,
coming as it does between dolosi

and
be

ficti.

The corruption may

traceable

Sibi placentes

= CD:y

riNjn

noruin comesto

et hi susci

in

den

rae

rum suorum

ficti

.... u .... o ....

tilentiosi et impii
docentes se esse

losi sibi

tria

li

ae et regnarunt

justos"

diis

.... omnis ....

de his homines pes

79

... n ... ca ....

initium tres sep

VII. 3-7

to the Hebrew.
eavrols apeaK OPTCS

Here Dosy

"ppuD.

be corrupt for D Disy, i.e.

the mighty." Hence we should
render pleasers of the mighty."
5. This
verse, consisting of
seven lines, is undecipherable.

may

mar, emends into eorum; Hilgenfeld, quare.

7. tied ut.

mar,

et

si

MS.

se et.

yolk-

Hilgenfeld, sicut

Fritzsche, sed et.

Quacru(losi). MS. quaeru
VolkHilgenfeld, quaeru(nt)
mar, quaeru(nt qui); Fritzsche,
.

"

quem(li

6.

(Paupe)rum.

So

Volk-

Volk-

Suam.

Of.

XL

d0

rj\iov

[Aevov.

mean

mar.

MS. qu

et).

Ab oriente usque ad occidentem.

"

"

Observe that this

dvareXXovTos yw-^xpt SvoThus it can equally well
8.

"from

east to

from sunrise to

west"

sunset."

or

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

So

(Emended and Revised Text)

oriente usque ad occidentem,

bimus discubitiones
et

8.

Dicentes

Habe-

"

et luxuriam, edentes et bibentes,

9.
potabimus nos, tanquam principes erimus."
et mentes immunda tractantes, et

Et manus eorum

eorum loquetur ingentia, et superdicent

10.
Noli (tu me) tangere, ne inquines me loco in quo

os
"

(ego) s(to)

VIII. Et (al)te(ra) veniet in eos

quae

non

talis

fuit

illud tempus, in

in

illis

quo suscitabit

terrae et potentatem a
tit en tes

torquebit

mutavimus

et

tradidit

If

Ron sell,

perpot-

with Fritzsche we

emend putavimus into putabimus, we should expunge erimus

and render we shall esteem our
selves as princes."
9. Mentes. Hilgenfeld emends
The sentence et
into dentes.

mentes im
munda tractantes et os eorum
loquetur ingentia is thoroughly
Hebraistic, beginning with a
circumstantial clause. Cf. 1 Sam.

manus eorum

ix.

11.
(See
niNOtsa

239.)

et

Driver, pp. 238,

DnnSi cirri

c jna

mSia nar n.rsi. *

10. Noli (tu me) tangere.
So
Volkmar.
VIII. 1. Et (al)te(ra) veniet.
So Schmidt-Merx restore. Cf.
IX. 2.
Hilgenfeld and Volk

mar

illis

et cito adveniet

ec(ce) ta(nta) veniet.

Fritzsche,

ira,

regem regum

potentia magna,

8. Et potabimus. SoHilgenfeld,
from et putavimus. Yolkmar,
si

et

qui con-

circumcisionem in cruce suspendet, 2.

celantes

abimus.

ultio

saeculo usque ad

duci

Nam

vinctos

in

Quae talis non fuit in illis a

saeculo usque ad illud tempus
oia OVK eyfrero Iv avrols euro
rod ai&vos ews faelvov rov Kaipov.
This clause is based on Dan. xii.
1.
Cf. Jer. xxx. 7.
It will be
observed that a saeculo usque ad
illud tempus does not agree with

the
TTJS

LXX.

ov gyevrjOrjaav e ws

a(f>

i]/j.epas

Theodotion,

^KeLvrjs,

nor

with

yeyevrjrai
eOvos ev rfi yrj e ws rov Kaipov
is nearer
tKeivov.
to the
It
a diebus saecuSyriac, which
lorum, which is defective here.
Instead of the Massoretic nvno
d,0

-^s

nn nyn iy u, our text and the

Syriac imply N nn nyn iy -\y nio-D.

Now it is remarkable that, in

Mt. xxiv. 21, where this verse
from Daniel recurs, w e have
r

same text as that

presupposed by the Syriac of
Daniel and by our text. Mt.
practically the

xxiv. 21 runs,

d\1\j/is /u.eyd\ij, o ia,

TEXT OF

CHAPTERS

MS.

8 occidentem dicen

habebimus

tes

1}

81

in
re

dis

ram ....

VIII. in plebem quae

ta
ve
illis et

cubitiones et luxu

riam edentes

VIII. 2

VII. 8

et

bibentes

niet in eos ultio

Et ^mtavimus nos

ira

tanquam

fuit in illis a saeculo

piincipes

erimus* et

eorum

et

maims

vit

su

67 a circumcisionem
in cruce suspendit

s ...

2
.

us

In Isa. xliii. 12, d?r

dpx^s is the LXX. rendering of
era.
CUWPOS would have been a
better rendering of the Semitic
original of Mt. than KOCT/UOU.
Thus there seems some connec
tion between our text and Mt.
xxiv. 21.
On the other hand,
we have in Rev. xvi. 18 an in
dependent rendering of the
D.

Hebrew

of

similar
xxx. 7

phraseology,
Dan. ix. 12

ix. 27.

Dan.

Nam

necantes tor

quebit et tradidit

ov ytyovev d?r apxys KOCT/JLOV e ws

rov vvv.
Here air dpx?}s /cocr/zou
is probably a free rendering of

ny niD

mag

na qui confitentes

regem regum

tern a potentia

10 per dicent noli ....

fcmge ne inquiries
is

illis

terrae et potesta

tur ingentia et su

...

non

pus in quo suscita

eorum loque

me IOGO in quo ...

talis

usque ad ilium tern

mentes

inmunda, tractantes
et os

quae

et

xii.

1.

For

cf.

Jer.

Mace.

So Ro nsch, from
Potentatem.
Yet
potestatcm.
potestatem
=
may rbv ^ovffid^ovra = ^ y\iyn.
Potestatem a potentia niagna
{

may

rbv

^ov<yi.a^ovTa

e^ovcriq.

MS.

8us2)cndct.
suspendit.
Illud. MS. ilium. Huscitabit.
suscitavit.
2. Gelantes.
So
I
emend
necantes of MS.
Hilgenfeld,

MS.

negantes

Schmidt-Merx,

non

Those who conceal

negantes.
their circumcision are set over
against those who openly confess
it.
Or should we read (circum)secantes, or possibly secantes

a.

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

82

(Emended and Revised Text)

custodiam.

et

gentibus,

(in)

Et uxores eorum

3.

filii

eorum

medicis inducere acrobistiam

eis

cogentur

locum

pariter

secabuntur a

pueri

4.

illis.

et

igne

Nam
et

et

cogentur intrare in abditum

cogentur stirnulis blasfemare

illos pariter

eorum,

et

quod haberent supra altarium suum.

IX. Tune illo die erit homo de

nomen

erit

ad eos rogans
in

in

idola

verbum contumeliose, novissime post haec

cujus

illi

ferro,

eorum inquinata,
continentibus ea.
5. Et a

baiulare

palam

quomodo sunt
torquentibus

tormentis

in

punientur

donabuntur

dels

2.

tribu

Taxo, qui habens VII

"

Videte,

plebe altera crudelis

filii,

leges et

Levi,

filios

dicet

ecce ultio facta est

inmunda

et traductio

misericordia et eminens principatum.

3.

Quae

sine

eniin

gens, aut quae regio, aut quis populus impiorum

Dominum, qui multa

in

only,

Of.

it

is

those

Mace.

who circumcise."
i.

61,

where

recorded that those

who

scelesta

reads dominis instead of dels.

Haupt, disdonabuntur

Et

Medicis.

which
tradidit.

If the text is

we have here an instance of strong vav with the

Nam celantes torqueperfect.
bit et tradidit
ruy D Tnoon-nw
Previous editors emend
fnri.
tradidit into tradet.
If we
ably read tradibit(?).
3. Deis donabuntur (in) gentibus.
MS. diisdonabuntur genSo Merx, but that lie
tibus.

= 5ia8o-

MS.

adds

pueri,

omit, with SchmidtFritzsche.

Secabuntur.
Schmidt - Merx
I

Merx and

correct,

must change, we should prob-

d^a-ovTai) gentibus.

did this operation were put to

death.

tanta

fecerunt,

add

et venabuntur.
Inducere acrobistiam.
MS.
inducere acrosisam.
5. Novissime post haec. These

two expressions may have arisen

from two alternative renderings
of the same Hebrew word or
phrase.
is

Leges et. MS. et leges. This

the simplest and, so far as I

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTERS

duel vinctos in cus

3

IX. 3

b stimulis

blasfema

verbum contu

todiam et uxores

re

eorum

meliose novissime

donabun

diis

tur gentibus*

post haec et leges

Et

quod haberent su

eorum pueri

filii

pra altarium suum

IX. tune illo dicente ho

secabantur a medicis
pueri inducere ac
4 rosisam illis nam

mo

illi

de tribu leuui

nomen

in eis punientur in

cujus

tormentis et igne
et fernr et cogen

taxo qui habens vir

filios

tur palam bajulare

idola

VIII. 3

eorum

erit

dicens ad eos

rogans videte

filii

ecce ultio facta est

iniqui

nata quomodo sunt

pariter continen

in plebe altera cru

tibus ea et a torquen

traductio sine

delis

immunda

et

mi

emi

tibus illos pariter co

sericordia et

gentur intrare in

nent principatum

abditum locum eo

3 quae enim gens aut

rum

et

quae regio aut quis

cogentur

the most satisfactory emen

dation of the text.
Hilgenfeld

see,

emends

leges into legis, and

takes it as genitive dependent

on qnod. Volkmar changes quod

into quas.

