The Memoirs Elpidio Quirino

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Introduction by JUAN COLLAS

www.elpidioquirino.org
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This country will survive, not

because I say so, but because our
people have proven it in the past,
are proving it now, and will prove
it in the difficult years to come. It
is part of our common heritage and
experience which no one can take
away that we are above fear when we
are so absorbed in our positive tasks
that we have no time for fear itself.
President Elpidio Quirino
P R E S I D E N T E L P I D I O Q U I R I N O F O U N DAT I O N
l The MEMOIRS
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The Memoirs
Copyright, 1990
by the National Historical Institute
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced without
written permission from the publisher.
ISBN -971-538-007-7 (Hard Cover)

-971-538-008-5 (Soft Cover)
Book design by Eva Farolan-Peamora
Typesetting and printing by Vera-Reyes Inc.
2015 edition e-book by the President Elpidio Quirino Foundation.
designed by Katherine F. Bercasio
l The MEMOIRS
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SOMETHING
ABOUT
HERO-WORSHIP
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After Quezon followed Manuel Roxas in the estimate of a good many people, and
Roxas name and reputation carried a potency of far-reaching consequences in many a
Philippine community. That power is not to be lightly treated; people affected by it raise
their capability for making a positive contribution to the common weal, or for working
incalculable public mischief and injury.
When I speak of Quezon and Roxas, I have in mind their struggle to establish their
leadership, their training, and their experience in dealing with people and problems, at
home and abroad, their force of mind and character, their conception of responsibility
the years it took them to prepare for the responsibilities of public office.
And now there is a new hero in Ramon Magsaysay. By means peculiarly his own, with
the substantial assistance of elements local and foreign, he has shaped himself into a
hero and raised expectations of exaggerated proportions. An inflated prestige carries him
everywhere. And every time he is praised for his supposed program of social amelioration,
the preceding administration is used as a whetting stone for instruments with which to
cut a lofty figure for him. He is deified consistently at the expense of the administration
by which he has risen to power, presuming to see in him the panacea to all the ills that
have plagued our country from the earliest times.
l The MEMOIRS
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ur people have always been strong for hero-worship, finding in powerful

and effective men their greatest inspiration for thought and action. When
Manuel Quezon is alive, he was the center of all public attention; the
impact of his personality, to the slightest mannerism, was felt everywhere.
Citizens swore by what he said or what he was reported to have said; they justified their
vices and their virtues by what he was understood to be doing or capable of doing
the Huks, was ready to come and reveal to me the identity, whereabouts, and plans of
the communist politburo in Manila. Whereupon I directed Dr. Cantos to accompany
Rizal to the secretary of the national defense and make revelations to him. That was the
beginning of a thorough and systematic effort to collect evidence against the communist
politburo, whose members were eventually picked up, prosecuted in court, and convicted
of treason.
When I thought it was time for them to receive popular acceptance, I recommended
them for the senatorial line-up in 1951. The first two ran for the Senate that year. They
did not make it. Nevertheless, I followed up their career and saw to it that they were
given the chance to be prominent in private affairs. Evangelista became president of the
biggest private university in the country; Bengzon was placed on the integrity Board and
continued as Chairman of the Manila Gas Corporation.
I did not claim credit for breaking the backbone of communism in the Philippines in
my desire to build up the prestige of Magsaysay. I gave him the source of information
and had to proclaim the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in order to facilitate the
prosecution of over 100 Communists who were rounded up because of that information.
In my effort to broaden the circle of young elements capable of assisting in national

affairs, I called upon members of the Junior Chamber of Commerce, the Lions Club,
and various other professional and civic organizations who had distinguished themselves
in civic affairs to serve on the boards of government corporations and in government
offices and agencies. I was constantly on the lookout for young talents to develop for
national leadership and service.
As for Magsaysay, I gave him the support he needed to succeed as Secretary of
National Defense. My absolute faith and confidence in him produced corresponding
public admiration of his actions. I assigned to him all the necessary patronage and
appropriation, gave him the credit for everything done, even when it was not directly
attributable to his personal efforts, so that his prestige might grow and acquire national
value.
I am reminded, at this point, of the initial growth of Magsaysays popularity, which
followed the roundup of the communist politburo in Manila. This roundup, incidentally,
broke the backbone of the Communist organization. Contrary to what was widely
publicized, especially in the United States, that Magsaysay converted into a Government
sympathizer a supposed Huk leader, known as Manila Boy, allegedly assigned to
assassinate me, and used him to find out the identity of the Communist politburo
members and to track all their movements, thus enabling Magsaysay to round them up
and arrest the development of the seditious activities of the organization, it can now be
revealed that it was Dr. Cantos, president of the Batangas chapter of the Liberal Party,
who approached me one day to inform me that Taciano Rizal, a great grandnephew of
Dr. Jose Rizal who had fled to the mountains after killing a brother-in-law and joined
l The MEMOIRS
It will be recalled that I created the Peace Fund Commission to facilitate the peace
campaign involving dissidents. The amount collected in the fund-raising was placed in
the hands of Magsaysay. Practically all of the available P2 million was given to him it
turned to be a campaign, however, not so much for peace as for his private political aims,
and the weapon placed in his hands was used against the man who had given it to him
and trusted him.
I did not have the slightest suspicion that, all along, I was nurturing a real threat to my
own political life. I did not imagine then that my Secretary of National Defense would
take advantage of my efforts to raise his stature to the extent of turning his back upon me
and upsetting my program of administration in my last years of office, as well as leaving
my party and turning around to face me in my last political fight.
I remember as occasion one night a touching one on the presidential yacht, at just
about that time before the parting of ways. I was talking to Magsaysay as father to son on
his conduct in public life. I reminded him of my motto: So conduct yourself in public
as well as in private life that you can always look into any mans eyes and tell him to go
to hell. I tried to make him feel that it counted to prepare his ground for greater future
service. I reminded him also of what Quezon used to advise me. After I told him that
I was satisfied with my election as senator and had no further ambition to rise higher,
Quezon said: As long as you are in public life, prepare to fight without end until you
reach your highest goal. And I want to tell you one thing even if you have to fight me,
you must prepare for that eventuality.
My own protg did not note that I never followed Quezons counsel; but he did take my
Quezon reference literally, and subsequently fought me. It appears a trifle humorous now
in perspective. It has a counterpart in my experience with General Carlos P. Romulo.
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I have closely watched Magsaysay since he came into view. I have had a substantial part
of building him up. Once, during my incumbency, I intimated my determination to raise
three young men around me for a greater service to the nation: Teodoro Evangelista, Jose
P. Bengzon, and Ramon Magsaysay. I made them members of my Cabinet. I gave them
every opportunity to improve in the estimation of the public, encourage them in every
way possible to rise to the standards of leadership appropriate to the present generation.
I have accepted with resignation and with the spirit of cooperation the change people
expect from a change in national leadership. I observe, however, a marked tendency
towards increasing deterioration in the political idealism of our people. Ours has been
known to be bold and noble hero-worshippers. Magsaysays record provides a good test of
patriotism. The record is yet to be completed, and the future carries a great challenge.
Honest Magsaysay followers come to me now to confess their misjudgment of this man.
They are more vocal and critical behind my back. They expect nothing from me, and I
expect nothing from them. I do not blame them, since I have been equally misled. My
heart aches as I wrote. But I do so, nevertheless, finding comfort and consolation in
affording a lesson of the quality of leadership that we have, and on the need to face the
challenge of our time.
THE PASSING
OF ROXAS
board the Coast Guard cutter Anemone on its way back to Manila in the
morning of April 16, 1948, I receive word of the sudden death of President
Roxas. He had succumbed to heart failure the day before at Clark Field. I
was returning from an inspection trip to the Visayas.
My health was not too good, and now, without warning, the tremendous burden of
Presidency had been shifted to me. It had killed my dear and good friend, that I knew.
I just had the time to pray as I never did before. I needed all the energy and the help I
could muster to carry on the job where my distinguished predecessor had left off.
I realized that I myself was living on a borrowed time. I confessed so the next day, at the
University of Manila, where they gave me an honorary degree. I begged the indulgence
of the audience and limited myself to saying Thank you and pledging to be true to the
university, to its exalted principles and avowed purpose of preparing the youth for duty in
our democracy.
My mind was so much too full with the tragedy that had befallen the nation in the
unexpected passing of Manuel Roxas. I sought renewal of faith in the fact that I had
known him long, had grown up and work with him, had been nourish with the same
ideas that he was. We were in school together although belonging to different classes.
We were thrown together in school activities, whether in debates or declamation or
oratorical competitions. Brought up to the same democratic heritage, we pursued the
same objectives.
l The MEMOIRS
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In 1953, I called Romulo to Manila to help in the election campaign for the Liberal
Party. He did come but only to turn around and fight me. Such betrayals seem human
enough, and demand some understanding. The worst that can be said is that they do
happen.
I found assurance in what we had accomplished under our common dedication, and in
the thought that he look upon me as a partner. When he took his oath as President of
the Republic, the nation was in shambles, the public coffers were empty; on the faces of
the people were the cynicism, the effects of the cruelty, and the deprivation wrought by
the grim struggle for survival. The cries of women in distress, the protests of men dragged
from their homes by dissidents and kidnappers almost drown his ringing voice.
At the time that he left, new homes and shops had replaced much that had been rubble;
the production of basic crops had been doubled and, in some case, quadrupled; the value
of money had increased to more than twice to its purchasing power; the prospect of
balance budget had brightened; and the enrollment of the school children had doubled
in two years. In the world still bleak despite valiant efforts to recover from the terror and
destruction of World War II, this countrys face had taken on a happier aspect. Older
were extending their hands to seek goodwill and friendship of our young republic, Roxas
having given it renewed strength and prestige.
I derived no little inspiration from the fact that Manuel Roxas was a champion of
democracy. He gave his life not only to his country but also to the commonwealth of
the democracies. His last public address testified to his abiding love of democracy, to
the sacrifice that he believed he and his own people would always be ready to make, in
cooperation with the worlds greatest democracy, to preserve freedom and to attain lasting
peace.
I was convinced that history would honor Roxas for what he stood for and did as
soldier, statesman, lover of his country, and father of the Republic of the Philippines.
For the vision he had of a nation restored from the devastation of war, for the faith and
encourage he proved in meeting the problems involved, I felt that our people, years
hence, would praise god that Roxas had been around. He raised his prostate people on
their feet and gave clarity to their confused minds in a most critical period of their history
as a newly independent nation.
l The MEMOIRS
The troubled world situation at the time he died certainly demanded of his successor in
office, of his people whom he loved, that they carry on boldly and firmly with the task
initiated under his vigorous leadership. I knew of no better occasion to lay aside the
petty and partisan differences, the selfish motives and personal ambitions dividing us, in
order to achieve for our country the security and tranquility needed to build on durable
foundations.
Along the lines of such sentiments, I paid tribute to him in the day of his funeral,
April 25, at the necrological service in the session hall of the makeshift House of
Representatives on Lepanto Street.
I could not altogether shake off from my mind the prospect that awaited me in
turn. Roxas alive had been spoken of in terms comparable to the abused heaped on
Washington himself in his time, such as could scarcely be applied to Nero, a notorious
defaulter, or even a common pickpocket.
When Lincoln fell before the assassins bullet, members of his own party reported to have
rejoiced and looked upon the event as a god-send to the country. The critics of Thomas
Jefferson agreed that he was a man of illusions, highly dangerous to the society and
unbounded in power of evil.
Somewhat wryly, my colleagues in the Liberal Party may have recalled that their assent
to my candidacy in 1946 as teammate of Roxas was in mere ratification of supposed
political custom shaped by geographic consideration. Roxas came from Visayas, so his
running mate must come from Luzon, and from that area of it whose votes could feasibly
spell victory for the team. But it was not necessary to anticipate, it would not be practical
to expect, that Roxas would drop off before his time to leave the helm to somebody else
--- me, for example.
For myself, my presence would have been to continue in the Senate rather than run
for Vice President of the Republic. I was a Senator for three terms, and appreciated the
importance of the office in dispensing public service, especially as President of the Senate.
It had authority of far-reaching consequences, and the responsibility was not too broad
and encompassing. Quezon as Senate President demonstrated it.
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We entered the public service at the same time in our early manhood: he, in the
executive branch as a provincial governor, and I, in the legislature as a member. When
he was Speaker of the House, I was a Senator. We were together in the campaign for the
Philippine independence here and abroad. We were both delegates to the Constitutional
Convention. We held the same portfolio, at different times, in the cabinet. Finding
ourselves together once more in the senate, he became its President, and I, President ProTempore. Then we were back in the executive branch --- he was elected President of the
Republic, and I, Vice-President.
FRESH TRY
AT PEACE
period up to January 1948. Farms and homes had been burn, and peaceful citizens
had been killed in cross fires, in Central Luzon and areas south and east of Manila. The
disruption of normal productive activities was the rule in many farm communities.
People who otherwise could feed themselves had been compelled to crowd poblaciones,
dependent on the help of their relatives, friends or welfare agencies of the government.
s I saw that day, on the Anemone at sea, and in the days and weeks and
months to follow, restoring peace and order, especially in Central Luzon,
was a problem of first priority. It was to speed up national reconstruction
that Roxas had, with unremitting exertions, sets us off to a substantial start
despite the difficulties created by the Huk dissidents.
When I got off the Anemone on April 17 and repaired to Malacaang to be sworn into
office as successor of Roxas, it was clear that the challenge posed by the Huks required
and full attention. Along with it, of course, was the need to strengthen the peoples
confidence in the government. Roxas had a too limited a time to resolve these basic
problems, and I pledge my utmost and best to secure all the cooperation I could cope
with them.
In the years of cooperation, our people had had more of their share of deprivations
in food, clothing, and shelter. They had had enough of brutalization from the enemy
occupation and the cruel exigencies of liberations.
Since the independence in 1946, the huge task of reconstructions had been handicapped
by our peoples inability to settle down and work in complete tranquility. Harassments
by dissidents in the form of raids, ambuscades, kidnappings, and appropriations of rice
harvests had been frequent.
No less than 95 clashes between dissidents and government forces during the two-year
l The MEMOIRS
Failing to get them surrender their arms and live in peace, Roxas proclaimed the end
of the bloodless phase of the peace campaign on August 21, 1946. On March 6, 1948,
goaded by the increasing lawlessness in the countryside, he declared the Hukbalahap
(Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon) and the PKM (Pambansang Kaisahan ng mga
Magbubukid) to be illegal associations organized and maintained to commit acts
of sedition and other crimes, for the purpose of overthrowing the government under
the constitution by wresting the reigns of governments from the lawfully-elected
representatives of the people and establishing a government of their own through force
and intimidation.
I asked myself whether I should press with unrelenting vigor the strong arm policy laid
down by the predecessor. It occurred to me, because of a new feeling that moved the
nation deeply upon his sudden passing, that it might be possible to review that policy for
a new effort at conciliation that would not impair the prosecution of his objectives.
At about this time, Jose C. Zulueta, then Secretary of the Interior, marked my early
announcement of peace and order as the cornerstone of my administration. He observed
that indisputably, peace with tolerance and justice s my master key to the social,
economic and political future of the country. (Bulletin, April 20, 1948) Dr. Jose P.
Laurel called for temporary suspension of all political parties at a time like this when
the young republic is facing crisis, indicating a spirit apparently affected by the mood of
conciliation that had descended on the land. (AP interview, Chronicle, April 22, 1948)
Then a letter, dated April 24, 1948, reached my hands. It was from Luis Taruc, the Huk
Supremo, who claimed it as a right of the lowest citizen to address himself to the Chief
Executive and surmount barriers which would prevent the people from uniting in the
common task of achieving peace and prosperity for all. He claimed that the policy, in
force for almost two years, had nothing to show for it save more discontent and misery.
He said that I was approaching the problem with hands not bound by the dictates of
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President Roxas had tried to use reason early in his first year of administration. He
talked to dissident leaders and created an Agrarian Commission in response to their
representations. For its parts, Congress had enacted laws to raise the share of tenant
farmers, facilitate the distribution of land, and improve their economic condition.
On April 27, Secretary Zulueta submitted to the Cabinet meeting a memorandum

outlining a course of action with respect to the peace and order problem. He
recommended freedom for Huk and PKM members who are not guilty of criminal
offenses, and proposed policy measures, socioeconomic remedies, and an ideopsychological campaign. It seemed
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through enough, as he said, that he would not annihilate all the dissidents or keep them
in the stockades for an indefinite period of time. Unless otherwise convicted of murder,
rape, arson, or other offense, they should, he felt, be reclaimed from beyond the pale
of the law and return to civil society without fear of prosecution or molestation. They
should, he said, be afforded a chance to better their conditions socially and economically
live with a little dignity, have something to eat, and be protected from willful
exploitation. (Evening News, April 27, 1948)
The view seemed sensible and correct. What detracted from it only was the fact that it
came from the Secretary of Interior. He was politically suspect to party colleagues heading
the two chambers of Congress because of his interest in having control of the proposed
4milliion pesos peace fund under his department. Both the House Speaker and the
Senate President were chary of allowing the advantage of that sizable fund go to a Cabinet
Secretary who had intension for the vice-presidential post in a coming national election
to which they could rationally aspire. The judicious disbursement of 4milliion pesos in
the interest of peace all over the country could conceivably advance not only peace itself
but also prestige of a department secretary to an extent that would attract votes for vicepresidential candidate.
It happened that the provincial governors and mayors were in Manila at that time, at
the behest of the Secretary of Interior, under whose immediate jurisdiction they were.
Like me and the Secretary, they, too, were interested in peace and order; they were also
reported in the press as anticipating a share (20,000 pesos each) of the peace fund, and
were agreeable to passing a resolution asking me to place the fund under the Secretary of
the Interior. (Evening Herald, April 28, 1948)
I had to tell this delegation of governors and mayors who called on me for the purpose
that the fight over the fund was premature and inappropriate. Although it had promised
that the fund to President Roxas when he was still alive, Congress, for one thing, had yet
to vote on the money. Congress should be left the clearness of the vision needed to decide
l The MEMOIRS
whether to approve the fund or not. For another, peace and order was a local problem,
if grave enough, to the places where it existed. There was peace and order to the country
except in a few areas like Nueva Ecija, Rizal and Quezon; it would be out of the scope
of the other governors not concerned to make a national issue of it when they had other
problems to worry about.
Governor Jose U. Gallego of Camarines Sur, one of those present, admitted that the
peace-and-order situation in his province was excellent. He said he could spare the
Constabulary there for the use of some other province that might need it.
What the provincial executives want to do, as the Manila Daily Bulletin wisely observe
the next day, was to rally behind the Secretary of Interior in his political fight with
congressional leaders for the restoration of the controversial fund of 500,000, now
swollen to a potential 4million pesos.
For my own special purpose, and of course as temporary escape from the tense
atmosphere created by the prospect of a peace fund being convinced as a political grabbag, I decided on April 29 to make a surprise visit to four Huk-infested provinces --Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, and Pampanga. I could do with the feel of facts gathered
first-hand on this peace-and-order situation.
Accompanied by a small group of people, among whom where General Mariano M.
Castaeda, Colonel Alberto Ramos, two visiting American newsmen, and Manila
reporters, I set out unannounced. I wanted to see the people itinerary, stopping in
towns and barrios picked in random and encouraging everybody I talked to speak out. I
covered by motor in 12 hours some 300 kilometers through the four provinces. I found
opportunity to check initial reports against what I saw and heard.
Out first stop Baliwag, Bulacan. It was 8:00 oclock a.m. we went to the municipal
building. The mayor and most of the employees had not yet arrived for worked, but
Governor Fortunato Halili was around to meet me, explaining that this G-2 had
alerted him. Excellent G-2 he had --- more intelligent that PCs intelligence service.
The next town was San Miguel, the same province. I talked to Mayor Eugenio Tecson
and was assured that the peace-and-order situation there was excellent. From there we
proceed to Sta. Rosa, Nueva Ecija. Mayor Bonifacio Santos informed me that several
hold-ups had taken place in the town, one as recently as three days earlier, when 10
persons had stopped eight trucks and relieved the passengers of their cash, and the PC
detachment has yet to do something about it.
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anybody in making the restoration of peace a goal of my administration. Now he would

ask my leave to offer his cooperation and that of his organization to reach a solution that
is based in tolerance, understanding and justice.
Our next stop was Cabanatuan, where a town fiesta was on. I held a half-hour conference
with provincial and municipal officials at the capitol. I told them:
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I entered my office with an open mind and before formulating or executing any policies,
I want to sound out people to see conditions for myself, my first concern was peace
and order. This province is reputed to be most unruly. Now I want you to tell me your
problems.
Governor Chioco, in behalf of the officials, said: Conditions here are improving in a
way and the people have confidence in the government. Your visit here, Mr. President,
will help strengthen that confidence. He cultivated because of unsettled conditions.
He requested that 150,000 cavanes of rice purchase by the NARIC be retained in
Cabanatuan for distribution and sale in the province.
One official would have PC detachment go with the barrio people waiting to return to
their farms; where upon General Castaeda said he had already talked to the governor,
asking him to simply advise him when these people were ready to go and he would
provide the protection.
I warned the official against playing politics at the cost of exposing the lives of innocent
people. Politics, I said, would be absolutely taboo in the peace-and-order campaign,
and those afraid to discharge their duties might as well quit for I would not hesitate to
relieve them. I challenged to a new spirit. I appealed for cooperation as I was determined
to eliminate the differences between the civilian population and the constabulary. The
provincial and municipal officials present, mostly of the opposition party, appeared very
receptive.
Form Cabanatuan we proceeded to La Paz, Tarlac. Governor Antonio Lopez and La Paz
Mayor Artemio Castaeda met us. In response to a request that I make a speech, I said:
I did not come here to speak. But I am going to ask your provincial engineer to estimate
the cost of repairing La Paz-Zaragoza road which is in bad condition, and I will have it
fixed as a reminder that I visit here. This dirt road was a Huk corridor to the hills.
l The MEMOIRS
After lunch and a 40-minute rest in Bamban, Tarlac, I went to Pampanga, accompanied
by Governor Jose Lingad of the province. I made stops in Barrio Mabical, Mabalacat, and
Barrio Sto. Domingo, Minalin.
I went among the people --- men, women, and children. I talked with them about
their problems. A Mabical tenant farmer told me that he had been serving a family for
25 years, getting 55 percent of the crop while the landlord took 45 percent. He said
and would not want any law to alter the relationship between him and his landlord. In
Minalin, I found that people could now sleep peacefully at night, even with unlock doors
and windows.
I was back in Manila be 6:30 p.m. and in the course of the trip, I found only one armed
civilian, a former mayor of Pampanga town.
The trip confirmed my belief that the peace-and order problem was local. People in
the places I visited were anxious to return to their normal existence. They were ready
to give me a chance to reactivate and carry out a peace-and-order program. This would
include relief assistance to stricken people in troubled areas, the assurance of constabulary
protection to displaced families disposed to return their farms, increase in production
and expansion of agricultural industries and lowering of prices, and broadening of
employment opportunities.
Obviously, any change in policy regarding dissidents would depend on the dissidents
themselves. There could be no negotiations with outlaws nursing the notion that they
were co-equal with the government or above the law. I had a clear idea of what to do with
the 4million pesos peace-and-order fund that Congress was disposed to appropriate.
The Manila Chronicle (April 30, 1948) saw in my Hukland sortie a move to reopen a
territory which, because of unworkable regulations and orders, has been, for a period of
almost two years, a forbidden area to the highest officials of the land. The Manila Times
(May 1) viewed it as personal demonstration of his conviction to the menace of the huks
has been somewhat overrated and should not be regarded as threatening the destiny
of the nation. It was affirmed that I had the courage founded on faith --- faith in the
common people.
Governors Fortunato Halili of Bulacan and Emilio Ma. Naval of Bataan considered
the visit as a new approach to a vexing problem, and Governor Jose B. Lingad of
Pampanga thought it was timely (Chronicle May 2) and hope that it would be done
more often. The three welcome it as a cue for them to plan more frequent trips to the
isolated communities under their respective jurisdictions. Judge Quirino Abad Santos,
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Governor Juan O. Chioco of Nueva Ecija joined my party in Sta. Rosa. He reported that
the barrio people of this town were all in the poblacion and would not return to their
farms due to clashes between dissidents and the PC. Between this town and Gapan, I
was told, as one of the worst spots ---it was notorious with robberies and ambuscades. I
instructed the governor and the mayor to persuade the farmers to return to their homes,
assuring hem protection even if I had to call on the Army.
Meanwhile, confidential contacts with the government were sought and initiated by
elements desirous of seeing the peace-and-order problem resolved under circumstances
more sympathetic to dissidents. My younger brother, Judge Antonio Quirino, took it
upon himself to follow up such contact with Luis Taruc, particularly, in the belief that
the Huks sincerely wanted to arrive at a practical basis on which to resume life within the
law.
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Soon enough, a Pampanga provincial official brought me a message purportedly from

