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Journal of Philosophy of Education, Vol. , No. , 2012

Philosophy of Vocational Education in

China: A Historical Overview
CARSTEN SCHMIDTKE AND PENG CHEN
Historically, Chinese educational philosophy has been
dominated by Confucianism and, since 1949, by Marxism.
However, rapid industrialization, ideological demands,
and loyalty to traditions have now led to a situation where
various Western philosophies have been adopted into
vocational education in hopes of moving the country forward
without challenging the status quo too vigorously. The result
is that China presently has no clear philosophical foundation
that can help the country make solid decisions on how
vocational education shall contribute to economic growth
and social improvements. Awareness of ones philosophy,
however, is important for vocational educators so that they
can make well-founded decisions about their teaching. The
authors hope that by presenting an overview of which
philosophies have been adopted in the past and the influence
they have had on practitioners and policymakers, scholars
can engage in a debate on which vocational education
philosophy can help train Chinas workforce most effectively
and support continued economic growth.
INTRODUCTION

The numbers we keep hearing are quite impressive. Since 2000, gross
national income has more than tripled, as has gross national product (The
World Bank Group, 2010). Despite a slight slowdown in early 2012, the
economy is still expected to grow at an impressive 8.1% (Censky, 2012).
The export of goods and services outpaces imports by a significant margin.
The country is now the worlds largest car-buying market; use of cell
phones has increased sevenfold; and in spite of some government controls,
twelve times more people are now on the Internet than in 2000 (The World
Bank Group, 2010). China has become much more than the worlds supplier of low-price, low-quality merchandise for discount and dollar stores;
the country has firmly established itself among the leading global economic
powers.
Considering Chinas decades of underdevelopment in the 20th century
followed by sudden modernization at breakneck speed, the question of
how the country has developed and will be able to develop a well-trained
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Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.

C. Schmidtke and P. Chen

workforce to sustain current and generate future economic growth must be

raised. Although scholars have discussed vocational education and its
attempts to meet the needs of Chinese society and industry (Wang, 2005,
2009a; Guo and Lamb, 2010; Wu and Ye, 2010), what has been missing so
far is an accounting of the philosophy behind such training and development (Wang, 2005). This omission may not seem like a major issue, but
Elias and Merriam (2005) make it clear that informed decisions about
education are linked to ones philosophical stance: The point of philosophical inquiry is to clarify issues so that decisions can be made on proper
grounds. . . . When considering the interrelationship of philosophy and
activity, it is clear that philosophy inspires ones activities, and gives
direction to practice (pp. 45). An awareness of ones philosophy is therefore important if changes in Chinas vocational and technical education to
support industrial development are to be well-reasoned and not just haphazard reactions to criticism from the public or the political leadership.
To help begin an accounting of vocational education philosophy in a
country that essentially espoused one philosophy for over two millennia
and then began to undergo repeated, rapid change, the authors want
to begin the process of awareness by giving an overview of past and
present vocational education philosophies and discussing possible future
developments.
Overall, the following four constants have stood out in Chinese vocational education philosophy in the 20th century:
1. Regardless of its philosophical orientation, the aim of Chinese vocational education has always been structuralist-functionalist.
2. Chinese vocational education has repeatedly borrowed from Western
models and philosophies.
3. Borrowed philosophies were always adapted to Chinese circumstances by maintaining elements of a Confucian framework.
4. One statement from the literature could be called the guiding principle of Chinese vocational education: The target of technical and
vocational education is to cultivate comprehensive developed personnel in line with social requirements (Wu and Ye, 2010, p. 72).
The purpose of this article is to review the historical development of
Chinese vocational education philosophy, to point out how each developmental stage has adhered to the four constants above, and to infer what the
future might hold for vocational education in China.

CONFUCIANISM AND STRUCTURALISM-FUNCTIONALISM

Structuralism-functionalism is the social theory that ascribes a preference

for the status quo to societies. In other words, the belief is that consistency
and harmony preserve the structure and the smooth functioning of social
systems whereas change and conflict lead to dysfunction. According to
Venn (1970), an ideology like structuralism-functionalism has its roots in
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Philosophy of Vocational Education in China