Schmidt-Merx would

omit et leges or read

(latorem

et).

et legis

Fritzsche reads et

Dicet.

dom

ii.

2.

tuum.

Hilgenfeld, ducente.

8,

Wis

xviii.

vire-

So Ronscll and
Hilgenfeld, from eminent prin
Schmidt-Merx and
cipatum.
Fritzsche,

edicenti

xi.

Emincns principatum

pe^wz/ TT]v

Die erit. So SchmidtMerx, from dicente. Volkmar,

1.

14,

dicens.
eXeyxos. Cf.

(Rcrnsch).

leges et.

IX.

MS.

Traductio

ap-)(j}v.

dementia

principa-

3. Dominum. So Hilgenfeld.
MS. domum.

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

84

(Emended and Revised Text)

mala passi sunt, quanta nobis contegerunt ?

Nunc ergo, filii, audite me videte enim et
;

4.

scite,

temptan(te)s Deum, nee parentes

(nostri), nee proavi eoruni, ut praetereant mandata
Illius.
5. Scitis enim quia haec sunt vires nobis.

nunquam

quia

Et hoc faciemus.
die intremus in

6.

Jejunemus

speluncam quae

triduo. et quarto
est in agro est, et

quam praetereamus mandata Do

7.
mini Domimorum, Dei parentum nostrorum.
Hoc enim si faciemus et moriemur, sanguis noster
moriamur

potius,

vindicabitur cor am Domino.

X. Et tune parebit regnum

illius in

omni creatura

Illius

Et tune Zabulus finem

Et
2.

tristitia

erit in

summo

nuntii,

constitutus,

Qui protinus vindicabit illos ab inimicis eoruin.

(Exur)get enim Caelestis a sede regni sui,

Et
4.

Labi.- bit,

eo abducetur.

Tune implebuntur manus

Qui

3.

cum

exiet de habitatione sancta sua

NunquamtemptantesDeum,

tavimus

is a strong measure,
likewise against the

nee parentes (nostri}, nee proavi

eorum. I have here added iiostri

and

with Schmidt-Merx, and emended temptans of the MS. into

temptantes, as Volkmar. The

his sons to do as their fathers

before them, who never tempted
God nor transgressed His cornmandments. And so, in ver. 7,
he urges them to die rather

construction

is

purely Semitic.

The clause = the Hebrew crx

CHUN DJ irnnx D3 D nVx nx n oao.
The Aramaic is similar, pan ?
1

emendation of temptans into temptrn

PDJD.

Hilgenfeld

is

context.

The speaker

than transgress.
5.
Faciemus.

is

urging

Hilgenfeld

emends into faciamus.

6. Speluncam.
MS. spelunca.

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTERS

domum

qui mul

ta scelesta fecerunt

ciemus et morie

tanta mala passi sunt

mur

9la quanta nobis contegerunt

4 Nunc ergo filii audite

me

videte enim et

scite quia

nunquam
deum
nee pa
temptans

sanguis nos
ter vindicavitur

coram domino

X. Et tune parebit reg

num. illius in omni
creatura illius

Et tune zabulus finem

eorurn ut praetere

habebit et tristitiam

scitis

cum

illius

enim quia haec

et

hoc faciemus jeju

nemus

est in

triduo et

nus vindicavit

potius

a sede regni sui

et exiet de habita

quam

Vindicabitur.

illos

get enim caeles

3
tis

praetereamus man
data domini dominorum dei
7.

cons

ab inimicis eorum

quae in

agro est et moria

mur

summo

titutus qui proti

quarto die intremus

in spelunca

eo adducetur

Tune implebuntur
manus nuntii qui

sunt vires nobis

6

fa

rentes nee proavi

ant mandata
5

X. 3

parentum nostro
rum hoc enim si

populus impiorum
in

IX. 4

MS.

vindi-

cavitur.

X. 1. Zabulus, i.e. diabulus.

This form is frequent in the
Latin lathers.
Of. Lactant. De
mort. pers. XVI., a te Zabulus
victus est.
Tristitia.
MS. tristitiam.
Abducdur. So Hilgenfeld and

tione sancta sua

cum

from
adducetur.
Volkmar,
Schmidt-Merx, deducetur.
The
2. Implebuntur manus.
phrase T K^D means, to give full
powers to.
Erit.
MS. est.
Vindicabit.
MS. vindicavit.
3.

iram.

Cum

et
indignationem
For the emendation of

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

86

(Emended and Revised Text)

t

Cum

indignation em et irarn t propter

suos
4.

filios

Et tremebit

terra,

usque ad

fines

suas con-

cutietur,

5.

montes humiliabuntur

Et

alti

Et

colles concutientur et cadent.

(Et) cornua solis eonfringentur et in tenebras

convertet

se,

Et luna non dabit lumen

et tota convertet se

in sanguiuem,

Et
6.

orbis stellarum conturbabitur.

Et mare usque ad abyssum decedet,

Et fontes aquarum deficient,

Et flumina exarescent
this corrupt text, see exegetical
note on X. 3.
4. Schmidt-Merx bracket con-

cutietur

Et

et.

alti

8pi)

= Kal ra v\f/-r)\a Ta-n-eivudrjafTai.

This phrase is ultimately derived
fromlsa. xl. 4, probably through
Eth. En. i. 5.
Et colles concutientur et cadent.
The MS.

is here impossible
et
concutientur et convalles cadent.
In the first place, it would be
absurd to speak of the moun:

tains being shaken after they

had

already been brought low and

in the next, the valleys cannot
be described as falling.
Con;

v-^rjKoi

(Greek Version),

on which the present passage

based,

montes humilicibuntur

Kal

v\[/f]\a

fSovvol

we

is

shall see that convalles

should be

colles,

and that con-

cutientur should be connected

with cadent. So Eth. En. i. 6,
aei<r0rio-ovTai

This

Kal ireaovvrai.

corruption might possibly have

arisen in the Latin.
It is easy
to explain it as a confusion of
rnypn with mjn;i.
5.

(Et) cornua solis

in

san-guinem. The MS. reads, sol

non dabit lumen et in tenebris
convertent se cornua lunae et
eonfringentur et tota convertit
se in sanguine,

which Hilgenfeld

valles is clearly wrong, and if

we turn to Isa. xl. 4, irav opos
Kal fiowbs Ta.irfi.vudr)ffTa.L, and

follows, merely changing convertit in to convertet. This verse

Eth. En.

Tai

emended tenebris convertent into

diaXvOtfcroi Tai

tenebras convertet, convertit in-

i.

6,

/ecu

Kal TrevovvTou. Kal

<rei<r0ri<roi

is

clearly

corrupt.

Fritzsche

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTER
5

indignationem et
iram propter filios

4 suos

sol

lunae et confringen
tur et tota conver

montes

tit se

to convertet,

cadent

and omits

et before

in sanguine as marginal glosses

20.
But they
ii.
remark that Joel ii. 31
is the source of these phrases, and

from Acts
failed to

ii.

20.

They

further

object (and I believe rightly)

to the expression cornua lunae,

and think that cornua belongs

Hence they read
et
to sol.
:

cornua solis confringentur et

It is
luna non dabit lumen.
not necessary, however, to de
lete the above phrases.
They
are well-known
O.T. expres
sions.

This,
indeed,
might
favour the idea of their being
glosses, but the fact that their
removal would destroy the vigour
of the text makes for their re
tention. Hence the text requires
to be dealt with differently.
First of all, in tenebras convertet
se is a phrase nearly alw ays used
of the sun.
Cf. Eccles. xii. 2
Joel ii. 31, iii.
Isa. xiii. 10
15
Mt. xxiv. 29 ; Mk. xiii. 24 ;
Lk. xxiii. 45 Acts ii. 20 Rev.
r

ma

ad abyssum

re usque

Schmidt-Merx
confringentur.
deal drastically with the text.
They omit et in tenebris convertent se and et tota convertit se

not Acts

turvavitur et

et concutientur
et convalles

in sanguine et

orbis stellarum con

humiliabuntur

2a

con

vertent se cornua

fi

nes suas concutie

tur* et alti

non dabit lumen

et in tenebris

et tremebit

terra usque ad

X. 4-6

Hence we have
vi. 12, ix. 2.
good grounds for connecting it
with the sun in this passage,
against the MS., which relates it
to the moon.
Secondly, the
phrase non dabit lumen is not
used of the sun, but of the moon
Mt.
only. Cf. Ezek. xxxii. 7
xxiv. 29
Mk. xiii. 24. This
may be due to the paranomasia
nv
in the phrase in Hebrew
;

1WNV.

