Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
AND
SLAVERY
A CHAPTER
FROM THE
By
HERMAN SCHLUTER
1913
NEW YORK
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I.
PAGE
PREFACE
ECONOMIC ANTAGONISM AND POLITICAL STRUGGLE
1.
Historical
2.
Economic
3.
II.
Review
18
22
The
2.
3.
The
4.
The Workingmen
Workers
of the
34
in
America
Slavery
70
Workingmen
White
the
of
South
Negro
III.
IV.
84
of
England and
Slavery
';
General
2.
Movement
The Attitude
3.
Effects of the
tow^ards
34
North
and Slavery
and
13
13
Contrast
Political Struggle
Industrial
Condition
of
the
103
113
123
Labor
123
of
the
Workingmen
War
War on Labor
the
128
137
CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTER
V.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
WORKING CLASS
1.
3.
VI.
THE
THE
143
2.
AND
Civil
the
War
143
the
Working157
Work168
INTERNATIONAL
WORKING-
ASSOCIATION
AND THE
MEN'S
186
1.
2.
to
Abraham Lincoln
186
of
Workingmen's
International
the
Association to President Andrew
3.
VII.
Johnson
Address of the General Council to
the People of the United States...
193
198
202
2.
202
210
3.
Military
4.
Troubles
White Slavery
1.
Interference
in
Labor
215
224
PREFACE
This book has a two-fold purpose: First, to
throw light upon the position taken by the working class and the international labor movement
regarding chattel slavery; secondly, to indicate
the attitude taken by one of the most famous
characters in the struggle for the emancipation
of the Negro, Abraham Lincoln, towards the labor question and the working class.
The
the
political
It is the
and intellectual
most intimate
in the
PREFACE
Feudal,
universal
history.
is
struggles from
not exempt.
means of
The owners of the
production, the capitalists.
soil, of the factories and machinery, of the means
of communication, and all other instruments of
because they
own
The workers
constitute
these
means of production.
subjected and ex-
the
from
tion.
PREFACE
and in their ideas. The antagonism of classes naturally produces struggles which,
with continued development, will assume larger
and larger dimensions. The labor movement and
the workingmen's organizations are the expression of these class antagonisms from the side of
the working class. Instinctively the workingmen
their interests
The
consciousness.
We
now
see
assumes
struggle
class
more
definite outlines.
it
is
to
men merely
leaders.
It is
and the
exploit-
ing classes.
It is from the standpoint of this materialistic
conception of history that those economic and
political questions which the agitation and the
Negro
in this book.
movement
The
movement
PREFACE
in relation to the War of Secession, are considered from this point of view namely, from the
The present
consequently not impartial, does not in-
work
is
There
tend to be impartial.
tial" history.
he sees
The
and he
it,
class.
indeed no "impar-
is
sees
it
ideas
he
shares,
The
work
The
whose
writer of
movement.
or could have
a victorious finish the tremendous
struggle for its existence which ended with the
overthrow of chattel slavery, if the working
classes of all countries, and the young international labor movement, at that time only begincarried to
ning,
The United
States
the
its side.
is
workingmen of England.
The
attitude of the
PREFACE
English
working
class
during
the
gloomiest
period of the North American Republic constitutes one of the brightest pages in the history of
It is a subject which has
not only not received the attention it deserves
its
existence to
For
it
class only,
class,
in
to the
United States
was surrounded. The representatives of the Government at Washington spoke indeed only of the
"popular sentiment" in England in favor of the
North. They were ignorant of the division of
classes in society, and they failed to perceive that
it was the English working class which backed
this "popular sentiment," and that this class diviperils
PREFACE
10
Among
the few in
Washington who
at
that
time recognized the fact that it was the workingmen of England, and these only, who stood behind the "popular sentiment" in favor of the
North, was Abraham Lincoln. In his answer
to an address of the workingmen of Manchester
he declared the attitude of the English working
class
movement and
all
that
it
implies,
it.
of the labor
He
movement and
not recognize
it.
movement was
still
in its infancy.
Only
in the
Eastern section of the country, where manufacture had begun to develop, could its beginning
Lincoln himself did not come
be discerned.
into touch with the American labor movement,
,;
PREFACE
why
perfectly explicable
finite
and
its
and
tasks
rise to
it
was therefore
conclusions concerning
movement,
which gave
11
aims of this
economic causes
the
the
it.
was not a man who arrived at clear views in regard to the labor movement and to a knowledge
of its causes, no reproach is thereby intended. He
was not a member of the class of industrial
workers, but a representative of the lower middle
(known in Europe as the petit bourgeoisie)
class
which
in conjunction
He
of
the
championed the
United
interests
And how
its
small
War
let
The coherence of
the narrative
may
occasionally
PREFACE
12
paratively inaccessible,
it
to reproduce them.
The author
and Mr.
W.
is
J.
Ghent for
of the manuscript.
Herman Schluter.
New
York,
Summer
of 1913.
CHAPTER
I.
1.
Long before
a bloody civil
United States,
to
of the nation.
Our
ante-bellum political
The
entire domestic
United States
was
The
defined in
LINCOLN, LABOR
14
AND SLAVERY
manufacturers of the North should have the deciding voice in the shaping of our national life.
In the South the prevailing mode of production
slavery, unfree labor. The Southern proprie-
was
tors of plantations
their personal property, whom consequently they were obliged to feed and clothe, but
who were
to
the
New
New
As long
as the ships of
rum made
in
England, sailed to Africa and there exchanged their rum for Negro slaves, whom they
carried to the Southern States to exchange for
HISTORICAL REVIEW
15
abolition of slavery.
interests
and the
of slavery arose in
New
The
England.
In the South, also, a change in economic interwas accomplished by a change in the opinions
of men. In the Border slave states
in Virginia,
for instance there arose in the latter part of the
eighteenth century ideas and movements aiming
at the mitigation or abolition of slavery. Rapacious tillage and the exhaustion of the soil incident
thereto, peculiar to slave labor, led to a condition
ests
16
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
made
their fur-
People began to
feel the possession of slaves as a burden, and in
consequence became philanthropically inclined.
see this demonstrated by the fact, for instance, that the South, and especially Virginia,
sent delegates to the annual Abolitionist conventher cultivation unprofitable.
We
tions in Philadelphia,
which had
their inception in
New
England.
But this practice ceased when
slavery suddenly again became profitable.
Philanthropy went to the devil when money poured
into the cash-box.
Meanwhile in 1803, the United States had purchased from France the extensive territory which
was at that time known as Louisiana. The sugar
and rice fields of the new territory created a market for Negro slaves, the demands of which could
hardly be
satisfied.
slave States, to
The
whom
had become unprofitable and who for climatic reasons could not think of raising cotton, now threw
themselves into the production of Negro slaves,
into the "manufacture" of Negroes.
They bred
Negroes, as cattle are bred, and sold them to the
planters of the cotton and sugar States.
With
the increased interest in Negro slavery in Virginia philanthropy disappeared, and nothing
further was heard there in regard to the abolition
of slavery. But voices began to be raised in favor
of the abolition of the slave trade.
New Eng-
HISTORICAL REVIEW
17
soil.
As
was
Notwithstanding this prohibition the ship owners of the North, and especially
of New York, continued to carry on the trade
legally prohibited.
briskly,
and
it
ginning of the
was
still
sixties.
manifested
societies.
itself in
These
economy and
siderations
statistics,
demonstrated the
18
LINCOLN, LABOR
creasing antagonism of
AND SLAVERY
interests
between
the
Economic Contrast.
2.
who
The
capitalists of
We
thus observe in
tariff.
facturers
The
manumanu-
factured goods,
by the South.
We consequently find there the
most ardent champions of free trade.
Slavery precluded
as well as
all
all
industrial development,
ECONOMIC CONTRAST
the application of
human
terest
and
The
namely,
buy
to
19
cotton planter
in-
his supplies
at the
lowest possible
prices.
when
the
The
less
larger
was
profit.
his provisions,
and the
If he had undertaken to
larger was his profit.
raise his own grain, he would hardly have been in
a position to produce enough cotton for export.
The Northern and Western farmer consequently
worked for the South, by sending the surplus of
his grain there.
But he demanded good prices
was willing to
the former was brought into
pay but
little,
and so
The
fact of the
predominance of protective-
tariff
LINCOLN, LABOR
20
AND SLAVERY
The
tariff.
conflict
first
time in passing a
tariff
ECONOMIC CONTRAST
21
We must mention
fied the
South
lost the
sibility
power of expansion,
of existence.
it
If the
in the thirties
and
LINCOLN, LABOR
22
ished there.
to
make
AND SLAVERY
States of the
all
those
were
extant virgin
at
war with
soil
new
The
Often enough
homestead in search of new virgin
soil.
But there was no place for the labor of the
free farmer where slave labor prevailed, and the
competitive struggles between him
and the
planter, especially in the border territory between
the free and slave states, formed an additional
greatly interested in
he
territory.
ment, too, which took the field for the preservation of the Union and the subjugation of the insurgent South.
3.
Political Struggle.
POLITICAL STRUGGLE
23
first
new
Kansas-Nebraska
Bill
territory
followed by
which
(1854)
de-
prived Congress of the power of prohibiting slavery anywhere, but left the decision to the individual States and practically opened the entire
West
Then came
between
the
free-State
The Dred
was
It
which
dominated the internal policy of the country and
these
questions
almost
exclusively
in
1854 by
It was
was directed
its
opposition
LINCOLN, LABOR
24
delphia, in 1856.
form referred
AND SLAVERY
to slavery
were
in this plat-
First, opposition
Even
in 1860,
when a
seemed inevitable; when the proceedings in Congress had carried the political antagonisms to an
acute stage; when John Brown's attempted insurrection and his death on the gallows had set
the population in both camps aflame with excite-
ment
Chicago, in which
adopted, containing,
among
in regard to slavery
gerous political heresy, at variance with the exprovisions of that instrument itself, with
contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
plicit
POLITICAL STRUGGLE
25
and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony
of the country.
is
all
the territory
all
attempts
to
violate
it;
and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give
legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the
United States.
Thus we
see that
hostilities
of the institution
over Federal territory and with condemning the
LINCOLN, LABOR
26
AND SLAVERY
slave trade,
demand
it
expedient to
United States.