Taruc, stating what could constitute such a basis. This was supposed to include to pardon
of all crimes committed prior to an amnesty proclamation; the disbandment of all civilian
guards and armed groups, with their arms being surrendered to government as the Huks
yield theirs; and the guaranteed protection of the Huks surrenderees from harassment or
persecution upon their return to peaceful pursuits.
Sought were the seating of duly elected representatives to congress who have been unable
to take their oaths of office because of pending cases against them; strict enforcement of
70-30 tenancy law; purchase of landed estates for redistribution to tenants; and the repeal
of the Bell trade Act, which was considered an instrument of colonial policy, and its
substitution with reciprocal trade agreement.
As talks proceeded in privacy out in the country between my brother and Taruc, Judge
Jesus Barrera, President of the Democratic Alliance, and Judge Antonio Araneta, a
member of Nacionalista party, under took to advice the Huk leader. On occasion they
called on Malacaang in his behalf. Their interest was to see to it that the amnesty
proclamation, should it materialize, carry provisions acceptable to the dissidents and
protective of their interest. (Joint Barrera and Araneta letter, May 19, 1948)
The sympathy and helpfulness of the two opposition leaders, both men of life and
prosperity, apparently stemmed from the fact that in the 1946 national elections, the
Huks, whose leader ran for Congress under the banner of the Democratic Alliance,
supported the then Nacionalista Administration. Dr. Jesus Lava, now in the hills, was a
DA candidate in Bulacan; but he lost to Liberal candidate Florante Roque. Taruc himself
was a DA candidate in Pampanga; he won but he failed to take his seat immediately
because for being charged of rebellion and later going underground. There were other DA
candidates in Pampanga, Tarlac, and Nueva Ecija who got the majority of votes by virtue
l The MEMOIRS
of Huk support, but they were not seated until two years later.
So Judge Barrera and Araneta were Tarucs intermediaries when the draft of the amnesty
proclamation was under consideration. They wrote me on May 19, 1948, to say how
they had reminded me that the draft was stiff and to suggest close conformity to the
spirit of amnesty for collaborators. They wanted absolute and unconditional amnesty for
the Huks, which could embrace murder and other common crimes within its grace. My
attitude was that it was already unconditional.
On the 14th of the following month (June 1948), after a series of confidential interviews
in the field, Taruc wrote my brother Antonio. He said that he was almost done with his
preparations for the trip to Manila and had contacted most of the Huk rank and file to
explain to them the terms of the amnesty. A minority of them, he added, was in doubt,
but he was confident that he could bring them round to his side. He expected that in a
few days, the ranking Huk leaders would meet as a body to ratify his decision. Regarding
those who might refuse to, he hoped to do his best to convince them that his going to
manila to their best interest.
The letter listed what he thought were the conditions under which the amnesty should
be proclaimed. One was the mutual conviction that amnesty was only a means to a
greater end --- democratic peace. Another was the President was committed to make the
countrys independence real and to remain unswayed by foreign interests and influence.
Another---to uphold the Constitution guaranteeing democratic liberties. Another --to institute agrarian reforms. Other --- industrialization of graft and restoration of faith
in the government; and the elimination of the word surrender, technical arrest, and
custody from the amnesty proclamation draft.
Then it concluded:
As you see now, my dear friend, there is every reason to hope that we have started a
month ago will culminate in success. Of this I have no doubt. Also, I have no doubt that
I shall succeed in securing the unanimous approval from my men of our plan.
My going to Manila to meet your brother is necessary the first step. The task before ask is
greater, with the welfare and happiness as the stakes. There are many things to be done to
enable the masses to enjoy life under a democratic peace. This, I repeat, is our task and,
with you and your brother dedicated to it, we shall not fail.
Another letter of Taruc to my brother, dated June 15, 1948 and apparently delivered
along with the June 14th letter, disclosed that this letter had been written in the presence
The memoirs l
15
brother of the late Chief Justice Jose Abad Santos and the late Socialist Supremo Pedro
Abad Santos, wired from San Fernando, Pampanga, to say that it prove the sincerity of
the administration to give the peasants and other discontented elements a new deal.
(Bulletin, May 3) all this was encouraging, indeed.
of some leading Huk officers, requiring a manner of representation that he left he could
improve upon in a forthcoming meeting. He expressed the hope that it would not be an
abuse of confidence to urge Judge Quirino once again to please accommodate me.
which they said dissidents have committed prior to the date
Concerned with speeding up the restoration of peace in the countryside, I did not
consider necessary to quibble about his incursions into various aspects of domestic and
foreign policy. I was hopeful that mutual good faith would carry us over the rough spots
to a point where the peace-and-order situation would normalize once more, with people
being free to resume their productive pursuits.
Philippines, in accordance of the provisions of Article VII,
WHEREAS, the principal leaders and many of the
members of the associations known as Hukbalahap and
Pambansang kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid (PKM) , who

have heretofore lived beyond the pale of the law, have
voluntarily presented themselves with their arms and
16
ammunition to the agents of law.
WHEREAS, they recognize the authority of the Government

of the Republic of the Philippines and its duly constituted
officers and agents, and have pledge loyalty and obedience

to them, so that they may enjoy the rights and protection
under the constitution;
NOW, THEREFORE, I, ELPIDIO QUIRINO, President of the

Section 10, paragraph (6) of the constitution, do hereby and
proclaim an amnesty in favor of the leaders and members
of the associations known as Hukbalahap and Pambansang

kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid (PKM) who have committed
the crimes of rebellion, sedition, illegal associations, assault

upon, resistance, and disobedience to persons in authority,
and/or illegal possession of firearms; provided, however,
that this amnesty shall apply all their arms and ammunition
to the duly constituted authorities of the Republic of
the Philippines within twenty days from the date this

proclamation is concurred in by the congress.
When Taruc, accompanied by my brother, presented himself to me in Malacaang in the

early evening of this day, I had the proclamation read to pledge to do his best to bring his
comrades round to fold of the law once more.
In the next few days, while Congress was debating the amnesty proclamation, Taruc was
my guest at my private residence on Dewey Boulevard. The brief period was a welcome
relief to him from the rigors of the hills.
WHEREAS, the return of these dissidents and recalcitrant

elements of our population to their homes and the
resumption by them of their lawful pursuits or occupations

as loyal and law-abiding citizens will accelerate the
rehabilitation of this war devastated country, restore peace

and order, and secure the welfare and happiness of their
communities;
WHEREAS, to achieve such a desirable result with loss

of time, effort and blood, it is deemed necessary, just
and wise for the government to forgive and forego the

prosecution of the cries of rebellion, sedition, illegal
association, assault upon, resistance, and disobedience to

persons in authority, and/or illegal possession of firearms,
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
17
Accordingly, on July 21, 1948, I issued Proclamation No. 76 granting amnesty to

dissidents, which read as follows:
of this proclamation.
MORAL
VICTORY
with full government cooperation were to be held in the provinces to facilitate Huk and
PKM registration and inform the people of the social amelioration program. To this end,
I placed all available government facilities at his call.
For the duration of the amnesty period and its extension to August 15, Taruc has the run
of all government departments concerned, including provincial and municipal offices, to
insure full play to his efforts in affecting the return of his comrades and followers to the
fold of law and order. Police and constabulary forces were kept within bounds to prevent
untoward incidents with dissident elements honestly seeking peace.
ll over the country and from abroad, the public reaction to Proclamation
No. 76 was one of general gratification. At last, peace would settle on this
land. We have set an example for the world to see that through goodwill,
statesmanship, and love of country, we could solve our problems. With the
settlement of the Huk problem, we were assured of peace and order in the country, thus
saving thousands of lives and millions of pesos worth of property and, at the same time,
securing a good name for ourselves outside. Now, the government could concentrate on
other pressing problems.
After four days of searching debate, Congress concurred in the amnesty proclamation,
making it clear that amnesty would cover not only in rebellion, sedition, illegal
association, assault upon, resistance and disobedience to persons in authority, and/
or illegal possession of arms, but also all common crimes, save those against chastity,
committed in connection with the specified crimes already noted.
And Taruc himself was seated in Congress as Representative of the Second district of
Pampanga, and enabled to draw all his back salaries.
Anxious to get the Social Amelioration Program going, I discussed immediately with
Taruc the implementation of the amnesty proclamation. He offered to set up the offices
in Manila and the provinces under men of his choice to speed up the registration and
certification of Huks and PKMs. My brother Antonio was to continue to do liaison work
between Malacaang and the dissidents. Mass meetings under Tarucs leadership and
l The MEMOIRS
A week after amnesty, July 1, Taruc made his first radio broadcast. He said the key to the
solution of existing problems was no surrender of firearms by peasants but quick and
radical adoption of social and economic reforms to remove basic causes of poverty and
thus remove the reason for resorting to arms.
On July 11, in Barrio San Roque, Baliwag, Bulacan, I was invited to address the first big
enthusiastic mass rally of Huks and PKMs organized by Taruc. There, I challenged the
Huks to come out, lay down their arms, and help me and the government in carrying out
the program of social reform and amelioration. Those in my group were disappointed to
note that at the demonstration, not a single firearm was surrendered.
I extended the amnesty period to July 31. The government bent over backwards to give
all possible encouragement to the dissidents to present themselves. The Huks, however,
began to spread the impression that the government had surrendered to them. In some
places, they even resumed the collection of taxes from the frightened rural folks.
I refused to be discouraged. I called a palace conference on July 22 to which I asked
18 government officials, Taruc, and the provincial governors of Nueva Ecija, Bulacan,
Pampanga, Tarlac, Quezon, and Rizal. At this conference, we agreed on a six-point
approach to social amelioration, namely:
1. Agricultural aspect: acquisition and redistribution of landed states,
opening up of new lands, and the provision of seedlings, tools and animals.
The memoirs l
19
18
I wanted no time lost in having idle rice lands cultivated once more and distributing
palay seeds where needed. Congress gave me P4 million to help all displaced persons,
law-abiding and repentant dissidents alike, resettled on their farms or given new ones.
Estimates of Huks and PKMs at the time ranged from 300,000 to 400,000. The Welfare
Commission was prepared to provide the needed food, clothing medicines.
provide employment.
3. Educational aspect: opening of extension classes and dissidents

children, vocational training, and adult education.
4. Financial aspect: cooperative and home-building loans from the

Philippine National Bank.
5. Relief aspect: distribution of food, clothing, etc., by the welfare

commission.
20
6. Medical aspect: reactivation of mobile clinics.
Mass presentation rallies were then organized by Taruc in Sta. Cruz, Laguna,
Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija, and other centers accessible to Huks and PKMs. on July
30, in a press conference; I announced that since the surrender of firearms appeared
to be hindering the faster registration of dissidents, they could present themselves for
registration without firearms. I let it be known that I was more concerned with their
return to their homes and farms so they could resume productive activities and hasten
the countrys rehabilitation. The government was ready to absorb them in publics works
projects and to assist displaced persons returning to the barrios as well as those who
have evacuated to poblaciones and need help to go back to their farms. The Philippine
National Bank was instructed to give farm loans to registered Huks. Schools were opened
and teachers returned to duty.
For the benefit of dissidents in distant or isolated points who were having difficulties in
transportation, I extended the amnesty deadline to August 15. At this time, Taruc was
reported to be moving around in central Luzon, ostensibly exerting last minute efforts for
the presentation of still unregistered Huks and PKMs.
I noted as the amnesty deadline approached and the registration slowed down, the Huks
had begun to be more demanding. As a condition for their registering, they demanded
the immediate revamp of my cabinet, dismissal of Brigadier General Mariano Castaeda
as Chief of the Philippine Constabulary, retention of their arms for an indefinite period,
extension of the time limit of the amnesty proclamation, dismissal of court cases against
certain Huks, revocation of the Philippine-Japanese barter trade agreement, and the equal
distribution of relief goods and loans to all peasants. They wanted the abrogation of the
parity agreement and the removal of United States military bases in the country. I said
nothing then and left it at that; I knew what to do in my own time.
l The MEMOIRS
On August 12, I ordered the Philippine constabulary to disarm all civilian guards,
which were a source of irritation to the Huks. I instructed Colonel Alberto Ramos, PC
Deputy Chief, that Huks arms must be surrendered but that these could be returned to
their owners upon due application for license, as with any qualified private citizen. The
following day, Taruc published a statement acknowledging that he was a Communist, but
not the Huks and PKMs. He announced that he was for agrarian reform and freedom
from foreign domination. He denounced threats by the constabulary and Jose Lingad,
Pampangas anti-Huk Governor, charging them with provocation, and instructed his
followers to keep their arms to resists such provocations.
It was unfortunate that there was bad blood between law-and-order forces and the
dissidents, a good deal which had taken on the character of a private feud in the course of
the last few years.
I gathered from Tarucs report that the Huk and PKM registration had practically
stopped because of PC insistence on the surrender of firearms. These firearms were
behind
much of the trouble and violence and precisely, I wanted them returned in if we were to
establish peace.
On the eve of absolute amnesty deadline, there were reports that Taruc had instructed
his followers in Pampanga to recruit more men for Huk armies and clean their guns, and
that a coup detat in Central Luzon was in the offing. But Taruc himself, on the morning
of this day, assured me that there would be peace and that he would do everything in his
power to maintain it. I hoped so, but felt that after August 15, the government should
have the freedom to deal a wise but determined hand.
On August 29, Taruc was supposed to be a speaker at a so-called democratic peace rally
which was organized by various opposition groups and held in Manila. He kept away
from it. But he sent an open letter to the Filipino people to be read there. Evidently,
he saw that his comrades had never meant to give up their arms and go back to a free life
and peaceful cooperation with the constitute authority. Fearing for his position among
them, he chose to rejoin them and to rationalize the failure of our common effort for
peace.
The peace effort have failed, said his letter, not because of us, but because president
Quirino and his administration have failed to live up to their commitments. They have
failed to abide by the conditions necessary for democratic peace. President Quirino has
failed to define his stand on the Wallace plank advocating the abrogation of the Bell
The memoirs l
21
2. Public works aspect: building and repair of roads, bridges, etc., to
aside constitutional guarantees such as due process of law, expropriation proceedings and
fair compensations. And if you realize the magnitude of what you want, you should not
expect the outright release of those Huks and PKMs, convicted of those crimes covered
by the amnesty, firstly, because you yourself do not know who and where they are, and
whether they are to you deserving Huks and PKMs and, secondly, because there are
certain democratic processes that must be followed before they may be released.
We made him understand that we are going to hold on our arms, because even then, we
expressed to his emissary our misgiving as to his ability to resist imperialist pressures.
I made a commitment to register our arms in recognition of the authority of the
government, but made it very clear that such registration can only be fulfilled as the
administration implements its promised social and agrarian reforms necessary to win
back the lost confidence of peasantry. President Quirino has agreed to break up the big
landed states for distribution to the landless peasants, but he has merely set up a relief
and charity agency under the glorified name of a Social Amelioration committee. The
president has proclaimed amnesty for the Huks and PKMs, but he has failed to release
more than 600 Huk and PKM prisoners. And yet, despite all these, President Quirino
and his local officials will now hurry us in registering our arms. It is obvious that what
they want is not peace, but our arms.
The whole trouble lies in the fact that, while you preach and clamor for democracy and
democratic peace, you expect results which are only possible to obtain in a fascistic,
dictatorial and despotic form of government, the very form of government against which
you raise your fist to heaven in protest.
The question was past arguing. The government could not discuss him and his notions
of cooperation further without subverting its dignity and effectiveness as the duly
constituted authority.
On September 11, my brother Antonio, who could not forego the opportunity of
countering Tarucs allegation, published an open letter to Taruc.
evening assuming, Antonio wrote, that there were secret agreements regarding the Bell
Trade Act, the military bases, trade with Japan, industrialization, divisions of big states
for distribution of the tenants, release of all prisoners, etc., you or any right-thinking
individual should know that the government cannot scrap the Bell Trade Act and the
base treaty in fifty days, even as you yourself could not bring your men down from the
mountains within the same period of time, not only because those things involve millions
upon millions of pesos which we do not and cannot have in cash in fifty days but
above all, even if we did have the money, Congress has yet to convene to authorize such
huge expenditures.
At the end of the amnesty period, August 15, some 50,000 Huks and PKMs were
reported to have registered. But only in negligible number of arms were surrendered. The
only top leaders who took advantage of amnesty with Taruc were Pedro Villegas, overall
Huk commander for Southern Luzon, and Jose (Dimasalang) de Leon, from Nueva Ecija.
What was initiated in good faith and with much hope ended in considerable
disillusionment over great expectations that remained unfulfilled? Taruc, instead of
staying in the
pale of the law, returned to the underground. Evidently, his comrades in the party made
it impossible for him to keep up with what clearly was something of an aberration when
he strayed into the fold of the law. It is possible that they did not take kindly the way he
was glamorized in the eyes of the general public when he entered into the benefits and
advantages of the amnesty. During that period, he took on the aura of the messiah of
peace; he appeared prepared to bless a population weary of being despoiled and terrorized
by the Huks.
Looking back, I believe that the grant of amnesty was a moral victory for the government.
Now, our people knew the character of Huk dissidence and could understand the
measures employed to curb it, and cooperate accordingly. However the Huks might
camouflage it, they were essentially after absolute and forcible domination and not, as
they claimed, for peace, freedom or justice.
And again, these projects involve long-range planning, and blue-printing alone of which
would require the full-time research and study of economic, financial and sociological
experts. Even to please you, my dear friend, the government cannot want only brush
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
23
22
Trade Act and the removal of U.S. troops and bases from foreign soil. He decided to
continue trade with Japan imposed by SCAP, despite the overwhelming opposition of the
great majority of the people. He was dilly-dallied in going after the top administration
officials who are publicly known to be enmeshed in graft and corruption. The fact that
these same officials enjoy strong specialist support and patronage demonstrates clearly his
refusal to break with imperialism and to make our country really free.
I concurred fully with the rather loud and understandable clamor heard on all sides that I
proceed to weed out all undesirable elements from the Government. It was my duty to
make my stand clear on this matter. In one of my early public statements, I said that I
would not shield any erring official of the government. And to the press, I appealed that
it refrains from attacking the government without any basis.
Charges of, and speculations on, graft and corruption in the government filled the air. I
found myself immediately surrounded by this unwholesome atmosphere. Considering
all the cruelties and sufferings the people endured for over three years of war and bitter
enemy occupation, the country was entitled to settle down to a quiet and peaceful life in
order to plan and recuperate.
fter president Roxas died, the demand for government house-cleaning came
from almost every quarter. As vice President, I held concurrently the newly
created portfolio of the Department of Foreign Affairs. A11 I was concerned
with during that time, aside from my work as chairman of the National
Economic Council, was the supervision of the personnel of the Department and the
conduct of our foreign relations.
As head of the new department and as one directly in contact with foreign governments
and their representatives, I was primarily responsible for at once building prestige and
respect for this office, at home and abroad. To do so, we had to devise an appropriate
standard for the selection and employments of its personnel and the careful screening
of all applicants. I am glad to state that I not only got for this process the best available
material, but also succeeded without much delay in moulding personnel that, modesty
aside, was a model of public service.
I noted with deep regret that there was even a kind satisfaction in certain quarters,
an irresponsible and unpatriotic feeling in some, over the poverty and unsettled life
that prevailed. I recalled how greatly perturbed President Roxas was at the time of his
inauguration when he said; I do not want to parade the sackcloth and ashes of our
people. There was a poignant feeling in this remark, which called for restraint and
dignity. But even the voice of such a great leaders was forgotten in the stirring days of
the Republics first two years, when there was a generally a mad scramble among the
people to get on their feet at any cost and by any means. Those who could not easily do
so were vociferous in saying that the government was not doing enough for them. On
the other hand, those who could, being strong enough, accused the government of being
incompetent and weak.
Naturally, when I became the Chief Executive, charged with the duty of supervising
all the departments of the governments and its instrumentalities, my desire was to see
that every office set a standard of public service following the example I had set for the
department of Foreign Affairs.
What I faced, in my attempt to clear up the situation, was an accumulation of problems,