ITIN

Thirdly, tota con

vertet se in sanguinem is only

used of the moon Joel ii. 31
Acts ii. 20 Rev. vi. 12. Finally,
I accept Merx s view that cornua
confringentur must be connected
with sol.
Hence the passage
should read
(Et) cornua solis confringentur
:

et

tenebras

in

convertet

se

Et

luna

non dabit lumen

et tota convertet se in san

guinem.
Conturbabitur,
vavitur.
6.

Dccedet.

Etjontcs.
Exarcscent.

MS. decedit.
MS. ad fontes.
So Haupt, from
Cf. Test. Levi

MS. expavescent.
iv.

vddruv

i;

MS. contur-

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

88

(Emended and Revised Text)

7.

Quia exurget Summus, Deus aeternus

solus,

Et palam veniet ut vindicet gentea,

Et perdet omnia idola eorum.
8.

Tune

felix eris tu Istrahel,

Et ascendes supra cervices [et alas]

Et implebuntur (dies luctus tui).
9.

Et

altabit te Deua,

Et

faciet te herere caelo stellarum,

10.

Loco habitations eorum

Et

conspicies a

surnmo

aquilae,

et

videbis inimicos

tuos in Ge(henna),

Et cognosces illos
Et ages gratias et
11.

Nam

tu,

hunc librum.

et gaudebis,

confiteberis creatori tuo.

Jesu Nave, custodi verba haec et

12. Erunt enim a morte
receptione

m(ea) usque ad adventum

illius

tempora

CCL quae

(erit) horum quern con

14. Ego autem ad
venient donee consummentur.
15. Itaque tu,
dormitionem patrum meorum earn.

fient.

13.

Et hie cursus

Jesu Nave, (confortare, et) firma te (nam te) elegit

Deus esse mihi successorern ejusdem testamenti.
7. Exurget.
Aeternus solus.

MS.

exurgit.

Sclimidt-Merx
transpose after deus in ver. 9.
8. Implebuntur.
In the lacuna already recognised by Merx

and Fritzsche, following Dr.

Cheyne s apt suggestion, I have
supplied dies luctus tui from
Lsa. Ix. 20, where the context,
as he points out, deals with
Israel s glorious future on earth,

Altabit.
MS. altavit.
te hcrerc.
Herere,

9.

Faciet

i.e.

haerere^KoXXScr^cu, which may

be a rendering of yjJ or tyjj (Job
xli.

16).

9-10. Loco habitationis eorum.

For

my

emendation of this

cor-

rapt text, see exegetical note on

X. 9. Schmidt-Merx think the
words are transposed, and write

them

as

follows

et

videbis

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTER

decedit ad fontes

et flumina

in terrain et cognos
ces illos et gaudebis

expaves

cent* quia exurgit

et agis gratias et

summus deus

fiteberis creator!

solus et

aeternus

palam ve

tuo

1 1

tes et perdet

nia idola

Time

om

eorum

12 erunt enim a morte

felix eris tu is

trahel et ascendes

receptionem usque
ad adventum illius

supra cervices et

tempora

13

fiunt

rum
nis

quae

consummentur
tionem patrum me
15 orum eram itaque

et cons

pi#es a surnmo et vi

inimicos tuos in terra et conspicies a summo locos haluta-

Merx,

tionis eoruni.

rrjs

10. Conspicies. MS. conspiges.

Videbis. MS. vides. Ge(henna).
So I emend and restore the cor

MS.

rupt text terrain. See exegetical

note on X. 10 for the grounds for

MS. agis.
Ages.
Hilgenfeld. jam.
12.
morte
receptions
m(ea). Volkmar and Fritzsohe,a
rnorte et receptione mea Hilgen
so doing.
11.

ccl

hie cursus

14 Ego autem ad dormi

loco habitatio

eorum

et

horum quern
conveniunt donee

plebuntur et alta
vit te deus et faciet te
lierere caelo stella

10

tu jesu na

haec et hunc librum

alas aquilae et in
I 9

nam

con

ue custodi verba

niet ut vindicet gen

89

des inimicos tuos

deficient

aquarum

X. 7-15

Nam.

feld,

a morte mea ; Schmidta receptione mea^dTro

6fJ.7)S

avaXriyews.

Fient.

So Hilgenfeld, from

fiunt.

13.
Convenient.
MS. con
This is a peculiar use
veniunt.
of this word.
Ronsch thinks
that it represents
Fritzsche emends into conticient.
14. Earn. So all editors, from
eram.
[J,e0ode6ov<ri.i>.

15.

(Confortare

et}

Jlnna

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

90

(Emended and Revised Text)

cum

XI. Et

Jesus verba Moysi tarn

audisset

(quam) omnia quae praevestimenta et procidit ad pedes

scripta in sua scriptura

dixerat, scidit sibi

Monse.

cum
"

2.

eo.

Quid

Et hortatus

eum Monses

et ploravit

Et respondit illi et dixit Jesus

4.
domine Monse ? et quo genere

3.

me

est

Solaris,

solabor de qua locutus es voce acerba quae exivit

de ore tuo, quae est plena lacrimis et gemitibus,

5. (Sed ec)quis
quia tu discedis de plebe ist(a) ?
locus recipiet (jam) te

mentum sepulturae ?
tuum transferre inde
8.

6. Aut quod erit monuAut quis audebit corpus

homo de loco in locum ?

7.

ut

Omnibus enim morientibus secus aetatem sepul

sole usque ad
ad
fines aquilonis
usque

oriente

So I have restored
te}.
with Schmidt-Merx. For firma
the MS. reads forma. The text
here unquestionably goes back

(nam

addressed Joshua in Dent. xxxi.

See
Josh. i. 6, 7.
6, 7, 23
This
critical note on I. 10.
phrase is of frequent occurrence
later, 1 Chron. xix. 13. xxii. 13,
2 Chron. xxxii. 7 ;
xxviii. 20
Dan. x. 19, xi. 1 1 Mace. ii. 64 ;
;

Cor. xvi. 13.

For forma Hilgenfeld reads

presumably meaning firmare Volkmar, firma te.
XI. 1. Moysi =
Volkmar adds dicta
Tarn.
firma,

M.<avffij.

quam.

nam

tua sepultura ab
occidentem et ab austro

turae suae sunt in terris

omnis

terrarum

orbis

have added quam

Schmidt-Merx
and Fritzsche add it after omnia.
Hilgenfeld makes no addition,
(Quam}.

after scriptura

MS.

Praedixerat.

praedix-

erant.

Monse.

MS.

gives

meos.

but see
Schmidt-Merx, Mose
crit. note on III. 11.
Volkmar,
Moysis Hilgenfeld, Mosis.
2. Hortatus est = Trape/cdAecre.
Eum. So Ronsch, Hilgenfeld
and Schmidt-Merx, from cum.
Monses. MS. Monse. Fritzsche
Moyses.
So
solabor.
4. Solaris
Schmidt-Merx and Hilgenfeld,
celabor.
from MS. celares
;

TEXT OF
lOO&tu

MS.

CHAPTER

jesu naue forma te

crimis et gemitibus
quia tu discedis de

elegit deus esse mini

successor em ejusdem

XL testamenti

et

cum

audisset jesus verba

plebe

quis locus recipit ....

te aut

nia

om

cum monse
ploravit cum eo
illi

4 dixit iesus quid

lares
et

Omnibus enim mori

entibus secus aeta
tern sepulturae su

ae sunt in terris

et

me

tuum traws
homo

de loco in locum

ad pe

tus est
et

sepul

turae aut quis aude

ferre in eut

des meos et horta

3 Et respondit

mo

erit

quod

vit corpus

quae praedixerant
vestimen

scidit sibi

ta et procidit

ist

numentum

moysi tarn scripta

in sua scriptura

XI. i-S

nam

ce

domine monse

tua sepultura

ab oriente sole usque

ad occidentenr et

quo //enere cela

bor de qua locutus

est voce acerva que

ab austro usque ad fi
nes aquilonis omnis

exivit de ore tuo

orbis terrarum se

quae

est plena la

Volkmar, zelaris
Quid me Solaris

TL

/u.e

pulcrum

zelabor.

solabor =

TrapeKaXfls Kal TIVL rpbirtg

ND ?

restore.

Hilgenfeld ist(a modo)

Volkmar, ist(a multa) SchmidtMerx, ist(a et jam) Fritzsche,

ist(a

verum).

llecipiet (jam}.

De quo.

Volkmar, Schmidt-

Merx, and Fritzsche emend into

de qua.
Es.

MS.

est.

Acerba quae. MS. acerva que.

5. Ist(a.
Sed ec)quis. So I

tuum

est

So

restore

with Fritzsche. Hilgenfeld,

Schmidt-Merx,
cipiendi
;

re-

re-

cipiet (mine).
7.

Inde

Audebit.
ut.

in eut.

MS.

audevit.

So Gutschmidt, from

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

92

(Emended and Revised Text)

nutriet

10.

et quis eis

illis,

orabit

quis

Domine,

9.

istam

plebem

miserebitur

Aut

tuum.

est

sepulcrum

pro

12.