pre-industrialized society of the 19th century and earlier. Change was slow
if it happened at all; things mostly stayed the same and were expected to
stay the same well into the future. Work, medicine, communication, etc.,
were carried out as they had been for a long time, and people craved secure
and placid lives untroubled by war, hunger, or government intrusion.
Fgerlind and Saha (1983) thus named the following principles of a
structuralist-functionalist worldview:
1. Society consists of a system interrelated parts.
2. To function well, these parts need to be in harmony with one another.
3. Anything out of the ordinary leads to strife and sub-optimal functioning.
4. Should unusual events take place, the system immediately strives to
return to its former equilibrium.
Traditional Chinese education as based on the teachings of Confucius
adheres to much the same principles. Until the early 20th century, the
purpose of education was to create an ideal social order in which people
could live in harmony and be assured the respect and sincerity of their
contemporaries. Individuals had to engage in self-study in order to rise
above being a Common Man and attain the ideal life. The first step was that
of becoming a Superior Man. To become a Superior Man, one had to study
long and hard; exercise care, restraint, and sincerity; and essentially lead
by example to show others what living the ideal life was like and how
everyone could benefit from using this path to self-development. The Sage
as the second and final step is a person who encourages others to continue
to strive for improvement by helping them overcome difficulties and
recognize the benefits of an idealistic worldview (Chen, 1990).
These efforts by the Superior Man and the Sage, then, would create the
ideal social order. The first stage of this order was Small Tranquility,
which scorned exploitative and hierarchical relationships between people,
favoured rulers who did not become corrupted by the trappings of power,
and gave final authority to the people. Government, in fact, would be
characterized by a respect for the rights of the people in personal and
business matters and by frugality to avoid a high tax burden. Such an
attitude was said to eliminate feelings of anger, alienation, and daily stress
and improve the quality of life for everyone. The final stage, Great
Harmony, carried these ideas farther. Here, leaders chosen from among the
most capable were driven by a distinct desire to serve. Business would be
conducted with honesty, sincerity, and good faith. The elderly and the poor
would be cared for, and it was assured that everyone had employment to
earn a living. At this stage, people would be genuinely fond of one another
and work so that not only they but also others would be materially secure.
Everyone would be socially equal and have no wants, which would obviate
the need for revolt and lead to peaceful and harmonious social interaction
(Chen, 1990).
Vocational education played a minor role in Confucian thought. The
cultivation of the Superior Man did not allow for an equal standing of
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technical, utilitarian training. Being a technical specialist and working with

ones hands were not the ideals sought. Vocational skills were to be taught
to lower-class children by their parents. In imperial China, schooling was
reserved for the sons of the higher social classes to attain leadership
positions and administrative careers through classical education (Gewurtz,
1978; Mnch and Risler, 1987). Although Reagan (2005) admitted to the
strong Confucian prejudice against manual labour, he also maintained that
the system was flexible enough to permit occasional social advancement
for members of the working classes.
During the Warring States Period (475-221 BCE), however, a philosophy
of vocational education of sorts appeared, promoted by Mo Tzu (476-390
BCE), a philosopher and advocate for the lower classes who was concerned
with how people create meaning. Mo Tzu argued that labour is divided
into mental (superior) and manual (inferior) spheres, but his educational
thought focused on the latter, and he emphasized the importance of technical education for peasants and artisans, which involves knowledge of the
sciences. However, workers need not only technical competency but also
a solid morality, both of which benefit society (Mi, 2009). Mo Tzus
educational philosophy adheres to structuralism-functionalism just as Confucianism does, but according to Peng and Xia (2006), Mo Tzus thought
disappeared at the beginning of Han Dynasty (202 BCE). Afterwards,
Confucianism with its focus on classical rather than technical education
came to dominate Chinese education practice for more than 2000 years.