investigations, and suspicions connected in some way in anomalies, real or imagined,
as well as irregularities arising from a general confusion about what was right and what
was wrong in a trouble-ridden world. Such confusion went as far back as the beginning
of the war in 1941. But the cause of the agitation and hullabaloo was the charge of graft
and corruption lodged against the government. A close analysis of the situation showed a
great variety of factors responsible for the charge.
I had announced as my immediate aims two things, namely, the establishment of peace
and other, and the strengthening of the peoples faith and confidence in the government.
Our task of rehabilitation and reconstruction was being greatly retarded because of the
country great difficulty in achieving these two things. To attain, or even to down, the
program of economic rehabilitation and reconstruction required imperatively a corps of
First and foremost was the peoples horror and distrust of the government, caused by the
excesses and brutalities of the Japanese occupation. Second was the mismanagement in
the distribution of relief goods and the favoritism of Osmea administration after the
liberation, which left a trail of cloud behind them. The third were the scandals, which
began to surface when president Roxas died, over the disposal of enormous U.S. Army
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
25
24
THE TASK OF
HOUSE-CLEANING
dependable, honest, and efficient personnel who would be faithful in the performance of
their duties.
The Japanese-sponsored government was notorious for its harshness and methods in
trying to regiment the life of the people to win a victory to which they were opposed. The
people had not yet recovered from its betrayals and deceit.
26
The rationing system established by the Japanese, the scandals of the BIBA, the trade
monopolies, the buy-and-sell of looted and stolen goods, the outright confiscation and
occupation of private properties, the closing of factories and the abandonment of the
farms, the trade in war materials and supplies all of which took place with the direct
or indirect intervention, consent or tolerance of the Japanese-sponsored government
were still too fresh for the people to appreciate fully that it was their duty, too, to help
establish respect and discipline among themselves, as well as to uphold the authority of
the government.
Then the liberation brought under the government a half-starved and homeless people
without means of immediate livelihood. Dispersed areas with disorganized and disrupted
community life had to be put under relief. Thousands of helpless persons, with loved
ones missing or dead, had to be given food, shelter, and clothing. To provide for their
needs, temporary organizations were set up. The first one was the Philippine Civil Affairs
Units (PCAU) of the U.S. army; the second, the Emergency Control
Administration (ECA); and the third one was the Philippine Relief and Rehabilitation
Administration (PRRA) also extended its help. Through these organizations passed
hundreds of thousands of tons of relief goods of various categories, from food and
clothing supplies, to construction materials and machinery and equipment for farms and
industries.
Emergency workers were called to handle these goods, while regular government
employees did their best to help within their proper scope. Scandals arose. Anomalies
were reported. Relief goods were not properly handled and distributed. When the
said organizations finally withdrew, the government was left to strengthen out all the
anomalies and irregularities that have been committed under them. A scandal which truly
shocked the people was the one which arose over the disposal of textiles by the National
Development Company (NDC) during president Osmea administration.
Then came the decision of the United States to leave all its army surplus property here. As
the result of approval of the Philippine Rehabilitation Act of 1947 by the U.S. congress,
president Roxas received for the country P200 million worth of surplus property. This
was aside from the sum of over P1 billion which the U.S. congress voted as payment
l The MEMOIRS
for war damages to the Philippines. The total procurement cost of the surplus property
turned over was reported to be $100 million or P200 million. All of this enormous
property was strewn along the shores of the country in 1944, when the Philippines were
selected as the staging area for an all-out offensive in the final assault in Japan.
Millions of tons of military supplies were poured into the country and stockpiled in
strategic places under temporary shelters and tarpaulins. These were supplies of high
procurement cost and varied military value, ranging from commissary goods to high
powered firearms, landing boats, tanks, howitzers, bulldozers, tractors, radio equipment,
etc.
When Japan surrendered, the main bulk of these supplies were still intact. The United
States did not expect the Japanese to give up so easily. The atomic bomb did it. The
Americans at home wanted their boys to return. The stores were practically abandoned
when the G.I.s started going home. Supervision was relaxed, and before the supplies
were finally transferred to Philippine hands, they had suffered deterioration from their
exposure to the elements; some had been pilfered or looted.
The lack of knowledge of those left in charge of the surplus property following the
hurried departure of the Americans, coupled with the inexperience of those who took
over their custody this and the great time required for both parties to examine the
goods in each base, item by item, prevented a turn over by physical inventory. The
Philippines received the surplus property in bulk without any inventory.
The loss of surplus property in military bases, by dubious and devious ways, started while
the U.S. military was still in control; it did not stop when the Philippines took over.
When the Philippines took over, nobody knew exactly what each stockpile contained.
All that the government could do was maintain a close watch and rigid supervision, for
which a superintendent was appointed for each base. Accordingly, the Surplus Property
Commission (SPC) was created to dispose of the goods. But when the depots were
opened for the sale of their contents to the public, a mad rush ensued, causing endless
complaints and outcries.
President Roxas had appointed committees and confidential agents to investigate this
complaint. This work was being undertaken when he suddenly died. The task of reading
the reports and taking action of them fell upon me. So did the task of straightening
out all the complaints that I inherited from my predecessors in the government, from
president Roxas back to the time of the puppet administration of the Japanese.
At the time, there was cynicism and skepticism that anything could result from any
The memoirs l
27
surplus left to the Philippines by the United States as part of its assistance grant.
28
Here was a situation that fits president Hoovers words, recalling what happened to
the federal government after the death of President Harding, to wit: Under the hail
of exposures, the country passed in a mood of despair through fear that there was no
integrity left in the government. (The Memoirs of Herbert Hoover, pp. 54)
Another newspaper expressed the same sentiment later when it said: During the postliberation year, nothing has served more to weaken the peoples trust in their government
than the mention of men in office getting rich through a deliberate miscarriage of their
duties at the expense of the people they are sworn to help. That there as such men in the
public service today, there is no doubt. Responsible leaders in both the ruling party and
in the opposition have made too frequent exposes of anomalies in various government
agencies. Their charges are beginning to seriously tax the forbearance of the countrys selfrespecting citizenry. (Evening news, May 13, 1948)
The extent to which the press had played up the campaign to expose anomalies to the
public made one paper to remark hysterically:
Even we ourselves are often scared by the headlines on newspapers lately. Graft,
corruption, racketeering, numbers, and black market - they are revolting the gory, and
even the threats of war abroad become less cause for terror because what are happening
all around us are so near and strike us directly.
But these are news and the people have a right to know about them, and the right to
obtain redress and relief. It is the duty of our government to give them. It is about time.
The stench that smells to high heaven in this country must be obliterated.
The last article was written exactly four months after I succeeded President Roxas in
Malacaang. I had by then received a partial report of the Horillenno Committee on
the operation of the surplus property commission and had sent it to the prosecutors
office for proper action against any person involved in any questionable deal. I had also
announced that transactions of all other government agencies under the eye of public
suspicion be opened for investigation. I mentioned, specifically, the Philippine Relief and
l The MEMOIRS
Trade Rehabilitation Administration (PRATRA), the National Development Company

(NDC), the National Coconut Corporation (NACOCO), and the National Abaca and
Other Fibers Corporation (NAFCO).
I wanted a fact-finding survey of these government instrumentalities in order to solidify
the vital facts and obtain a complete picture of their activities and operations. On
the other hand, I had to take care that the operations of these companies were not
unnecessarily interfered with or that undue curiosity would impair their prestige and
usefulness.
There are certain dangers that the general public is not usually aware of when
investigations of this nature are conducted and the results are handed over the
government prosecutors.
Every government official merits public plaudit for doing his work. Prosecution officials
are a class by themselves. Their zeal to prosecute, especially when a big scandals breaks
out, is their stamp of office. They want to convict at once, and the newspapers are not
slow in playing it all up. We live in the age of a sensational press.
There is nothing that a prosecutor hates more than being accused of having been swayed
in his action by pressure or order from some influential quarters. If a minor official is
involved, he wants to get the higher one if he can possibly do it, to obviate possible
criticism later on that he let out the big fish to get the small one because some pressure
had been exerted on him.
What added to the confusion at the start of my campaign to bring the court persons or
officials suspected of having committed or helped commit anomalies in the government
was the fact that once the report had been submitted to the prosecuting officers for
action, even the simplest case took on a sensational aspect. As a result, what could be
justly regarded as an isolated incident was pictured as being only one of those to be
unearthed, and instead of one or two persons being involved, a whole army was dragged
in to prove that the case was not simply of minor consequence.
Perhaps it was but natural for the prosecutor and the press to do this because it is
inherent in their work to be sensational and dramatic.
It was with much concern when later; I read newspapers stories about the prosecutors office
trying to enlarge the findings of the investigation committee on the cases I had submitted
to it for action. I was content that we were getting the cooperation of the press. I foresaw
the great danger of building up such as fever. That was practically what the press did.
The memoirs l
29
further investigation. Constant repetition in the press of charges involving graft

and corruption made it difficult for the people not to believe in their existence. The
announcement that I had ordered a new investigation into the status of the surplus
property was met with derision by one of the newspapers, which observed that the
surplus property deals are beyond discussion for they have been smelling to high
heavens and that the investigators job is not to find out whether there are irregularities
but to find enough evidence to trap the rats in the junk pile. (Chronicle, May 8, 1948)
The courts were blamed when persons were acquitted, and when cases were dismissed
or withdrawn, there was a hue and cry over a whitewash and tolerance of graft and
corruption on the part of public officials.
said, I am available. (David Bernstein, reproduced from Harpers Magazine by Evening

Chronicle, October 20, 1948)
The whole mess of cleaning the government is thankless job. Whether you succeed or
not, you are neither better off nor the wiser for it. The victor is always the newspaper, or
the opposition. They have the feeling of being always right.
The abnormal condition in which we found ourselves after the war exacted upon the
government a heavy responsibility that of restoring the country to its normal life. It was
common knowledge that there had been a general breakdown in morale caused by the
difficulties of the times during the Japanese regime. The standard of private and public
behavior was admittedly very low, and the prevailing spirit did not inspire much hope for
quick improvement.
Where to begin and how to begin cleaning, if we listened to the press at that time, had
already been laid out for me. I had the feeling that as soon as took the drivers seat,
left vacant by my worthy predecessors, a whole bunch of fresh writers had ensconced
themselves in the back seat from which an avalanche of orders ensued. They scolded me,
threatened me, and called me all sorts of names if I did not do exactly what they thought
I ought to do.
31
30
If the quality of government service had suffered on account of this, so had the standard
the community itself. It was in such a social and moral climate that the work of cleaning
the government had to make headway.
I perceived that there was in this behavior more than a desire to help. An American
observer how many of his kind, apart from our backseat drivers at home, came to
tell as what they know about us and what we should do had written that just before
President Roxas died, Dr. Jose P. laurel had already been making caustic remarks against
the administration for alleged kowtowing to the United States and for corruption and
inability to carry out the rehabilitation program. (Max K. Gellespi, Christian Science
Monitor, April 23, 1948)
What Laurel was shooting for, said another American writer, even back in 1946, was
the presidential election in November 1949. For a time he could not say so openly, for
President Roxas was strong man with an enthusiastic following, and Laurel owned much
to him, including his life . . . for Laurel, the situation was made to order. In March of
this year (1948) he announced his candidacy openly. If the people think that I am the
instrumentality in cleaning this government and giving them a good administration, he
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
rushing aside all considerations, I turned my attention at once to the cause

of the constant agitation. I summoned the members of the Surplus Property
Commission, then composed of Arsenio N. Luz, Chairman; Gabriel K.
Hernandez, former governor of Capiz; and Jose E. Romero, former member
of the house of representatives, to suggest to them that they devise ways and means to
prevent further public suspicion in its transactions. They assured me that they have done
their best in conducting the affairs of the commission and in safeguarding the interest of
the government. They were most gracious in receiving my suggestion.
Then, to forestall any doubt that I could shield any erring official, I created a committee
to look into the actual conditions of the Surplus Property Commission. For this purpose,
I drafted the same committee which investigated the ECA and rendered an excellent
report. This committee was composed of Justice Antonio Horilleno, former member
of the Supreme Court, Chairman, and Deputy Collector of Internal Revenue Alfredo
Jacinto and Deputy Auditor General Dr. Pio Joven, Members.
At a solemn oath-taking ceremony in Malacaang, I started that their work have two
purposes, namely: first, to give me an overall picture of the surplus property situation and
to account for everything pertaining to the procedure in the disposal of such property;
and second, to enable me not only to judge for myself the real and actual conditions
regarding the surplus property but also to draw a line from the date I assumed office and
the date that I assumed responsibility over them.
I said: I want to know where President Roxas left off and where I am going to begin.
l The MEMOIRS
None of them came to complain about the work entrusted to them, although it was
arduous and it took them a long time to complete it I was glad to hear from the
Chairman of the urplus Property Commission, Mr. Luz that the commission welcomed
the probe and was glad to cooperate. Thereafter, as the Horilleno committee proceeded
in its grinding work, public attention was continually focused on the work and workings
of the SPC. Supposed anomalies were racked up one by one for submission to the
committee. When the public was swamped with these reports, Luz had to come up with
the reassuring statement that all charges are concoctions of imaginative newspaperman.
(Chronicle, August 19, 1948)
In the meantime, acting on the report of the sale and withdrawal of gun parts from depot
No. 2, OSD, Base X, Isaac Peral, by tan LI Po, a Chinese, which were ordered frozen as
war materials by president Roxas on March 31, I ordered the army and the constabulary
early in May to take possession and control of all depots where materials and articles of
purely combat value existed in any quantity. I was not satisfied with the explanation that
the sale was made under mistaken delivery. I, therefore, ordered the prosecution of the
sales Manager of the depot.
All along while the investigation dragged on, anyone found criminally accountable in
any anomalous surplus deal unearthed by the committee was taken to court. By the end
of the probe, many SPC officials had been suspended or dismissed, besides awaiting
criminal prosecution. Private persons involved were included.
On September 5, on the recommendation of the Horilleno Committee, I ordered the
suspension of a large numbers of officials at the Guiuan base. The base superintendent,
Major Cesar P. Roses, along with Gonzalo Villarin and Edilberto Lagman who composed
the sales Committee, were asked to resign. Oscar M. Villanueva, Salesman, was
dismissed.
On September 13, the SPC Chairman himself was taken to court in connection with a
transaction in which lieutenant Colonel Hermando J. C. Corvera, military aide to the
late president Roxas, was involved together with a Manila Businessman, Leonard Manas,
and two Chinese businessmen.
These two cases arose out of an order given by president Roxas, and approved by the
The memoirs l
33
32
SURPLUS
PROPERTY
PROBE BEGINS
Justice Horilleno made a reassuring response. He said: we are conscious of the

importance of the work that has been delegated to us by your Excellency. Whenever
one of us cannot fulfill his duty because of unforeseen circumstances, I believe that one
should come to tell the President.(The new Philippine ideology, p. 31)
Cabinet on February 6, 1948, that the 60,000 GI roofing sheets at the Guiuan base be
sold to original purchasers and that the balance of 40,000 sheets be sold to the provinces
and cities which had received allocations for damage sustained in a percent typhoon.
Agents of the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) were assigned to look into this
deal. Too often, lack of knowledge of what a base contained, of failure to evaluate the
goods store therein, was the cause of discrepancies of this nature.
Secretary of public health Antonio Villarama testified to the correctness of this order,
and I was well satisfied. He explained, however, that in recommending the sale of the
GI sheets for the Approval of the Cabinet, Corvera did not mention the fact that the
SPC had interposed objection (Evening Herald, August 19 1948) it was in the way
the distribution and sales were handled that the Horilleno Committee unearthed the
irregularities which compelled the resignation, dismissal, and prosecution of the officials
and persons referred to in the case. (Bulletin, August 14, 1948)
Another report reached me for an attempt to defraud the government through proposed
sale of 760 tractors for the ridiculously low price of P11,000, when the tractors have a
procurement cost of about P1,000,000. The 70 tractors, located in Base K, Tacloban,
Leyte, were reported to have been deliberately burned so that they could be classified as
salvage or scrap to justify their sale at a very low cost. (Chronicle, August 19, 1948)
At the end of July, I had to call the SPC Commissioners again to ask them to plug
all possible loopholes which have allowed the perpetration of new anomalies and
irregularities. I told them of my concern over the reported mounting losses in surplus
goods due not only to pilferages but also to heavy depreciation. Many of the surplus
property were heaped in open depots, exposed freely to sun and rain. There was an
offer by the Associated Finance Co. to buy from the Government all the existing
surplus property that remain unsold, including deliveries coming from the U.S. foreign
Liquidation Commission (USFLC), for a flat amount of P5 million. The SPC considered
the offer to low, and rejected it. SPC officials estimated the value of stock on hand then
at P700 million, with an additional P360 million worth of goods being promised to be
turned over to the Commission by the USFLC.
Again I received a report that Base M, located in San Fernando, La Union, had sustained
a possible loss of P1 million over a new scandal. The party which won the build for
the whole base had agreed to pay 21 percent of the procurement cost of the supplies
stored here. It turned out that the SPC, which expected a turnover of P2 million under
this agreement if the base were intact, had receive only P320,000 from the buyers, and
the estimated proceeds for the sale of the rest of the goods only amounted to P30,000.
Proceeds from deliveries not yet paid would add another P10,000. A Chinese merchant
was reported to have made a bid P1,500,000 for the whole base. The SPC officials were
being blamed for the rejection of the bid with the prospect of making an additional half a
million pesos.
l The MEMOIRS
My fight to win the confidence of the people of the face of this reports looked like a
losing proposition. The press had played up all the news of fresh scandals. So I had to
look around a stalwart in the administration whom I believed could bring order in the
Surplus Property Commission. Secretary of the interior Jose C. Zulueta had made some
vague attacks on corruption, following the style of the day, and the press had played these
up.
When I offered him the Chairmanship of the SPC which was left vacant by Luz, who
was facing the prosecution, his reaction was understandable. I had previously asked
him to accept the assignment of the special envoy in the interest of our foreign service
but he declined it. He thought he could serve better in the Cabinet to which he was
appointed by President Roxas. Finally, however, his spirit of public service as a good
soldier prevailed, and he agreed to be the acting Chairman of the commission. Governor
Hernandez, who finally resigned, had been on a prolonged leave of absence, leaving only
Congressman Romero and Chairman Zulueta to run the affairs of the Commission.
Angel Llanes, Treasurer of the Commission and a former provincial treasurer, was
appointed later on to complete the membership of the commission.
The appointment of Zulueta as SPC Chairman was met with approval on all sides.
It ended his feud for the time being with House Speaker Eugenio Perez and Senate
President Jose Avelino, whom he both suspected of working to unseat him from the
Cabinet. As Secretary of the interior, Zulueta has tried to muster his followers in both
the Senate and House first to have the P4 million social amelioration fund intended for
the office of the President transferred to his department, and later, to have P500,000
be approved as pacification fund for his office. Both chambers turned down these two
The memoirs l
35
34
But while we were seriously in disentangling the mess in which the Surplus Property
Commission had helplessly found itself, I was informed that pilferages and anomalies
continued in the surplus bases. As these arrived the new reports were handed one by one
to the Horilleno Committee for investigation.
The sale of 200,000 blasting caps to the well-known businessman, Joseph Arcache,
was reported as a surplus scandal. The blasting caps were released on the strength of an
explosive license presented by him. The Deputy Chief of Staff explained that the sale was
referred to the Chief of staff who passed it. (Chronicle, June13, 1948)
I supported Zulueta in all the reform he introduced in his new office. When he dismissed
over 200 employees and members of the security guard, and his authority was questioned
by his colleague, Romero, I upheld the validity of his act in view of the fact that he had
to have confidence in his subordinates to carry out his proposed reforms. The old security
guards are been ineffective in guarding the depots. He must have new men whom he
could trust.
(Chronicle, October 20, 1948) he fired the superintendent of Base X, Angelo Salas, for
the good of the service. (Bulletin, October 12, 1948)
36
Zulueta was quite outspoken about the previous SPC administration, which he blamed
for the many anomalies unearthed by the Horilleno Committee. In return, Romero
criticized him for suspending the sale of surplus property pending the inventory of the
goods that Zulueta had ordered. All the sales force had to be paid while this was going
on. He considered this a great extravagance. (Evening News, October 15, 1948)
Zulueta discharged his work with zeal. By the middle of October, he considered his
mission which was: 1. to compile an inventory of all surplus goods; 2. Stop the looting
and pilferage of the depots; 3. Organize an efficient sales system; and 4. Remove or
minimize the causes of internal graft in the SPC, as almost finish.
The lack of adequate and accurate inventory of the surplus property was the root cause
of all SPC evils. Era la madre del cordero, Zulueta remarked in Spanish. (Chronicle,
October 16, 1948)
LOOKING
INTO ANOMALIES
had to steer through the maze of problems that the Vice president is heir to, upon
the sudden death of the incumbent President, the best I could. Besides the surplus
property scandals, there were other anomalies which were being blamed upon the
government. They were varied in nature.
One of them involved the distribution of the wonder drug, called streptomycin, for
tubular patients. The complaint was that the government was selling the medicine at
an exorbitant profit at the expense of the poor. Private dealers could not import the
medicine in quantities because the government was getting all the allocation for the
Philippines.
Since it was alleged that someone in the government is getting rich by controlling the sale
and distribution, of the wonder drug, I summoned the Secretary of public health, Dr.
Antonio Villarama, to enlighten me on the charge. Secretary Villarama readily explained
to me that the government was charging only one centavo more per dial above cost of the
drugs, and that the net proceeds, which amount to 400,000pesos, were intended for a
construction of a hospital.
A big importing form resented the idea of the government dealing in the drug, but
Secretary Villarama explained that in doing so, the government helped break the black
market for it. He reported that while the government was selling the drug at 11.24pesos
of per vial.
When I learned that the government could by the streptomycin at a lower price, I order
that it be sold at 6pesos per vial and announced that all private firm could order the drug
direct from the United States at no more than 200pesos per order, as was the regulation.
This ended as incident which threatened to involve the whole Philippine Embassy in
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
37
proposals, however. There were a number of powerful senators and congressman who did
not like to see him in the Cabinet. He was accused of abusing his powers. (Chronicle,
May 20, 1948)
Acting shortly thereafter on reports of anomalies in the National coconut Corporation