Quomodo

tanquam pater unicum

filiarn

dux

nee

eis,

quidem diem, ut inducam

vorum

Aut

abis, et

quis

erit in via

in

ergo potero

qui
11.

unum

ne

patiens

illos

quis

est

terrain

ata-

plebem hanc

filium, aut tanquam domina

virginem, quae paratur dari viro,

quem

timebit,

corpus custodiens ejus a sole et ne (sint) scalciati

13. (Et
pedes ejus ad currendum supra terram.
qui) [de voluntate eorurn] praestabo illis ciborum

potui secus voluptatem voluntatis

et

9. Abis.
So Schmidt-Mere
and Hilgenfeld, from ab his.

Nutriet.
11

MS.

nutrit.

unum diem

Nee patiens ne

= ovde
Now

Trapieis
7rapie/s

ovdefj-iav

rj/J-epav.

"permitting"

The Latin
or
omitting.
translator wrongly followed the
"

"

former

Hence

meaning.

for

read
praetermittens.
patiens
Hence there is no need to sup
pose a confusion of TCO.G-XWV and
irap7]ffwv

with

Fritzsche,

or

regard patieus as a corruption

of fatiscens with

Schmidt-Merx.

For unum, MS. reads uno.

and
Diem.
Hilgenfeld
into
Schmidt-Merx
change
die.

Atavorum. So Ronsch, from

araborum. Cf. I. 8. Schmidtabavorum
Merx,
Ewald,
;

Amorreorum.
12. Potero plebem hanc.

This
take to be = dwaarevcrb) rbv
nin
\abv TOVTOV
cya WDK.
I

is

rendering

of

eorum

14.

hvo in the LXX., and in 1

Chron. xvi. 21 and Dan. xi. 4
governs an accusative. Here, as
in ver. 11, we have to render not
the Latin word before us, but
the Greek, which it presupposes.
In ver. 17 we have to resolve
the difficulty similarly.

For

ergo potero, Hilgeufeld

suggested regere potero, then
He also suggests
ego potero.
that potero may be corrupt for
Volkmar thinks that
procure.

first

potero
rupt for

dwijaofj-ai,
Tjyrjcro{ji,ai

which

or

According to Ronsch

is

cor

65~r]yr)(rofjLai.

(Z.f.

W. T.

1868, p. 105), potero = 5 vvarrio-u

or dwaarevcrw, (Z.f. W.T. 1869,
or
5w?7cro/zcu
226-228),
pp.

Domina filiam virginem. So

emend filiam dominam virgi
nem.
Volkmar took Kvplav =
begotten of his own body,
Merx
but this is impossible.
reads filia dominam virginem.
Fritzsche, tiliam domina virgiI

TEXT OF
9

domine ab

MS.

CHAPTER

lis

et

ro quae timebat cor

pus custodiet ejus

a sole et ne scalcia

il

dux

eis

quis

erit

in via aut quis ora

bit pro eis

pedes ejus ad cur

ti

13 rendtim supra

nee pati

ens ne uno quidem

diem ut inducam il

ram

los in terrain ara

praestabo

voluntatis

tanquam pa
unicum filium

b erant

If we could reject the

second tanquam, we might then
take dominam to be a rendering
of Kvpiav, and this in turn to be a

Xrjfj.wv Kal

The sense
corruption of upaiav.
then would be admirable,
as a
father (his) only son or his

drjvat,

nem.

"

comely virgin-daughter.
Darl viro. So I emend
.

/cat

avopl avver(2

These words
dupr/aac avrrjv.
were most probably before the
writer, as he has clearly drawn

upon

24, Trpocrex

T V o w^uari

Volkmar reads

(nup)t(i)-

vii.

O.VTUV.

Schmidt-Merx, thalamo
viri
Rbnsch, tradi viro.
Quern timebat. So Rbnsch,
from quae timebat, comparing
Ecclus. xxvi. 28 (MSS. H., 248
ali viro

Vers.

milia*

nam

and Arab.), which

seems to have been in the mind

of the writer:

dvydrtjp de

eva-

rbvavopa efTpatrrjO eTai.

Ronsch thus restores the Greek
jrapdevov TrapaaKeva^o^vrjv e/cooavopl ov evrpairrjcrfTai.
13.

tali

Cf. Ecclus. vii. 25, eicdov

.

Syr.

eorum

enim illorum

14

aut tanquam filiam

illis ci

cus voluntatem

haiic

Ovyartpa

de vo

borurn et potui se

ergo potero plebem

viro.

ter

luntatem eorum

12 borunr quomodo

ter

tali vi

quae paratur

est

qui miserebitur

99

93

dominam virginem

his

Et quis nutrit plebem

10 istam aut quis

XI. 9-14

(Etqui).

Schmidt

Merx

So Volkmar and

the
supply
lacuna Hilgenfeld, quid.
I
have
[De voluntate eorum].
bracketed this phrase as a dittograph y.
vul untatis
tfcctis
I olupiatem
co? w?;z- = cjiin
Cf. Ephes.
snD.
i.
5.
MS. secus voluntatem
voluntatis eorum. Other editors
read secus voluntatem voluptatis
eorum.
So Hilgenfeld
14.
\Viri\
supplies the lacuna, comparing
-

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

94

(Emended and Revised Text)

enim illorum

(Viri)

erunt (D)C

tantum increverunt in

in

Mouse.

aut

Et quae

15.

intellectus in

mihi

est

domo (Domini)

respondere

milia,

nam

aut

sapientia

verbis

aut judicare

16. Sed et reges

Amorreorum

turn audebunt expugnare nos, (et) credentes

non

esse t

non

consummatum
in

esse

inimici

Si

17.

dicent

eis,

impie

erant.

have supplied

(D)

from

xii. 37.

So Hilgenfeld,
orevenmt.
Ronsch

qui

emends qui into quidein. Hence

in tantum quidem = eis roaovrov
Tl.

15. (Domini).
So, rightly,
former editors supply the lacuna
in the MS.
16. Turn audebunt expugnare
nos.
So I emend cum audierint

expugnare nos. This, I think,

gives the right sense to expug
nare nos, making nos the object
of expugnare.
This thought is
put into the mouths of the
Amorites at the close of the
verse

Merx

eamus ad eos. Schmidtadd

audebunt
after

audierint

cum

audierint aude

bunt expugnare nos.

verbi,

doctorem jam
ad
eos.

Eamus

semel

adhuc

in

Non esse semet. Hilgenfeld

takes semet = cavrov, corrupt for
Hence non esse semet
eavruv.
derived from oike n dvai
is
eavruiv

= was no longer amongst

them."

Increverunt.

from

saeculo

fecerunt

Exod. xii. 37
Volkmar, copia
Schmidt-Merx, numerus.
So Fritzsche, from
Erunt.

Exod.

in

dominum

per orbem terrarum

omnia, divinum

in

profetem,

jam

semet t sacrum spiritum dignum Domino,

multiplicem et incompraehensibilem,
fidelem

isti

orationibus, domine

tiiis

= avT6v,

Volkmar regards semet

corrupt for avrbv, i.e.

emends it
Schmidt-Merx into
semen, and Ronsch into senem.
Schmidt - Merx supply in eis
before semen. Semet is corrupt,
I think, for secum =
avrols,

Moses.

"Wieseler

into semel,

<rvv

miswriting

of

avv

O.VTOIS.

Thus non esse cum eis is the

same practically as the phrase
at the close of the verse, non
esse in eis.

Jam non esse in eis.

Merx

brackets.

Schmidt-

Dicent.

MS.

dicens.
17. Inimici.
Schmidt-Merx,
enim ei.
Mouses
Quomodo
ferebat magnus nuntius. So I emend quomodo Monse erat
magnus

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTER

multiplicem et in

mon

orationibus domine
se

et

quae

conpraehensibilem

dominum

mihi

est

sapientia aut intelle

lectus in

in

domo ....

omnia divinum

per orbem terra

aut respondere

amor

et reges

reorum cum audie

non

expugnare nos
credentes jam non

cens

rint

17

sacrum

esse semet
;

Moses

quomodo

must be connected
non est defensor
:

erat

either with
"they

no advocate like unto

have

Moses";

or with qui ferat pro eis praeces

"to
olfer prayers for them as
:

Moses

If

offered."

we pursue

must
course, we
emend erat into ferebat. Then
quomodo Mouses ferebat praeces
it^n.
This
will
?sn NBO
the

latter

=m

nts>D

But the

have done above.

latter
able.

course
"No

may

be

advocate like

prefer
Moses"

more suitable to the context.

Hence the error originated
with the Greek translator, who

is

misrendered
unto
"like

have

failed to

culty.

IN^EH n&3 =
Moses the great
Previous editors

Vmn

messenger."

remark

esse in eis di

Eamus ad

os si inimici impie

fecerunt semel ad

nuntius for the reading of the

MS. does not give the sense re
The
quired by the context.

words

verbi fidelem

rum profetam con

summatum in sae
culo doc tor em jam

verbis aut judicare

16 sed

95

spiritum dignum domino

in tan turn qui

creverunt in tuis

isti

15

XI. 15-17

this

diffi

Intuens potentem omnis orb is

terrarum cum misericordia. The

MS. gives the corrupt text,

intuens homini potentem orbem
terrarum
cum misericordia.
First of all, cum misericordia is
an adverbial phrase
clearly
Hence
potentem.
to be regarded as a
participle governing orbem and

qualifying

potentem

is

qualified by cum misericordia.

It is thus obvious that homini

cannot be compounded with it.

It can only then belong to orbem
terrarum.