Futile
regard to Lincoln and the Republican Adminisis brought out most clearly in a controversy on the subject between Lincoln and Horace
tration
New York
titled
POLITICAL STRUGGLE
27
Millions,"
and
in
the course of
he requested Lincoln to write to
the United States Ministers in Europe and ask
them "to tell you [Lincoln] candidly, whether the
it
slavery-upholding interest,
is
not the
Greeley as follows
"August
22,
1862.
supposed to be
right.
as
in
doubt.
way under
would save
the Constitution.
it
the
The sooner
LINCOLN, LABOR
28
AND SLAVERY
with them.
is
destroy slavery.
If I
and
struggle
is
would do
and if I
would do
it and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving
others alone, I would also do that.
What I do
about slavery and the colored race, I do because I
believe it helps to save this Union; and what I
forbear doing, I forbear because I do not believe
I shall do less
it would help to save the Union.
what
I
doing hurts
I
shall
believe
am
whenever
I shall
shall
more
whenever
do
the cause, and I
I
all
it;
the slaves,
believe doing
more
I shall
and
I shall
be free.
"Yours,
"A. Lincoln."
POLITICAL STRUGGLE
29
reply, in
which he
defying them."
lows
was
as fol-
The humb-
protection and
its
engaged
authority
is
respected.
I cite to
you instances
action
The
is
Rebellion
imperilled,
is
strengthened,
by every hour's
"When Fremont
LINCOLN, LABOR
30
slaves of rebels,
AND SLAVERY
to
modify
terms
of
the
existing law.
It
was your
clear
now
am
al life, I
who
and destroy
it.
Future
Sixty
"Mr. President,
where
sippi,
in
much in Maryland as in MissisWashington as in Richmond are today your enemies, and the implacable foes of
just as
by the discomfiture of
dent
is
You may
POLITICAL STRUGGLE
in
New York
slavery, loves
flag.
man who
and desires
its
31
There
is
not
really believes in
perpetuation,
who
He would much
dom
to
all,
that apprehension
may prove
prophetic
vital
not rendered lurid by the blood-red glow of national conflagration and ruin
that you may
"Yours
truly,
"Horace Greeley."
LINCOLN, LABOR
32
AND SLAVERY
and of Congress toward slavery, though cautious, was steadIn August, 1861, Congress
ily progressive.
The
passed a Confiscation
act,
freeing
slaves
who
were
directly
of
all
Government.
it
freed the
(November 2d)
removed Fremont. Gen. B. F, Butler, however,
was not interfered with for treating the slaves
it
until a de-
POLITICAL STRUGGLE
This, also,
33
the Thirteenth
18th
it
ratified
was
by a
officially
sufficient
number of
States.
CHAPTER
II.
The
1.
The whole
the inception
and
rise of
Now, what
ers of the
It
was
chattel slavery?
and
by
side.
The
intelligence
and the
class con-
35
by
far
enough advanced
to dispose
was
them
was
certainly
in
most
This
atti-
was traversed by their own class interand which gave to the position of the workingmen in regard to Negro slavery a strangely
shall see,
est,
contradictory aspect.
At
the beginning
of
the
nineteenth
century
LINCOLN, LABOR
36
AND SLAVERY
was not
tinental
position
workingman would
in regard to Negro
slavery.
first
simultaneously
with
unions in England.
the
As
Con-
take an independent
formation of trade
we
but
all
of short duration.
The
Avere destroyed.
soon disappeared wrecked partly by the incomplete development of conditions and partly by the
:
new
into
organizations and
life again.
Nevertheless
the
men
try, the
was
restricted to the
to
Zl
ship-
account.
culture
The
entire
were of
little
to agri-
little soil
for
In the Eastern portion of the country, espeNew York, the German immigrant work-
cially in
ingmen played a
part.
Many
German
They organized independent unions
ar-
tisans.
for
middle
own
interests,
and
German
in the
labor
movement on American
soil,
movement
v/hich
in
frequently
regard to Negro
Through
the agitation
of
the
Abolitionists,
which was vigorously supported by the social reformers of the Fourier and Owen schools and by
the men and women interested in Brook Farm,
who exercised a great influence upon the workingmen, the industrial laborers and artisans of
New England became early enlightened with regard to slavery, and they took position accord-
LINCOLN, LABOR
38
AND SLAVERY
ingly.
Their attitude on this matter furnishes
another proof that the salvation of the world does
not proceed from the palaces, but comes from the
it is
of society in which
a native of
New
"The
anti-slavery
est in the
And
further
habitually
spoke
of
Lawyers
39
and doctors, too, fared hard with those enthusiasts, and merchants not much better."*
Thus we see it was the working class, and not
the property owners of New England, that listened to the Abolitionists.
And
the unorgan-
lit:e
The platform
New
the abolition
The
among
the workingmen.
days.
1898.
pp.
115-117.
Cheerful
Yester-
LINCOLN, LABOR
40
AND SLAVERY
Negro
slaves.
The same
labor party
Workingmen."
other
In the
issue of the
first
words
"An attempt
ing we regret
has been
made
it
is
still
mak-
against the
ist, is
fined to
sion
more
is
any one
class of society.
Every profes-
the
rich as
41
ernment
The
always be held
"Our
in better
idler.
on
this
We
another time.
subject; we may
are the friends of reform but this is not reform,
which in one evil threatens to inflict a thousand
return to
it
others/'
The
and a portion
ment very naturally put a damper on the enthusiasm of the workingmen, especially the organized workmen, for the Abolitionists' movement.
In their meetings, conventions, and newspapers
the workingmen set forth more strongly than
ever the slave character of wage labor, but continued as a matter of course to champion the
emancipation of the Negro slaves, without, however,
emphasizing
its
immediate necessity.
the
in the
following manner:
''Although you do not appear to have perit, I think there is a very intimate connec-
ceived
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
42
tion
between the
interests of the
You
workingmen's
toil.
We
are
by the zuorth of
of those
it
is
fits."
who command
its
performed to obtain
by the power
proceeds, or for
whom
and enjoy
bene-
it,
its
....
And
evils,
by extend-
"We
seek to
toil.
THE WORKERS OF THE NORTH
to the
and
43
to their justice
income to their
justly."
The
enemies. Those
who
is
LINCOLN, LABOR
44
wealthy
citizens,
AND SLAVERY
?
It is not found
commercial enterprises, which whiten the
ocean with canvas, and give employment to the
useful and
numerous
class
of
men:
it
not
is
is
a miserable characteristic of
human
na-
are
more fortunate
in their
men
but
that those
working
classes
lican simplicity.
who
who
indulge in
live frugally
and
45
the
in republatter en-
Where
opportunity for the cultivation of heart or inWould this be so, if they were equitably
tellect.
Is
it
prices of mechanical
command
the proceeds of
all
quately compensated.
such accumulations
is
46
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
the sole cause of the estrangement existing between the two movements, an estrangement evidenced among other things by the fact that the
workingmen very seldom expressed an opinion
org-anized
As
already stated,
awakening
class conscious-
This indeed did not dispose the workingthe emancipation of the Negro
slaves, but it suggested to them that their own
emancipation was a matter of more vital importance to them than that of the Southern blacks.
Their feelings and their sympathies in general
aligned them indeed on the side of the agitation
in behalf of the abolition of Negro slavery; but
with their awakening understanding and their
ness.
men
against
47
more
This fact
with
less
among
response
own
may have
affairs, their
agitation
in
own
short,
sciousness of the
and
the awakening
struggles,
their
class
own
con-
workingmen
Negro slavery
wage slavery.
the question of
question of
There
is
also to be noted
gives
among
way
to the
the working-
it
LINCOLN, LABOR
48
AND SLAVERY
"We
believe that
many
actuated by a species of fanaticism, and are desirous of freeing the slaves, more for the purpose
of adding them to a religious
At
disciples of Fourier
and Robert
who had
movement throughout
inaugurated
workingmen.
The men and
movement, especially
also those interested in the Brook Farm experiment, not only exercised great influence upon the
workingmen, but they were also in close touch
with the Abolitionists and they promoted the
opinions
women
of
the
participating in this
to,
all
Whatever
livelier interest
21,
1835.
work of
the Abolitionists.
49
In the
numerous anti-slavery
under
all
governments
all
we wanted was
The
but
black
man
he stood
liberty to the white man,
his color
all
the
lands and
to
contend for
to the
slaves,
an unequal system of
government, both here and in England, which
crushed the laborer and the poor man everywhere
down
to
to the dust."*
June
6,
1845.
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
50
institution of slavery" in
of
its
race
numerous
or
color
varieties.
and the
home
slavery,
compound
The
among
der this variety of servitude, to the most prolonged and oppressive drudgery, and reduced to
the most abject poverty and destitution.
This
miserable system, which wears out the souls and
bodies of the working classes enriching the few,
"If there is a reform which is imperiously demanded, it is a reform of this servitude to capital,
which is sinking the working classes of this
country into poverty and dependence, blotting out
their manhood, and thus destroying morally the
51
intelli-
human
the
if
It
would be a noble
step,
it
strikes
would include
in their
movement
a reform of the
wage system.
It
would add
to their
power by
interesting the producing classes in a great industrial reform including chattel slavery, and
would prepare a better state for the slaves when
to
to be destined."*
It is surely needless to
w^s in
vain.
They were unable to understand him and
the aspirations of the workingmen, and to some
extent probably did not want to understand.
that Brisbane's appeal to the Abolitionists
It
was
at this time,
in the
summer
of 1845.
that
definition of slavery.
He
to
declined
show where-
his
aim being
and of
is
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
52
all
slavery.
He
it
What
as follows
too
broad,
founded
in
that
includes
it
some truer
the
subjection
in
We
must
seek-
definition.
condition
that
in
human
beings
in
which the
their
and
there, in
"You
if
my
view,
is
slavery.
interest than
less
I
absorbing
deem
slavery
but a greater
less,
evil.
If I
am
53
less troubled
New
in
efforts.
my
first
it in your several communities and neighborhoods but that it does exist there, I am compelled
to believe.
In esteeming it my duty to preach
reform first to my own neighbor and kindred, I
would by no means attempt to censure those
of
when
ate
I
discern
its
my
essence pervading
immedi-
from
may
lie
is
not mine
obviously heref
"Let
me
state
what
''1.
human slavery:
Wherever certain human beings
tial characteristics
of
their time
to
devote
obeying and
this not
because
LINCOLN, LABOR
54
they choose to do
(I think)
"2.
is
so,
AND SLAVERY
slavery.
occupy and the functions they perform, are genan inferior class to those who
erally considered
(1 think)
slavery.
"3.
Wherever
so
is
may
see
fit
something very
"4.
is
like slavery.