(NACOCO), I requested Maximo M. Kalaw, Manager of the company, to submit a
report on its operations. His request for a loan of 5million pesos from the Philippine
National Bank (PNB) to carry on the companys trading activities and to bolster its credit
facilities had been denied.
38
Kalaws report showed an appalling loss of over 3million pesos in the companys
operations. He blamed this loss on the PNB for its failure to extend to NACOCO the
credit needed for its copra trading entities, one buying copra for SCAP and, the other,
made bids for copra in dollars in the United States while buying the copra in pesos in the
Philippines, thus placing NACOCO in severe straits.
The auditor Generals Office had created a committee as early as December 18, 1947
to investigate the financial operations of NACOCO. I asked, without loss o time, for
the auditors report. The committee, headed by Pedro M. Jimenez, who was the Chief
Supervising Auditor, reported the loss as follows:
The result of operations as of December 31, 1947 show that the corporation sustained
a total loss of 3,793,495.12pesos, of which 3,139,246.46pesos represents the net loss in
copra trading for the period from July 1 to December 31, 1947. The balance sheet also
disclosed that its capital has been impaired by 3,620,248.13.
A civil suit to recover damages from Kalaw, together with Juan Bocar, Casimiro Garcia,
and Mrs. Leonor Moll, members of the NACOCO board, was filed in court. Kalaw was
suspended and, the board members replaced.
It grieves me to see 200 employees of NACOCO laid off as the result of the companys
losses. (Chronicle, September 14, 1948)
On May 19, representatives of National Federation of Tenants Association of the
Philippines, headed by Demias Jimenez, and of Massey Tenants Associations headed
by Francisco S. Navarro, called on me in Malacaang to request the Secretary of Justice
Roman Ozaeta and Faustino Aguilar, Chairman and Manager, respectively, of the Rural
Progress Administration (RPA), be removed from their office for their failure to show
promised to expropriate certain estates for distribution to tenants but that the RPA
officials had not done anything to carry out the promise. (Chronicle, May 20, 1948)
l The MEMOIRS
Another scandal which broke into print was the accusation that the payment of benefits
to veterans and their heirs was not reaching their legitimate claimants because of the
intervention of some officers and their wives and local postmasters. I turned the report
over to the Secretary of National defense, Ruperto Kangleon, and to the Secretary of
Public Works, Ricardo M.
Nepomuceno, For action. The fear was expressed that the 94million pesos transferred by
the U.S. Army to the Philippines for the payment of veterans and their heirs might not
all reach their lawful beneficiaries.
At this time, a controversy had developed in the Senate over the assignment of Senator
Vicente J. Francisco to the Palestine Commission of the United Nations after he
complained that the per diem he was receiving was not enough for his stay in New York
City. In series of article he wrote for the local press, he charged certain high officials in
the government with corruption. He blamed the President of the Senate, Jose Avelino, for
maneuvering to get him out of the Senate Code Committee, to which he was assigned as
a chairman. According to him, the improper demands made by Senator Avelino on the
Senate caused his removal from the Chairmanship of the Committee.
I decided to relieve him at once of his post in the Palestine Committee and named in his
place Jose P. Melencio, Philippine Consul General in New York City, to prevent further
controversy in the Senate and to enable him to come home to make good his charges
of graft and corruption against certain high officials. His refusal, furthermore, to stay
as delegate in the United Nations general assembly in a subordinate position to our
permanent delegate, Carlos P. Romulo, made his presence in the United States no longer
necessary. (Chronicle, May 8 and 9, 1948)
Upon his return, Senator Francisco Publicly expressed his regret at having attributed to
me certain acts, to the effect that I have something to do with the publication of a letter
he had written to President Roxas which was used in the senate to oust him from floor
leadership. The official correspondence of President Roxas was under the custody of the
Executive Secretary, Emilio Abello, an appointee of the late president who had continued
in his post under me until he was appointed Minister at the Philippine Embassy in
Washington. Secretary Abello found the letter and asked permission to release it. (In this
letter the Senator asked President Roxas for the payment of his per diem as delegate to
the Palestine Commission in exchange for his decision to remain in the UN working
commission.) (Chronicle, June 16, 1948)
The publication of the letter made him furious. He gave vent to his anger in a second
article from New York, in which he Promise to expose in all sordidness the cheap
The memoirs l
39
Washington, through which arrangements with the American manufacturers for the local
purchase of the drug had been made. It pricked the bubble of a supposedly big scandal
which was being paraded before the public. (Chronicle, May 8, 1948)
Making charges of graft and corruption for political effect is not new in democracy. For
a government of democracy to be seemingly always in trouble is not new either. Elihu
Root, the noted statesman, once said that a democracy is seemingly always in trouble.
(Vicente Villamin, Bulletin, June 3, 1950) But the way Francisco and Zulueta had used
the graft and corruption against their political adversaries in the party --- their colleagues
in the government --- was most disconcerting to the administration. It was to the work I
was endeavoring to accomplish, which was to keep intact whatever respect there was left
in the people for their government. Their vicious charges not only gave added credence to
the evil we were fighting, but also exaggerated it to such magnitude as to make it appear
that everyone was enmeshed in it and we are all doomed.
I received Senator Francisco upon his return to Manila. He had previously stated to the
press: if President Quirino would entrust to me the job of ridding the government of
graft and corruption, I will not be the one to shirk the task of restoring the faith of the
people in government. (Chronicle, June 16, 1948) I reminded him of this statement and
told him that I needed help. When he left and was asked by the press whether he was
getting evidence of graft and corruption involving high officials, the Senator said: I want
to play diplomat for a short time. (Bulletin, August 3, 1948)
The pattern of attack established by these two men bore serious consequences sooner than
we first thought. They raised an issue which impugned the honesty of their compeers,
and although they did not choose to pursue it, the public and the press had no desire for
the matter just to rest there. When the storm finally broke out, the country witnessed a
political convulsion it had never experience before. Of this, we will talk later.
The publication of his letter to President Roxas and his controversy with Senate President
Avelino had elicited a public reaction adverse to him. Following this, I read that he was
abandoning his plan of running for President in 1949. (Chronicle, June 16, 1948)
What seemed odd about the whole episode was when Senator Avelino was deposed from
the Senate Presidency for certain charges, among which his was dealing improperly in
surplus goods, Senator Francisco Stood firmly on Avelinos side. Indeed, when Avelino
bolted the party to become candidate for president in 1949, Francisco was his running
mate as vice presidential candidate.
Senator Avelino had made an sweeping charges about graft and corruption in high office,
but had gone no further to clarify it except as an answer to a man he thought had done
him political wrong. He thought he was hitting only one man, but he had indicated the
whole administration itself. Coming from such a source of high repute, the indictment
could not but appear as added proof of what the press had been saying all along about
men in office getting rich through a deliberate miscarriage of their duties.
Zulueta, during his political feud with Senate President Avelino and Speaker Perez, had
also charged his adversaries with corruption, but when he was dared to come out and
make specific charges, he merely stated that what he was fighting were those who were
sabotaging the peace and order of the nation.(Chronicle, May 29, 1948)
l The MEMOIRS
The immediate consequence of this strange political turn was a demand for a
thorough investigation of each bureau and office on the charge of nepotism. Senators
and congressmen had previously complained that they were unable to make any
recommendations to these offices because their respective heads were filling them up with
relatives and friends. I had sternly warned the office of the Surplus Property Commission
on this matter. Now I ordered every government corporation to enforce an old Executive
Order of President Quezon, dated August 13, 1937, strictly prohibiting nepotism. I
enjoined every department that complies with this order so as to set example for the rest
of the government to follow. (Chronicle, September 15, 1948)
By the middle of June, we had gained enough composure over the stability of the
government. This enabled us to take the bold decision to abolish the Peoples Court and
its Office of Special Prosecutors, which were established during the time of President
Osmea to try and prosecute all cases of treason and collaboration during the Japanese
occupation. The court went out of existence after two years, six month, 17 days of
feverish activity trying a total of 5,553 treason cases. Of these, 2,217 were disposed of
through convictions, as well as acquittals and dismissals either for insufficient evidence of
with the grant of amnesty.
Thousands of persons, who were accused of enriching themselves or of giving comfort
to, or collaborating with the Japanese, were thus relieve of criminal responsibility. The
country was a great tension dispelled. The issue of collaboration as a crime ended.
The memoirs l
41
40
political motive behind Senator Avelinos attempt to besmirch my reputation. A

telephone conversation he had with Senator Fernando Lopez on April 19 in New York,
on the eve of the latters departure for the Philippines after the death of President Roxas,
had been published. The senator was reported as saying that Avelino would probably run
for President and he might win because I am certain that he has been shrewdly building
a political henchmen in strategic government posts all over our country. Francisco then
said: if Senator Avelino should be elected President of the Philippines, it would be a
national catastrophe during which our people would suffer to the utmost in having to
endure the most corrupt government in the Philippine history. (Sunday Times, May 5,
1948)
42
Prominent Senators of the opposition came to tell me that they were willing to give their
cooperation to administration measures if frauds supposed to have been committed in
the last elections were to be properly investigated, such a step being fully accord with the
program of restoring the faith of the people in the government. Senator Carlos P. Garcia,
who headed the minority senators, suggested the creation of special body of investigators
to conduct the probe, alleging that they had lost faith in the Election Commission. I
transmitted the suggestion to the Secretary of Justice, Roman Ozaeta, and prompt action
on it was taken. (Chronicle, May 13, 1946)
During the middle of May, I was vacationing on Tagatay City, trying to get rested in its
cool air from the heat that enveloped the City of Manila. I have invited the members of
the Cabinet to the Ridge Club overlooking the placid Taal Lake for our regular weekly
meeting, to transact business and to relax with me on the quiet spot. We had a profitable
and enjoyable day. On the agenda was the report of the Budget commissioner, Pedro
Pedrosa, to the effect that after deducting expenditures up to the end of June, which was
the end of fiscal year, the national treasury would have a surplus of 18,160,223.10pesos.
This gladdened all of us because it showed more than anything else the rapid strides we
had taken to hasten the countrys economic recovery.
To my regret, the jovial atmosphere was clouded by a certain constraint on the part
of some of the Cabinet heads. There had been report in the press about a revamp in
the cabinet, and the names of some of those present were not included. I had not
authorized anybody to speak of Cabinet changes, and the reports were all speculative. The
speculation bothered me as well as those affected.
After the Cabinet meeting, I called the reporters then present to a conference. I spoke my
mind, thus:
Judging from the comments in the press regarding expected probable or desired changes
l The MEMOIRS
in the cabinet, I have observed as the press in divided on what changes are to be made.
This is perhaps due to the fact that some newspapermen are on the payrolls of some
government offices and have therefore taken sides with certain cliques.
I plan to introduce changes in the Cabinet, if necessary as I deemed fit. If you speculate
on these whom I believe to be the best men to help me run this government. You make
the situation embarrassing for me because if I appoint someone of a clique I will be
accused of favoring a clique.
Any changes in the Cabinet will be made in accordance with my conscience in the best
interest of the country and because someone told me or because I am obligated to make a
change.
Give me credit for what Im going to do. If I make any changes I will make proper
announcement.
I have made serious charge when I said that some newspapermen are on the payrolls
of some government offices, because I felt there was evident intent in some quarters to
make us fight among ourselves in the government. (Bulletin, May 12, 1948)
I expected an adverse rejoinder to my blunt charge, but one newspaper came out the
following day with a frank editorial statement that I had placed my finger on a sore
spot in Philippine journalism, admitting at the same time the practice of working
newspapermen being on the payroll of some of the government offices may be more
prevalent than the President Indicated.
Then it went to observe:
We understand it is a common thing in the Cabinet, the Congress and else were, for a
reporter assign to cover these government offices to have a side job as public relations
officer for which he is paid a salary in addition to what his newspaper pays him for
reporting the news. Apparently there is no secret about it. In more cases it is not done
underhandedly but with the full knowledge of both employers. In some cases he may get
more money being a PRO than he does as a reporter.
Indeed there is nothing degrading or wrong about public relations work, if it is honest
and constructive. But a newspaperman cannot faithfully serve two masters who have
directly conflicting interests. His loyalty is under constant strain. If he accepts money
from a politician or government official it is for devious purpose of putting that official in
the best possible light before the public.
The memoirs l
43
I cannot help thinking how many of these collaborators were enmeshed again in surplus
property deals and in black market operations after that. It was not secret that among
those were most vociferous in denouncing graft and corruption in the government was
some well-known leaders during the Japanese regime. When we decided to grant back
pay to all employees before the war, they were also included in the bounty, although they
had collected their salaries while serving the Japanese occupation government. Jewelry
confiscated by SCAP in Tokyo, which belonged to the ladies of occupation officials
who had taken refuge in Japan, were also returned to their owners on my intervention.
(Times, June 12, 1948) The country was ready not only to forgive but also to give them
full opportunity to be good citizens again.
Clearly, I felt our press needed self-analysis, too. The right to voice public opinion carries
with it the responsibility that will not be polluted at its source.
I was completing by seventh month in the presidency on my 58th birthday, November
16, 1948. My attention was devoted not only to the question of graft and corruption but
top a variety of other problem as demanding in their import.
44
I like to think that way one newspaper said in the first seven months was true. Speaking
on a Milestone To Be Proud Of, it observed and I quote:
President Quirino took over the reins of government at a time when public opinion
bristled against abuses in almost every branch of service .His was particularly a difficult
task. He not only had to restore public confidence in a government that could hardly
be said to deserve it but also had to take over responsibility of leading a war devastated
people back on the road to rehabilitation and economic recovery
IT is not strange that Elpidio Quirino had made mistakes, but he was always realized that
those who criticize his faults are not always his enemies. They could be his friends, too.
He is not good friend who would not call ones attention to ones shortcoming or who
hide truth from him.
One thing that can be said of president Quirino during his seventh months of
administration is that he has succeeded in the restoring public confidence in government
to considerable extent. NO longer is graft corruption rampant in the government and
his efforts towards solving peace and order problem has at least won for his admiration of
the people .He did everything possible to reopen gates to peaceful society to the dissident
and if his efforts in this direction did not achieved desired result, it was because of
circumstances which probably no one could avert from developing.
The firm policy with which he has dealt with those who have made use of their office to
enrich themselves, too, has earned for him the faith to the public which certainly entitled
to all that President Quirino endeavoring to give it. There is general feeling that if he
l The MEMOIRS
would only move at a faster pace, that if would only act swifter to enforce the decisions
he makes, his administration can be crowned with great success. (Editorial, chronicle,
November 16, 1948)
Over a national radio hook-up, I broadcasted on this same occasion these thought among
other things:
Government and Institution today exist for the welfare of all the people, especially
the underprivileged, the downtrodden, so called because they have had little or no
share of the good things of life. This had been the touchstone of mu every thought and
action ever since I assumed responsibility, to advance the welfare of my countrymen.
The government function must be so sparked, implemented, and made to generate
all the power possible to secure this end. I need the cooperation of all elements of my
land to secure the realization of this objective .I am committed to it and I knock at the
door of every right hearted man of my country to ask him to contribute his bit in
the achievement of this Christian aspiration . No Filipino however gifted .no group of
Filipinos however favorable placed should and can claim exclusive title to the inspiration
and performance of this big task. Social amelioration is a lofty project of all the things
and objective I have just enumerated, we shall have, each and everyone, generous share of
peace and prosperous fulfillment.(The New Philippines Ideology, pp.91)
On the matter of the surplus property, it had been suggested, by men familiar with the
situation, that the best way to stop irregularities at the SPC was to liquidate quickly all
such surplus property .The suggestion appealed to me as simplest and sanest solution to
the problem.
SPC official and employees found involved in any irregularity during the course of
investigation had either been ordered suspended or dismissed. Wherever it necessary,
criminal charges were filed against them, along with private person who had connived
with them. In the meantime ,all government offices, including government business
corporation , had been allowed to earmark from the surplus property whatever they
found service able to them ,and were authorized to withdraw it on memorandum
receipts. This was a partial step for the quick liquidation of the said property.
However, it did not appear feasible for the government through SPC, to have a complete
and reliable inventory of the surplus property. A great bulk of the property was still in
the field under conditions described by the investigation committee, as follows: that he
U.S. Army surplus was turned over to the government valued in terms of weight and not
by inventory, and that as the goods were scattered over distant areas, they were received
by the government as is where is
The memoirs l
45
That is not what the newspaper pays him for. As a reporter, he is required to get and write
all the news he can, whether it been favorable or unfavorable to any person, one office
or government clique. That is one of the fundamental qualifications of a free press as it is
known in a true democracy --- free from the interest of any one interest or set of interests
above those of the people who are its readers and who place confidence in a free press
to tell them what is going on in their government and in the world. (Bulletin, May 15,
1948)
The Committee found that in isolated areas where many of the goods lay in open fields,
person who had access to them appropriate them foe themselves, not knowing that
they had been turned over to the government. This accounted for much of the reported
losses in surplus goods.
It was also disclosed that many surplus buyers took advantage of the lack of inventory by
penetrating the stock piles themselves .They were in a position to know better that the
SPC officials what each depot contained, and they used this information for their own
profit. The prospect of big profit in the disposal of these goods, said one commissioners,
created a spirit characteristic of the moral relapse which the local business world and the
people experience during the Japanese occupation.
OPPORTUNITY
IN IMMIGRATION
QUOTAS
I was glad to have a fair picture of the enormity of the task of the Surplus Property
Commission. We were able to plug many holes which would have been left open for
further irregularities were it not for the zeal with which the Horilleno Committee
performed its work It could be mentioned in the passing in the scandals which attracted
public attention were the results of sales made before this time .(Times,November9,1948)
47
46
There were instances where areas supposed to have been cleared of surplus goods yielded
unexpected rewards to dealers who had proposed to salvage discarded materials or leftover
at a nominal price. There was the case of one dealer who paid 500pesos for a certain area
to gather unserviceable GI sheets, but who found a trove of brand new iron sheets packed
in cases buried under the rubbish.
was waiting for the final written report of the surplus property investigation
committee when a sudden storm broke over the demand of Senator Fernando
Lopez, for an investigation of the Immigration Commissioner, Engracio Fabre.
Commissioner Fabre met Senator Lopez at the Palace and informed him that
he had already release his immigration Quota allocation. The statement caught the
senator by surprise. He had no dealings with the immigration office but was told that
someone had presented a letter supposedly signed by him requesting the Immigration
Commissioner to give him his Chinese immigration Quota. Senator Lopez reported to
me the incident and I at once ordered the Secretary of justice, Sabino Padilla, to look into
the matter without delay.
Fabre revealed that the person who falsified the senators name was a former employee
of the senate. The storm raised by the incident created a sensation which demanded a
full-dress investigation. Secretary Padilla, at my request, lost no time in assigning Judge
Felipe Natividad as Chairman of the committee of investigators. The members of this
committee were Fiscal Julio Villamor, Emilio L. Galang of the Department of Justice and
NBI district agent Epifanio Villegas.
What whipped up the sensation was the exposure of the fact that senators and
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
It was natural that senators and congressman involved were apprehensive of the published
statement of the Fabre that he would name names in the investigation. In congressional
circles, it was observed that even the members of the minority in the senate may be
embarrassed if the probe went through. (Chronicle, November 19, 1948)
48
I was even given to understand that my brothers, who occupied no public positions,
might also be dragged in, evidently with the intent of embarrassing me or stopping me
from proceeding with the investigation. So, I emphatically told Secretary Padilla and
judge Natividad, if any of my brothers or any other relative of mine is implicated in
these scandals, put him in jail. (Bulletin, February 12, 1949)
Assisted by his committee, judge Natividad devoted exclusively his time for over six
months to this matter, requesting several extensions for the submission of his written
report. Fabre was suspended in the meantime and, on account of sickness, begged
to delay his appearance before the judge to testify on the files he had been ordered
to surrender to the investigators for study and examination. The files were rather
voluminous, so much so that judge Natividad observed to an inquiring reporter that
not even five years will be enough time for all the papers contained in the files to be
examined. (Chronicle, February 24, 1949) Fabre was represented before the committee
by Dr. Claro M. Recto, as his legal counsel.
Fabre finally completed his memorandum on the files he submitted to the committee
for study and this serve as the latters guide in its report. Fabre emphatically denied
the charges repeatedly published in the press that society matrons and relatives of top
officials were involved in the quota immigration racket. I turned the portion of the
report referring to the executive branch to the prosecutors office, with instructions to file
criminal charges against any government official or employee, as well as private person,
who might be found criminally liable. The prosecutors office, after studying the record,
found no ground for action in the report against any such individual.
Out of courtesy to Congress, I turned the portion of Natividad report to the presiding
l The MEMOIRS
officers of both houses, for them to take whatever action they deemed best. Under the
doctrine of Separation of Powers, Congress alone can impose disciplinary measures upon
its members on matters not punishable by the statutes. Congressmen were divided on the
propriety of having the report released by them since it covered an investigation that they
themselves did not conduct. They debated issue but could not come to an agreement as
the Senate also had to be consulted in view of the alleged involvement of senators in the
anomaly investigated.
I have been called to task so often for failing to release the whole report myself, but I
believe I did the correct thing by leaving to Congress what correspondingly belongs to it
under the theory of the separation of powers.
Since the last part of August of that year, or two months before, Fabre had recommended
a change of procedure in the matter of admitting immigrants, including Chinese,
provided for by law, and the Cabinet had duly authorized it. The change again required
prospective immigrants to secure their visas at Philippine consulates abroad, as was the
practice before the war. This practice had been discontinued pending the reestablishment
of our consular agencies, which remained closed during the war. (Times, August 26,
1948)
So much water, therefore, had already passed under the bridge when the Lopez incident
happened. One newspaper had seen fit to call it, at the height of popular excitement, as
a bi-partisan graft. It said the bi-partisan graft cannot be taken as an issue between the
minority and the majorities for both are deeply involved. And what is more, the scandal
proves again, the common observation that when two opposing parties agree, somehow,
somewhere, the people will suffer. (Chronicle, November 20, 1948) it can only add that
in this instance, it was the dignity of congress that suffered.
The statement of a congressman Ramon Magsaysay, from Zambales, published at the
time, gave the public an inside view of how members of congress were dragged into the
immigration mess. The statement is not conclusive evidence, but is reproduced here to
give further light to this controversial question. It runs:
About the middle of 1947, I was approached by an individual, who mentioned to me of
immigration quotas for congressman. The individual informed me that several aliens had
been allocated to me and that P18,000 would be mine if I would just affix my signature
to a letter which he prepared for me addressed to commissioner Fabre.
Again, before I left for the United States In April 1948, a woman came to me offering
me P2,000 for each of the aliens assigned to congressman as their immigration quotas.
The memoirs l
49
congressmen had been reported guaranteeing the safe conduct of prospective Chinese
immigrants and had been receiving fees for being helpful. Under the law, about 500
Chinese who had satisfied legal requirements could be admitted into the Philippines
every year. The screening of these immigrants was left with the immigration office,
which assigned to each successful applicant a quota entry. There was no prohibition in
law in allowing them to make the guaranty. But the public wanted to know who were
the members of the congress and other government officials who had taken advantage of
their positions for this purpose.
On September 8, I had the pleasure of being invited by the overseas press club to receive
a golden plaque presented to me by the organization, through its president, David
Boguslav, for distinguished and meritorious service to the country. It carried with it a
life membership in the club.
50
It was an honor deeply appreciated. The club membership included both local and
foreign newspapermen.
I considered it opportune to say a few words on the democratic experiment in the
Philippines, for which they gave me the award. I said that if this experiment was to
succeed, it was their duty as well as mine that the worlds get a true portrayal of the
country. Dispatches from abroad, especially from the United States, I pointed out,
give the impression that there is disintegration and commotion in our country.
Some correspondents, I observed, would pick up commentaries in the local press and
relay these as news to serve as background to an alleged impending disaster in the
Philippines. I remarked that when no less than an editorial of the Manila Times had
compared Luis M. Taruc to Thomas Jefferson, foreign press representatives should be
cautious about the sense of humor of the local press. (Times, September 9, 1948) my
remarks were received good-naturedly.
immigration quota racket clarified. Upon my return, the issue of graft and corruption
had receded to the background. The political significance of my trip had become the
subject of speculation. In Lanao, facing a crowd of 10,000 people, I reply to the demand
that I run for presidency to succeed myself by saying that I was ready to accept the
challenge of public service if the people want me.
Senator Salipada Pendatun, addressing the crowd before me, had said that the 200,00
voters of the province would vote solidly for me if I would run for president. My reply
that I would run if the people wanted me was met with ovation. Swinging back form
Mindanao on my homeward trip, I was received enthusiastically by the people and given
pledges of support in Ozamis City, Iloilo, and Capiz, where I stopped briefly. (Bulletin,
December 6, 1948)
I had no inkling that the political storm raised over the announcement of my candidacy
would send us all fighting over the issue of graft and corruption in the government back
to the surplus property deals and to the Chinese immigration quotas.
51
She said that she came to me because some senators were demanding the higher rate of
P2,500 for each alien that they would recommend. (Chronicle, November 22, 1948)
Later, my endeavor to rid the government of the stigma of graft and corruption was
lauded by the press. The city Fiscal of Manila, Eugenio Angeles, to whom I sent a
partial report of the Horilleno Committee had, upon studying the document, at last
field charges against persons involved in surplus property anomalies. Charged was the
SPC Chairman, Arsenio N. Luz, lieutenant Colonel Hernando J. C. Corvera, Leonardo
Manas, Go Kay, and Justino Co. they were accused in connection with the illegal disposal
of 37,00 GI sheets in the Guiuan Base. (Chronicle, September 14, 1948)
One paper observed: What the public had been waiting for with justified expectancy
had happened. Government big shots and influential people have been taken to court to
be prosecuted criminally in connection with the surplus property scandals. (Chronicle,
September 14, 1948) another paper stated that with the filing of these charges . . . the
president had taken a long step in the eradication of graft and corruption. (Evening
Chronicle, September 14, 1948)
I left for an inspection tour of the Visayas and Mindanao on November 22, feeling
temporarily relieved that the surplus property anomalies had reached the court and the
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
STRIVING
FOR UNITY
I remember that while my party was in Capiz on our way home, I had told the Secretary
of labor, Primitivo Lovina, among others that Im not foolish as to run for election if
my party is against it. That was what I thought appropriate for my position the moment
the people began urging me to launch my candidacy during the trip. (Times, December
5, 1948) Lovina was known as a pro-Avelino man. The statement must have reached
Senator Avelino before I arrived.
he president of the Liberal Party, Jose Avelino, who was also the President of
the Philippine senate, was recovering from a leg injury which he sustained
in a car accident before I left for my southern tour. I was deeply grieved by
the accident as it happened the very night that he and Mrs. Avelino were
returning from Malacaang after attending my birthday party. When he saw that Mrs.
Avelino was hurt, he walked to their residence more than a block away, despite a sprained
knee, to fetch a car to take her to a hospital. (Times, November 16, 1948)
Speaking as the chairman of the festivity at a radio program earlier that evening, he had
paid me tribute far above my deserts. Crisis, he said kindly, is the test of leadership
and it is a test which President Quirino has passed with dignity and honor in the short
time he has been in office. (Chronicle, November 16 1948)
I immediately rang him up on my return to require how he and Mrs. Avelino were
getting along. His foot was still in a plaster cast; Mrs. Avelino had already left the
hospital. Bearing the in mind the report given me that the announcement of my
candidacy during my trip had caused concern among the members of the party, and that
as a counter-move Senator Vicente Sotto had launched Senator Avelinos candidacy, I
inquired whether the news as published by the press had bothered him. His reply was to
reiterate his pledge to support my administration as it was also the administration of the
Liberal Party. Referring to the Sotto move, he said: I will not run.
l The MEMOIRS
I could not have seriously thought of conducting a pre-election nomination campaign