Hence we must read

either oninem orbem terrarum

or omnis orbis terrarum.
The
text thus runs
intuens poten
tem omnis orbis terrarum cum
misericordia ^/tj8X^7rwi els rbv
dwaarevovTa wavrbs TOV /c6cr/xou
:

ev

e\v)[j,oavi>r}

= Whon

D Drra aViyn SDTIN.

Vy

nyw

See note on

For Greek
potero in XL 12.
expressions justifying the above.

ASSUMPTIONIS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

96

(Emended and Revised Text)

Dominum suum, non

eis

pro

est defensor

qui ferat

illis

praeces Domino, quomodo Monses ferebat

magnus nuntius, qui

diebus

horis,

singulis

et

noctibus, habebat genua sua infixa in terra, orans

potentem omnis

intuens

et

misericordia

et

Non

placando Dominum.

net plebi

cum

est

confundamus eos a

facie

eis

cum

18.

eamus itaque

19.

terrae.

domine Monse

isti,

terrarum

reminiscens testamentum

justitia,

et jurejurando

parentum
Dicent enim

orbis

et

Quod ergo

"

XII. Et postquam finivit verba Jesus, iterum

2. Et Monses
prendit
procidit ad pedes Monsi.

manum

ipsius et erexit ilium in cathedra ante se, et

respondit et dixit

Omnes

ii.

7,

rbv

arisen from the corruption of hy

into *?D.

7rdo"r]S

Ezra

5vvd/j.eii)s

viii.

13,

SwaareiW

(9eos.

dwaaTevovra;
ra
iravra

Reminiscens = o.vo.^i^vi](rK.(jiv.
So Rb nsch points out (Z.f. IV. T.

aTrdfftjs

TTJS

rQ>

KTto-ews dwacrrevovTi
..

v.

7,

1874, p. 562).

Previous editors tried

ways

et

gentes quae sunt in orbe terrarum Deus

3 Mace.

cf.

3.

securum

sed praebe te

many

of emendation, of which
are
best
Hilgenfeld,

the
intuens

Jesu, te ne contemnas,
adtende verbis meis.
4.
"

illi

omnipotentem

orbem

terrarum, which, he thinks,

implies eiaopCov TOV iravra KparIs this conovvra TOV Koff^ov.
ceivable ?
Schmidt-Merx, intuens omni potent(ia tenent)em

orbem terrarum

arevio-as TTO.VTL

KDn
KT\ Aramaic, ^n
It is possible
KD^V nnx m ?.
that omnem does not belong to
It may have
the text at all.

ffdevei

"733

Placando

placans.

note
on
poenas in V. 5.

critical

18.

Confundamus.

See

accipiendo

We

must

here translate, not the Latin

word, but the Greek (rvyxeufAev,

which

it

implies.

Facie.

MS.

faciae.

XII. 2. Monses. MS. Monse.

3. lesu te ne.
So Hilgenfeld,

from lesus et
Merx, lesu, set
4.

Ut

ne.
ne.

Orbe.

MS.

nos.

So

Schmidt-

ore.

Rb nsch, from

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTERS

dominum suum

hue

in

non

est defensor

illis

qui ferat pro

eamus itaque
fundamus

ergo

magnus nunti

bebat genua sua in

manum
dra ante

Et

res

pondit et dixit

illi

nas sed praebe te

securum et adten

reminiscens

testamentum pa

4 de verbis meis

rentunr et jure
8

se*

3 iesus et ne contem

sericordia et jus

ipsius et e

rexit ilium in cathe

potentem orbem
terrarum cum mi

titia

plebi isti

Et monse prendit

orans

homini

et intuens

fiet

ba iesus iterum pro

cidit ad pedes monsi

qui singulis horis

diebus et noctibus ha
us*

fixa in terra

con

et

eos a fa

XII. domine monse et post

quam finivit ver

quomodo monse
erat

97

19 ciae terrae quod

praeces domino

eis

XII. 4

XI. 18

om

jurando placando

nes gentes quae sunt

domiiium dicent enim

in ore terrarum

non
et
et

est ille

nos.
nos.

cum

deus creavit et nos

eis

Schmidt-Merx,
Hilgenfeld

(illos)

connects

nos with praevidit.

SchmidtMerx omit the following illos
et nos.

Usque ad.
from ut ad.
Fracxidit

et

So

Gutschmidt,

promovit ciwictct.
So I emend praevidit et provovit
cum eis for in connection with
praevidit we require another
verb expressive of action, as
;

in the preceding words, creavit

praevidit, and in the clause
immediately subsequent, providit et ecce aufertur (i.e. atfertur).
Foreknowledge and action, or
thought and actuality, are one
in the divine mind.
Volkmar reads praevidit et
.

Schmidtpronovit cum eis

Merx, praenovit et providit
cunctis
Hilgenfeld, praevidit
et pronovit cunctis,
;

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

98

(Emended and Revised Text)

ut

creavit

illos

nos, praevidit

ab

nos

et

initio

creaturae orbis terrarum usque ad exitum saeculi,

et nihil est

ab eo neglectum usque ad pusillum, sed

omnia praevidit et promovit cuncta.

omnia quae futura essent

5.

minus

Do-

(Et)

hoc

in

orbe

terrarum providit et ecce affertur (in lucem.

Dominu)s me
eorum (orarem)

constituit
et

eis

ut

pro
eis.

in(plorare(m) pro

meam

enim propter

pro

virtutem

aut

6.

peccatis

Non

7.

[injfirimtatem,

sed temperantius misericordiae ipsius et patientia

contegerunt mihi.

8.

Dico enim

Jesu

tibi,

Non

propter pietatem plebis hujus exterminabis gentes.

9.

Lumina caeli fundamenta orbis facta et probata

Deo et sub annulo dexterae Illius sunk
10.

Volkmar and Hil5. (Et).

genfeld supply the lacuna with
deus Fritzsche, with ut.
So Volkmar, from
Affertur.
;

aufertur.
5-6. (In lucem
i.e. in lucem dns.

Dominu)s,
So I supply
the lacuna, but there seems to
be a large gap here in the work,
.

though the MS. gives no hint of

it.

Hilgenfeld (itaque

Volkmar

(sic (is

Dmn)s

dmfi)s.

Volkmar, from et.

So supplied by
(Orarem).
Volkmar.
So Ronsch.
Jm(pl)orare(m).
6.

Ut.

Volkmar
7.

in(pr)ecare(r).

[Iii] firmitatem.

have

bracketed the in as an intrusion:

the
context
this.
requires

Schmidt
mea.

Merx,

in

meam

virtutem aut

firmitatem we expect an expression of God s will or purpose

not my worth, but God s purNow, if we repose or call.
:

translate ur text into Hebrew,

shall find that the Hebrew
thus arrived at furnishes the
meaning we are in search of.
First
of all, temperantius =

we

^Trteu ws.
Now, in the only two
passages in the canonical books
of the LXX. where ^TneiKwj
occurs, it is a translation of W\

Sam.

xii.

^Trtei/cws

22,

Kijpiot

TrpocreAd/Sero v/j.as eavrt^ els

=&jh i? nnriN mbyS M ^ Kin ;

\a6i>

and

2 Kings vi. 3, /cal elirev 6 efy

^TneiKws 5eOpo = NJ Win nnwn nDK i
1

firmitate

Over against

Temperantius.

non propter

?!.

Thus temperantius

cordiae ipsius

niiseri-

contigerunt

TEXT OF

MS.

CHAPTER

propter

tutem aut infirmi

turae orbis terra

tatenr sed tempe

rum

rantius misericor

ut ad exitum

eo neglectum us

entia contegerunt

mihr

sed omnia praevidit

gentes omnia caeli

I 9

firmamenta

orbe terrarum pro

vidit et cccc aufcr

tuit

pro

eorum

et in
eis*

et sub nullo dexte

10 Facientes itaque

pro pec
.

ccare

ta ei crescunt et bo

nam viam

non enim

"\~iDn

YIIN Nipi

*?

from omnia.

Here

Nin.

we must

either change mpi into

Nnpn, and translate "He was
pleased to make his compassion
light upon me," or else insert
3 or D before non, and then we
have, "He was pleased to call
me in His compassion
dignatus est vocare me in misericordia ipsius.
"

PaUenlia.

We

should

Lumina.

Hilgenfeld,

Fundamenta. So
from
firmanenta.

fr<jm

nullo.

Jer.

xxii.

Ronf- ch
24,

Hilgenfeld,

compares

&irocr^>pdyi<rfj.a

T^J X P
(Dmn)
pov, Ecclus. xlix. 11.
eiri

T7? s

Se^ids

Schmidt-

Merx propose umbra.

10.