YEARS OF IDEALISM

In the late 19th century, the first changes in Chinese educational philosophy
in 2000 years began to appear. After the conclusion of the Second Opium
War in 1860 and the opening of China to Western powers, science and
technology, along with some democratic ideas, were introduced by the
colonial powers. In order to save the country from colonization yet benefit
from industrialization and modernization, some educators no longer considered Confucian thought to be adequate. Scholars and reformers such as
Yan Fu, Kang Youwei, and Liang Qichao criticized the traditional Imperial
Examination System dominated by Confucian ideals and supported
Western-style industrial education. Schools centred on vocational education infused with democratic ideas, they argued, could foster personal
development and wisdom (Mi, 2009). As a result of his experiences during
his exile in Japan, Liang even designed a national education system based
on Western models, including secondary and postsecondary industrial
schools (Song, 1993).
Using the influence of these reformers thoughts and the help of some
enlightened provincial governors, the Qing government in 1902 created a
national system of vocational education, built on the idealist ideas of
German educator J. F. Herbart and borrowed from Japan (Wu, 1991; Zhou,
2005). Education, according to Herbart, should be varied, build upon the
interests of students, and proceed with mathematical exactness and order to
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develop character and morality. Although Herbart preferred more of education to rest in the home, he conceded that vocational training was best
delivered in state-controlled institutions because the state needed effective
and efficient workers (Misawa, 1909). Adopting a Herbartian view, therefore, was seen to help change the emphasis of education from individual
development to utility. By making schools more vocationally oriented, the
government hoped to promote skills that supported the developing industry
in China and allowed people to earn a living in a rapidly changing economic environment (Gewurtz, 1978). However, a focus on social efficiency
is not a universal remedy for inadequate schools. In addition to preparing
people for a specific function in life and society, Herbart believed that
education must also make sure that a persons vocation fits his character
and personality, that everyone recognizes his responsibilities toward
society, and that each person be given the wherewithal to find his place in
society according to his abilities and inclinations (Cole, 1907).
To further this line of thinking, the new republican government advocated more vocational focus in schools and a greater distance from traditional classical education ideals to develop a technical and industrial
workforce. This effort led to the development of industrial education, the
construction of vocational schools, and hopes for an improved image of
vocational education. The problem with a Herbartian approach to vocational education, however, was that the emphasis remained on the old ideals
of building character and morals, which was more or less the status quo
under Confucianism. Policymakers may have been attracted to this idealism because this philosophy did not require radical change from the old
ways while taking a new stance on technical training. As a result, Herbartian ideas were grafted onto a Confucian framework, vocational education
and industrial requirements continued to play second fiddle to character
education and social requirements, and a lack of skilled workers persisted.

THE VOCATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION AND PRAGMATISM

The failure of vocational education to produce enough skilled workers for

the nations industry soon led to discontent with the direction the new
republican government had taken. Reports written as early as 1912 continued to rail against old philosophies, particularly Confucianism, began to
doubt the effectiveness of idealism, and touted pragmatism as the solution
to Chinas educational problems (Gewurtz, 1978; Zhou, 2005).
Huang Yanpei (1915, cited in Chinese Vocational Education Association,
1985), one of the proponents of pragmatism, was convinced that there were
three purposes to vocational education: preparing individuals to earn a
living, inculcating in people the desire to serve society, and promoting
productivity. Vocational education was not supposed to be the same as
technical or industrial education; besides providing individuals with workplace skills for production, attention needed to be paid to other aspects of
education such as learning to learn and developing good citizenship to
benefit both society and nation. Huang especially stressed such aspects of
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a work ethic as helpfulness, reliability, and hard work (Mi, 2009). Once
again, this was a structuralist-functionalist approach based on a borrowed
philosophy designed not only to raise the standard of living but also to
meet social needs without going through major societal upheavals. Huangs
pragmatism thus retained a strong Confucian undercurrent.
Pragmatism appealed to Chinese educators because once again, certain
parallels to Confucian ideas can be noted. The pragmatist focus on democracy was welcome after the demise of imperial rule; its emphasis on
training skilled workers for the economy was needed after the failures of
idealism; and the focus on education for life and on becoming a productive
member of society appealed to the adherents of Confucianism. Gewurtz
(1978) asserted that pragmatism was not intended to introduce individualism into China; a Chinese context in the form of responsibility to society as
a whole was still the dominant driving force. Vocational education, then,
was seen as one avenue for individuals to explore and discover their talents
and perfect them to be able to serve society most effectively. Incorporating
pragmatist ideas into Confucian roots linked individual and social goals,
and the structure of society was preserved.
To accomplish their goals, Huang and other reformers who had received
their academic training in the United States realized that collective action
was required to advance the cause of workforce training in China, and
their efforts led to the founding of the Vocational Education Association
(VEA) in 1917 (Zhou, 2005). Under the leadership of Huang Yanpei and
Tao Xingzhi, the VEA was strongly influenced by the pragmatist and
progressivist ideas of American educator John Dewey, especially because
they seemed to provide a framework for industrial training while still
focusing on social requirements and development. This new movement
was strengthened even further when Dewey visited China in 1919 and
spoke in various parts of the country (Zhou, 2005). As a result of these
efforts, the New School System was announced by the Department of
Education in 1922, and vocational education was for the first time part
of the national educational system, following the example of the United
States. The year 1922 can for this reason be regarded as the inception of
modern vocational education in China.
Problems in the VEA soon emerged. The strong focus on rural and poor
citizens and the continued strong influence of traditional thought prevented
a concerted approach. The need to develop urban industrialization did
not conform to attempts to raise the education and training level of rural
populations. Meanwhile, the chasm between social classes remained as
urban students used vocational education only as a first step in their quest
to follow traditional career paths into government jobs. The result was that
education was seen as a tool for personal gain more than for the benefit
of society, and in 1925, after only a few years of pragmatisms influence,
the Guomindang took control of vocational education development away
from the VEA (Gewurtz, 1978). Adopting a nationalist and xenophobic
approach, the Guomindang denounced pragmatism as imperialist and as a
threat to Chinese native culture and in turn focused on the development
of indigenous solutions. Although some aspects of pragmatism such as the
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project method were used until the 1940s, educational pragmatism experienced a steady decline after the establishment of the Nanjing government
in 1927 (Zhou, 2005).