at such an early date. I was trying all my best to get all elements united to buckle down
to the work of national rehabilitation and reconstruction. Over barely seven months
in office, I certainly could not afford to create dissension in my party, or ignore the
willingness of some prominent leaders of the opposition to forget partisan politics in their
patriotic desire to help.
The slightest intimation that what I had done and was doing in this regard would be to
win the nomination of my party or the presidency in the forthcoming election would
subject all my actions and my plans to hostile suspicions inimical to what I had set out to
do as Roxas successor. I would lose the support I was seeking for the precise objective in
which I had trained my sight from the start.
My sincerity in bringing about unity and understanding among the members of my party
and the opposition in support of an honest and clean administration was forgotten in
the hurried caucuses and conferences called by both political groups. Before my return to
Manila certain senators were reported to have hit on the idea of disapproving all my ad
interim appointments pending action in the senate to deter men of the opposition form
joining the government.
Those who disagreed with me were reported to have conceived a plot to prevent me from
running by deposing Congressman Eugenio Perez as veteran political leader in Abra,
Congressman Quintin Paredes. With Senator Avelinos followers in control of the Senate
The memoirs l
53
52
A party of congressmen, particularly from Visayas and Mindanao, had accompanied

me during the trip at my invitation so I could discuss with them and with government
officials and leaders in their respective districts pressing problems of local importance.
The accommodations aboard the SS Argus were strained to the limit as no less than 15
congressmen turned up as we pulled out from pier 13. Speaker Perez, through whom
I coursed the invitation, had to issue a statement that the 15 congressmen had not
crashed my party but had all been invited to join me. The incident did not fail to
arouse speculation over what some people regarded as a pre-election attempt to win LP
presidential nomination in 1949. (Evening News, November 23, 1948)
they do not lose their sense of responsibility to the nation, I see no harm in
Underlying this plot was the accusation that I had committed the offense on policies
without consulting with the party directorate, like the announcement of my candidacy
in Lana. (Chronicle, December 1, 1948) too weak to face the Liberals, the Nacionalistas
had banked on the hope of creating a split in the majority party. Although the candidacy
of Dr. Laurel for president in the next election had supposedly been agreed upon, there
were reports to the effect that Senator Camilo Osias would be encourage to start a boom
for himself to show the liberals that the minority was split. Such a situation would then
embolden rival groups in the majority party to fight am0ng themselves, leading to their
split. (Bulletin, December 4, 1948)
should not undermine our work. Constructive thinking and action is what
it. That is democracy.
Nevertheless, we should not allow self-interest, petty jealousies or unholy

motives to mar the beautiful beginnings of our efforts to establish the
foundation of our sovereign existence. Pure political and partisan passion

the moment demands. We should spread the gospel of helpfulness and
wise cooperation in the true story of nation-building.
Then to impress upon the leaders of both parties that the reconstruction
of the country was much more important than the intrigues and squabbles
going on in Manila circles, I said:
I am happy to have found the people wherever in my last trip in the
southern island and Mindanao all very eager to contribute their share in
The plot to depose speaker Perez as Head of the Lower House and replace him with
Congressman Paredes might or might not have been the product of this maneuver.
Nevertheless, I felt the necessity of discouraging this kind of intrigue which was so highly
injurious to the welfare of the nation. So in my second radio chat on December 15, I
decided to voice out the warning.
this constructive work. And, unlike on previous occasions when I made
I said:
speak of public health and the establishment of hospital in the general

I observe that we have been giving of late undue importance to little issues
inspection trips in different official capacities, I was glad to hear people,

in general, talk more now of roads, bridges, and large-scale agricultural
development projects to be established and promoted. People even
discussed with me the relative prices of local and imported commodities,

exhibiting appreciable knowledge of the trend in foreign trade. They now
discussion on the manpower of the nation.
under our nose, magnifying, like myopes, petty speculative bickerings and
I concluded by raising anew a vision for the South:
quite often merely for the delectation of some people who find no better
During the early days of Americas Development, the leaders of that epoch used to tell
their people to direct their eyes to the west. At this stage of our nation-building, I would
earnestly suggest that we cast our eyes on the South, on Mindanao principally. The
development of Mindanao will maintain the balance or equilibrium of our economic life
and perhaps of our political life, too. With its vast territory, high economic potential,
new political outlook, and the ready, ambitious, and enthusiastic manpower coming from
all regions of the archipelago, Mindanao constitute a veritable proving ground for our
new economic and political theories. I propose to direct our national efforts to make that
region a real asset to the nation. (The New Philippine ideology, pp.107, 108, 110)
alleged differences affecting leading personalities in our limited circles,

way of forgetting the monotony of life.
What I mean is that the excessive indulgence of a few in what appears

to be a rampant pastime and the tendency of others to engage in too
much fault-finding is outweighing in an alarming proportion the bigger
issues developing in our urban centers and demanding more serious and
immediate consideration in our present national situation.
The ship of the state, and for that matter, the country as a whole, must not
be unwittingly rocked by common rivalry for an opportunity to hold the
steering wheel. It is but natural that well-meaning sympathizers should
articulate their desire to give their friends a chance at the wheel. As long as
l The MEMOIRS
The 52nd death anniversary of Dr. Jose Rizal for which the collection of voluntary
contribution to the finance the restoration of the house he occupied in his hometown in
Calamba, Laguna, was extended by me in a special executive order so that all students in
The memoirs l
55
54
and Congressman Paredes installed as Speaker of the House, they would then prevail
upon the Senate President to run for the presidency. Speaker Perez and I would thus be
left out. It was reported that Senator Avelino had already conferred with NP president
Eulogio Rodriguez and Dr. Jose P. Laurel, to consolidate forces with them in any political
move that I would make.
56
The revival of the National Economic Protectionism Association (NEPA), which

coincided with this occasion, also give me a chance as guest speaker at the reunion of
businessmen and manufacturers held at the Manila Hotel, to divert national attention
to the significant work of this popular economic organization to promote the growth
of commerce and industry. I recalled that it was Rizal himself who organized La Liga
Filipina in 1890 avowedly to awaken the Filipinos to the necessity of devoting their
energy to this work alongside the agitation for political emancipation. It was with the
same that President Roxas together, with orders, including myself, founded the Bagong
Katipunan in 1927.
The growth of the Philippine industries following the establishment of the
Commonwealth Government in 1936, when the NEPA was organized, materially
changed the economic aspect of the nation, and president Quezon himself endorsed
economic protectionism in a speech at the Luneta before the war.
To my mind, however, in the task of rebuilding our postwar economy, which meant
outside financial help to restore our industries, we could ill afford to antagonize the
source of the assistance needed.
Officially, I am going to announce that I shall not allow any discouragement of foreign
capital, not only American but also Chinese, French, Spanish, British capital any
foreign capital.
We should continue to invite foreigners to come and establish industries here. Once such
industries are established here, they will in effect be Filipino industries. In their benefits,
they will have no nationality. They will be neither American, Chinese, British nor
French. Once an industry is established here, it becomes a local industry whose growth,
prosperity, and stability will be to our lasting benefit and interest.
And then, speaking of NEPA itself and the assistance that local industry could expect
l The MEMOIRS
from the administration, I outlined before the business gathering what I believed to be a
sound policy, as follows:
In my opinion, the best way to campaign of behalf of our own products is to produce
them cheaper, to make them suitable to our tastes, and to produce them in sufficient
quantities so that we can rely on a steady supply in case of need.
In order to do this, we must promote small industries. We must build our economy from
the bottom, rather than from the top. The big corporations, the big companies, can find
assistance the help from outside. They can secure capital abroad at low interest, but the
small industries, the small industrial activities, industries which we call cottage industries,
possess no international credit.
They should, therefore, be encourage and built from the bottom and financed from our
own funds. This is a program upon which this government has already embarked, and
which is going to guide all the activities of the central Bank and all the credit institutions
of our country from now on.
I concluded:
To multiply the small industries, to encourage appreciation on the part of our people for
our products, to produce our products in big quantities at cheaper cost and in accordance
with our tastes, I am for the NEPA one hundred percent. (The New Philippine Ideology,
pp. 111-120)
It was most satisfying that in my endeavor to crystallize national thought away from the
political wranglings of the day; I found in Speaker Perez an excellent support. At the
Rizal program at the Luneta that year, he delivered a speech which showed that, without
fanfare or the benefit of an artificial enthusiasm, our administration was inspired by the
Rizal brand of true Filipino nationalism.
Rizal, he said, fought against economic injustice and our mission was to eradicate
economic injustice.
He said in part:
Rizal scourged bitterly the petty bickerings between groups of Filipinos which naturally
encouraged the masters of the country to divide the people and rule them with an iron
hand. To him the Philippines was inhabited by one people constituting only one nation.
He directed all his efforts towards arousing national consciousness and solidifying a
feeling of oneness among his countrymen.
The memoirs l
57
the Philippines could contribute to the fund (official Gazette, December 1948) gave
the nation respite from the highly charged political atmosphere. I was glad to participate
in its in its observance as an honorary inductee into the fellowship of the Knights of
Rizal, a patriotic organization devoted to the perpetuation of the memory of the national
hero and the propagation of his works and virtues. The committee in charge of the
induction ceremony extended to me the honorary membership for having: 1. practiced
the philosophy of Rizal in good government; 2. Risen from being a barrio school teacher
to being the Chief magistrate of the nation; and 3. Rendered meritorious services to the
nation. (Bulletin, December 31, 1948)
For as we needed a vigorous sense of national solidarity during Rizals times, during the
revolutionary days, and during our peaceful struggles for freedom under America, so do
we need national cohesion today. For unity and solidarity make for concerted efforts and
actions which will indubitably insure the fulfillment of the expanding aspirations of our
people and the solution of their multiplying problems.
It is Rizal that we owe the elemental spirit of unity which permeated the ragged but
intrepid ranks that gallantly fought the Philippine revolution. It was the same spirit that
eventually culminated in the overthrow of Spanish tyranny over this beautiful land . . . it
is as indispensable today, under the folds of our flags as a free state.
58
Again, on the birth anniversary of president Roxas, which falls on January 1, I expressed
the thought that he would prefer that we express our loyalty to, and affection for, his
memory in terms of positive and concrete action to fulfill the ideas behind the program
of service which was the breath of his life.
Naturally, the men who could best perform this work were those who had believed in
him. So, speaking from Malacaang at the radio program dedicated to him, I observed:
People have remarked on the practically Olympian indifference with which president
Roxas regarded every manner of threat or menace to his political fortunes. And they
have often wondered at the secret of his serenity and assurance in the face of the bitterest
personal assault and revilement.
I think I can hazard a guess. It is that he had incorruptible integrity, and his dedication to
the public welfare, irrespective of politics, was absolute and secure. It is also, in addition,
that he had confidence in the patriotism and intelligence of the people. For the people,
according to him, are not composed only of an active and vocal minority which criticizes
the government every time the government touches its pockets. His watchword was
to be never be afraid, and to have faith in the sense of justice, in the patriotism, of his
countrymen.
BREW FOR
A STORM
NFORTUNATELY, SENATOR AVELINO, as head of the party, did

not seem optimistic that the political storm which was brewing in the
party could be headed off any talk of unity. Nevertheless, in the face of
an insistent move to embarrass him and me over intrigues and rumors
arising from party matters, his conduct had been admirable. Knowing his opposition to
the inclusion of Senator Cabili in the Cabinet, I finally decided to give up the idea for
the sake of harmony. He had counseled moderation to the senator who suggested the
disapproval of any ad interim appointments that might be submitted to the Commission
on Appointment, of which he was Chairman; it was doubtlessly actuated by the same
spirit of party harmony.
When he spoke elsewhere over the radio on the same Roxas birthday program and made
the statement that any so-called unity would be merely superficial and the underground
disagreement between rivals leader had better be settled by open convention and election
than by illusory truce, I surmised he was under heavy pressure. He had praised the
action taken by President Roxas in 1946 before his election ,when, according to him ,
he resolved to divide the country in a bitter election in order t give the new nation
the kind of modern, efficient, liberal administration that the times demand. Chronicle,
January 2, 1949)
Subsequently, it was reported that the Senate President had intimated to close associates
in the Liberal Party that he would fight Quirino in the convention in the issue of loyalty
to party.
The idea of settling party issue as suggested in this report was not contrary to what I
know was the right thing. Although the Senator was surprised me by the hint of a
division , like the step taken by Roxas As Senate President against President Osmea
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
59
Rizal advocated unity and national solidarity. Those who sow the seeds of dissension
and disaffection among our people as well as in the highest levels of our leadership are
committing a gross disservice to the national welfare.
But followers who were not decided on causing an open break, hoped for understanding
on the following basis:
(1) They will support Quirino for reelection on condition
that Avelino or another Liberal acceptable to the latters
faction is the candidate for Vice President.
(2) Avelino should continue as President of the Liberal

Party and must be consulted asmust in connection in
matters of policy and government administration.
(3) A reorganization of the Cabinet and other key

government position ( is undertaken) before the
election consultation with party directorate and Senate
60
President Jose Avelino as Chairman of the Committee

on Appointment.
A press commentator aptly observed that these condition would make the President a
puppet of the party .(Evening Chronicle, January 3, 1949)
Before the opening of the regular session of congress , I embarked on my scheduled
six-day trip to the Bicol provinces as part of my effort to study conditions in each region
.In the course of the trip , I was invited to inaugurate the new chartered city of Legaspi
,Albay.
I slipped out from Manila on the SS Argus. Accompanying me was speaker Perez,
together with Secretaries Sotero Baluyot of the Department of Interior, Ricardo
Nepomuceno of the Department of Justice, and Prudencio Langcaoen of the
Department of Public Instruction. Also with party were Senator Vicente Madrigal and
Prospero Sanidad, Congressman Tomas Morato, Auditor General Manuel Agregado
,Undersecretary Teodisio Dio of the Department of National Defense , and Public
Commissioners Gabriel Prieto.( Times ,January 6,1946)
Evidence of the severity of the typhoons which recently visited those province were
noticeable everywhere .Abaca and coconut plantation suffered great losses. Many public
and private building had been blown down. The port of Bulan in Sorsogon and Legaspi
l The MEMOIRS
in Albay both needed extensive repairs and improvements.