Crescent

Schmidt -Merx,
So

exigunt

Schmidt- Merx read, omnia enim

fundamenta orbis.
Et probuta. MS. ut provata.
So Gutschmidt,
Annulo.

add

ipsius.
9.

et con

summantes manda

JJ.OL

avrov

fac
deo

rae illius sunt

consti

eis et

pro

catis
.

me

orbis

ta ut provata a

......

tur

non propter

jus exterminabis

ti

pie tatem plebis hu

dns omnia quae

futura essent in hoc

eis

enim

dico

bi iesu*

cum

et provovit

vir

diae ipsius et pati

que ad pus ilium

meam

praevidit illos et

97 a ab

99

nos ab initio crea

saeculi et nihil est

XII. 5-10

exigunt,

So
exigent.
crescunlf

from

ioo

ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA

(Emended and Revised Text)

Facientes itaque
crescent

consummantes mandata

et

bonam

et

vitam

peccantibus et neglegentibus

quae praedicta sunt,

tormentis

12.

extinguat eos

Nam

mandata carebunt bona

punientur a gentibus multis

(ut) in totum exterminet et

et

Nam

fieri

11.

exigent:

Dei

non

potest.

13. Exibit

enim

Deus qui praevidit omnia in saecula, et stabilitum

testamentum Illius et jusjurandum quod

est

11.

So
Carebunt
bona.
from carere bonam.

Fritzsche,

Yolkmar, carent bona

ea.

12.

(Ut).

Added by Volkmar

and Schmidt-Merx.
Extinguat.

So

emend

relin-

TEXT OF
11

nam

MS.

CHAPTER

peccantibus et

tibus multis

tis

fieri

non

man

13 potest exivit enim

deus qui praevidit

quae praedicta sunt

Et puniei^r a //en
1

quat eos

101

bonam

neglegentibus

data carere

XII. 11-13

tormen

*nam in toturn ex

om

nia in saecula et sta

bilitum est testa

mentum

illius

et

jurejurando quod

terminet et relin
quat, which has
after exterminet.
13. Exibit.
So

no meaning

Jusjurandum
jurando.

Volkmar and

Schmidt-Merx, from

exivit.

MS.

jure-

ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION
OF MOSES

ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

WE

have already seen in the Introduction (pp. xlv-1)

good grounds for regarding the Latin Fragment, i.e. the
so-called Assumption of Moses, as constituting originally
not "The Assumption," but "The Testament of Moses."
We further learnt that this Fragment shows traces of

by means of which this Testament was adapted

and combined with another document. For the leading
characteristic of this latter document we are already
prepared through the insertion in X. 12, which shows
that it was the editor s intention to add to the "Testa
ment" thus edited
The Assumption of Moses." Of this
editing,

to

"

original Assumption of Moses, thus foreshadowed in X. 1 2,

not a single line has survived in the Latin Fragment ; but
it is not entirely lost to us, for some of its most remark

able passages have been preserved in Greek in St. Jude

and several of the patristic writers. From these scattered
quotations and references we are able in some degree to
restore the order of its thought, and in part its actual
phraseology in one or more of its most important
sections.

the surviving Greek fragments,

give in extenso presently, the order of

Now, judging from

which we

shall

105

ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

106

the action in the original Assumption was probably as

follows

is commissioned to
bury Moses
Satan opposes his burial, and that on two grounds
(a) First, he claims to be the lord of matter (hence the
body rightfully should be handed over to him).

Michael

i.

ii.

To
for

Michael rejoins

this claim

it

was God

mankind."

of matter.)

"

The Lord rebuke

thee,

Spirit that created the world and all

(Hence not Satan, but God was the Lord
s

(b)

Secondly, Satan

murder against Moses.

the charge of

brings

(The answer to this charge

is

wanting.)
iii.

Having rebutted Satan

proceeds to charge
to

Adam and

tempt

accusations, Michael then

Satan with having inspired the serpent

Eve.

Finally, all opposition having been overcome, the

Assumption takes place in the presence of Joshua and
iv.

twofold presenta
Caleb, and in a very peculiar way.
tion of Moses appears
one is Moses
living in the
which
is
carried
to
heaven
the
other is the
;
spirit,"
up
"

dead body of Moses, which

the mountains.
This sketch
tions

is

founded, as

is

we have

and references occurring

quent writers.

We

shall

buried in the recesses of

now

in

observed, on quota
Jude and subse

St.

reproduce

it

in the actual

phraseology of these writers.

i.

TcXeurr/o-ai/Tos

Mt^a^X
ii.
"

(a)

TOO

opa

Mwvo-ews

d/o^ayyeAos

O ovv Sia/3oAo5 avT^i^f. ^eXoov aTrar^crat, Xeyan> art*

6 Se
EjuoV eori TO o-oj/xa, obs TT)S v\r)$ <5eo-7rooi/Ti."

ap^ayyeXo?
o~ot

iv

dTroo-TeXXeTeu /xera^rycrwv TO o-w/xa.

T<3

Kvptos* aTTO

Sia/3oXa>

yap

Tn/ev/xaTos dytov avrov

fj.V KO.I OLTTO 7rpoo-(07rov

6 Kooyxos

eyei/eTO."

SiaKpivoyueyos tiire

Tov

eov tf)\0e TO

(6) (ToTe) 6 Sia/3oXos

TTi/cv/xa

avrov,

ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

TOV

Oia

Marucrr/s*

TOV

ecrriv 6
AtyuTiTtov <ovov, (Aeycov)
Sta TOVTO ov o-vyxcopeirai avrw Tir^etv r^s evvo/xov
<ovei>s

Tore o dp^ayyeAos Mi^ar/A

Sta/3oAa) StaAeyo/xevos
wore amov yevecr$ai r^s
eveTTvevo-as TOV

iii.

TO>

etTrev

o<tv

"]$-u

vrapayScxcrecos

rov ASa^u, Kat

TT^S

Eva?.

Kat rov Moovo-ea dvaXa/x^avo/xevov SITTOV

IV.

6 TOV Nav?;, Kat TOV /xev /XCT dyyeAcov, TOV 8e

Tas

107

eTSev 6

K^Setas d^tovyctevov.

<apayyas

cTSev

e^rt TO,
op>;

I^o-ovs T^/V

KaTW Trvev/xaTi evrap^ei? o~vv /cat TW XaAe/3.

The passages from which we have constructed this sketch

TavT-rjv

After each passage I enclose in brackets

to what part of the above recon

are as follows.

numbers which show

struction the passage in question belongs.

Jude

St.

Be

9.

SiaK/nvojuevos

/3oAa>

6 d/^ayyeAos,

Mt^a^X

TOV

SieAeyeTO Trepl

OVK

erdA^cre

/?Aacr077/xt a5,

CTreveyKetv

/cptcrtv

Kvptos (ii.(a)).
Clement of Alexandria (Flor.
EtKOTCos apa Kat TOV

15.

I^crovs 6 TOV

SITTOV etSev

TOV Se

e?rt

eTSev 8e

o~w^taTos,

dAA

et-Trev,

o-ot

E7rtTi/xr;o-at

vi.

6Ve TO) Sia-

Mwo"ews

TO.

optfj

"I^erovs

Nav^, Kat TOV

Trepl TO,?

TT)V

190-203

Mwvaea

</>dpayyas

$eav ravr-^v

Strom.

A.D.),

dvaAa/x^8avo/>tevov
fj.lv

fj.fr

dyyeAcov,

K^Seta? atotyx,evov.

KCLTCO, vrvev/xaTt

eTrapOels

XaAe/3 dAA ov^ o/xot oos a/x^xo ^eoovTat. dAA 6

Kat Oarrov KarrjXOev, TroAu TO /3pWov
eTrayo/xevos 6 Sc

cruv /cat TOJ

/xev

vcTTepov TT/V oo^av Si^yerro, ^v e@ea.TO 8ta^p^o~at

aTe Kat Ka^apwT^pos yevo/xevo?

/xaAAov Oarepov,
.

8^Aoi;o-r/5,

OLfJLOil,

TT}?

i(TTOptas,

/xr;

TrdvTtov

etvat

T-^V

yvtocrtv (iv.).

Adumbrat.
Clementinum,

cum

in

Ep.

p.

84).

Judae
"

(Zahn s Supplementum
Quando Michael archangelus

diabolo disputans altercabatur de corpore

Hie contirmat Assumptionem Moysi (ii.).

Origen (185-254 A.D.).
Prindp. iii.
>e

2.

Moysi."

(Lorn-

ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION

loS

OF"

MOSES

Et primo quidem in Genesi

matzsch, xxi. 303, 304).
Evam
seduxisse
describitur, de quo in Adscensione
serpens
Mosis, cujus libel li meminit

in

epistola

sua apostolus

Michael archangelus cum diabolo disputans de

corpore Mosis ait, a diabolo inspiratnm serpentem causam
Judas,

exstitisse praevaricationis

In Josuam

horn.

Adae

et

Evae

(iii.).

(Lommatzsch, xi. 22). Denique

et in libello quodain, licet in canone non
habeatur,
Kefertur enim
mysterii tamen hujus figura describitur.
quia duo Moses videbantur, unus vivus in spiritu, alius
mortuus in corpore. In quo hoc est nhnirum quod adumii.

si intuearis literam legis inanem et vacuam

omnibus quae superius memoravimus, ipse est Moses
mortuus in corpore. Si vero potes removere legis vela-

bratur, quia

ab

iis

men, et intelligere, quia lex spiritualis est, iste est Moses,

qui vivit in spiritu (iv.).
Didymus Alex. (309-394). In Epist. Judae Enarratio
BiUiotheca Patrum,

(Gallandi,
to

Jude

9,

plationis

writes

Didymus

praescribunt

Assumptioni propter
Archangeli de

vi.

praesenti

eum locum

corpore

307).