Wherever opportunity
is
to
labor
is
ob-
Wherever
it
is
to
without labor than by labor, so that 'a gentleman' would be rather ashamed of his descent
from a blacksmith than from an idler or mere
live
pleasure-seeker, there
far
55
all
she
is
ing service
the
to
cause of
human
well-being,
human
sustains
still
slavery.
but
And
cause.
here
"Oppose slavery
would advise
Be
at least
for one.
Be
children,
hired
as tenacious that
tenants,
etc.,
"
came
or
to see that
it
movement, the fact is that the attacks of Garrison and his friends on the independent organization of the working class were in the main
confined to the
first
56
LINCOLN, LABOR
special occasions.
Of
AND SLAVERY
was
occasion for
little
own
agitation
if
they
Some
Wendell
Phillips,
who
Negro slavery
plished,
57
marks, said:
"Mr.
on the high road to the prinMay he and like philanthropists be brought to see that slavery, war,
poverty and oppression are inseparable from the
S3^stem of civilization, the system of antagonism
of interest; that the only effectual remedy is the
Phillips
ciples of social
is
reform.
tend
Half a year
*
with
the
right to
own
land." **
later,
George E. McNeil
on January
113.
** Liberator, July
4,
1845.
1887.
p.
LINCOLN, LABOR
58
AND SLAVERY
vention
against
Negro
slaver}^ as to
make
it
abolition of
all
perfectly
on the
class
men
This resolution
was worded
"Whereas, there are at the present time three
millions of our brethren and sisters groaning in
we wish
secure to
for which
all
we
there-
fore,
we honor and
manner
in
respect our
which they
who
use the
to
59
objects.
we
means
all
down
we
all
wars, in-
men from
up arms
countrymen of
''Resolved, that
their labor.
we recommend our
brethren
said that
bondage
in
Among
sionally
McNeil
p.
107.
LINCOLN, LABOR
60
AND SLAVERY
Evans
felt especially
England,
by
against
the
frightful
industrial development
land."
assertion
to
wage slavery
that
crowded
cities,
dom,
if
61
correspondents
sel-
by
entire freedom."*
In a communication to the editor of the Liberin which he thanked him for publishing
Evans' reply to Phillips, William West attempted
ator
things
"They
[the
more.
He
wrote,
among
other
'Down with
and wages.'
all
"
Liberator, Sept.
4,
1846.
LINCOLN, LABOR
62
AND SLAVERY
tional
move
all
evils,
re-
Negro
He
slavery.
had no comprehension of
Negro
was a condition precedent to the success
of the labor movement. He regarded the emancipation of the workingmen from wage slavery
slavery
with a certain religious fanaticism, with the result that he became embroiled in controversies not
only with the Abolitionists, as against whom he
slavery of the
into a defence of
In April, 1844, there appeared in the chief orChartists, the Northern Star
publicanism."
As
the
first
count in illustration
cited
Negro
O'Connor wrote
"That damning
slavery,
stain
concerning
we
find
which
es-
much
to
and
63
fiendish viola-
that
'All
men
are
But
dence.
when we
this
we
cease
to
be
Rhode
surprised
at,
Island treated
edly.
He
replied to
it
in
an
article in the
1,
Work-
1844, in which
to under-
not appear to
know
on
this country;
does
LINCOLN, LABOR
64
would
right to land
AND SLAVERY
strike
at
the
root
of
all
slavery.
"We
of the North
Southern
slave,
who
may
is
secure of a
home and
while able to
toil
is
harder
is
we
ply the
all
his
of
the
latter.
He
that
it
depended
men needed
only to will
men whether
abolished.
it,
65
or not
In his view
in order to revolution-
Neither
society.
Evans, nor the social reformers of all shades,
nor the workingmen in the forties knew anything about the historical and economic prerequisites for such change. This fact explains why
some of them regarded the emancipation of the
ize,
Negro
slaves as superfluous.
the
same
Why,
they argued,
Negro slavery
if
by
moreover, explains the zeal with which Evans attempted to convert prominent Abolitionists to his
views.
LINCOLN, LABOR
66
you attempt
eye, before
AND SLAVERY
your
neighbor's
".
...
was formerly,
like yourself,
sir,
Negro
slavery.
now
ing masters
now
would hardly be a
benefit to
him
in exchange for
and old age, al-
though he is in a favorable climate. If the Southern form of slavery existed at the North, I should
say the black would be a great loser by such a
change."*
Smith frankly admitted that he did not understand Evans' reasoning, and declared that he had
monopoly
much
happier
when land
manual labor
will
4,
1844.
versal.
system, with
67
all its
The
position of
Evans and
said;
22,
1844.
68
cause.
LINCOLN, LABOR
But they never
AND SLAVERY
ment.
whole
was
called
and
to
we
power
we
regret the
at the South,
WORKERS OF THE NORTH
THE,
69
interests of labor,
"Resolved, that
sage of just and
and
raise
it
if
its
the pas-
efficient
from
dence on wealth,
we would procure
we recommend
and to accomplish
this result
men
who know
and have a
their interests
of their
own
class,
fellow-feel-
As we
see,
the
industrial
workingmen
still
clung to the idea that it was not alone the Southern oligarchy of slaveholders, but also the money
power of the North, that had to be combated
a view which survived into the fifties, but which
was less emphasized, presumably because the social reformers of different tendencies
who had stirred the working masses by the cry of
thereafter
wage
from
the scene.
also of the
* McNeil,
working
p.
115.
class.
fact,
AND SLAVERY
70
LINCOLN, LABOR
easily
New
of
against
cities
cratic influences
were active
in behalf
of
the
2.
in America
AND Slavery.
In the forties and
man workingmen
Kommunisten-Bund, of Weitling's
workingmen's leagues, of the workingmen's so-
rechten, of the
cieties
for
self-culture
in
Switzerland,
Paris
Kriege, there
71
society
of the
By
German
labor
and
influence.
to the chagrin
of
the
Abolitionists,
as
"white slavery."
their
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
72
achieve
their
workingmen
own
ment of
their
own
lot.
In an article in a New York labor paper, en"Our Position on the Issues of the Day,"
titled
in 1846,
Hermann Kriege
"That we
movement
if it
to
11
our might, despite all the importunities of sentimental Philistines and despite all the poetical effusions of liberty-intoxicated ladies."
who came
agitation
among
the
German workingmen.,
Abolitionists,
also
and gave
which
own
North was
might the superannuated system of production by slaves.
working
combat
with all
to
interest the
bound
The
first
class of the
its
German
at Philadelphia in
was beginning
and in regard to which,
we have shown, the native American working-
against
LINCOLN, LABOR
74
men
AND SLAVERY
latter
to
foreigners,
the
Know-nothings,
who
rose to the surface in the beginning and the middle of the fifties, exercised great influence in the
It must be ascribed to this
circumstance that large numbers of immigrant
Germans joined the Democrats, the opponents of
half of slavery.
circles
-THE
GERMAN WORKINGMEN
York,
scented
in
And
the
like
the
English-
and
New
own
agitation, the
aim
of
ion,
and
radical
their
New England
in
75
In their opin-
movement
German working-
men from
own
in their interest in
tion.
.'t
on March
adopted
1,
in
New York
was
LINCOLN, LABOR
76
AND SLAVERY
"Whereas,
this bill
bill
vast tracts
of territory;
"Whereas,
continue
to
protest
"Whereas,
finally,
we
desire to consider
and
it
who
shall lend
it
resolved that
and
we
solemnly
and brand as a
bill
traitor
one
his support."
This emphatic declaration against the KansasNebraska Bill is explained by the fact that it actually opened the entire West to slavery.
The
New York Staats-Zeitung, Democratic and proslavery, on the occasion of the introduction of
this bill counselled people everywhere to abstain
from all agitation against the extension of
slavery, and thereby incurred the lively opposition of the entire liberal
German population of
New
in the
York.
The passage
above resolution
aimed
and
welfare
their
11
presumably was
at the newspaper.
With
in
number of them,
the clearer headed, ranged themselves uncomproIndimisingly on the side of the Abolitionists,
vidual organizations, such as the Communist
on
this question,
number of
the
gym-
Turn-Vereine
societies
the
nastic
also strongly opposed slavery and embodied in
their platforms and resolutions planks demanding
its
Socialen
abolition.
Slavery did not, however, so engross the attention of the organizations of German workingmen at this period as to crowd out all other
When in December, 1857, the Arheiterhund reorganized, and a new platform was
adopted, slavery was not even mentioned in it.
The question which at that time was stirring and
agitating other people everywhere was simply
ignored.
And when in April, 1858, the Soziale
questions.
LINCOLN, LABOR
78
AND SLAVERY
Republic appeared as the organ of the Arbeiterbund, its expressions on slavery were very lukewarm. The management of the paper held that
for the time being the institution of Negro
slavery was still firmly rooted in America. We
find this statement in the first issue of the paper,
April 24, 1858
"The question of the present
moment is not the abolition of slavery, but the
prevention of its further extension" and again
:
"At
this
slavery
moment
is still
remote."
shows no
slavery.
open
The
hostility
to
the
it
abolition of
lieved slavery to be
more
it
really was.
New
German workingmen's
organizations
This division was not very powerful and was of but short duration. It had secede;!
from the Arbeiterbund in 1857, and was unde:
the lead of a certain W. Banque, who published
in New York a German labor paper entitled Der
Arbeiter. It had further framed a platform, with
in
York.
these planks
lition
tinents,
civilizing
Africa
and
South
America
79
slavery at
products.
afford to do
it
LINCOLN, LABOR
80
AND SLAVERY
"In so far as
in-
same time
fails
full effect,
Northern
because
men even
it
of
its
must
the plantation."
By
which mention
is
made
in the
platform of this
were
to be
81
editor of
slave-
The
editor of
LINCOLN, LABOR
82
the
slavery
last and,
AND SLAVERY
Many
of
the
issue
began to prevail
in the
in regard to this
"We condemn
may
it
appear, and
we
whatever form
slavery, in
it
with
pecially
tive
all
disposal.
We
es-
83
But the rapid succession of events and the deof the slave barons presently led
pro
founder
insight among the men of the
to a
fiant attitude
They
ing to a
full
question.
It
of
its
theoretical
was
existence,
comprehension of the
J.
months
Rodel,
that
call to
and
their armies.
large portion of
their
spokesmen
We
Jos.
Weydemeyer,
F.
LINCOLN, LABOR
84
while
many
AND SLAVERY
3.
to the Civil
of the South,
War was
slave-
There was
sects
in the
which,
was made of
85
9,500,000 in the Southern States in 1850 the actual slaveholders with their families did not constitute quite 2,000,000, and these claimed 3,500,000 slaves as their own. The remainder of the
population, about 4,250,000, was composed of the
white non-slaveholders, the great majority of
whom were either proletarians or the "dangerous class," the scum, of society.