VOCATIONAL EDUCATION UNDER MAO ZEDONG

When the communists assumed power in China in 1949, social and economic reconstruction was once again at the top of the political agenda, and
vocational education had to be subsumed under these political goals, or, in
other words, taught in a manner that supported the development of a
communist society (Pan, 2007). This renewed reconstruction was deemed
necessary because previous conflicts between traditions and new ideas, it
was claimed, had actually prevented economic development of the country
(Price, 1970). Western philosophy in general and pragmatism in particular
were assailed once more as reactionary ideologies continuing to focus on
individual glory; a particular threat to Marxist ideology was the idea of
students as self-directed learners who decided which practice suited them.
Although Marxism was also a Western philosophy borrowed from the Soviet
Union, its critical stance toward Western society allowed it to be defined as
progressive rather than reactionary (Wang, 2002; Pan, 2007). The focus thus
had to be on what was good for society rather than ones own professional
achievement or personal enjoyment. Serving society was the highest goal,
and in that respect, the communists shrewdly tapped into some aspects of
Confucianism while railing against others such as the focus on individual
development (Pan, 2007). Mao Zedong himself made clear that building a
proletarian society through moral and political education and developing a
love for ones country would be possible only if people experienced collective hard labour and productive work, and such a development was best
achieved by combining theory and practice, school learning and labour,
service and political campaigns (Price, 1970; Pan, 2007).
The Maoist revolutionary model of education focused on the development of specialists from within the workforce instead of university graduates. These workers would first observe and then investigate the conditions
they worked under. Next, they would develop an idea of how to improve
those conditions and put that idea into practice. All ideas, which were
simply individual assessments of observed practice, had to be so tested. By
returning to practice, ideas would be improved and corrected, which led to
new ideas that were then put into practice once more, and so on. This model
was driven by a materialist philosophy, meaning that not the ideas but the
products that derived from them were most important. The focus on products was also the impetus behind requiring all students to work in industrial
production. Industrial work led to tangible products, which were then put to
use by consumers. Such practical results of their labour developed in young
people not only satisfaction but also a love of country, of the masses, and
of their leadership (particularly Chairman Mao) as well as revolutionary
fervour to develop more ideas that could solve the countrys (and the
revolutions) problems. In other words, production work for the benefit of
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all focused students on the future and the improvement of their society
instead of on revisionist ideas from the past like personal achievement
(Orleans, 1961; Gamberg, 1977; Chen, 1981; Wang, 2002; Pan, 2007).
To build a new educational system, the ideal of Lenins integrated,
comprehensive polytechnic education was applied to Chinese vocational
education practice. In 1951, the official purpose of secondary vocational
education was to develop large numbers of lower- and middle-level technical personnel while continuing an emphasis on culture and science,
modern technology, and physical fitness as well as a desire to serve
society wholeheartedly (Fang, Liu and Fu, 2009). Since 1956, however,
as the result of a deteriorating relationship with the Soviet Union,
China embarked on the construction of a socialist society through selfexploration. The Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of
China in 1956 changed the emphasis of education from class struggle to
economic development with vocational education being the means to effect
such development, but already in 1958, class struggle was again designated
as the principal task of education, and the Great Leap Forward in education
was launched (Fang et al., 2009). Work-study programs embodying the
Marxist philosophy of education combined with production work were
advocated by President Liu Shaoqi and used as the main model of vocational education. These programs seemed like a good fit for the Chinese
situation of a large population with a low standard of living (Liu, 1958, as
cited in Chen, 1994). However, during the Cultural Revolution from 1966
to 1976, this vocational model was largely abandoned.