In reference

Adversarii hujus contemepistolae

et

Moyseos

ubi significatur verbum

Moyseos ad diabolum

factuni

(ii.(a)).

Evodius, contemporary of Augustine. Epist. ad ugustin.

258, vol. ii. p. 839, Ben. ed. 1836.
Quanquam et in

apocryphis et in secretis ipsius Moysi, quae scriptura

caret auctoritate, tune cum ascenderet in montem ut
moreretur, vi corporis efficitur, ut aliud esset quod terrae
Sed
mandaretur, aliud quod angelo comitanti sociaretur.

non

satis

urget

me apocryphorum

praeferre sententiam

superioribus rebus definitis (iv.).

Severus, Patriarch of Antioch (512-519).

illis

Cat. in Epist. CathoL, p. 160).

viol s lorparj\ KOL TOVTO vTroocl^ai

BovAo/xevos 6
<ka

(Cramer,
eos rots

trw/xariKov TVTTOV TWOS,

ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

ev rrj

7rap(TKvaa-V
fjiovs

rov

avroTs 7rpo9 rrjv

cover

eo>9

ra(j)fj

rov

7reptcrToXr)T>

<fravr)vat

ovra

dXXa TW Kvptw

evrtTt/x^o-at,

Kvpto?

(i.

and

tKetvov

20 (Fabricius,

II.

rw Sia^SoXw Xeyet

a^rou Travre? eKrur^/xev

OTTOTJ

aTTOKpvcfiOL,

009

yap

i.

col.

TTtpt

j3L/3X.oi,

at

Iov8a tTrtcrroX^
rov Mwucrea)? o"ojp,aros Kat ev^a

a)9

8rj\0i

CK 7raXata9

Kat

ry

TOI;

iSou K^pto9

rpa^9,

C^af/ioZ.,

r^X 6

Trycv/zaros

1313).

e^9 (i.-iv.).
The following anonymous writings

ycro

Ev

844).
d

Mwvcrew? ^trav Kat dXXat

Kat Trept

StSacrKet

fjLfj.vrjraL

d?ro

i.

(ii.(a)).

Apollinarius (Catena Niceph.

ort Kat ev rot? ^pdvots
et(Tti/

crot

ii.).

AvaAi^eoos Mwvcrecos Mt^ar)\

8e

8taA.eyop,evo<?

vw

roiv oXcav Trapa-

Kat ctTrev eTrtri/x^crat

KptVeo>9,

Acta Synodi Nicaen.

/5t^3Xto)

tv rrj

rov Trovrjpbv

7rpoo"V7ravT^crat

Kar
?

6<f>6aX-

Kai TOVTW rov Mt^aiyX ayaOov

Kat ytxry
Kat d7rocro/3f)O a.i

Kat avrLirpdrrovra

ayyeXov

VTT

crc6//,aTO9 /cat rrjv

yrj ve/jLO[jLLo~iJivr]V Kar6.6f.o~iv, avOLO~rdfJivov oocrTrep

oatfj.ova

109

are

160-163.

pp.

^et

Kat TO

from Cramer
P. 160.

Se

dp^dyyeXo9, ort rw Sta^oXw StaKpu/o/xevo9 SieXerov Ma)vcrea)9 o-w/xaro9 Kat ra e^9.

AetKv^o-t

Kat TT)V TraXataj/ a-v/JL^wvovcrav rrj KainrJ, Kat

eov
evo9
6
$eX<ov
8eSo/>uva9
aTrar^crat, ort
yap 8td/3oXo9 dvret^e
t<^

e/xov

TO

0)9

o-aijaa

TOV dyyeXov TO

TOJV 7rvev//aTO)V Kat

P.

161.

T^9

X )79

cTrtTt/xr^crat
7racr>79

AeyeTat 6

Kvpto9

Trept

TOI)

TT;V

TOV

8ta/?oXou

Ta</>r;v

Mwvo-a)9

7rpo9

w,era^7o"oov

ej/

TO

TO>

opa

a"o).a

Ma)vo-ea)9,

6 Mt^ar/X

*Ta TOV StaSoXov

rov
TO

TraTtt^at

TOV

TOVTO

ii.).

P. 163. TXeuTTyo-avT09
a7roo~TeXXerai

TOVTCO-TI 6 Kvpto9

o-apKO9 (ii.(a)).

Mt^a^X

vat
(i.

Kat rjKOvo-e Trapa

SCO-TTO^OVTI

o-ot

AtyvTTTiOK,

OUK

evyKa>v

Tryv

KaT*

KO.TO.

ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES

io

6 ayyeAos,

(3\ao-(f>r)fjLiav

"

and ii.
(i.
The next two scholia on Jude 9 were

Sia/SoAov

e<>7

"

eVmjU/tyo-at CTOL 6

eos

Trpos TOV

(?>)).

first

printed by

C. F. Matthaei (Sept. Epp. CathoL, Riga 1782, pp. 238,

239), the
Aerat

from D, an llth century MS. TeAomjopa Majvcrew? 6 ap^ayyeXos Mt^ar^X avroo TeA-

first

cravTos ev TCO

yaera^7yo"Ci)v

TO

6 ovV StdjSoX

o"w/xa.

ort e/xov TO

Aeywv

aTrar^crai,

o-co/x,a

wg

TT}?

oia TO TraTa^at TOV AtyuTTTtov /?Aao~<j6 )y/xoi)vTos KaTa TOV

ou Kat
cxyi
dvayopevo-avTOS, /AT) vey/cwv TT/J/ KaT* awoi)

T/TOI

<^>ovea

o ayyeAo?

j3\.acr(^r]/jLLav

SiafioXov

^77

(i.

and

ii.

"

ETTiTi/x^crat o~ot o

(a) + (&)).

It

eos,"

Trpos rov

was Ronsch that

drew attention to this and the next scholion. The

second scholion is from (Ecumenius (in. Epist. Jud., circ.
990), which Matthaei (I.e.) edited from a 12th or 13th
century MS. H.
AeyeTcu 6 Mt^a^A rrj TOV
first

evai
Ta<f>fj,

TOV 8ta^8oAov Trpos

TOIJTO

and ii.).
(i.
Finally, (Ecumenius (Comm. in Ep. Jud., p. 340, cited
by Volkmar). 17 8e Trepc TOV Mwuo-eoj? crw/xaTos KptVt?
avrrj

AeycTai TOV

Ta<f>fj

Tiov
<f>6vov,

to?

Mt^a^A rov dp^ayyeAov

TT;

TOV

TOV yap 8ta/?oAov TOVTO /x,^

8ta TOJ/ TOV Aiyvvre7rt<^>epovTos ey/cA^/xa

o$ir)Kovr)Kvai.

aAA

amov

(so Hilgenfeld,

at Sta TOVTO
(i.

and

p,7^

from MS. avrov) WTOS

o~vy^wpLO~Oai

avTo>

TV^CIV T^S

ii.()).

It will be observed that in all these passages there is

not a single important statement which has not been
incorporated in our sketch on p. 106.

APPENDIX ON

HAVE

plehem

I.

just discovered that the text in

I.

Syriac and Vulgate Versions of Deut. xxxi.

pNrrta
Tiirgum
enter,"

ut inducat

8,

in terrain, agrees with the Samaritan text, the

run DJjrrntf, against the Massoretic,

of

and

Onkelos,
its

cause to enter

which

or

"

thou shalt bring

in

fcOSn HPIS

LXX., and

have N13n = "thou shalt

equivalents, instead of iOnn,

"

7,

in."

"

thou shalt

INDEX

PASSAGES FROM THE SCRIPTURES AND OTHER

ANCIENT BOOKS DIRECTLY CONNECTED OR
CLOSELY PARALLEL WITH THE TEXT

See Pyalnib of Solomon (Rylo and James

113

s ed.), p. Ixx.

INDEX

II

NAMES AND SUBJECTS.

ADVENT

of God, X. 12.

Amorites,

XL

DANIEL, IV.

11, 16.

Antioclms Epiphanes, VIII. 1.

Antiochian persecution, VIII. 1-5.
Apollinarius, quotation from the

of, IV. 2-4.

Deane, p. xxvii.
De Faye, p. xxviii.
Didymus, quotation from

in, p. 109.

Assumption

1.

prayer

,,

Assumption

Aramaic, alleged, original of the

Assumption, pp. xxxix-xli.

Dillmann, pp. xxvi,

BALDENSPERGER,

EGYPT, III. 11.

Emendations or

pp. xxvii,

Ivii,

12, 25.

Ivii,

23.

pp. xxv, Ivii, 23.

Drummond,

restorations

J. S., p. x.

XL 7 XII. 9.
VI. 6, 7
Hilgenfeld, II. 4
VII. 1, 3, 8 ; X. 1 ;

p. xxviii.

Gutschmidt,

CALAMITIES

of

Judah ascribed

14; XII. 9.
Ronsch, VI. 3

Caleb, pp. 106, 107.

of, II. 2.

2;

Carriere, pp. xxiv, 35.

Ceriaui, pp. xiii, xviii.
Chasids, rise of the, V. 2, note.
Cheyne, pp. x, 42, 88.
Chronology of Book, p. Ix ; I. 2,

XL

III. 4;

12, 15;

Clement of Alexandria, quotations

from the Assumption in, p. 107.
xxiii-xxiv,

Iv,

24,

28, 35.