While in Legaspi to inaugurate it as a chartered city, I also officiated at the resumption of
the old Legaspi- Manila rail service. The people were happy, as this occasion meant the
revival of business of them. (The new Philippines Ideology, pp.129 and 130)
In Sipocot, Camrines Sur,Governor Jose Del Gallego, out of gratitude for the
construction of the new provincial road from Sipocot to Ragay Gulf which connected
his province to Quezon province, offered to the name the road Quirino Highway. I
asked him to drop the idea and suggested that it be called Roxas Highway instead. After
3 the resources of the province, I promised to elevate its classification from third to first
class ( Bulletin, January 12,1949) Several mattes, which had some political color .were
raised during the trip.
The Nacionalistas in Legaspi City questioned the legality of mu appointment to the
post of city mayor of a person other than the one who had been elected as Municipal
Mayor. Un fortunately, the law creating Legaspi as a city gave a President the discretion
to appoint its officials from the mayor down to the councilor subject to the approval
of the Commission on Appointment . The Civil Liberties Union of Manila went to
the extent of issuing a critical statement, which said: The first provision contained in
the Declaration of Principles of our Constitute expressly reiterates the fundamental
democratic that sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanates
from the people. (Evening Chronicle,January 10,1949) It should have known better the
congress, which framed the law, vested in the President the power to appoint the officials
of the city instead of allowing the voters to select them. (See official Gazette)
In Naga City, the local Nacionalistas distributed pamphlets which charged the
administration of Camarines Sur with corruption.Listed in the charges were the sale by
the government of streptomycin at 12.50 pesos a vial; irregularities in the sale of NARIC
rice; and the appointment of city mayors and councilor, as was the case in Legaspi City.
(Evening news, January 10, 1949)
I had no desire to sidetrack the charges. Precisely, I told the people that I was conducting
the trip to hear direction from them and at same time to see for myself what their local
problems were so that the government could act accordingly. I recounted briefly how the
administration had solved the back pay question with the enactment of a Backpay Law
,which gave all employees entitled to it the same privilege originally granted to all prewar
member of congress . It was an act of justice that had been delayed.
I mentioned also the steps taken by the government to solve the yearly crisis in rice
The memoirs l
61
when he decided to run for President in 1946.I gave no further thought to what he was
report to have told the party associates about what he was going to do to settle the
question of party loyalty, knowing that the convention was monthly away.
62
The untimely death of president Roxas, I explained, was a tragic blow to the Philippines.
I was left doing a dual job. On a partnership basis, he and I agreed that he was to take
charge of the countrys internal problems and, I, of the countrys foreign relations. Now,
I had to shoulder both responsibilities until the people chose their new leader.( (Evening
news,January10,1949) In Daet, I explained that ridding the government of corruption
was one of my main objectives and then the record showed I had chased crooks ways,
whether compadres or partymen. The accumulated unholy record of misguided citizen,
I remarked ,extended as far back at the American regime and the Quezon, Osmea,
and the Roxas Administration, not to mention the Japanese occupation, it would take
every Filipino with Patriotic devotion to cooperate in making the government entirely
clean.. (Evening news, January 12, 1949)
The Hunks, I observed , are no longer in position to wrest power but have been driven
to the mountains to fend for themselves .Huks threatened to hand over his country to a
certain power which is trying to dominate the world. There is no greater treason.
Taking up the question of appointments, for which I was attacked even be fellow
liberals, I declared that I had to take along view considering mu dual position in the
government . I am the supreme head of the Liberal Party, I said. On top of that I am
supreme head of the nation .I added:Party bickering made me shoulder more work
than I should.
Seeing the many placards displayed endorsing me to run for President, Speaker Perez
remarked to the crowd:Let this be a convenant. We shall not fail him. We shall
encourage and support him.Later, at the High school campus gathering he launched my
candidacy to enable me to carry out my policies .Forced to reply, I remarked: I pledge
myself to clean government if you want still me . (Evening news,January12,1949)
I found Manila more involved in political turmoil upon my return than when I felt it
,because some unoccupied , prosperous people of our bustling capital have been raising
a new political partisan differences, sowing more confusion in an already confused
metropolitan population following the traditional pattern of old periodic political
bickering.
l The MEMOIRS
O Lord, I could not but exclaim over the radio as I reported in my trip to the nation
,when shall we be cured of this evil ,this economic and unedifying wastage of valuable
energy. (The new Philippines Ideology,,p133)
I had revealed in Naga City the working partnership that President Roxas and I
adopted to carry on the work of the administration he looking after the country
s internal problems and I taking charge of the country s external relations ; and how
after his death I had to assume alone this dual work. I was , therefore ,not disposed to
add more work to the presidency than was necessary , and I tried to express this feeling
when , in Daet , I remarked that party bickering made me shoulder more work that I
should . Moreover, it was natural that all this work should devolve upon the head of the
party ,Senator Avelino , who , I was certain, would do for the party what was his duty to
do in any event under President Roxas were he alive ,which was to relieve the President
s office from much of this score.
He had said more than once that he was a Loyal ,disciplined party man , who
would, abide by the decision of the Liberal Party convention as the last resort for the
settlement of any party dispute. Obviously, there was a wide range of freedom within
the limit set by him for members of the party to agree or disagree pending the holding
of a party convention .(Times, January 6,1946) Alas , this freedom had set the members
of the party to fighting one another ,instead of talking together .
My arrival in Manila was proceeded by an intensive publicity in the press of a widening
rift in the party .No sooner had out group left for Bicol ,I learned later, that a statement
by Speaker Perez -- to the effect that personal ambition to grab power or become
President need not necessarily split the party --- was interpreted as an indirect censure
of any hint of a split in the Liberal Party ,similar to what happened in 1946,when
Roxas decided to bolt the Nacionalista party to oppose President Osmea in the postwar
election . The Hint was supposed to have been made in Senator Avelinos Roxas Birthday
speech. (Evening News,January10,1949) Lovina immediately took the cudgels for
Avelino to reply that there could be possibly be no intent on the part of the latter to
split the party ,as insinuated by Perez, since Avelino had repeatedly affirmed his loyalty
to the party .He added that Perezs steadfast opposition was responsible for the failure
of the appointment of Jose C. Zulueta to the Cabinet.(Evening chronicle ,January
10,1949)
Perezs answer to his accusation came from Bicol. He blamed Lovina for being grossly
misinformed or incapable of comprehending political events, thus unconsciously
converting himself into a factor dangerous to party solidarity.
The memoirs l
63
supply and the lack of space in schools. I informed them that adequate funds for purpose
had already been set aside by the administration. To help the destitute and enable them
to stand on their feet, we had at the same time inaugurate a Social Amelioration Program
unprecedented in magnitude. Our Government had gained by our participation in
international conferences. My trip abroad as Vice-President, I added, had brought the
Philippines before the thrones of kings
Perezs colleagues in congress lost no time in defending the Speaker by stating that if
Perez were the only one opposed to the appointment of Zulueta for the Cabinet and
the rest were for Zulueta, then Perez was indeed stronger than any man in the party.
This insinuation evidently arouse the factional spirit in the Lower House giving way to
preconceived plan of ousting Perez from speakership and having congressman Paredes in
his stead. (Evening News, January 10, 1949)
64
To my surprise, I was unwittingly dragged into this controversy in the heat of the fight
Speaker Perez and Congressman Paredes over the speakership when Paredes repeated
what he has told I had said in Bicol, that I would stand for Perez even if it means war in
the Ilocos. The veteran leader from Abra Allegedly shouted that was my attitude, then
let there be war among the Ilocanos. (Times, January 15, 1949)
Meanwhile, Zulueta, vocal in his resentment for failing to get justice from the party, had
declared in a statement he issued that he would either join the which was more sincere
and friendly to him, in case of a split, or bolt the party if justice is not given him. Later,
in a Nacionalista poll supposedly conducted by minority leaders which included Dr. Jose
P. Laurel and Senator Camilo Osias, Zulueta was reported to have been chosen as the
minoritys favorite vice-presidential standard bearer over Justice Emmanuel Briones and
Senator Carlos Garcia. It was an excellent bit of opposition in the midst of Liberal Party
turmoil. (Evening News, January 12, 1949)
Somewhere in the controversy someone had slipped the news, the source of which I was
curious to know but was never told, which stated that the plot to undermine President
Quirinos leadership was bolstered recently in the United States and the proposed
compromise candidate was a man from the south. (Bulletin, January 12, 1949)
Lovina himself had said that the Liberals may even expel President Quirino and Senator
Avelino if need be, as we two alone did not compose the Liberal Party. (Times, January
6, 1949)
When I stated at my Bicol trip that I would start a purge of elements seeking to wrest
power from the administration for the promotion of their own personal ambitions, I
had in mind the men of the opposition who poison the peoples mind. (Evening News,
l The MEMOIRS
January 14, 1949) Yet, someone interpreted this remark as having been directed to any
possible aspirant for presidential nomination in the party.
Someone had also tried to trace the source of the confusion that had all the party leaders
all fighting each other. The root cause was reported to have been the attempt of a clique
to build a compromise presidential team to be composed of Avelino as Presidents and
Paredes as Vice-President, the immediate objective of which was to launch an attack
against Perez as Speaker of the House and to place Paredes in his stead. (Bulletin, January
14, 1949) Paredes explained, However, the only reason he had lent his name to the move
of Speaker Perez was to restore the traditional dignity of the legislative branch which
reach its lowest ebb when the speaker kowtowed too much to the executive. (Times,
January 14, 1949)
Veteran political observers all agreed that the vulnerability of the speakership, in view to
the recognize ability of the astute political leader from Abra to maneuver, was the surest
approach to break in the party that would allow a compromise presidential ticket to
prosper. But Speaker Perez felt no fundamental issue could be guilt against him. He was
confident of his leadership of the house and the support and loyalty of men who faith
and trust him.
Apparently blocked here, but still trying, backers of the supposed compromise
presidential ticket vainly looked for other means to break the party apart. They found
none to assure them of popular support if it were submitted to a public poll. (Bulletin,
January 12, 1949)
My memory of those days and the ones that followed in tinged with a sense of
commiseration. I remember that I stayed on the bay aboard the Coast Guard cutter
which brought me to Manila instead of going directly to Malacaang. It was particularly
painful for me to learn that a move had actually started to oust Speaker Perez from the
leadership of the House, with no other excuse than that he has been most cooperative
with me officially in the work of the administration. His colleagues had accused him of
being subservient to the executive. It was not considered that such a move would also be
a direct assault on the Chief Executive, which in effect it was.
When I said that I would stand on Perez upon knowing that he was being attacked attack
of his supposed subservience to Malacaang I, too, was denounced for trying to meddle
in the affairs of the Congress, contrary to the principle of separation of powers. Even my
right to speak my mind as a member of this party on this matter had been denied. And
the man who was upholding this view was no ordinary member of Congress or of the
Party. He was renowned Congressman Quintin Paredes, former Speaker of the House
The memoirs l
65
Lovina reported with a blistering attack, to the effect that a veteran politician who
commits blunder and whose interpretation of party solidarity is for his own benefit only
is dangerous not only for his party but to the country as well. He then recounted his
efforts to unite the party by suggesting a Quirino-Avelino as standard bearers of the party
in the 1949 elections. (Evening Chronicle, January 10, 1949)
The controversy raged on in the press and among the members of the Congress, the
protagonist exchanging barbed remarks. No situation could be more tragic, especially
at that time. The government notably was enjoying tremendous popularity among the
people in the provinces for bringing peace and tranquility to them. There was hope
of expanding economy, thanks to the conscientious planning of the development and
exploitation of the countrys natural wealth. This was bringing to Manila, especially to the
members of the party who, I had hoped would be delighted to hear it.
66
I hurried to attend the party caucus scheduled in the 15th of January at Malacaang.
There, I decided not to deliver the message to the party anymore in view of the conflict.
In my mid-monthly chat over the radio before I met the party directorate that evening, I
tried to explain to the nation of how unedifying had been the course of the events in the
national capital while the country people whom I had just visited were doing their best to
help the nation grow in wealth and respect. I also touched on reports from the outside
world, the trip, on developments which had been most favorable to the domestic and
external affairs of the republic. (The New Philippine Ideology, p. 132)
With deliberate intent to point out the sordidness of political bickering beside the
governments effort to win the respect and the goodwill of the people, I said that it was
quite saddening to learn of the daily petty happenings in Manila, of political gossip
galore, especially of the activities of people who are busy preparing the atmosphere for the
next elections.
While Speaker and I, I observed, were busy discussing with the people in the
localities we visited the construction and repair of roads, schools, municipal buildings,
and irrigation system, the rehabilitation of the abaca and coconut industries, the
establishment of more farms and schools of fisheries, the promotion of the tourist trade,
and the general economic plans and enterprise of the government, some unoccupied,
prosperous people of our bustling capital have been raising a new political partisan
differences, sowing more confusion in an already confused metropolitan population,
following the traditional pattern of old political bickering.
I suggested how much more healthy and beneficial it could be for all concerned to study
recent events and learn our lessons from them and, in our present struggle for survival,
acquire courage and vision to face the future.
Then, to those bent on sowing confusions, I said:Instead of magnifying apparent
shortcomings in the honest endeavor of administration to solve much exploited
anomalies, many of which are creations of inventive geniuses awakened by election
prospects, we can make instructive comparisons on the state of the nation between
the occupation period and the present era of freedom. Then we may benefit from the
record of each period and lead our people to a more intelligent and realistic appraisal of
the situation in which the prophets of yesterday would place this country in the face of
international relations, friendship, and commitments, past and present.
At any rate, if the Filipinos wanted to know where they were going, and it was perfectly
within their right and power to decide that for themselves in the exercise of popular
suffrage, I explained, they could be greatly benefited by more searching analysis of
conditions --- of things and of men, their fates and fortunes --- in the darkest as well as in
the brightest hour of our country.
I went on:This may be crucial year in our political history. Convictions change, in
accordance with the manner in which those who lead or want to lead are tempted in the
hours of greed and in the hours of need.
Political changes will greatly affect the cause of our march to progress and security. We
must ponder in all conscience what changes to make or what may occur. Let us do sober
thinking. Self-forgetfulness, self-effacement, and self-abnegation are the essence of fruitful
meditation. Let us have more of it for the sake of our children. (The New Philippine
Ideology, pp 133 and 134)
I lamented the mudslinging, the character assassination, the moral lynching, and the selfadulation which were accepted as democratic practices under the pretense of creating
sane and alert public opinion. I played for an end to this uneconomic and unedifying
wastage of valuable energy.
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
67
and actually an aspirant to Perezs post; he was also mentioned prominently as Senator
Avelinos vice-presidential mate.
fter my radio speech, I joined the members of the party directorate who
had gathered at the bahay kubo (Nipa Hut) on the Malacaang grounds
adjoining the palace which I selected as a fit place for the discussion of party
affairs free from the restraint and austerity of the old executive mansion.
Also present were members of the Cabinet and the Council of State as ex officio members
in the high council of the party. Everybody was in high spirits. We did not settle down to
dine until everyone had gone around hand-shaking and back-slapping with everyone else
present.
I was annoyed, however, when I was informed that unauthorized persons had succeeded
in entering the premises against all cautions at making the reunion an exclusive affair
for the high council of the party. Through an aide, I ordered the premises cleared, but
became more annoyed when I learned that news reporters had been seen around.
I had spoken my piece over the radio. At the Bahay Kubo, I was disposed to sit and to
listen.
What happened that night could not have been a more deliberate, if not planned, effort
to drive a wedge in the party ranks. Obviously it was unexpected, and most unfortunate,
I believe it was there that the downfall of the party began. For the discussion. Albeit
courteous and frank, skirted the issue, considered upper most at the time, whether or
not the party members could settle their own differences instead of sowing the seeds of
discord among themselves.
l The MEMOIRS
For almost two solid hours, Senator Avelino chose to speak as the head of the party
to impugn certain acts of the administration which he considered inimical to party
interest. I had to interrupt him to explain the acts of injustice he had imputed to the
administration. When he touched on the investigation of surplus property anomalies and
the immigration quota scandal nd on alleged revisions of surplus property sales previously
made as an attack upon the memory of the late president Roxas, I protested that it was an
act demanded by the public and a duty I could not ignore.
At any rate, I pointed out that in the case of U.S. President Harding, the investigation
of anomalies conducted after his death removed from the mind of the public whatever
stigma the people might have attached to his name when his secretary of interior, Albert
B. Fall, and associates were convicted in connection with the Teapot Dome Scandal
committed during his administration. The incident rather helped clear the name of the
Republican Party in the eyes of the people than darken it, I added. (The Memoirs of
Herbert Hoover, p. 71)
Senator Avelino went on to state that I favored the Nacionalistas instead of the Liberals
in the matter of appointments. When I said that I was willing to cross party lines
in the interest of good government for the purpose of getting the best men for the
administration, his prompt retort was that the best men were in the Liberal Party. Then
he took up the matter of the speakership of the House over which there was a controversy
between Speaker Perez and Congressman Paredes. I said I was compelled to express
my support for speaker Perez, because the move to depose him was obviously meant to
undermine the cordial relations existing between the House and the President. (Times,
January 16, 1949)
I do not wish to recall every detail of this unfortunate incident, but I remember saying,
too, that I had for sometimes kept silent on a plot bared by the NBI to assassinate me,
which made Senator Avelino quite furious, although my intension was only to reveal how
far disgruntled people could go without thinking of the consequences. (Bulletin, January
17, 1949 and February 8, 1949)
Although we broke up the caucus in the most cordial feeling, our failure to take stock of
the improved conditions of the country made us miss the chance right there and then to
The memoirs l
69
68
AVELINO SPEECH
BRINGS DOWN
PUBLIC WRATH
ON THE PARTY
Never in my lifetime of politics had I seen an opportunity so propitious for the high
council of a party to take a triumphal stock of its achievement, in order to strengthen its
hold, as the one which offered itself at this time to the leaders of the party in power. The
party leaders were set on seeing things only their own way, and missed the opportunity
that such a golden hour had offered to them for high resolve and dedication.
Avelino continued:
The subsequent publication of senator Avelinos speech at the caucus shattered whatever
hope there was of keeping the Liberal Party intact, and even the prestige of the
organization now became a controversial subject. The public had no interpretation of the
speech other than the desire to place the party above public interest. Senator Avelino, I
knew, did not mean it that way, but it was unfortunate for him and for all of us that it
was misinterpreted.
Avelino related the story of St. Francis of Assisi: A thief sought sanctuary in St. Francis
Covent. When the soldiers came to the convent and ordered St. Francis to produce the
wanted thief, St. Francis told the soldiers that the hunted man had gone the other way.
He was bristling mad at the printed version of his speech which a reporter claimed to be
a true and accurate report of it. Previously, he had stated that the unburdening of soul
at the caucus patched all his differences with President Quirino, softened the bitterness
once hidden by rival factions and assured reconciliation and unity. Speaker Perez shared
this view when he remarked: Now that we have all unburdened ourselves, there should
be no recriminations, no more back-talking and intriguing. We have such important
tasks ahead that we cannot afford any more political pot-shooting and muck-raking. I
believed everything had been explained to the satisfaction of everyone.
When senator Avelino was asked whether he approved the move to put him up as my
running mate, he evaded the question by replying: That will be decided by the party.
I am a good party man and I can serve in any capacity my party wants me to serve.
(Bulletin, January 17, 1949) Lovina had secured a signed endorsement of a resolution
for a Quirino-Avelino ticket which the caucus decided to refer to the party executive
committee without expressing itself one way or the other.
These are the highlights of Senator Avelinos speech as reproduced by a newspaper:
The investigations were conducted on vague charges, Avelino claimed. Nothing specific
has been filed against any top LP men. And yet NBI agents have prosecuted top leaders
of the LP. That is not justice. That is injustice . . . it is odious . . . it is criminal.
Why did you have to order an investigation, Honorable Mr. President? If you cannot
permit abuses, you must at least tolerate them. What are we in power for? We are not
hypocrites why should we pretend to be saints when in reality we are not? We are not
angels. And besides, when we die we all go to hell. Anyway, it is preferable to go to hell
where there are no investigations, no Secretary of Justice, no Secretary of the interior to
go after us.
l The MEMOIRS
When Jesus Christ died on the cross, He made a distinction between the good crook
and the bad crook. We can aspire to be good crooks.
Avelino then pointed out that even that saint had condoned the sins of a thief.
The President is to blame for the rift in the LP, Avelino said. This was caused by his
being loyal to the press rather than to the LP which placed him in power. His actuations
(sic) and speeches encouraged the press, specially the chronicle, to promote dissension in
the ranks of the Liberal Party.
Avelino categorically stated that he did not make any money on surplus goods, I was
only so generous that I allowed my friends to make money on it.
When president Quirino categorically mentioned that Avelino had been plotting to have
him assassinated, the Senate head jumped from his seat, blew up and exclaimed: That is
a calumny.
The investigation ordered by the president, Avelino said, Was a desecration of the
memory of the late president Roxas. The prove has lowered, instead of enhanced, the
prestige of the LP and the leaders in the eyes of the public.
If the present administration fails, it is Roxas and not Quirino that suffers by it, because
Quirinos administration is only a continuation of Roxas, Avelino said.
Avelino compared all political parties to business corporations, of which all members
are stockholders. Every year the LP makes an accounting of its loss and profit. The LP,
he said Had practically no dividend at all. It has lost even its original capital. Then he
mentioned the appointments to the government of Nacionalistas like Lino J. Castillejo, a
Governor of the RFC; Nicanor Carag, Consul to Madrid; and Vicente Formoso, General
manager of the National Tobacco Corporation.
When the president stood up to answer Avelinos charges, he said that the investigations
of the SPC scandal and the immigration quota rackets were not a reflection on the late
president Roxas.
The memoirs l
71
70
utilize the bond of common achievement as the uniting force of the party. I said to myself
that if the leaders of the party could not share together the pride of common achievement
by submerging voluntarily their difference, they could not be expected for any reason to
stand bound together for any cause which entailed a common sacrifice.
The inquiry into the anomalies, the president said, did not lower the prestige of the LP
or its leaders. On the contrary, it promoted the peoples faith in good government.
for, anyway? Just to provide work for the National Bureau of Investigation? The political
climate is better in hell, where they dont have investigations.
He cited the case of the U.S. government in the investigation of the Teapot Dome
scandal during the Harding administration in 1923. When the U.S. Secretary of the
interior involved got jailed, he said, Hardings administration scored a great triumph.
It erased the smear that would have stained for all time the Republican leaders then.
(Chronicle, January 18, 1949)
There we have a viewpoint completely devoid of hypocrisy and sham. Government