The
Negroes
their
own.
Altogether,
consequently,
Denton
pp. 291-92.
J.
Snider:
LINCOLN, LABOR
86
It
AND SLAVERY
were
prietors
They
saw
to
it
kept
it
deed as
ence at
systematically
if
all.
and deliberately
They
acted in-
the
some inquiry
twenty years,
do not
recollect ever to
But, for
have seen
87
The
made
the South
it
poor whites in
come
War
Civil
this
fought
its
Negro
An
still
slaves.
American
tude maintained
by the large
slaveholders as
"How
fulfilling
record
it is
is
is
its
responsibility
members
The
toward them?
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN. LABOR
88
The
fact
is
were
mass of the
Only
and write.
The education of these masses would have endangered the dominion, would have threatened
ance and of denying them
all
schooling.
25 per
class.
was made
in 18.58 that
"200,000
The
ignorance, and in
its
wake
doomed
to ignorance,
p. 306.
89
"*
As
then, so
tionary
War,
now
War;
as
born
known
as Pintos,
and de-
feeble, so
in life as
the former.
Olmstead
p. 307.
pp. 505-6.
Snider,
LINCOLN, LABOR
90
slaveholders had
minion
AND SLAVERY
still
"nigger,"
that
it
this
whom
most of
we may
ingman,
it
make
labor contemp-
wages of free workingmen, lowered their standard of life and offered the labor of the white workingmen such
sharp competition that they could not meet it.
tible, it
91
when
"Slave
uncompensated, white labor is compenthe two are brought into competition, white labor is crowded out.
If capital owns
its labor, the avenues to honest livelihood are
labor
sated;
is
when
slave labor
his
was a
Originally
in
certain
But
trades,
later they
were
when
was
new
con-
advanced prices.
Charles Nordhoff states that he was told by a
tracts at
LINCOLN, LABOR
92
AND SLAVERY
institution of slavery
As soon
as his interests
some
land.
planter of Vir-
gang of Irishmen
And why
in draining
1865, p. 8.
Nordhoff:
Workingmen.
exhausting
the
and
93
dangerous
operatives.
While
in
ingmen
per
day and
of free work-
Even
in
at these starvation
wages
was
free labor
was
Their control of
absolute, since in
any case
ingmen.
holder],
Nordhoff,
says
LINCOLN, LABOR
94
AND SLAVERY
work
is
sell
done."
But despite the best intentions of the slavethe purely industrial employment of
holders,
slaves
made
small progress.
An
industrial popu-
lation
must
first
composing them.
The
Southern slaveholders were as well aware of this
as was the Catholic Church, which reared its
authority on the same fact. It was therefore in
the interest of the slaveholders to maintain their
chattels in darkest ignorance, no matter how
much the latter's usefulness might suffer in other
ways.
ness of the individuals
Modern
calcula-
industry gives
own which is
had developed in
Even the Negroes who were emthe South.
ployed at industrial pursuits were touched by the
spirit which transforms submissive and patient
to
workingmen a character of
agricultural
ians.
slaves
into
its
it
revolutionary proletar-
slaves
which
95
spread dismay over the entire South shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War had its origin
not on the plantations, but in the Cumberland
Iron Works of Tennessee, the largest industrial
enterprise carried on with slave labor in the
South. This conspiracy gave the slaveholders a
sense of the danger with which modern industry
life.
And
hostile to slavery
slaveholders,
who
other
middle-class
men
96
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
Evidently the slaveholders saw in the mechanthe socially soundest element among the
white non-slaveholders, their natural enemy.
ics,
political
might imperil
enemy
own
dominion.
The
free
And
as
Thus we see that while the free white workingmen apparently participated in the business
of the State, they were neyertheless practically
shorn of all political influence by the crafty system of the slaveholders. Although there existed
a certain class hatred against the slaveholding
obligarchy, and although the non-slaveholders
constituted the majority of the white population,
97
enemies of Negro slavery. The terrible ignorance in which they were artificially kept made it
impossible for their class interests to transform
them into avowed opponents of the slaveholders.
In consequence of their lack of insight and their
race prejudice, they despised the Negro and failed
to see that the slaveholder was the real enemy of
their class.
"Is
it
As Nordhoff
him
says
workingman of
He
in every possible
LINCOLN, LABOR
98
influence
own
AND SLAVERY
benefit
the free
Thus
the white
workingman of
enemies.
Partly indeed he
felt this to
were
be
so,
his
and
slavery.
It
and
it
who
from Maryland,
Carolina,
272,606;
137,258; from Delaware, 32,493; from Kentucky, 331,904. It is of course true that not all
of these emigrants sought refuge in the free
States.
But it is also true that the majority of
North
to the
life as
WHITE WORKINGMEN OF THE SOUTH
99
It
its
accompany-
The "white
and
degraded element of the poor whites, remained
behind, incapable of any opposition against the
trash," the non-resisting, ignorant, enfeebled
ruling class.
and
among
* Snider, p.
311.
this
LINCOLN, LABOR
100
AND SLAVERY
complaint that "wealthy owners of slave mechanics were in the habit of underbidding them in
The
contracts."
free
Of
is
the fol-
In 1860, that
of the Civil
is,
C.
Thar in,
their
interests
He
endeavored to set
up a newspaper called the Non-Slaveholder, to
urge the passage of a law forbidding the employagainst the ruling class.
ment of
as servants.
"He
and
For
mechanics and secure them employment.
this Mr. Tharin was summarily driven from the
State."*
who opposed
his aspirations,
Mr.
Tharin wrote:
"He had
and
6.
carpenter,
He had
agriculturist.
and
wheelwright
101
all
in-
such
These
New
Wetumpka.
their contemptible
meanness,
Such language the slaveholders could not tolerwhen they were already beginning
to prepare for the war in which the very element,
the poor whites of their States whom Tharin was
ate at a time
white non-slaveholders
*
Nordhoff,
p.
6.
just
at
that
moment
102
LINCOLN, LABOR
in the
AND SLAVERY
bud the secession of the
slaveholders.
It is plain that the
vation of slavery.
it
When hostilities
comrades, the Negroes.
between the North and the South began, the
slaveholders organized these poor whites into
armies and compelled the non-slaveholders and
enemies of slavery to be shot to pieces and made
into cripples on the battlefields for the preservation of slavery. For during the years of the war
military service offered the easiest and often the
class
only
way
means of
subsistence;
The Workingmen
4.
of
England
and
Negro Slavery.
Almost simultaneously with the rise of the
movement in the United States, antislavery societies were formed in England which
entered into communication with the American
movement and often joined hands with it for
common work. At the very time when the English middle classes were preparing to subject their
Abolitionist
own workers
slavery
vailing
in the thirties
ruling classes
England
and forties a portion of these
began to preach in favor of the
abolition of slavery.
The workingmen
from the
comrades
in the
the
start.
But like
United States they
nounced
ening
own
this hypocrisy.
class
slavery,
consciousness
wage
slavery.
104
LINCOLN, LABOR
a specially striking
papers
the
in
AND SLAVERY
manner
thirties,
the
in
Poor
"When
one
listens to
Man's
Among
slavery
is
state.'
That
of millions
civilization.
reared on
is
The
slavery
is
Your
this
foundation
105
and
to
pay
less for
it.
food,
more labor
him
also of
which was
really
movement
in behalf of the
slaves, the
demanded
sisting,
the abolition of
active
part
in
the
dependent action.
In June, 1836, the Working Men's Association,
which subsequently played an important part as
the mother organization of the Chartist moveIn the fall of
ment, was founded in London.
LINCOLN, LABOR
106
AND SLAVERY
who
class.
The
in the following
were
allusion to the
spirit of fraternity which should govern workingmen in all the countries of the world
"For,
class
human
107
was as follows
"With no disposition either to question your
political sincerity, impugn your morality or to upbraid you for vices you did not originate, it is
with feelings of regret, brethren, that we deem
tel
slavery
it
is
more than
government
why
in their hands,
the
last
and
home and an
asylum for the destitute and oppressed among all
nations, should oppression in her own land be
"Why, when
legalized,
when
Did nature,
its
nature,
make an
dition of slaves,
mankind
to be brothers
by
human
than themselves?
"Surely
working
fostered
No
No
it
this
It
LINCOLN, LABOR
108
AND SLAVERY
We
who
en-
seek
vocates of slavery.
"They
we judge from
few honest
is
learned
men among
you,
who
plead eloquently
owners of
the
slaves,
and
the abettors
and ad-
vocates of slavery!"
men
workingmen of
the United States do not understand the democratic principles of their Charter of Independence to that extent "which it beFurther, in
comes you to understand them."
the
109
''Seeing the result of our ignorance and divisions, subjecting us to be tools of party, the slaves
we have formed
sociations
And we would
to enquire
we have
troversy
between
Northern Star
in which,
in
from a
In 1846 an Anti-Slavery League, whose membership was composed principally of English radi-
* William Lovett
pp. 131-134.
London,
1876,
no
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
also
of
abettors
slavery.
Among
other
religious
were
meeting on
unsuccessful.
They
called a public
and
ceiving
from the
111
trips
sympathy
As we
New England.
found themselves opposed by enemies
where they had hoped to find friends, and they
found friends of their cause among the working
class who had to fight slavery within their own
the beginning of their agitation in
They
rank^.
of England con-
societies it was
workingmen who again and again
protested
The
against
the
preservation of slavery.
More
p. 321.
112
LINCOLN, LABOR
England
AND SLAVERY
Although, or
perhaps because, they were at that time themselves in a condition which can be truly described
as white slavery, they did not in their own dependence forget that of the poor blacks, who,
bound
and
to their masters, were comtwofold burden of the oppressed class and the oppressed race.
pelled
We
to the soil
to
bear
the
how
movement.
The
in
CHAPTER
III.
the question of
Negro
slavery.
The awakening
class consciousness, as
it
mani-
forcibly
among
The
class
consciousness
made
itself
felt
them.
slaveholders promptly
free capital
which had to arise between workingmen and capitalists in consequence of the removal of all barriers against industry based on
evitable conflict
LINCOLN, LABOR
114
They sought
free competition.
their
AND SLAVERY
own advantage
to exploit
for
workingmen and capitalists which they had foreseen. They warned the anti-slavery capitalists of
the North against this development and the consequences which it would have for them. They
saw in the maintenance of slavery the true solution of the social question
and the movement of free workingmen in general, and they appealed to the industrial capitalists not to overlook this danger in their campaign against the Negro slavery of the South,
by
Senator
among
other
things
New York
had abolished
he repeals the
fiat,
it.