REFORMED MARXISM AFTER 1976

After Maos death, questions soon arose about the infallibility of his words
as well as the pre-eminence of class struggle and the dictatorship of the
proletariat in educational philosophy. Economic development became an
important notion, a shift away from the collective to the individual was
called for, and some Chinese philosophers developed a certain interest
in Western humanism to explore its inclusion into Marxist philosophy.
However, tradition won out. Mao had seen traditional (i.e. Confucian)
philosophy as an obstacle to progress even though he had used it to make
Marxism more palatable, but now bona fide attempts were made to
combine Confucianism with Marxist ideas. Ideas such as harmony, diligence, and education of individual judgment were seen as being compatible
with Marxism after all (Ouyang, 2002).
This Reform Marxism movement culminated in Deng Xiaopings idea
of a socialism with Chinese characteristics. Deng preserved ideals of
Marxism such as social equality, destruction of poverty, a higher standard
of living for all, and production for the benefit of society. At the same time,
he agreed that a socialist market system had to be built on empirical
evidence derived from practice, not ideology, that traditional philosophical
ideas had their place, and that the system had to be flexible to respond
to social and economic changes as well as individual needs and problems.
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Philosophy of Vocational Education in China

The endpoint was to be a socialist market system that would finally create
equity, eradicate poverty, increase production, and contribute to welfare for
all, thus maintaining a structuralist-functionalist stance (Ouyang, 2002).
The role that vocational education was to play in this context was first
expressed in a goal statement from the China Education Yearbook of 1984:
The goals and tasks of the secondary technical schools are to cultivate
qualified primary and middle-level technical personnel with necessary
basic knowledge on culture and science as well as on modern technology
(cited in Guo and Lamb, 2010, p. 22). In the same year, however, Chambers
(1984) referred to the situation of Chinese vocational education as somewhat cloudy (p. 203). Despite all solemn announcements about technology
skills and workforce preparation, he asserted that the biggest question, that
is, whether vocational education should remain part of a formal nationwide
system as it had been or whether it should be free from political influences
and independent from common education, had been avoided.
The 1980s and 1990s thus became a period of experimentation that
included vocational education reforms and improvements, a period that
tried various combinations of traditional and Western philosophies. Wu
(1991) had no qualms about the importance of this process. To him,
national safety and world peace were contingent upon Chinas making the
transition to a workforce with high technology skills.
Beginning in the mid-1980s, when economic system reforms started to
take hold, the role of vocational education in economic development slowly
became more secure and better defined. Vocational education became once
more part of a structuralist-functionalist ideology with a focus on social
requirements and needs. The Decision on Educational System Reform
issued by the Communist Partys central committee in 1985 declared that
vocational education had to be developed to create a technical workforce
whose production capacity would help strengthen social development
(Fang et al., 2009). Six years later, in 1991, the Minister of Education, Li
Tieying, stressed that vocational education should be taken as the means
of educating qualified laborers for the purpose of national economic
construction, but at the same time, he said, vocational education also has
a relationship with peoples welfare and happiness in life (Li, 1991, para.
2). In the same year, the Decision on Developing Vocational and Technical
Education Vigorously stated that developing vocational education not only
is the basis of improving the quality of ideology, ethic and scientific
culture of laborers, and realizing the socialist modernization construction
but also makes a difference in strengthening the socialist system belonging
to the worker-peasant alliance (State Council of the PRC, 1991, para. 2).
The China Education Reform and Development Program in 1993 emphasized that vocational education must fit the demand of a social market
economy and considered vocational education as the most important pillar
of industrialization, production socialization, and modernization (Department of Education, PRC, 1993). The China Vocational Education Act of
1996 in turn regulated that vocational education is the business of the
nation and the important path to promoting economy, improving society,
and assuring employment (Vocational Education Act [Zhong hua ren min
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gong he guo zhi ye jiao yu fa], 1996, para. 3). However, the Act advanced
an educational purpose involving political and moral development along
with vocational knowledge and skill training. With support of national
economic development being the most prominent feature of Chinese
vocational education, communist ideals mediated by market forces,
Confucianism, and a structuralist-functionalist aim were all maintained.
Confucian traditions, according to Wang (2005), had also made liberalism a strong element in Chinese education. The traditional focus on teachers as the experts, the focal point in the classroom, and the authority figure
led many teachers who were looking for inspiration from the West to adopt
a liberalist stance in education. Whether this approach was to be maintained
or changed was one of the challenges of this period. Further, Marxist ideas,
especially dialectical and historical materialism, were still strong since they
had dominated for so many years. Wang praised dialectical and historical
materialism for its focus on objective truths and its emphasis on bringing
theory and practice together. Because needs would differ from locality to
locality, a focus on finding the right local approach was crucial in economic
development, and abandoning Marxist ideas was not constructive.
With the two holdovers, as it were, of Marxism and liberalism still having
their place, the first new vocational education philosophy adopted after
1978 and Dengs reform ideas was behaviourism (Chambers, 1984; Wang,
2005; Wu and Ye, 2010). The countrys rapid economic development
agenda required skill training and competency development, which could
best be achieved through behavioural methods. Curricula had to be prescriptive so that needed skills for development were taught. Proficiency,
knowledge, and the right behaviour were key. Without a skilled labour
market, the country would not be able to meet its development targets, and
the Marxist emphasis on objective results guaranteed that behavioural
objectives were geared toward local needs (Wu and Ye, 2010).
However, despite the praise accorded dialectical and historical materialism, it in some ways is part of the problem rather than the solution. With its
idea that the entire social and economic situation of a society is rooted in
the conditions of the production environment and that only productive
work, i.e. work that creates tangible products to be used by citizens, is the
road to social progress, equality, and self-actualization, dialectical and
historical materialism turns workforce education into a forum for political
and moral engagement. Such thinking still provides the basis for day-today practice in vocational education. For example, Dai (2000) stated the
purpose of vocational education as seen by the Chinese Ministry of Education as follows, showing the primacy of civic, social, and political roles
of vocational education: [Build a] culture of peace, . . . prosperous communities . . . , social cohesion and stability, and environmentally sound
sustainable development (p. 6). The stance that economic and civic or
social development are inseparably linked in a dialectical relationship
provided enough reason for the Communist Party to want to retain control.
Despite the assertions of Wu and Ye (2010), curricula still tend to be written
by bureaucrats at the national level, who follow official precepts, maintain
a focus on cognitive learning, and do not take local conditions into account.
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11