corruptions represents a certain acceptable norm of conduct no matter what you say
about it and no matter what kind of ineffective efforts are made to get rid of it. When
you pretend to try to stop it with one hand and secretly support it with the other, you are
indulging in the kind of duplicity that is bad for public morals and particularly bad for
the people who get caught in the act.
The Bulletin wrote editorially, as follows:
72
A case could be advanced and supported in the field of political science that honesty and
politics are incompatible, that no successful politician can afford to be completely frank
with the people. The theorem would have fallen flat on its face Saturday night, however,
at the Liberal
Avelino Speech Brings Down Public Wrath on the Party75
Party caucus, for if reports of what happened at the meeting are true, Senate president
Avelino put himself forward as the exception that proves the rule. He is that rara avis,
that self-contradicting paradox, a politicians who really knows how to be completely and
devastatingly honest.
If we may take the political philosophy which he reportedly expounded in a twohour diatribe against President Quirino as his own, we may assume that his direct and
forthright reasoning goes something like this:
Graft in the government is inevitable. You cant stop it so you might as well make the
best of it. Everybody knows that politicians and government officials are no angels, so
why make such an embarrassing point of it? Why have all the necessary investigations?
Why expose all this perfectly legitimate graft in the newspapers? It is bad for the party. If
it werent for all those investigations there would be no public clamor because the public
wouldnt know anything about it.
So the answer is very simple. Conceding the fact that we cant stop graft, lets stop the
investigations. They are unjust to the Liberal Party. What they amount to is criminal
persecution of the political party in power, which is absurd. What is the party in power
l The MEMOIRS
Fortunately for the country, president Quirino does not appear to agree with this
viewpoint. In fact, he is strongly against it. He is represented as believing that an
uncontrolled misbehavior in public office is the thing that is wrong and damaging to
public morals and dangerous to the party and the government because of the disrespect
and the loss of confidence of the people. He does not believe, either, in a reversal of the
old Quezonian phrase that loyalty to ones party ends where loyalty to country begins.
Much to the senate presidents disgust and discomfiture, apparently, Mr. Quirino puts the
interests of the nation ahead of the interests of the Liberal Party.
Much as we admire honesty and forthrightness, we have to agree with Mr. Quirino.
(Bulletin, Monday, January 17, 1949)
The Chronicle wrote a long editorial. It said:
Senate President Jose Avelino has unmasked himself. His ugliness is revolting. The flesh
of decent citizens crept; their hair stood on end; they shuddered, Avelino made them
retch. This man who heads the liberal party, which he says has the right to administer
the government of this country, in effect has come out openly as against every sense of
decency; and he would plunge this nation into hell with him for the sake of his political
party.
Jose Avelino has fouled the air in Malacaang, the palace of the people, by his latest
brazen and shameless essay on the throat of the people. Jacksonian democracy is too mild
a phrase to describe it. It is Evil-ino dictatorship. The devil is its partner.
With all candidness assuming the virtue of frankness, the would-be protector of Liberal
crooks had the effrontery to tell the president of the Philippines that the investigation of
the surplus property scandal and the immigration quota racket is criminal and odious.
Avelino would make virtue a crime and evil a necessity.
The memoirs l
73
Senator Avelino tried all his best to deny that the printed story was a true version of what
he said in the caucus. But public reaction was so adverse that no amount of explanation
could silence the severe criticism launched by the press against him.
With a straight face, the senate president also criticized president Quirinos order to
investigate government irregularities. He said that if the President could not permit them,
he should tolerate them, as if there were any difference in effect. He would make the
president an accessory to the crimes of the party, which according to Avelino, must be
saved at all cost, even at the price of destroying the nation and everything that the people
stand for. Or Avelino also come out with an assertion that the people are for permitting
or tolerating crookedness?
74
What are we in power for? Avelino asked rhetorically in urging tolerance for party
abuses. Of course, the thought that the administration is in power for the good of the
people must have never crossed his mind.
Finally, the Liberal Party had the audacity to assert that the present administrations
attempt to clean the government of graft and corruption is a desecration of the memory
of the late president Manuel Roxas. It appears that by indicating that president Roxas
would have tolerated or permitted crookedness in the government, Avelino is the one
guilty of blaspheming him in death.
We are gratified that as Avelino took the name of president Roxas in vain, president
Quirino, in turn, spoke in the spirit of the late president Quezon in defending and
justifying his policy against corruption in the government. My loyalty to my party ends
where my loyalty to my country begins.
Besides, as president Quirino pointed out, he is bound by his oath of office to loyalty to
the people above loyalty to his party.
If Senate President Avelino has succeeded in anything else besides getting enough rope to
hang himself by his philippics in Malacaang last Saturday, it is in establishing the fact
that president Quirino, after all, has been on the side of the people. Mr. Avelino said that
the party recommendations have not been favored. They were recommendations against
the interests of the people. Avelino said that the presidents policies and appointment to
the key government position have been against the interests of the party. They were in the
interest of the welfare of the people. A party like the Liberal as Avelino would have it rub
deserves no considerations at all.
l The MEMOIRS
We know that president Quirino is a member of the liberal party, but in ignoring the
unhealthy recommendations of Avelino and his followers he has demonstrated that
there are still sane and patriotic Liberals. The President, too, has found support within
the party as well as among the people. Avelino has drawn the line between him and the
president. We believe that the president cannot join forces now with Avelino without
betraying the people. These have already been impatient for more aggressive moves to
end the rule of corrupt power. If the Presidents want to insure his reelection, he should
now purge his party of Avelino and his men and establish an alliance with the people.
We believe that even in the Liberal party the forces of decent men are still stronger than
Avelino who will yet find himself abandoned and alone in his amoral political philosophy.
This newspaper has criticized as well as praised the president. It will continue to criticize
him when in its opinion it is called for. It praises him now for his stand against extremist
partisanship in government administration, and it will support him with all the strength
of its modest voice on this issue because we believe that the people will be for anyone,
whether President Quirino or any other president, who stands four-square against
principles which are evil per se.
One congressman speaking at the caucus in Malacaang last Saturday accused this paper
of being responsible for the rift in the Liberal Party. It was a flattering compliment, but
we do not believe we deserve it. We merely reported the facts. The caucus of the rift was
not of our making. They were there although there was an attempt to hide them. We
reported them, and the latest developments have proved the truths of the reports in the
face of repeated denials by some party leaders.
The Chronicle proposes to continue telling the truth regardless of consequences. We
believe that the truth about what happened at the caucus must be known by the people,
because they will have an opportunity to pass judgment on Senate President Jose
Avelinos principles of government in the elections which are coming soon. (Chronicle,
January 18, 1949)
In Iloilo, on his way to Bohol to act as sponsors for the wedding of Senator Olegario B.
Clarin, Avelino undertook to clarify the press attack against him. In a prepared speech he
delivered before a mammoth reception given him on his arrival in Iloilo city aboard the
SS Argus after a delay of 11 hours on account of bad weather, which made him remark
humorously that he seemed to be in a bad luck even the weather was sabotaging him
he said:
I do not know how other people will interpret this. Only the other day a newspaper
said I was defending the abuses of the Liberal Party against the unfounded accusations of
The memoirs l
75
We are not angels, he said, as if anyone had claimed this should be a government of
angels instead of just a government of laws. When we die we go to hell. It is better to be
in hell because in that place there are no investigations, no secretary of justice, and no
secretary of interior to go after us. So, Avelino proposes as amoral government.
President Roxas was my friend. He was the friend of all of us. He was the architect of our
republic and the planner of the rehabilitation of our country. I have always believed in his
patriotism, ability, and integrity. No Filipino can honestly betray and dishonor him now
that he is dead. I am loyal, and I am sure you are also loyal to his memory. And when I
defend Roxas administration, I am also defending the present administration, which I
consider the continuation of that administration until the next mandate of the people.
76
I want to tell you first of all that I am not here to talk about politics. Congress will
shortly reconvene to consider problems of national importance, problems affecting the
destiny of this republic and the security and the happiness of our people. These problems
demand our concentrated energies. It is foolish, it is a betrayal of our own duty, to scatter
and waste our efforts on personal and partisan intrigues. In the long run, it is also fatal
because in the end we shall be judged by what we have actually done for the people.
Seeing many placards urging him to run for president, he observed:
I want to make my position clear on this point before I close. I want to say to you
and to all my friends, as clearly and emphatically as I can, that I did not come here
for electioneering purposes. With respect to the next elections, it is my opinion that
all the present political speculations not only endanger unity of the party, creating
unnecessary confusion in the ranks of the party and among the entire people, but also
hamper the efficiency of the administration. The political aspect of the future belongs
to the party and to the convention. In this days our only tasks is to support the present
administration, to give every possible opportunity to the man who
Avelino Speech Brings Down Public Wrath on the Party79
is now at the helm of our government, so that he may accomplish the program of the
liberal party. I sincerely believe that I should be the last man to claim the honor of the
high position for which you are boosting me in those placards. And if the cause of the
party demands a sacrifice, it will be my happiness and privilege to offer myself. (Times,
January 20, 1949)
FIGHT AGAINST
GRAFT AND
CORRUPTION TAKES
NEW FORM
The highest consideration of the public welfare now made me more determined to carry
out my program of cleaning the government and of relentlessly pursuing all investigations
to straighten out all anomalies blamed upon the government. The issue of graft and
corruption duly gained more prominence and importance. But now, I felt, the problem
was no longer simply the work of prosecution against the culprits, whoever they might
be, or merely wedding out the undesirable officials from the government. I had to prove
conclusively that the government was serious in this task and that I was not inspired any
way by partisan or political motives.
I lost no time in calling to Malacaang the secretary of justice, Sabino Padilla, to inquire
into the status of the cases under investigation. The Horilleno Committee in charge of
probing surplus property anomalies and the Natividad Committee investigating the
immigration quota racket had not by this time completed their reports. I requested
Secretary Padilla to expedite their work and be ready to decisively disprove allegations
made in certain quarters that there was going to be a compromise between party
interests and public interests on this issue (Evening Chronicle, January 18, 1949)
I had occasion to call the attention of congress to this phase of the administration at the
opening of its annual session the last week of January (1949), which was memorable
in that it was convening again for the first time in its old legislative building, now
completely restored from the destruction of war.
Speaking on Morale in the public service in my state-of-the-nation address, I said:
I have recognized the Cabinet. New members with proven ability, experience, and
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
77
abuses made against it. They said I called the investigations now going on unfair when
what I really did was to say they were unfair by blackening the memory of a great leader,
that democratic paladin whom Panay gave to the nation, President Roxas, who is being
unjustly attacked and discredited now that he can no longer defend himself.
78
We have laid the foundations of a stable, efficient, honored, and dignified government.
And we have brought it nearer to our people. We have been taking every opportunity to
talk directly to them in their cities and towns, to observe their manner of living, to hear
them discuss their needs and express their criticisms, their hopes, and their aspirations.
We have strengthened further their confidence in our sincerity and integrity. We have
demonstrated our willingness to invite and face public scrutiny. We have eliminated
whatever evils have been uncovered. We have proved the primacy of public interest over
party, group, or personal claims. More than as the supreme head of the Liberal Party, in
accordance with whose rules I am the authorized spokesman of its decisions and policies,
as President of the Republic I declare this to be the unequivocal policy and determination
of the administration.
I cannot believe that God will not allow us to maintain this kind of government. We
must consecrate our lives and all our efforts to its attainment and dare while we pray, and
pray while we dare. (The New Philippine Ideology, pp. 144-145)
I must record one bitter disappointment at this time. It came from the publication of a
cartoon in a national weekly which has always tried to be taken seriously. The cartoon
portrayed Avelino and myself as rivals in courting the veterans, recalling the measures
Congress had passed to give back pay to government employees. The cartoon carried this
observation:
Two distinguished gentleman are so engrossed in pressing their promises of lavish
gifts on charming miss veterans that apparently they are giving little thought to the
persons who foots the bill the taxpayer. The taxpayer made possible the back pay to
congressman, the back pay to government employees and now it is his money that
will be used in the latest attempt to buy votes for political leaders. (Editorial Digest,
Evening News, January 17, 1949)
l The MEMOIRS
At a time when the nation was in the grip of a great moral question, this was the kind
of contribution this vaunted publication would give to its solution. The reference to the
back pay was certainly not apt because the passage of the back pay law solved a great
problem that had nothing to do with politics.
RUMPUS OVER
VIGAN VISIT
I left with a new resolve for my scheduled inspection visit of the Ilocos provinces. This
being my first visit to the home region since I assumed the Office of the president, my
hometown of Vigan made a special preparation for my homecoming, and the rest of the
other towns I visited did the same. I invited the members of the Cabinet and foreign
representatives to come along with me to be my houseguests. My two children, Tommy,
with his wife Nena, and Vicky brought along their friends, too. A provincial fair and
exposition held in Vigan with the participation of the provinces of Northern Luzon
furnished a suitable background for observing how the Ilocos had recovered from the
war. Senator Lorenzo Taada tried to wreck the import of this visit by charging it as
extravagant. He seemed excited over the fact that I had official guests with me and I had
also taken along my children to their own ancestral home. It had been customary in all
my inspection trips to invite Cabinet members, bureau chiefs and directors, as well as
member of Congress so that we could see for ourselves and discuss on the spot problems
which might be brought to our attention by the country folk. This trip was no different
to those others, except that Ilocanos took to it as the special occasion to show their
traditional hospitality by offering accommodations, transportation, and entertainment
for their guests, for which Vigan particularly, as the cultural and intellectual center of the
North, has long been famous. Evidently, the visit proved a good publicity for a region
which seldom hits the limelight, although it did not meet with the approval of some
persons who were lacking in sympathy.
I remember that Senator Alejo Mabanag, Nacionalista, a native of Ilocos, joined with glee
The memoirs l
79
integrity have been appointed. I have elevated the lady Commissioner of the Social
Welfare to Cabinet rank, giving to that position the importance commensurate with
the new tasks assigned to it of carrying out the policy of the government on social
amelioration. I have advanced in both the judicial and the executive departments men of
high standard of efficiency, thus giving encouragement to those in the lower ranks who
have shown merit and loyalty to the service. I have opened opportunities for younger
men to prepare themselves for high responsibilities in the public service. I am determine
to pursue a line of action that will insure to our people honest and efficient service and
will provide full enjoyment of the liberty and equal opportunity that we have dearly
fought for and won, in peace and in war, at home and abroad.
Arriving in Vigan, I was met by a delegation of all political parties expressing their united
support me. Moved by this administration, I extended political amnesty to those who
had been fighting me as a minority in the province, among whom being Congressman
Floro Crisologo, former Governor Pedro Singson Reyes, and former Congressman
Fidel Villanueva, the first two being Nacionalista. They all subsequently changed their
allegiance and joined the Liberal party, which fact brought unity in the province.
80
Ilocos Norte gave me an enthusiastic reception. In Currimao, as in Laoag and other

towns, the people pledge united support to the administration irrespective of party
politics. When I visited Bangued, Abra Congressman Paredes was there to meet the
delegation; so in the face of the two contending liberal factions in the province, one
headed by Governor Virgilio Valera and the other by the congressman himself, I pleaded
for the unity of the two groups.
I found the Ilocos provinces very peaceful, untouched by agrarian disturbances, and all
trying to work out their economic problems by hard work and industry. I have always
tried to encourage the well-known Ilocano pioneering spirit of Ilocanos to open that
vast land to production. I want to see settlements there being worked by busy and
independent hands. (Evening News, January 27, 1949)
Upon returning in Manila, I was surprise to see that a big crowd was waiting for me at
the international airport. As I stepped out of the Laoag Laan, I was led to a temporary
platform which a committee headed by Assistant Executive Secretary Nicanor Roxas and
Undersecretary of Labor Jose Figueras had prepared so that I could address the 15,000
gathered there to welcome me. My trip to the Ilocos had been subjected to all sorts of
criticism by the oppositionists I congress and, evidently, my friends wanted me to answer.
I remarked briefly that I was very glad that despite the evident attempt of some people
to misrepresent the significance of my trip, a great number of people, as shown by those
present, still had faith in me.
I explained that the trip was in the line with my policy of bringing the government closer
to the people and of seeing for me actual conditions needs with a view to their proper
solution. These tours, I said, undeniably enabled me to apportion better the aid and
benefit that may be extended to each locality in accordance with the administrations
program of social amelioration and rural development. (Bulletin, January 31, 19490
But I did not fully realize the extent of excitement the trip had caused in political circles
l The MEMOIRS
until I learned what occurred in congress during my absence of four days. In the course
of the discussion of a proposal to conduct a legislative investigation into the conduct and
operation of government owned Business Corporation, Senator Melecio Arranz, Senate
president Pre-tempore and majority floor leader, tried to defend me against charges of
tolerating graft and corruption in the government. Senator Mabanag even tried to insert
in the Senate record the reported Avelino speech at the Bahay Kubo caucus and when
he failed, because Senator Emilio Tria Tirona had opposed it, he dared the Senate floor
leader to deny its contents. Arranz replied that he could not do so as he was not present
at the caucus.
Arranz then pleaded that I should be given time to carry out my program of
administration, and pointed out that I had, out of my own accord, appointed
investigation bodies in order to weed out undesirable officials or bring them to justice.
Whereupon he invited the minority to join my presidential bandwagon so that I have
more time to carry out my government program.
Mabanag then launched a tirade against me, part of which was ordered deleted from the
record, on motion of Senator Fernando Lopez, as indecorous and personal. Mabanag
flared up, as follows:
81
the attack made by Taada on this trip. Mabanags criticism was undeniable motivated by
politics. Congressman Primicias, too, was vituperative in the lower house.
When Quirino succeeded Roxas, I thought it was the will of providence. After observing
his first moves as the nations chief magistrate, I thought he would lead this nation to
clean government and prosperity. I was among those who were loudest in their praise for
him.
Now, however, I believe otherwise. He has proved himself lacking in qualities of
leadership. He hails from the north whose people are well-known for their industry, thrift
and honesty. He has none of these qualities.
Unlike other Ilocanos, Quirino does not live up to his promises. Neither is he just.
Sometimes ago Quirino promised to give the minority members of congress a share of
the pork barrel funds. He has failed to comply with his promise.
All of which convinces me that Quirino is not a leader. He is a politician. And I cannot
accept the invitation of senator Arranz. (Chronicle, January 28, 1949)
Senator Camilo Osias took his turn to reject the Arranz invitation, explaining as part of
his reason the fact that my last message to Congress contained certain assertions which
indicated that I had arrogated to myself powers and prerogatives rightfully belonging to
the law-making body. He was referring to that part of my message in which I said: We
The memoirs l
The unequivocal policy in this statement referred to no other than the plain assertion
that: We have proved the primacy of public interest over party, group, or personal
claims. Such a policy, as sanctioned by good government, certainly needs no approval on
the part of the law-making body no matter who announces it, be the president of a party
or nation or just a plain citizen. (Times, January 28, 1949)
82
The debate on the Vigan trip continued the next day, Senator Sanidad and Taada
engaged in a verbal duel in the floor of the Senate, with the latter insisting that it was all
a wasteful expenditure of public funds and the former reminding him as follows: I do
not see why you are raising this question on the trip of the President in Vigan when you
remained silent during the trip of the president to the south and you were with him.
(Chronicle, January 29, 1949)
The discussion of the subject in the lower house took a humorous turn. I let a house
reporter to describe it as he saw it. The following is a verbatim reproduction his report:
A passionate defense of the recent Vigan trip of President Quirino by a well-meaning
Ilocano solon turned the session of the house last night into a veritable two-hour comedy
which literally brought down the house.
(Editors note: Guevara should the word be stricken, deleted, or expunged?)