'the
man who
all
said yesterday
slavery.
Aye,
The
115
difference between us
that our slaves are hired for life and well com-
South.
We
slaves,
either
They
which God
slaves.
are elevated
first
None
from a condition
in
made our
"Your
Our
slaves do not
Yours
power.
give them no
vote.
the
dethey
are
majority,
do vote; and being the
If
power.
they
political
positaries of all your
galled
by
We
knew
their degradation.
political
116
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
is
would be reconstructed, your government overthrown, your property divided, not as they have
mistakenly attempted to initiate such proceedings
by meetings in parks, with arms in their hands,
but by the quiet process of the ballot-box. You
Hammond's
description
of
the
idyllic
social
But
in
Sen-
Northern capitalists, but the Northern workingmen, might have learned from him, and as far as
the latter are concerned they might well heed his
words even to-day.
Hammond's
made
speech
a sensation.
It
is
made good
* Congressional Globe.
its
U.
S. Senate,
1858, p. 962.
North
to teach
trines elucidated
by Hammond.
117
In various labor
which
and to the antagonism existing between capital and labor was rerelated to the labor question
These workingmen
would owe the improve-
already
knew
ment of
their lot
that they
and
But
was not yet sufficiently developed to cause them to understand that there
could be no solution of the social question, no
incessant struggle against capitalist society.
their historical sense
by the slaveholders.
LINCOLN, LABOR
118
It
AND SLAVERY
was easy
them
Senator
tells
"The
South.
was easy
to convict the
it
was
difficult to
ments concerning
capitalist
whole
man who
class of
slaves,'
What
'they
of
by
labor,
are
your
essentially
their degradation!'
is
this
by daily
laborers,
feel galled
sentiment
councils
lives
manual
119
this
to
'galled
"I
my
by
tell
borers,
slaves.'
too,
never
felt
degradation.'
the Senator
he grossly
have
I,
libels
when he
"
come
his agitators
to Massachusetts, to teach
and
our
lec-
hire-
120
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
and adorn our proud and free Common"Go home, say to your privileged
class, which you vauntingly say, 'leads progress,
civilization, and refinement,' that it is the opinion
of the hireling laborers of Massachusetts, if you
have no sympathy for your African bondmen, in
whose veins flows so much of your own blood,
you should at least sympathize with the millions of
your own race, whose labor you have dishonored
and degraded by slavery You should teach your
millions of poor and ignorant white men, so long
oppressed by your policy, the 'tremendous secret,
that the ballot-box is stronger than an army with
banners
You should combine and lead them to
the adoption of a policy which shall secure their
own emancipation from a degrading thrallbless
wealth!" ....
!'
dom!"*
The Senator from Massachusetts did not know
the history of the workingmen in his own State.
Otherwise he would have known that notwithstanding
tion of
all
in
their
the
abolition of
U.
S. Senate, 1858.
not at
all feel
121
do
liv-
Negroes of the South, and that they wanted defrom all slavery, the chattel slavery of
the Negroes and the wage slavery of the white
workingmen.
liverance
own
State.
At
that
moment,
remain
silent.
The
terrible crisis of
1857 had
it
less
mond was
of the
right
North,
'operatives,'
as
you
call
That
this
LINCOLN, LABOR
122
AND SLAVERY
own
party.
social reformers
War,
as follows
slavery,
labor."*
The
Massachusetts.
'*
CHAPTER
IV.
1.
ment.
The economic
of
crisis
movement
in the
United States.
There existed
printers
Capitalist industry
124
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
general labor
did later.
In
modern
industrial
workingmen.
was almost two years before the labor orrecovered from the effects of the
Then they showed renewed accrisis of 1857.
tivity.
Local organizations, both German and
English, were formed in all the large cities, and
national trade federations came into existence.
The iron and steel workers took the initiative by
It
ganizations
Of
trades
125
with na-
War, those of
the
ma-
of America.
In the spring of 1859 the iron molders of various cities went on strike. The employers refused
to agree to the demands of their workmen and
formed for the Eastern and Middle States a national organization, The National Founders'
League.
This employers' organization tried to
5,
trade.
Ely
1886, p.
60.
LINCOLN, LABOR
126
United States.
Sylvis.
AND SLAVERY
This address
was written by
It is
it
gives
"Wealth
it
said
teaches us that
its
power
increases,
to battle with
life,
in the face
every
man
sideration,
convictions.
ics
there
give
is
it
let
and then
What
and
It there-
Are we
to
maintain us in comparative independence and respectability, to procure the means with which to
educate our children, and qualify them to play
their part in the world's drama; or must we be
forced to bow the suppliant knee to wealth, and
earn by unprofitable toil a life of solace to confirm the very chains that bind us to our doom?"*
*Life, Speeches, Labors and Essays of IJ^vi. H. Sylvis,
his brother, James C. Sylvis, 1872, p. 31.
by
workingmen
lies
in
power of the
organization,
Sylvis urged
At
127
new
union.
at Albany,
N. Y., in 1860, the author of this adat that time brought out clearly
who even
dress,
workingmen
to capital,
was
ment
in general.
and black-
made
day legalized by Conand the shipwrights in some localities obtained their eight-hour day merely in consequence
for an eight-hour
gress,
German work-
ingmen.
The
encouraging.
The
anti-slavery agitation
was
and
drance to them.
LINCOLN, LABOR
128
AND SLAVERY
its
organ,
In
St.
when
the election of
Abraham Lincoln
in the Fall
Civil
The Attitude
129
bound
to react
war a general
collapse of all
The
War of
same.
first
years of the
attitude of the
^Secession
At
played no part;
it
whose existence
was threatened by the secession of the Southern
Though the slavery question lay at the
States.
foundation of the whole secession movement,
the politicians at Washington did their best to
the preservation of the Union,
Union the
Civil
War was
at the out-
set
LINCOLN, LABOR
130
AND SLAVERY
all
in favor of the
it
servation of the
sionist
secestheir
States.
Some
influential
unions, both
to per-
suade the laboring class of the country to exert their influence against the war.
One of the
most
active
ence of certain
Union met
Sylvis.
confer-
131
Kentucky were
in favor
if
they did
humble subjects.
They knew what their rights were, and they were
determined to maintain them within or outside
not
themselves
consider
its
of the Union.
movements
finally
culminating in
from
The
call
had come
Louisville.
The attendance
at this convention
was not so
Uriah
S.
who
ment
cutter
Union
with the
function of arranging meetings and demonstrations in the spirit of the callers of the convention.
The proceedings
workingmen and
Some days
LINCOLN, LABOR
132
AND SLAVERY
ruary 12, Sylvis had expressed his views conits tasks in a communication to a workingmen's paper, the Mechanics' Own of Philadelphia.
After stating that the coming convencerning
was
tion
to be a
workingmen's convention, he
l?.nd,
try
is
it
can.
And
In this communica-
men of
men who know the
real wants of the people, and who will represent us according to our wishes.; men who have
not made politics a trade; men who, for a conof placing in positions of public trust
ability;
133
tools of rot-
who
making of good
tration in such a
and energies
men
to the
way
whole people."*
Simultaneously with the workingmen's convention in Philadelphia a mass meeting of workingmen was held in Faneuil Hall, in Boston,
which was still more outspoken in its condemnation of the war. This meeting issued an "Address
terests of the
and
ticians
".
office seekers
It is
secession
is illegal.
already; and
if
tell
us that
impossible,
Since coercion
we must
is
to remain.
Be-
45-46.
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
134
"We
is
to put
away
forever those
who have
deceived the
people and brought the danger upon the country.
"We
politicians
who endeavor
sedition,
to mislead
and misrep-
resent them.
"We, on our
North
part, will
to expose
and
to put
down
forever the
The address
lently.
Among
selfishness
and for many other reasons, we apgood citizens at the North Republicans
and Democrats, Union Men and Americans to
"For
these,
peal to
all
see to
it,
shall
135
in
their
councils.
"But
to the Republicans
avow
to
estly,
their
Abolitionists have,
open
we
because the
hostility,
own
for their
purpose, de-
all
"Let
this be a
war not of
"
io*,
ion
The
workingmen care
and the intrigues of office-seekers.
We regard them with
the contempt they deserve.
We are weary of
".
little
truth
is,
that the
not concern us
North.
".
ciations
Let us form throughout the land assoof workingmen, whose only platform
LINCOLN, LABOR
136
AND SLAVERY
....
'".... If our Southern brethren choose to return to the Union, we will give them a sincere
exclusively by the
its
was brought
to indicate.
of
New
England.
it
is
of
at the out-
March,
18G1.
137
may
Rebellion, which
slavery,
3.
was
had begun.
Effects of the
War
on Labor.
The
LINCOLN, LABOR
138
AND SLAVERY
unemployment,
members obeyed
numbers as
and
the call
to leave
army
trade-union in Philadel-
in a body,
an action which
to enlist with
The requirements
ductive labor.
showed renewed
activity in all
of the
which
its
army
presently
branches.
En-
mgmen
hand with
in
* T.
V. Powderly
p. 57.
139
make
in the following year it had risen to $431,813,000; and in 1865 it had mounted to $1,153,307,000. The war expenses of the North for the five
years of the war (1861-1865) totalled $3,063,180,000.*
This colossal sum had to be procured.
Debts were incurred; recourse was had
But the result of
to the issue of paper money.
war was
uncertain,
price of commodities
States, p. 270.
Coman
Industrial History of
the
United
140
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
formed.
destroyed.
came a powerful
factor in public
life.
was
still
another fac-
bor movement.
life,
were revelling
in "orgies of profit."
North
Under
the
fructifying rain of millions which the Govern-
ment spent in liquidation of army and navy contracts and supplies, industry on a large scale began to develop and consolidate by leaps and
bounds. Mass production of the articles required
by the army resulted in transforming all workshops into factories. The various concerns were
enormously enlarged, concentrating the workingmen in large numbers in individual factories.
About this time hand work was replaced by the
use of machines in nearly all industries. There
was an accumulation of wealth in individual
hands hitherto unheard of. Dishonest manipu-
WORKIKGMEN AND WAR
lations of
the
army
contractors
we need
141
recall
only
The
which
in
principal sufferers.
It
was
wealth.
tional
New
1860, or only
was
laid,
during the
LINCOLN, LABOR
142
Civil
War,
for the
AND SLAVERY
money power
of the United
States.