That situation, then, is the conflict at the heart of vocational education

reform. The role of vocational education should be to teach the skills that
are needed for the development of an economy less and less focused on
manufacturing, but this desire runs counter to the materialist approach
that vocational education first and foremost help develop a better society
through production work. As a result, large numbers of workers lack
advanced technical skills increasingly important in Chinas changing
economy, and the lack of such skills makes it more difficult for technology
employers to find qualified workers (Wang, 2004; Guo and Lamb, 2010).

PRESENT DEVELOPMENTS IN CHINESE VTE PHILOSOPHY

Why has it been so difficult to modernize vocational education, to offer

programs that can adapt to changing industry needs and truly prepare
learners for the workforce instead of emphasizing civic education and
character formation, the social role of vocational education, and the role of
work in ideology? Which educational philosophy allows a balance between
the social role of vocational education steeped in Marxism and Confucianism and the charge to produce qualified employees for Chinas growing
post-manufacturing industry? What is the contemporary relevance of vocational education as it struggles to find this balance and train enough qualified workers?
Vocational education in China at present can be divided into four major
categories: (1) junior vocational education, (2) senior vocational education,
(3) adult education, and (4) postsecondary education. The first category
takes place in junior high schools and is largely confined to rural areas with
the goal of producing a skilled agricultural workforce and workers who can
provide services to rural communities. Senior vocational education includes
vocational high schools, technical senior schools, and so-called schools for
skilled workers. These schools aim to teach intermediate workforce skills for
managers and technicians. Graduates will work in production as operators,
service technicians, or supervisors and as mid-level administrators in
schools or hospitals. Postsecondary vocational education trains highly qualified workers, mostly in technical and engineering fields. Institutions are
workers colleges, junior colleges, and two-year technical universities. The
role of higher education is to prepare white-collar workers and advanced
technicians who have a qualification above that of a mid-level skilled worker
but below that of a degree holder. In addition, these colleges are designed
to train specialists particularly for the needs of local development. Adult
education can be found at specialized technical schools that may be supported by communities or corporations or are independent proprietary
schools. These schools generally aim to provide additional training to
bureaucrats or corporate administrative or production staff (Wang, 2004).
Vocational schools, however, have proven to be largely insufficient in
training employees with advanced skills for the Chinese high-tech labour
market. The training is often de-coupled from skills needed on the job;
facilities lack modern equipment to train students adequately; curricula are
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not modernized regularly; the focus is on theory, cognitive skills, and rote
learning rather than applied learning and critical thinking; and linkages
with industry are few and far between. Corporate involvement in workforce
training has been urged, but the tradition of schooling as a means of
vocational education and government control of curricula has kept industry
participation minimal, and few opportunities exist for apprenticeship programs and on-the-job training although these training modes have recently
found increased acceptance (Wu and Ye, 2010).
As a result of such challenges, additional developments have begun to
unfold. In addition to the call to focus on specific skills, Wu and Ye (2010)
also mentioned a need for student-centred teaching, a teacher role that
exerted less control, and critical thinking abilities among the students. The
focus of education was to shift from teaching to learning. In their view, the
focus on social requirements constitutes a homage to Confucianism along
with what is clearly a resurgence of pragmatism. Wu and Ye labelled their
vision of instructional design integrated teaching (p. 149), but they really
advocated pragmatist and progressivist ideas such as individual development, critical thinking and problem-solving skills, integration of technical
and academic curricula, teachers as facilitators, the training of students not
in specific skills but in being adaptable to change through communication,
organizational skills, and lifelong learning focused on individual and social