Colony, i.e. Jerusalem, III. 2,

note V. 6 VI. 9.
Covenant of the Lord, I. 9, note,
14; II. 7; III. 9; IV. 5; XL
XII. 13.
17
Cyrus, IV. 6.
;

VII.

11,

12;

IX.
XII.

I. 8; II.
VIII. 1; IX. 1

XL

Volkmar, V. 3
XII.

pp.

2,

Schmidt-Merx,

note.

Colani,

XL

to

Israel, III. 5.

Canaan, conquest

of

the Latin Version by

Cheyne, X. 8.
Fritzsche, V. 5.

Baruch, Apocalypse of, quoted on,

III. 10-13
IV. 8.
Black,

the

in, p. 108.

4, 9, 17.
;

VII.

6,

10;

6.

Wieseler, V. 5.
the Editor, I. 10; II. 3
9; HI. 12, 13; V. 6; VI.
1; VII. 4, 7; VIII. 2;
X. 5; XL 12, 16, 17;
XII. 4.
of the Latin through re-

translation into Greek, II. 7;

III. 4; IV. 3; VII. 7;

XL

11.
114

INDEX

I.

10 [18

(?)

Hausrath, pp. xxv, 35.

Hebrew original of the Assump
tion, pp. xxxviii-xlv.
48.

IV.

Heidenheim, pp. xxv,

9(?)].

the Editor,
9

V.

I.

Hernias quoted, p. 5.
Herod the Great, VI. 2-7.

7, 10, 13; IV.

VII. 4 (?) X.
;

High

3, 4, 9, 10.

Enoch, Ethiopic, quoted on, X.

from

quotation

Assumption

the

under

notes.

in, p. 108.

Ewald, pp. xxi, Ivii.

Ezra, 4, quoted on, X.

priests, Hellenising,

AntiochusEpiph., V. 3-4, notes.

High priests, Maccabean, VI. 1,

4, 9.

Evodius,

p. xxii.

HAUPT,

Emendations or restorations of
the Latin through retranslation
into Hebrew by
Rosenthal,

II

Hilgenfekl,

xx,

xviii-xix,

pp.

xxii, xxxviii, Ivi, 23, 35, etc.

5, 7, 10.

,,

God s elect people,

pp. Iviii-lx ; IV. 2.
solidarity of, pp. Iviii-lx.

,,

world created on

ISRAEL,

FABRICIUS, p. xlviii.
Fast of three days, IX.

6.

Fritzsche, pp. xx-xxi, Ivi, 73.

behalf

of, I. 12.

GEHENNA, X.

10.

,,

Geiger, pp. xxiv-xxv.

Gelasius of Cyzicum quoted,
14, note.
Gentiles,

X.
God,

I.

13

IV. 9

Israel s

VIII. 3

passim.
quoted, p. 1; II. 3; VI. 3
VII. 3-10; VIII. 1, 3, 4,
5
IX. 6 ; XII. 6 ; p.

,,

Creator, X. 10.
Eternal God, X. 7.
God, I. 10 IV. 2, 5 V. 4
X. 9
XL 16
IX. 4
XII. 4, 9, 10, 13.

God

of

Abraham,

Isaac,

Jacob, III. 9.
of our fathers, IX.
of heaven, II. 4.

God
God

IV.

2.
I.

6,

III. 2, 5;

XL
Lord
Lord
Lord
Lord
Lord
Most

18 II. 2,
V. 6; IX.
;

71.

Joshua,

9
X. 11, 15 XI
3
XII. 1, 3, 8.
carried
into
captivity,
III. 1-3.
I.

6,

1,

and
6.

Judah

7,

3,

7;

persecuted by Antiochus
Epiph., VIII. 1.
Judgment, final, X. 3-8.
,,

KEIM,

p. Ivi.

the keeping of the, the end

IX. 6.

15, 16, 17.

of all, IV. 2.
of their fathers, IV. 8.
of heaven, IV. 4.
of the world, I. 11.
of lords, IX. 6.

LAW,

High, X.

MACCABEAN high

7.

persecuted by the Seleucidffi, V. 1.

,,

Heaven, III. 8.
Heavenly One, X. 3.
King on the lofty throne,
Lord,

8.

JAMES, pp. xvii, 25.

Josephus, referred to,

titles of

9.

I.

7.

exalted into heaven, X.

triumph over Rome, X.

of

life,

Langen, pp. xxi.

Latin Version of the Assumption,
pp. xxviii-xxxvi.
priests,

VI.

1.

INDEX
Maccabees,

3-4
,,

referred

First,

passim

IX.

to,

quoted on V.

1, 6.

referred

Second,
;

6
XI. 17.
Mediator, doctrine of a, I. 14, note.
even to
Merit, no, belonging
Moses, XII. 7.
;

liii,

xlv.
,,

,,

,,

,,

,,

p.

Iviii

XL

I.

,,

"Testament,"

III.

I.

11
19

X.

XL

13;

17

note

12,

,,

xlv,

the Original Assumption

otherwise
called
of,
Secreta Moysi, p. xlv,
other

books

Jewish

of

and Samaritan pp. xv-

14,

xvi.

or advo

hereafter,
XII. 6, note.
I.

p.

note.
,,

and

the mediator,

the Original Assumption

of,
preserved only in
Greek quotations, pp. 1,
105-110.
the Original Assumption,
of, otherwise called Adscensio Mosis,
note.

pp. xlvii-

15,

notes.
the intercessor
cate, here

,,

17,

XII.
the death of, an ordinary
one in the Latin, i.e. the
xlviii

,,

III

2, 4, 14,
1, 2.

1,

New

Ixv.
,,

Morfill, p. xvi.

Moses,

author, pp. li-liv.

its date, pp. Iv-lviii.

its relations to the

Testament, pp. Ixii-

Ivi, 23, etc.

Messianic kingdom, pp. Ix-lxi.

Michael, X. 2.

its

xxxix-xli,

xix-xx,

pp.

Moses, the Assumption of, the

Greek, a translation from
the Hebrew, pp. xxxviii-

to,

passim quoted on, V.

1,3-4; VIII. 4, 5; IX.

Merx,

II

14,

note

other books of

Christian,

pp. xvi-xvii.
,,

other books of

Gnostic,

pp. xvii-xviii.

III. 12.
,,

the

XL
,,

the

great

messenger,

17.

chief

prophet,

XL

16.

the most perfect teacher,

,,

the pre-existence

16.
of, I. 14,

note.
,,

,,

III. 1.

p. 57.

New Testament

use

of the

As

(EcuMENius, quotation from the

Assumption in, p. 110.
Origen,

the Assumption of Moses

in
Latin,
preserved
Testa
originally the

ment
,,

Neubauer,

sumption, pp. Ixii-lxv.

,,

XL

NEBUCHADNEZZAR,

of,

pp. xlv-1.

the
the Assumption of,
Latin Version, pp. xxviiixxxvi.
the
the Assumption of,
Latin Version, a transla
tion from
the Greek,
pp. xxxvi-xxxviii.

quotations

Assumption

in,

PHILIPPI, p. xxiii.
Philo, quoted on, p.
XII. 6.
Predestination,

RED

I.

from

the

pp. 107-108.

liii

13, 14

IV. 9

XII.

7,

SEA, the, III. 11.

Repentance to preach the Mes
sianic kingdom, I. 18, note.

INDEX
Resurrection of the spirit only,
X. 9, note.
22.
Renss, pp. xxv-xxvi,
Riinsch,
xxii-xxiii,
xxx,
pp.
Ivii.

xxxii, xlvi-xlvii, 9, etc.

Rosenthal, pp. xxvi, xxxix,

Ivi,

24, 25, 36, 57.

SADDUCEES,
Sanday,

Satan, X.

the, VII. 3-10, notea.

xxx.

p.

II

117

Testaments
XII.
quoted on, X. 2, 5.

Patriarchs

Thomson, pp. xxvii-xxviii.

Thucydidcs, quoted on, XI. 8.
Times, the CCL., X. 12.
of
the
text,
Transpositions
pp. xxxv-xxxvi.
Tribe of Lcvi, IX. 1.
III. 6,
Tribes, the ten, II. 3, 5
IV. 9.
7
the twelve, If. 4.
,,
the two, IT. 4
III. 3. 4,
,,
IV. 7, 8.
5, 6
;

1.

Schmidt-Merx.

See Merx.
Schuchardt, pp. xxx sq.
Schurer, pp. xxvi-xxvii,

xxxix,

xlvi, li, Ivii, 23, etc.

Seleucidre, persecution under the,
V. 1-2, notes.

Severus of Aiitioch, quotation

from the Assumption in, p.
108.

VARTJS, VI.

8, note.
Vassiliev s Anec. Greece- Byzant.

pp. xlix-1.
Visitation of Israel,
Volkmar, pp. xix

I.

18, note.

sq.,
Iv, 8, 25, 28, 35, etc.

xxxviii,

Solidarity of Israel, pp. Iviii-lx.

Solomon, Psalms of (Ryle and

James, ed.), quoted on, III. 9
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X. 5, 9.

WIESELER, pp. xxiv, li, 23 sq., 36.

Wisdom, Book of, quoted on,

Stahelin, p. xxv.

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