The extraordinary
rapidity with
which the
The
first
indication of this
was seen
in the rise
everywhere of local trade unions and their subsequent federation into national organizations. As
early as 1863 the locomotive engineers formed
an organization which embraced the entire country, and in the following year the cigarmakers
and bricklayers did likewise. At the close of the
war between thirty and forty trades had formed
national organizations in the United States.
CHAPTER
V.
CLASS.
Civil
War.
Of the European countries, it was especially
England that was affected by the outbreak of the
Civil War.
As we have seen, England was connected with the Southern States by a bond of
common interests. Its textile industry, which
had reached its highest development towards the
close of the fifties, needed the raw cotton of the
cultivation of which the Southern States possessed a monopoly. The latter, owing to the institution of slavery, were interested in the importation of English products free of duty, while
LINCOLN, LABOR
144
AND SLAVERY
cot-
all
der the pressure of these interests the early Abolitionist impulses of the ruling class in England
disappeared, and English intervention in favor of
the Southern
States
was advocated
in
these
circles.
was of course
It
in
all it
Emperor to sympathize
with the South. Louis Napoleon was filled with
the lust of conquest and aggrandizement.
He
that drove the French
145
it.
if it
a contrary course.
lay with England.
The
decision consequently
146
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
most exclusive
circles of the English noAfter the outbreak of the Civil War not
a trace of this sentiment remained in the hearts
"To-day [1862]
of the English middle class.
we find only here and there one among the Englishmen who does not fanatically side with the
slave States, and that one probably has not the
courage to express his opinions."* This was true
as far as the ruling classes were concerned, and
they indeed tried their best to persuade the Government to intervene in behalf of the South.
They arranged labor demonstrations and meetings declaring in favor of the South and of open
hostilities against the North for the purpose of
showing that these sentiments had the backing
of English "public opinion." But under the in-
in the
bility.
to intimida-
join in the
1862.
147
Civil
War, and
especially
The
blockade of the
the
were
"Its effects
still felt
diately following
had
England
in 1860.
The demand
for labor
in consequence already
ation by no
lords,
hope
that
starvation
the
on
Factories.
manufacturers in
October,
III.,
1,
1862,
pp.
p. 106.
re-
28-29.
LINCOLN, LABOR
148
War
AND SLAVERY
in
America.
tile
And
this
to their misery.
was
In 1863, when
already somewhat improved, the weekly wages
of weavers and spinners amounted to 3s. 4d. and
conditions had
indeed alarming.
Id.
5s.
still
week
2s.
6d. per
up.
"No wonder
that, in
Marx:
Capital, L, p. 283.
149
known
years."*
The workingmen
lords.
Marx
1865.
Quoted by
LINCOLN, LABOR
150
AND SLAVERY
enthusiastically,
the
Cheerfully, even
English workingmen bore
districts,
expense.
When
151
surrounded by the
manufacturers on the platform, exclaimed, "Why did the South secede?" one of
mass meeting
at Blackburn,
hostile local
"For
what?
Free trade
in
whereupon
"Free trade in
free trade,"
free trade
in
The applause which broke forth from the assembled workingmen need not be described. The
glowing eloquence of Jones contributed its share
in inspiring the starving textile workers of Lancashire to persist in their position.
Of
and the exemplary patience of these workingmen were easily explained. Mr. Gladstone him* Frederick Leary
Ernest Jones.
t Bucher, pp. 156-57.
:
London,
1887, p. 72.
LINCOLN, LABOR
152
AND SLAVERY
would have them, had they become impaimprisoned and shot to pieces amid the applause of the manufacturers, who were responself
tient,
misery.
and thus
The
"suf-
States.
ters than
The workingmen
less
of their
tion.
own
The
was
skilled la-
On
declared in the
153
away
Take
will depreciate in
workers wish
is
it
[emigration].
We
Very natural
it
Reduce, compress
the cotton trade by taking away its workingpower and reducing their wages expenditure, say
one fifth, or five millions, and what then would
happen to the class above, the small store-keepers,
and what of the rents the cottage rents? ....
Trace out the effects upward to the small farmer,
the better householder, and .... the land-owner,
and say if there could be any suggestion more
suicidal, to all classes of the country, than by enfeebling a nation by exporting the best of its
manufacturing population, and destroying the
value of some of its most productive capital and
enrichment "*
ing ears.
was prevented.
some
acts
Marx
Capital,
I.,
pp. 362-363.
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
154
i.
to
e.,
exploit
them
normal
wages." *
The
The
work on drainage, roads,
paving, etc., and drew relief from
unemployed were
stone cutting,
the
set to
This
authorities.
local
amounted
action
virtually
whose
posal
was the
fact that
it
offered the
workingmen
The
Marx
Marx
Capital, L,
Kapital,
Civil
War
p. 364.
III.,
I.,
pp. 111-115.
in
America con-
155
must theref6re
be emphasized here. They suffered, starved and
even died for the cause of Negro emancipation in
America. And yet a little less patience would
history of the working class and
heroic.
now
The
per-
active resistance
the conduct of
ernment
at the
member of
Work-
LINCOLN, LABOR
156
AND SLAVERY
Beesly.
was drawn up by
this
monster meeting
this pas-
sage occurs
is
more
the
perfect
established between
the
people of England and the free people of America, the more you will find your path of progress
here
cial
made easy
and
for you,
political liberty
Lord Palmerston, then at the head of the EngGovernment, was about to declare war
lish
of Karl
Marx
it
was
class of
England that
in
an additional
Lincoln.
London,
1907.
157
istence of the
2.
OF England.
Near the end of September, 1862, Lincoln issued a proclamation to the effect that on January 1, 1863, he would declare free all slaves in
those States which should then be in rebellion
against the United States and refuse to lay
down
their arms.
It
South
the
ruling
classes of the
The South-
land,
with the Government's tacit approval. The slaveholders had every reason to expect that the English ruling
still
classes
further assistance.
But as we have
working
class
put in its veto here. The proclamation by Lincoln of his intention to abolish slavery by January 1st called forth great rejoicing; and although
was heard here and there a note of disappointment because the abolition of slavery was
put forth as a war measure and not as an unconditional condemnation of slavery on principle,
great demonstrations of workingmen took place,
there
LINCOLN, LABOR
158
meetings
at
was resolved
AND SLAVERY
London and
to
workingmen
of
the
English
London meeting
to the President
"To His
Excellency.
Abraham
Lincoln, President
We
labor on a free
we enjoy
soil.
We
the
liberty of free
accustomed to regard with veneration and gratitude the founders of the great republic in which
the liberties of the Anglo-Saxon race have been
widened beyond all the precedents of the old
world, and in which there was nothing to condemn or to lament but the slavery and degradation of men guilty only of a colored skin or an
African parentage. We have looked with admiration and sympathy upon the brave, generous
and untiring efforts of a large party in the Northern States to deliver the Union from this curse
We
rejoiced,
sir,
in
159
your election
On
London
* Senate
in
Documents.
Washington, 1863.
LINCOLN, LABOR
160
AND SLAVERY
was
sent
The
forth
address,
by
this
whose
letter
was
truly set
the minister,
read as
significance
of
follows
Documents.
Washington, 1863.
new
161
"We
many
the
decisive
your be-
'All
equal.'
the
liberation
of
the
AND SLAVERY
162
LINCOLN, LABOR
color.
trade,
power.
It
long and patient waiting, you, as commander-inchief of the army, have appointed to-morrow, the
first of January, 1863, as the day of unconditional
freedom
for
the
slaves
of
the
rebel
States.
Heartily do
try on this
"We
still,
in the interval,
counted chattels.
chastity
human
Women
must have
rights of
rights of hus-
bands masters the liberty of manumission. Justice demands for the black, no less than for the
that his voice
white, the protection of the law
;
163
"We
fare, not to
faint in
let
the
work be
finished
effectually.
try,
made
of twenty months
fills
posterity.
We
interests,
consummation
United States
Our
will
in
close
LINCOLN, LABOR
164
We
AND SLAVERY
And
ill
exception, the
in
home
of the free.
On
February
2,
London
workingmen
"To the workingmen of London:
ceived the
New
have
re-
it
was
in-
spired.
"As
against an
165
"Accept
my
best wishes
"Abraham Lincoln."*
Previous to this, on January 19th, President
Lincoln had sent a more comprehensive reply to
the address of the workingmen of Manchester.
This reply read as follows
"Washington, January
"To
the
Workingmen
19, 1863.
of Manchester, England:
me
1862-1863.
Documents.
Third
Session,
37th
Congress,
166
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
from
official
purpose if I
would. It is not always in the power of government to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral results
deem
it
this
policies
that they
may
to time to adopt,
is
engaged,
fair
examina-
toward mankind.
I
have, therefore,
reckoned upon the forbearance of nations. Circumstances to which you kindly allude induce me
especially to expect that if justice and good faith
should be practised by the United States, they
beneficial
would encounter no
of Great Britain.
hostile influence
It is
now
on the part
a pleasant duty to
and
in all
It
crisis.
167
at Manchester,
Europe, are called to endure in this
Gov-
human
rights,
it
one which
human
severe
trials,
of
Under
forcing
the
their
circum-
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
168
two nations
make them,
will be, as
it
shall be
"Abraham
On
my
desire to
perpetual.
Lincoln."*
in behalf of the
English
working
It
was
really the
merited
the
3.
Work-
Documents.
t Congressional Globe.
** Senate Documents.
1862-63.
1863.
Congress,
169
He
which they possess and not to allow such rights to be wrested from them. He is
even said to have had the economic wisdom to
declare that every government should strive to
secure for every workingman, as far as possible,
political rights
was represented
as a
In short, Lincoln
excogitated
for himself a clear view of the economic evolution of society, alike in the present
who
distinctly
working
"money power."
Lincoln did not possess this knowledge of
economic evolution; he had no idea of the historic part the working class is called to play; he
170
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
special significance of
Apart from
there
are
but
*An ingenious fabrication of utterances on labor purporting to be Lincoln's has been printed and circulated by
the thousand in every part of the United States. It consists of five paragraphs, the last four of v^rhich are more
or less genuine, but are distorted out of their meaning.
The first paragraph begins, "I see in the near future a
crisis approaching that unnerves me."
The whole fabrication was analyzed by W. J. Ghent in Collier's Weekly
for April 1, 1905. Of the first paragraph Mr. Ghent writes
"[It] is almost certainly a forgery.
The style is not
Lincoln's, nor in so far as any one can now say, are the
sentiments.
Nowhere among his authenticated utterances is there to be found anything resembling either the
form or the substance of this paragraph. No one has ever
been able to show the original in Lincoln's hand, and repeated demands for its production have met only vague
assertions of its existence in some other and generally
remote place."
and
its
special
demands as antagonistic
to
the con-
tagonisms.