needs.
Stephens (2009) supported this reintroduction of a pragmatist philosophy
by pointing out that it actually shares a number of similarities with Confucianism. According to Stephens, both focus on the practical aspects of
life, especially improvement of social conditions overall; both aim to
influence peoples personal experiences in that self-actualized citizens are
better able to move society forward; and both favour education as an
applied pursuit, not just an acquisition of knowledge. Philosophy must
derive from daily life and redirect people back into daily life. A society can
move forward only if a philosophy exists that can affect and impact all
members of this society. Pragmatism fulfils all these requirements, and its
similarities with traditional philosophy make it the perfect choice for a
Chinese educational transition that does not lead to upheaval.
Another noteworthy path was suggested by Flowers (1998), who, instead
of focusing on borrowing Western philosophies, advocated a stronger
influence of another traditional Chinese philosophy, Taoism. According to
Flowers, problem-solving, problem-based learning, and independent learning are all hallmarks of Taoism as well as pragmatism and thus help preserve
the connection to traditional Chinese thought. At the same time, Taoism
allows educators and policy makers to seek answers that are not exclusively
based on the primacy of technology but actually focus on what is best for
industry and society in the long run. In other words, Flowers argued that the
structuralist-functionalist aim of vocational education can be better achieved
with a greater focus on Taoist principles as they are perfectly positioned to
help with the integration of Western and Chinese thought.
According to Wang (2009a), China is now at a crossroads. The traditional
system had favoured moral education; the Marxist system had emphasized
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politics, class struggle, and production work and had made advancement
contingent upon political considerations; and behaviourism had focused
mainly on technical skills. How could China transform into a modern
economy with new learning and training needs while staying true to Chinese
culture? Should Western educational ideas simply be borrowed and adopted
as needed, or should traditional Chinese thought be maintained? For the
moment, Wang stated, Chinese vocational education philosophy is faced
with what essentially amounts to the usual tension between Western and
traditional philosophies, and there is no clear solution in sight.

THE FUTURE OF CHINESE VTE PHILOSOPHY

Wang (2009b) answered some of his own questions. He described the

contemporary situation with the following quotation: Despite multiple
traditions, Chinese VTE does not appear to reflect a dominant philosophy
(p. 177). Far from being dismayed by this multitude of influences and the
apparent lack of focus in vocational education philosophy, he celebrates it.
Wang claimed that Chinese education in general and instructors in particular have been influenced by Confucianism, Marxism, Maoism, Leninism,
liberalism, progressivism, and behaviourism and also use elements of radicalism and humanism. Educational borrowing, to him, is acceptable as long
as differing social environments are taken into account and the Chinese
context, i.e. a focus on what is best for society, is preserved. Educators
should base their philosophy on their own teaching contexts and on what
seems to help their students most, and no one should have one dominant
philosophy forced upon him or herself.
Wang (2004) considered the reforms of Chinese vocational education a
step in the right direction, but he was equally concerned that if vocational
education could not be made more effective, Chinese economic development would be stifled. Guo and Lamb (2010) added that although some
progress had been made, vocational education was still unable to supply
industry with the needed number of highly skilled workers, leading to
worker shortages, while workers willing to acquire additional skills often
lacked access to adequate training. Several priorities were suggested for
future policy development:
1. A concerted effort to overcome the low public opinion of vocational
education and increase the numbers of participants.
2. More focus on job skills and an orientation toward the needs of local
industry.
3. Less focus on cognitive learning and more focus on applied
instruction.
4. Vocational education that prepares people for job clusters rather than
one specific profession.
5. Reform of teacher training to make sure that teachers gain sufficient
industry experience and that industry experts are trained in teaching
methods.
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C. Schmidtke and P. Chen