At
Cincinnati,
he addressed a meeting of
When
On
171
it
as the sense of
foundation of
all
remarked
"I agree with you, Mr. Chairman,
that
the
government, for
the plain reason that they are the more numerous,
and as you added, that those were the sentiments
of the gentlemen present, representing not only
basis of
all
The campaign had taken him to New Engwhere the struggles of the workingmen presented themselves to him more forcibly than elseIn Massachusetts there was in progress
Avhere.
of
the shoemakers which Senator Douga strike
las had represented as a consequence "of this unfortunate sectional warfare" between the North
and the South. In a speech at Hartford, Conn.,
on March 5, 1860, Lincoln challenged the ridiculous statement of Douglas, saying he "thanked
God that we have a system of labor where there
ment.
land,
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
172
can be a
strike.
added cautiously that he did not pretend to be familiar with the subject of the shoe
strike.
"If you give up your convictions and call
too, Lincoln
let
you
instead
you'll
slavery in
upon
of white laborers
In a speech at New Haven, Conn., on the following day, Lincoln returned to the subject, saying:
"I
am
New
vails in
pay them or
a
man
prevail
am
not.
I like
quit
opposed to slavery
is
just here.
property
wealthy.
than good.
he
man
can.
it
is
that
the
it is
free to acquire
Some
will get
getting rich;
we do wish
as
What
take
capital,
man an
to leave each
fast
man from
upon
all
as
J.
Hay: Abraham
Lincoln, L, pp.
173
When
am
not ashamed
years ago
was a hired
work on a
at
to
flatboat
mauling rails,
what might happen
want every man to
laborer,
just
speeches merely
show
that Lincoln
and Hay,
I.,
pp. 625-626.
LINCOLN, LABOR
174
AND SLAVERY
to
attention.
more
in
relation
to
made
In
New
York,
in
Republican
New York.
make President
A committee
the
name
of
Workingmen's Association of
March
175
21, 1864,
is
gratefully accepted.
"You comprehend,
it
is,
in fact, a
working people.
has not escaped
war upon
the rights of
all
my
attention,
'It
tion
is
first
principle of popular
war upon
government
the
the
rights
right to participate
all
my
present position
could scarcely be
LINCOLN, LABOR
176
AND SLAVERY
justified
against this
"
eral
'It is
which
most
It is the effort, to
place capital
if
is
its
others, to
not
It
body
it
else,
considered whether
it
is
hire laborers
their
it
far, it is naturally
further,
it is
laborer,
is
life.
no such relation between capiand labor as assumed; nor is there any such
tal
is
thing as a free
are
false,
and
all
groundless.
" 'Labor
to, and independent of, capionly the fruit of labor and could
never have existed if labor had not first existed.
tal.
is
Capital
prior
is
is
much
177
Capital has
its
large majority
neither work
belong
to
own
not forgot-
It is
is
they labor
own
with their
not a distinct
class.
No
principle stated
is
dis-
class.
is
178
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
for
life.
Many
States, a
which,
if
and to
till all
fix
new
disabilities
of liberty shall be
lost.'
179
houseless pull
down
let
imbued by
its ideals.
Nothing
is
more
natural,
considering the state of social evolution in America at that time and Lincoln's individual de-
velopment.
In the light of his lower middle-class exstill saw for every one
LINCOLN, LABOR
180
AND SLAVERY
class.
slightest
among
doubt
concerning
still
entertain the
Lincoln's
position
distance by which he
was
still
separated from
New York
by
labor
aware of
Socialist views
it
question and
its
all
working people, of
181
ment on a higher
plane.
to the labor
way
of thinking in regard
to con-
best for
gress.
ments
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
182
to the first of
our
and
if
and the
since then,
air of heaven,
we
ex-
no good
having
first
And inasmuch
cost labor.
labor,
it
most
as
follows that
To
is
ment,
arises,
In our
advance or retard
this object?
Upon
this
and
torious,
and
useful
Of
idleness.
to
labor,
useless labor
it all
is
meri-
two latter, while they exare heavy pensioners upon the first, robbing
of a large portion of its just rights. The only
remedy for
useless labor
first,
as to useless labor.
upon
this
we must
existence.
And,
learn to distinguish
it
from
183
is
useless labor."*
writes literally
"I try to
show
protective policy
and Hay,
I.,
p.
92
if.
184
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
inspiration
from
It is certain that
these.
nection where
we
find
it,
But
he was
in the con-
facturer
who
exploited a
The
workingmen engaged
in the
cialist-sounding phrases
of
bore
as a well-defined
stratum of the population, with economic interests of its own and with definite historical aims.
class
Socialist,
nor was
workingmen
as the
he particularly friendly to
components of a class. The ideas of the modern
185
ideas he
future,
future time.
CHAPTER
VI.
1.
of
Abraham Lincoln.
On
the labor
movement of
all
This meeting appointed a provisional central committee for the management of the affairs of the new organization, which came later
to be called the General Council, and which was
ties.
composed of representatives of
different nation-
alities.
tional
all
the Internait
was above
others the
the General
circles,
and
187
On November 27, 1864, Karl Marx, the leading spirit of the General Council, wrote thus
about the elements composing this committee to
his friend Joseph Weydemeyer, then in the
United States
"Its EngHsh m.embers are mostly chiefs of the
local trades unions, hence the real labor kings
its
Mehring,
Marx und
F. Engels,
188
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
It
gratulating
rifices in
them upon
their struggles
and
sac-
upon
their re-election of Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States. A committee was
appointed to formulate this address, and this
committee submitted its draft, the author of
which was Marx, to the General Council at its
meeting on November 29th. The draft was accepted, and a resolution was adopted to forward
it by a committee to Charles Francis Adams, thi
American Minister at London, for transmisThe following is the
sion to his Government.
"To Abraham
States of America.
"Sir:
We
upon your
re-election
by a large majority. If
the watchword
Power was
of your
first election,
your re-election
"From
the
is
Death
to Slavery.
commencement of
the titanic
Amer-
* According to letters to the author by Friedrich Lessof London, at the time a member of the General
Council of the International Workingmen's Association.
ner,
189
driver?
and maintained
ficial institution,'
'slavery to be a bene-
new
edifice,'
in
man
'the
before
the
fanatic
LINCOLN, LABOR
190
AND SLAVERY
men
dous
conflict
crisis,
own
Negro, mastered
laborer to
sell
own
master,
European brethren
in
war.
working
class,
through the
191
"Longmaid,
Hartwell,
drovandi.
Worley,
Pidgeon,
Lama,
Whitlock,
Lucraft,
Solustri,
Nuspert,
Eccarius,
London W."
* Beehive.
London, Jan.
7,
1865.
192
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
am
directed to inform
are accepted by
him with a
desire that he
may
policy neither
lawful intervention.
tice to all states
is,
same time
It strives to
and to
all
men, and
do equal
it
relies
jus-
upon
home, and for respect and good will throughNations do not exist for themselves alone, but to promote the welfare and happiness of mankind by benevolent intercourse and
example.
It is in this relation that the United
at
193
is
earnest sympathies.
"I have the honor to be, Sir,
"Your obedient
servant,
The
Workingmen's Association, as
ternational
re-
who
protested against
bers of the
it
were
especially the
Communist Club of
New
memwho
York,
thus honored.
On
fatally
Lincoln was
Theatre in Washington by a
shot in the head fired by the actor, John Wilkes
Booth. He died the next morning. At the same
time Southern fanatics attempted to kill Secretary
of State Seward in his bed and dangerously
wounded him and his son. Vice-President Johnson succeeded Lincoln as President of the Union.
It was characteristic of the feeling towards the
United States in the dominant circles of England
April
wounded
14,
in Ford's
1865,
LINCOLN, LABOR
194
AND SLAVERY
news of Lincoln's
on the
assassination,
should publish the following significant sugges"The dagger or the pistol in the hands of
the weakest worm that crawls in human shape
upon the earth can change the destinies of nations
or divert the current opinion into a new channel."
And immediately following this sentence, with-
tion:
It
scoundrel," as the
among
sassin
Booth
as a
champion of
liberty, as a
worthy
been
hostile
to
Booth's deed.
Andrew Johnson.
13th,
The address
London
and
Hamburg.
1865, p. 42.
May
treatise
of
the
International
195
Workingmen's
States.
'Dear Sir:
"The demon of the 'peculiar institution,' for
whose preservation the South rose in arms, did
not permit
feat
its
on the open
ceived in treason,
As
Philip
II. 's
"We
of horror
when
the heart of
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
196
it
by blind
"To
Was
and so unterrified as
to foretell it?
Did he
We
hope with
will be,
in less
all
and
to the well-deserved
War
which,
if
we
con-
its
colossal extension
and
its
197
vast scene of
new
in
the
name of
the
International
May
13,
1865:
LINCOLN, LABOR
198
AND SLAVERY
W.
G. Odgers,
R. Cremer, General Secretary."
3.
"To
more we
words of congratulation.
"Had we
in
our loyalty to
199
war
its
own
citizens for
"Above
all
ination of the
Union.
own
The
more
flutter in the
we
trust, to
be in-
"And may those misguided citizens who displayed so much valor on the battlefield in a
wicked cause now display as much zeal in helping
to heal the
"Again we
common
felicitate
in re-
country.
200
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
This stain upon your otherwise so shining escutcheon is forever wiped out.
Never again shall the hammer of the auctioneer
abolition of slavery.
"Your
noblest blood
was shed
in
washing away
in
its
free, purified
brighter future
is
black
past.
through your
dawning upon
201
"We
a
common
will be complete."
CHAPTER
THE
UBOR MOVEMENT
VII.
WAR.
1.
The Draft
As we have
Riot in
seen,
New
York.
War
furnished so
many
of
the
IN
NEW YORK
203
to
To
They sought
workingmen had
or-
through
their economic power, partly by passing laws
ganized.
against
and
labor
to
do
this partly
partly, also, as
we
shall
see,
by
availing
of fortifying
The
class
workingmen during
204
LINCOLN, LABOR
AND SLAVERY
but
also
in
blood.
The attempted
en-
New York
of
Irish
war and
Union itself.
later
the
The
IN
NEW YORK
205
at
first
di-
da5'^s
The cause
fortunate Negroes.
skilled
workmen
of
New
LINCOLN, LABOR
206
AND SLAVERY
son that on various occasions they had been employed by the capitahsts as strike-breakers in
putting down the labor troubles. They had made
themselves especially offensive in a strike of the
New York
longshoremen
in
mostly Irishmen.
set
on
The
fire,
the Union.
Horace
The rage
it
did
sired to break
districts
of the police.
*S. F. Headley:
of
New
York.
1873.
IN
NEW YORK
207
The
by-
The
disturbances lasted
More than
Friday.
fifty buildings
estimated at $1,200,000.
by the police and
killed
As
at
from 400
the bodies of
removed by their
number could not be ascer-
the exact
were
killed
Now
York was
exclusively social.
It
New
LINCOLN, LABOR
208
AND SLAVERY
of
its
economic and
political prestige,
attempted
it
great propor-
naturally became an
Irish question
The
social
too,
* Headley, p. 149.
IN
NEW YORK
209
it was announced that the draft had been suspended, and the City Council had passed an ordinance appropriating $2,500,000 toward paying $300 exemption money to the poor who
But as in the meantime
might be drafted.
As
slavery.
in the city
They
This
DemoThe nutook no
New
LINCOLN, LABOR
210
its
AND SLAVERY
a dangerous position.
still
in
successful revolt in
New York might in those days have been followed by consequences which one trembles to
contemplate, especially if the menacing attitude
of the foreign powers, and particularly of England, is considered.
The Union would have
fallen on evil days had not the American and the
German workingmen
of the city of
own
New York
class.
2.
life,
dition of the
workingmen
words
incident to the
war
in the following
"Go with me
211
gradual reduction of
wages, it requires the combined labor of the husband, wife and every child old enough to walk
to the factory, for from twelve to fifteen hours
price
of
labor,
this
to-
gether."*
efforts
on
to reto the
all
these capitalists,
labor organizations.
One
of
to Sylvis
"The day
is
when
the condi-
fruits of which are being manifested in the widespread and universal organization of capitalists
* Sylvis, pp. 104-105.
LINCOLN, LABOR
212
for the
avowed and
AND SLAVERY
the
ican
judges,
not
yet
"It cannot
ancient
be.
By
traitor
Let the
the laws of
was hurled
man who,
in
right to regulate
encircled
fate of the
Roman
felon. "f
the workingmen.
their
own
satisfied
with
In the
spring
of
213
drawn
as practically to destroy
organizations.
The
"An Act
bill
trade-union
all
presented
the
in
New
as follows
to
"The People of
the State of
New
York, rep-
follows
"Section
I.
Any
person
who
shall
himself,
either
"1.
the
commit
first
misdemeanor.
"Section III. [This provides a punishment for
convicted under the above sections
persons
LINCOLN, LABOR
214
AND SLAVERY
"Section IV.
effect
im-
mediately."
The primary
The
of
that
bill
in
the
introduc-
Legislature provoked
resolutely
so
against this
entertain
it
bill
that the
and declined
to
it.
similar
bill
was introduced
in the Legisla-
New
its
But, as in
3.
rising
bourgeoisie
with enHsting in
labor
power and
movement,
its
were
not
own economic
their
Negro slavery
lately
been
fight-
white workingmen.
On
life,
they
made
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
216
in the
state
things
St.
two
strikes occurred,
saw
in
men
to terms.
it
was
issued:
"It having
come
manding General
to the
217
la-
from working in manufacturing establishments, except on terms prescribed to the proprietors thereof by parties not interested therein,
which terms have no relation to the matter of
wages to be paid to employees, but to the internal
management of such establishments; and it apborers,
tions
those
concerned in
some establishments
where articles are produced which are required
for use in the navigation of the Western waters,
and in the military, naval and transport service
of the United States, have been broken up, and
them, the operations
of
Any
articles
order
stopped or susis
promulgated.
tary offence
"I. No person shall, directly or indirectly, attempt to deter or prevent any other person from
working on such terms as he may agree upon in
any manufacturing establishment where any article is ordinarily made which may be required
No
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
218
No
held,
having
its
how
thereof.
"IV.
All
employees
will be protected
in
such
establishment
all
attempts by any person to interfere with or annoy them in their work, or in consequence of
their being
ment
engaged
The
"V.
in the
in
it.
county of
transmit to the
office
St.
of the Provost-Marshal
all
persons
who
have, since
cerned therein.
The
persons, as far as
known,
by name, of all who have taken an active part in any combination or effort to control
the conduct of any such establishment, or to prevent persons from working therein.
with a
"VI.
Baker,
list,
The
port commander,
Colonel
is
J.
H.
charged
219
"By command
of Major-General Rosecrans.
"O. D. Greene,
Assistant Adjutant General.
"Frank Eno,
Assistant Adjutant General."
Several members of the two unions concerned
were arrested, and an intense excitement of the
workers of St. Louis, silent, to be sure, but none
the less intense on that account, was the result.
A demonstration by the workingmen against this
invasion of their rights could not be made, be-
A month
took
was a
issued
in St.
work-
220
AND SLAVERY
LINCOLN, LABOR
ingmen
It
was
openly-
aware of their
was actuated by
who
discussed
all
these
cases
in
from among
many, such as the breaking up of the Miners'
Association, in the Eastern coal fields, by government interference; the defeat of the Reading
Railroad engineers by the same means; the confiscation of the back pay of the moulders in the
Brooklyn Navy Yard, who struck for higher
that he had "selected these cases
wages, "t
was
still
The
in its infancy
organization of labor
* Sylvis, p. 137.
t Sylvis, p. 140.
It
221
class of the
this class as
a molesta-
workingmen
their struggles
and
their
in their organization,
demands.
It
was prob-
among
others,
was
Ad-
working
class of the
loyalty to the
the war.
He
"I presume
Union during
said:
it
is
me
to
222
LINCOLN, LABOR
that while
AND SLAVERY
He
declared
It is true
how
near
to scenes that
223
would appall
to embarrass the
'there
a virtue,'
And
Government, prevented
it.
But
is
that point
may
be reached."*
movement
and the
made
ist
full
itself felt at
is
traceable throughout
Negro
force took
struggle
filled
movement.
history of
slavery,
command
And
as
it is
standing this conflict of interests they nevertheon the whole always supported the demand
less
* Sylvis, p. 141.
t Sylvis,
p. 131.
LINCOLN, LABOR
224
AND SLAVERY
for the abolition of Negro slavery, and that although they lacked the insight of the historic
necessity of the abolition of
Negro slavery as
own
emancipation,
they never failed to regard slavery as a blot on
their country; so it is also a glorious page in their
4.
The war
Slavery.
assassin's hand.
exist.
White
cipation
feel
slavery.
men
WHITE SLAVERY
225
ization
the
iron
founders,
the
were
National Workman.
New
moment no
York, 1866.
labor
226
movement was
emancipated
to be
slaves.
Union.
lively agitation
was inaugurated
for
Congress of an eight-hour
law,
signed
by
President Johnson.
In the
class in behalf of
first
years of
its
ex-
WHITE SLAVERY
227
National
last issue
Workman
its
first in
America
Its
to direct
The National
Association.
reported not only the proceedings of
the Association at the Geneva Congress, but occasionally it also published reports of the meet-
Workingmen's
Workman
W.
London and
I.
the
Jessup, a ship
who had
nected with
War
it.
convention, Jessup appealed to the general secretary of the Society of Carpenters and Joiners
228
in
London
com-
lish
and
joiners'
14,
organizations.
1866,
the
In
general
"I have to ask: is it not possible to amalgamate your body with ours? The Amalgamated
Society of Engineers have set us the example.
Why
not
follow
Bloomington,
111.,
it?
They have branches at
Buffalo and Dunkirk, N. Y.,
New York
City."
Workingmen's
we may assume that his relawith Jessup, who in turn was in communi-
Association, and
tions
cation with Sylvis, gave rise to the epistolary exchange of ideas which now followed between
.Sylvis and the General Council of the International.
At the second convention of the National Labor LTnion in Chicago in 1867 Jessup and Sylvis
advocated an official alliance between this American workingmen's organization and the International Workingmen's Association.
They did not
The National Workman which published
name is erroneously spelled Applegate.
* In
the
this letter
WHITE SLAVERY
succeed in effecting
tion
it,
229
was passed
to
"Be
Union
in
political
and
social injustice."
Although the National Labor Union of America did not officially join the International
Work-
to.
com-
as to
make
The
war cry of
This ad-
230
dress,
May
12,
1869, read as
follows
Workmen
'Fellow
we
classes,
saved the
Civil
War
To
turn the
Amer-
WHITE SLAVERY
ment of rapidly extending
231
international co-opera-
tion?
middle
class.
And
war
new
class.
era
In the United
movement has
working
which the old parties and the professional politicians view with distrust.' But to
since arisen
bear fruit
it,
it
To
suppress
England
war between
War was
of a public debt
was
in order to settle
it
shifted
working class.
The prices of necessaries, remarks one of your statesmen, have risen 78 per
cent, since 1860, while the wages of simple manual labor have risen 50 and those of skilled labor
60 per cent. 'Pauperism,' he complains, *is increasing in America more rapidly than population.'
Moreover the sufferings of the working
232
it
that at last
cry war.
M. D. Brown, mechanic;
Hales, rubber weaver
chairmaker;
maker;
J.
J,
Buckley, painter;
Harriet
Law
J.
B, Lucraf t,
WHITE SLAVERY
233
General Secretary.
May
"London,
12th, 1869."
sociation
"Philadelphia,
"Your
letter of the
Address,
the
came
May
26, 1869.
hand yesterday;
am
In
all
ocean.
tyrant.
have
same
We
of poverty against
Therefore
say
is
everywhere the
a com-
we have
234
mon
name
In the
of the workingmen of
extend to you, and through
serious means.
little
blood-letting
is
neces-
The Address
them
to oppose a
War
many
and
to
institute
com-
In a
speech delivered by Sylvis in September, 1868,
WHITE SLAVERY
at Siinbiiry, Pa., these
235
all
to
of
another;
it
white
the
slaves together.
do
And
shortly thereafter, on
November
16, 1868,
if.
him
236
"Our
the
rich
we have
seen,
Negro
abolition of
wage
slavery.
Union
in the years
from
WHITE SLAVERY
1861 to 1865?
237
class
was
at
the
polls
an
revolt
be followed by armed
on the part of the industrial overlords and
their
conscripts?
Union and
government? One is almost tempted to believe it when one considers the
bearing of the ruling classes who, stubborn and
haughty as the Southern oligarchy in the past,
oppose all change in the constitution of society
and refuse to yield even the least of their privBut then a nation which has lived through
ileges.
one such crisis may be expected to guard against
holders of 1860, strive to disrupt the
to overthrow popular
its
repetition.