6. More funding from multiple sources. Many vocational schools have

sub-standard facilities and out-dated equipment. The government
alone can no longer supply all the funding needed.
7. Greater involvement of industry. Industry can no longer expect
to have qualified workers delivered to its doorstep; instead, it
must assume its social responsibility and provide more funding,
more on-the-job training, and more involvement in curriculum
development.
8. A change in attitude among policy makers and curriculum developers
who still favour general education over technical education (Guo and
Lamb, 2010; Wu and Ye, 2010).
Such specific suggestions once more point to a clear desire for a return to
pragmatism. Pragmatism has the additional advantage to encompass individual and overall social development and as such can help both adherents
of Marxism and of Confucianism overcome the reluctance to change. It
allows for continuation of the Marxist and Confucian emphasis on social
development while simultaneously injecting a focus on workplace skills
into vocational education. Some liberal element will likely remain as a nod
to traditional Chinese teaching methods, and behavioural elements will
also remain, as safety and cost in vocational education often require more
behavioural approaches.
Wu and Ye (2010) push even further than the renewed pragmatist thinking by insisting that in addition to teaching practical and critical-thinking
skills, vocational education must focus more on the individual and society.
These ideas refer to independent worldviews, human dignity, individual
personalities, and a higher consciousness, all of which fall under the
general definition of humanism. Wang (2009a) identified the humanistic
streak in students determining their own learning: Trainees need a
learner-centred approach in which they become responsible for their own
learning (p. 168). These ideas are once again connected with Confucian
thought, which also espouses ideas of an individual focus in educational
pursuits.

CONCLUSION

What then is the outlook for Chinese vocational education philosophy?

According to Yang (2006), the year 2005 was a true changing point in
educational and vocational philosophy because the government issued a
strategic concept advocating the creation of a learning society with a focus
on lifelong learning (Strategic Concepts for the Development of Chinese
Education and Human Resources for the Next Fifty Years, 2005). However,
despite repeated initiatives to reform and modernize vocational education,
the basic tension over the primacy of training for social and civic versus
economic development remains. It is probable that the four constants will
continue to dominate educational thinking. The structuralist-functionalist
approach will likely prevail as a result of the Chinese respect for traditions
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Philosophy of Vocational Education in China

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and continued reliance on dialectical and historical materialism in official

politics. Borrowing from Western models will also continue; the question
is only what will be borrowed and in which form. Chinese educators
have already begun taking a serious look at humanist ideals to explore
their applicability to a Chinese context, and the discussion of humanist
approaches in Chinese vocational education will surely become more active.
To which degree policymakers will allow humanist thought to penetrate
educational philosophy remains to be seen as ideals such as the learner as an
active participant in designing his or her education can be seen as a threat
to Marxist collectivism. Scholars and educators advocating humanism
will have to be careful to frame their ideas in terms of acceptable social
developments.
Another issue is the question of which other Western philosophies might
be borrowed. Will the continued development of an industrialized society
lead to a more radical, critical approach to education, and will this industrialization eventually cause the same type of alienation that in the West has
led to postmodern thought? How will Chinese leaders react if philosophy
becomes radical in ways other than along the official party line and if
alienation from this official line is discussed openly? In addition, how will
possible developments be mediated by the fact that Confucian traditions
continue to play an important role? Elements of Western philosophy,
whichever movement they may come from, will likely continue to be
adopted in line with their similarities to Confucian thought so that they can
support the structuralist-functionalist ideology and the focus on social
requirements.
The future of Chinese vocational education philosophy is difficult if not
impossible to predict; more so than in other societies, political sensibilities
and influences as well as loyalties to traditional thought will play important
roles in what will be adopted (if anything) and how it will be shaped. What
is needed is an educational philosophy that can coexist with dialectical
materialism and Confucianism while allowing vocational education to
become more responsive to changes in the Chinese economy away from
manufacturing toward more high technology and services. The end result,
as suggested by Wang (2009b), could well be that a multitude of philosophies coexist for a while and are used by instructional personnel based on
personal preferences and local economic conditions.
Thus, for the time being it appears that Chinese vocational education
continues to experiment in an attempt to find ways to adjust to rapidly
changing social and economic environments while remaining connected to
its cultural and spiritual roots. The future for Chinese vocational education
promises to be both fascinating and challenging, and the outcomes are
likely to have major implications on globalization and on workforce
education everywhere.
Correspondence: Carsten Schmidtke, Human Resource and Workforce
Development Education, College of Education and Health Professions, 101
GRAD, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, AR 72701, USA.
Email: cswded@uark.edu
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C. Schmidtke and P. Chen

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