That caught Primicias off-guard without a comeback.
Congressman Cases took advantage of his half-hour (it reached two hours) privilege to
denounce the critics of President Quirinos trip to Vigan. Its unfair, he said, to call it a
junket it was only an excursion!
Obviously flustered by the incessant interpellations of Primicias and by the continues
laughter of solons, Cases in delivering his apology incidentally; made two or three
revelations heretofore untouched (upon) by critics of the Vigan trip.
His revelations:
(1) Rep. Floro Crisologo (N, Ilocos Sur) commandeered
10 cars in the North for the use of the excursionists;
(2) Many residents of Vigan were ejected from their
houses to provide lodgings to the excursionists; and

(3) The Presidential party used six army planes, 20
83
have proved the primacy of public interest over party, group or personal claims. More
than as the supreme head of the liberal party, in accordance with whose rules I am the
authorized spokesman of its decisions and policies, as President of the Republic I declare
this to be the unequivocal policy and determination of the administration.
automobiles and one special train, aside from other

vehicles used in the Ilocos.
Protagonists in the laughter-packed show were Rep. Manuel T. Cases (N, La Union) and
minority floor leader Cipriano P. Primicias (N, Pangasinan). Congressman Cases, who
has all but formally renounced his opposition affiliation, took up the cudgels in defense
of the President.
Referring to Cases as Public Defender of Quirino, Primicias passionately assailed the

alleged extravagance of president Quirino. Comparing the president to a drunken sailor
Primicias said that Quirino never tired of living and travelling like a maharajah at the
expense of the people.
Speaker Eugenio Perez, catching the spirit of the occasion, joined the humorous melee
between Cases and Primicias and came out of the fray with banners flying. For a flash or
brilliant wit, Speaker Perez almost stole the whole show.
Im as much an Ilocano as Cases, Primicias said. The Ilocano is famous for being frugal,
thrifty and hardworking; but Im sorry to state that President Quirino is a disgrace to the
Ilocano nation!
In the course of Primicias heckling of cases, the Pangasinan leader said; Im a fiscalizer.
Im a watcher. As a matter of fact, you can compare me to a cat and youre all rats!
Stung by his fellow Ilocanos denunciation of another fellow Ilocano, Cases tried to
recover his wits and blurted out: The Vigan trip cost the government only P100. This
evoked howls from the floor and the galleries, and Speaker Perez had to bang the gavel,
reminding the spectators that they were not supposed to howl. Everybody then just
giggled.
A loyal Liberal stood up and moved that the unbecoming words be stricken off the
record. Thereupon Speaker Perez ruled: The word rats is hereby ordered stricken. The
cat may remain!
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
The La Union defender added that the planes were, after all, junk from the surplus, and
besides, the army had to use their aviation fuel some way or another.
Primicias, rising to sarcastic height, censured Cases and others for allowing the president
to ride in junk. You almost embarrassed the president by making him risk his life! he
said.
Undaunted, Cases went on heaping panegyrics at the presidents feet, as solons became
more and more amused at the proceedings. He said Quirino was a friend of the common
Tao and always wanted to bring the government closer to the people.
84
President Quirino is a POORARIAN, Cases described the President. The term

poorarian was coined by the La Union solon last year to mean lover of the poor. Cases
is a doctor of philosophy from a certain college in the United States where he spent the
younger years of his life.
88THE MEMOIRS
In his rambling defense, Cases denied that the president took with him 200 guests to
Vigan, as Charge by Senator Lorenzo M. Taada. Taada is a Japanese mathematician,
he charged, because he exaggerates his figures.
Cases said there were only 81 guests. Later, he said there were 21. Finally, he
compromised at 50. At which Primicias remarked: Twenty cars, six planes and one
special train to carry 50 people indeed what a waste of money!.
That comedy ended, the house passed four bills on third reading and one bill on second
reading.
But Speaker Perez winked at the press gallery as if to remind the boys that he really had
put one over on Primicias, The cat. (Jose L. Guevara, Times, February 1, 1949)
This bit of high comedy was repeated in the house the next day when Congressman
Crisologo stood up to instill into my colleagues a sense of fair play and justice.
He said he did not take the floor to defend the president because his record of
achievements is enough evidence of his services to the nation. Addressing Congressman
l The MEMOIRS
Primicias directly, Crisologo declared: There seems to be a monopoly of patriotism

here, so much so that somebody had to descend to the level of calling the president a
disgrace to the Ilocano nation. Quirino, he said, is not only a man and a friend but
he incarnates the idealism of the people. When we pay homage to the president we do so
because he is the symbol of the nation, just like when we salute the Filipino flag, we do
not salute the silk and the linen but rather what it stands for.
Congressman Primicias rose to state: yes, but when I see that the man holding the flag
doesnt deserve it, I have a right to tell him to keep away from that flag. Nobody can deny
you your right to place Quirino above the clouds, especially now that you are known
as the Little president. At the same time, nobody can deny me the right to place him
below.
This type of debate continued until Primicias sarcastically called Crisologo a
Nacionalista turned defender of the president, for which remark Crisologo promptly
dubbed Primicias a bemoustached patriot.
Crisologo further said that since Primicias had confessed himself to be an Ilocano, he
ought to be the one whom the Ilocanos should feel ashamed of for calling the president
a disgrace to the Ilocanos. Then he went to explain, in reference to a statement made in
the house the previous day that he commandeered 10 cars for his use during my stay in
Vigan:
I requested my friends to lend me their cars for the use of the presidential party,
and they gave 15 not 10. The Ilocanos are traditionally hospitable. When we have
numerous guests, we sleep on the floor. I also gave the presidential guests a breakfast at
my house. And I can assure you that it was I who shouldered the expenses, and that I
didnt get a single centavo from the Pangasinan solon. (Times, February 2, 1949)
Incidentally, it may be stated that it was Primicias who attacked the concurrent resolution
inviting me to address the congress of the opening of its annual session in this wise:
What is the use of hearing the President recommending measures for approval in the
house when he can, through his emergency powers, create bills and can have them passed
without its approval? the worthy congressman was referring to an order restricting
temporarily the exportation of materials needed for the reconstruction and rehabilitation
of the country. (Evening Chronicle, January 24, 1949)
The Ilocos visit provided me with a reception in Manila that was different from the kind
accorded me on my return from trips to the Visayas and Mindanao as well as to the Bicol
Provinces. On these two previous occasions, the threat of a split in the party had faced
The memoirs l
85
Cases defended the presidents use of six (at first he said there were only one or three but
had to admit the truth after being heckled) army planes. He said: That gave the army a
chance to practice their planes.
86
Now, I found new trouble confronting me just because some persons also had other ideas
about my Vigan visit. No less than members of Congress had taken upon themselves to
dissect that visit, with the minority spokesmen and one member of my party trying to
tell me how a president should visit his home region and how he should be received by
his people. Mabanag even wrote the auditor General for an accounting on the expenses
of the trip, and those other trips made previously by me. Precisely, on my own initiative,
I had announced as my policy on assuming office that the discretionary fund, along
with other allowances given to the office of the president by law, should all be audited,
although the customary practice before my time was to exclude the discretionary
fund from such an audit. Mabanag knew as a senator that he had free access to such
an audit without publicizing his request to the auditor general, implying thereby that
there had been an attempt to hide any expenditures from him or the public.(Evening
New,February2,1949) The subtle practice of condemning by publicity in the art of the
unprincipled propagandist.
Despite the attempt of the minority to give my return an unpleasant reception ,I was
glad to the support that the party had given me ,by way of defending me against unjust
charges, and the courage of two minority men in the House in picking up the cudgels
for me against their own colleagues.
NATIONAL
INTEGRITY
AT STAKE
he impact of Avelino speech at Bahay Kubo upon the ranks of the party
gathered momentum until the leaders, usually adept at patching up
differences finally realize the impossibility of a compromise to bring about
unity .
I had thought to appropriate to make known my definite reaction to it in the course of

my State-Of-the-Nation address before congress.
I am determined, I said, to pursue a line of action that will insure to our people honest
and efficient service and full enjoyment of the liberty and equal opportunity that
we had dearly fought for and won, in peace and war, at home and abroad.(The New
Philippine Ideology, p 144) Having proven the primacy of public interest over party,
group, or personal claims, I explained more than as the supreme head of the Liberty
Party, in accordance whose rules I am the authorization spokesman of its decisions and
policies, as President of the Republic I declare this to be the unequivocal policy and
determination of the administration . (The New Philippine Ideology, p. 145)
I had an important reason to be concerned over the political crisis precipitated by the
Avelino speech not only in the ranks of the Liberal Party but outside the party as well.
On its outcome depended whether or not I would be able to leave for the United States
with the assurance of complete support at home to take up with President Truman
matters of utmost importance between the Philippines and U.S. China policy which
I felt would affect the Philippines internally and externally. It was, to be prepared,
imperative that we knew whereof we stood. Although the announcement of the trip had
been made, no definite date was set for it.
I believe many Filipinos do not fully realize the heavy responsibilities that rest upon the
shoulders of the President. Throughout my incumbency, these responsibilities did not
consist merely in the discharge of constitutional duties assign to the office. I had to blaze
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
87
me simply because in the course of my inspection tours, there were persons who, on their
own initiative conceived the idea of launching my candidacy for President. These kind
people had put me into trouble with my colleagues in the party who had different ideas.
88
We were rocked by the political dissensions and confronted by the problems of

improving our financial and economic condition. Yet, the events taking place at the same
time in our immediate neighborhood demanded as close a scrutiny and attention. I knew
progress and national security for us were possible only by coordinating our efforts with
what was going on around us.
But on the home front, political clashes were getting the upper hand. A lot of these were
inordinately partisan and vicious. Their obvious objective was only to sow discord and
animosity among people. I had just been subjected, for instance, to a severe gratuitous
attack in the Senate and more thoroughly acquainted with local problems, on the ground
that they were junkets or excursions. My critics were outspoken in denouncing the
alleged extravagance of these trips, ignoring their administrative value and the fact that if
the people all the distant localities, private persons and officials alike, who wanted to see
me had to travel to Manila instead to state their problems, the expense in the end would
be more heavy upon the private purse as well as upon the government coffers.
Supervision is one of the constitutional functions entrusted to the Office of the President,
and inspection trips were extensively availed of by Philippines Chief Executives, especially
President Quezon and American governor generals, to inquire into the conduct of
affairs in the local administrative units of the government. We must decentralize the
administration if the desire is to forego this supervisory function.
In my budget message to congress, setting forth the proposed expenditures and receipts
of the national government for the fiscal year 1949-50, I called attention to the fact that
for the first time since the liberation, the government was able to submit a balanced
budget and present a surplus besides, which satisfactory disproved any charge of
extravagance in the expenditure of public funds at the time. I also pointed that during the
year the U.S. government discontinued financing certain services which it had voluntarily
assumed upon the establishment of the republic as an aid to the government - - for which
in 1948-49 it had allotted the sum of 3,118,000Pesos - - we were able to set the amount
of 925,000pesos in the budget to take care of those services involving health and relief
work, civilian aviation, weather observation and forecasting, coast and geodetic survey,
and fisheries. (Bulletin, February 9, 1949)
l The MEMOIRS
For the year, an estimated surplus of 4,031,216.06pesos over expenditures was

reported, but the sum was not enough to cover past obligations or to meet unexpected
contingencies. My regret was that our ordinary financial resource could not permit us to
make the bold step of granting to the full amount of pensions authorized for payment
under various enabling legislations recognizing the services and sacrifices of our public
servants during the war and liberation. (Commonwealth Act No. 190 and Republic Act.
No. 340) Nevertheless, our efforts in balancing the budget, despite the impossibility of
providing funds for all these enabling legislations, merited an editorial commendation of
the Washington Star, which said in part:
In these troubled times, good news from any quarter is as noteworthy as it is welcome.
And the fact that tidings come from an especially disturbed portion of the planet makes
them doubly heartening. According to the statement made by President Quirino during
the opening session of the Philippine Congress, a firm foundation has been laid for a
stable, efficient and honored nation amidst the political and economic instability which
unfortunately prevails over most of Southeast Asia.
The two outstanding features of President Quirinos report are that the budget is in
balance and that the rebellious Hukbalahap Movement in Central Luzon has been
virtually eliminated. Each of this is a highly creditable achievement. (Bulletin, February
9, 1949)
At this time the problem of promptly financing the payment of pensions to 50,000
disabled veterans, widows, indigent parents of veterans had become critical. The fund of
20million pesos originally allotted for this purpose had, according to Colonel Macario
Peralta, Jr., Chairman of the Philippine Veterans Board, dwindled to 605,696.02pesos.
I had to authorize the immediate release of 2million pesos from the national treasury,
subject to reimbursement from a deficiency appropriations of 6million pesos for which
congressional approval have been requested. Congressman Atilano Cinco, who had just
then returned from Washington to work for additional benefits for the Filipino Veterans,
promptly filed a separate bill in congress for an appropriation of 25million pesos to
replenish substantially the funds of the Philippine Veterans board. (Bulletin, February 10,
1949) Of course, this amount, if approved, would have to replenish again.
The unrecognized guerrillas who also fought in the war had renewed their plea for
quick recognition. They were feeling resentful of the alleged government neglect to
work effectively for their cause in Washington. I took advantage of the presence of a
group visiting officials of the United States Veterans Administration. I gave a luncheon
in their honor at Malacaang with the concurrence of the U.S. diplomatic and military
The memoirs l
89
new standards and procedures as well, to meet adequately the problems of the infant
republic for which our past as dependent people furnished no fixed path to guide. While
our people had only been accustomed to view government problems from the internal
standpoint, our sovereign position now required that we take into account the external as
well.
Financially, the government was in sound condition, although in view of the many
special obligations it had to meet arising from the war, its resources were certainly not
sufficient to meet all demands. But analyzing the nature of these obligations, it was
obvious that it was Americas moral obligation to help.
A LESSON
FROM U.S.-CHINA
RELATIONS
90
s we cast our eyes abroad, the outlook was not encouraging. America was
about to revise its policy of assistance to China reportedly for the very
reason that critics of the administration were trying to prove its existence
here, namely, graft and corruption.
The republic of China, under the administration of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek,

was weary now for fighting and war following almost 10 years of resisting the Japanese
invasion and another year of civil strife with the Chinese Communist Party after the allies
had helped it to finally throw out the Japanese from the territory. While the Pacific war
lasted, the Generalissimo got all the aid needed from the allied powers, especially from
the United States and the Great Britain, but China was compelled to maintain its forces
to keep the Communist from gaining ascendancy and overrunning the country. A long
look at the affairs of china was making the United States vacillate in giving it further
assistance.
Dean Acheson, the U.S. Secretary of State, revealed that the American government was
confronted with three alternatives in China after the cessation war. These were: (1) it
could have pulled out lock, stock and barrel;(2) it could have intervened military on
major scale to assist the Nationalists and destroy the Communist; (3) it could, while
assisting the Nationalists, asserts their authority over as much of China as possible,
endeavor to avoid a civil war by working for a compromise between the two sides.
(Letter of Transmittal, p. x, United States Relation with China)
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
91
representatives in the Philippines, as well as members of the Cabinet and ranking

Philippine Army officers. I voiced the appeal of the Filipino unrecognized guerrillas for
recognition and the need for the establishment of a veterans hospital where disabled
guerrillas and veterans might be given adequate treatment and hospitalization. (Times,
February 10, 1949) a follow-up was necessary to make the plea effective.
The first alternative would, and I believe American public opinion at the time so
felt, have represented as abandonment of our international responsibilities and of our
traditional policy of friendship with China before we had made a determined effort to be
of assistance. The second alternative policy, while it may look attractive theoretically and
retrospect, was wholly impracticable.
92
The Nacionalistas had been unable to destroy the communist during the 10 years
before the war. Now after the war the Nacionalistas were, as indicated above, weakened,
demoralize, and unpopular. They had quickly dissipated their popular support and
prestige in the areas liberated from the Japanese by the conduct of their civil and military
officials. The communist on other hand were much stronger that they had ever been and
were in control of most of North China.
Because of the ineffectiveness of the Nacionalistas forces which was later to be tragically
demonstrated, the communists probably could have been dislodged only by American
arms. It is obvious that the American people would not have sanctioned such a colossal
commitment of our armies in 1945 or later.
We, therefore, came to the third alternative policy wherein under we faced the facts of
situation and attempted to assist in working out a modus Vivendi which would avert
civil; war but nevertheless preserve and even increase the influence of the Nacionalista
Government. (Letter of Transmittal, p. x, United States Relation with China)
From Acheson remarks, it must now be realized that the sob-stuff appeal no longer
interested the United States.
And the outstanding fact about the formation of the China Policy, as described by Mr.
Acheson, is that it was not the work of one man alone. The voluminous reports on which
it was based ran to over a thousand of pages, more than one-half which were set in fine
print. To understand the china problem from the years1944-1949, the United States sent
to China various missions headed by Statesmen and military leaders, among whom were
no less than Vice-president Henry A. Wallace in 1944; Major General Patrick J. Hurley
as Ambassador, 1944-45; General George C. Marshall as presidential envoy, 1945-47;
and John Leighton Stuart as Ambassador, 1947-49. During Ambassador Stuarts time,
another mission Headed by Lieutenant General Albert C. Wedemyer undertook inquiry
into the economic, political military and social conditions of China without reference to
any commitment.
l The MEMOIRS
A close study of the China situation trough the said documents disclosed that among the
factors that put a damper on Americas support of General Chiang Kai-Shek, although
it was not specified by Acheson in his letter of transmittal to President Truman, was the
graft and corruption which allegedly characterized the use and disposal of the aid and
money given to him firmly establish the basis of the nationalist regime of the Republic of
China after war.
General Wedemyer, reporting on his Chinese mission to President Truman in reference to
this subject, observed somewhat apologetically for China:
Notwithstanding all the corruption and incompetence the one notes in China, it is a
certainly that the bulk of the people are not disposed to a Communist political economic
structure. Some have affiliated with communism in indignant protest against oppressive
police measures, corrupt policies and maladministration of Nationalist government
officials. Some have lots all hope for China under existing leadership and turn to the
Communists in despair. Some accept a new leadership by mere inertia. (United States
Relations with China, Annex 135, p. 766) Yet, the Nationalist government in China,
one cannot possibly accuse it of not having steadily pursued the preparatory work for a
democratic government as laid down by their leader Dr. Sun Yat-sen. It has always been
the unanimous opinion of the leaders of Kuomintang that unless, it could lead the nation
into a multi-party and representative government, it could not be said to be in any way
carrying out the principle in which the party was founded. No one of any importance
in the party has ever questioned to terminate the so called period of political tutelage as
soon as the basic conditions stated by Dr. Sun Yat-sen have been fulfilled. In this respect,
the party as a whole never once swerved from his aim. (United States relation with
China, Annex 135, p. 819)
General Hurly upon resigning as American Ambassador to China, had decisions on
international questions by those in charge of American Foreign relations. He told
President Truman of what he thought on this subject, with china as the point of
reference, to wit.
Americas foreign policy officials have always been divided against themselves.
Consequently, we have always been a prey to the nations that gave lip service to our ideals
and principles in order to obtain our material support Americas economic strength
has all been used all over the world to defeat the American policies and interests. This is
chargeable to a weak American Foreign Service Americas economic and diplomatic
services policies should be coordinated. Americas strength should not be allied with
predatory ideology.(United States Relations with China, Annex 50, pp. 582-584)
The memoirs l
93
Mr. Acheson explained that the course of action finally selected by US was arrived at as
follows:
94
As early as 1947, while I was on a goodwill visit in the United States as Vice President
of the Philippines and concurrently Secretary Of Foreign Affairs, there appeared in the
Washington post an editorial commenting on a Manila report by Spencer Davis, a US
press representative in the Philippines, about irregularities being committed here with
regard to the disposal and distribution of relief and surplus goods. It read:
it is said that UNRRA supplies have been sold by the government with its knowledge
to black marketers in the islands and abroad. That war surplus materials given for the
rehabilitation of the Philippines have been sold to china and other countries including
even the Philippines at big profits. And that government officials with their pockets lined
from this nefarious traffic are building new houses for themselves much beyond their
government means.(Evening News Service, Washington, May 13, 1947)
The posts editorial started by saying:Smells of Corruption emanating from Manila had
preceded the visit here of the Philippine Vice President Elpidio Quirino.
The statement itself revealed the evident intension to embarrass my mission, despite
the disclaimer, which read: it might seem ungracious on our part, to take note of them
(smells of corruption) while the Vice President is enjoying our hospitality. There is no
such intent. It is in the hope that our distinguished visitor will see the need of cleaning
out the newly-launched ship of state that we risk the imputation of discourtesy.
Then it continued:It is sad to see Filipinos making a bad start on the sea of
independence which we and they celebrated less than a year ago. Remedial measures are
called before the barque itself gets beyond repair.
The scandals refer to charges of wholesale pilferage and the illegal sales of surplus war
l The MEMOIRS
materials. Connivance by high Philippine government officials is alleged.

Blaming all this on government officials, the editorial concluded: Evidently they think
they can fatten on American Aid and the Filipinos budget without check right now
the officials in Manila seem to be trying to cover up their tracks by putting the blame on
the American force. (Evening News Service, Washington, D.C., May 13, 1947)
My mission to Washington at that time, as entrusted to me by President Roxas, was to
extend to President Truman the gratitude of the Filipino people for the final grant of
our independence by the United States which made possible the establishment of our
Republic. The Washington post editorial was bitter pill to swallow considering the nature
of my mission, and although nothing was officially said about it, the news writers in the
American capital pressed me for a statement in the tradition of the American press.
No one was more surprised than myself about the reported anomalies as stated, because it
was really the first time for me to realize the gravity of the bad news coming from Manila.
All I can say was that the matter is under thorough investigation by my government,
adding: I assure you there will be no stone at the top or the bottom left unturned. My
country should not be judged by the acts of individuals but by its record. You cannot
impugn the integrity of the Philippine government or the islands people.
Following this statement, I observed:We have our internal political bickering but I
assure you we present a united front in our national duties. (Times, May 15, 1947)
Present when I made this statement to the American news writers were the American
ambassador to the Philippines, Paul V. McNutt, and the Philippine ambassador to the
United States, Joaquin M. Elizalde.
Ambassador Elizalde later issued an official statement explaining that the Philippine
government is proceeding to suspend, try and convict those guilty of malfeasance of in
office. He declared that President Manuel Roxas is now moving to provide that none
would be spared from the heaviest penalties provided by law if proved to be guilty of such
misuse of public trust.
He explained further the possibility of the existence of questionable practices by certain
officials, but pointed out the press reports gave greater emphasis to the charges of
scandal than to the efforts which are being made to root them out. (Times, May 15,
1947)
This seemed to be the best that Ambassador Elizalde and I could do at the time. Frankly,
The memoirs l
95
Considering the position of Philippines at this time, with the background of China
in the mind of the American People as reflected in their decisions of their diplomatic
representatives, our continued, unbridled, and outspoken rivalries were certainly highly
susceptible to serious misinterpretation. In the United States, reports of irregularities
arising from the disposal of surplus goods left by US Army here given quite a wide
publicity. A systematic campaign to link these irregularities with high officials of the
government had developed into a general charge of graft and corruption against the
administration. It was, therefore, our patriotic duty to act without loss of time so that a
correct interpretation of the situations along with china as unworthy of further American
Support and assistance, and finally led to the debacle and overthrow of the Chiang Kaishek regime on the mainland, of course, much to the regret, later on, of those responsible
for the decision taken by the United States.
he and I were caught unawares by the unpleasant situation. I consider this experience one
of the most embarrassing moments in my public career. And if I say now that one of the
highest duties of citizenship is to keep the good name of our republic among the nations
of the world, I wish everyone to understand that I speak from experience.
DANGER OVER
CHANGE IN
U.S. POLICY
y principal preoccupation then in 1949 to keep the good name of the

Republic included three things in steady focus:
97
96
(1)Chinese immigration,
(2)the Huk problem, and
(3)the bitter lesson of graft and corruption alleged to have precipitated

Chinas downfall.
My concern with respect to immigration revolved around the question of maintaining

intact the number of Chinese admitted annually into the Philippines under the fixed
quota of 500 every nationality. Fleeing from the Communist-held areas in the Chinese
mainland, Chinese refugees had sought temporary admission in the Philippines, which
was granted as a humanitarian measure. This hospitality to them had resulted in the
influx of Chinese nationals over and above the fixed immigration quota. The prolonged
civil strife in China had stranded them in the Philippines, inducing a great number of
them under temporary visa permits to change their status to immigrants. The fight for
this status partly explains the whys and wherefore of the immigration quota scandal,
which had become the object of an intensive prove.
There was besides, the fear of Chinese Communist infiltration which government had
to take precautionary measures so that the Huks would not be able to get clandestine
help from Chinese Communist who might have gone underground or from Communist
agents who have come as refugees. A constant loyalty check on Chinese temporary
visitors and their activities in the Philippines added, therefore, another burden to our
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
campaign against the Huks. It also created complications, with charges ranging from
bribery to extortion against those in charge of this work providing the critics in the end
with the new theme in corruption against the government, whether or not those charges
had been carefully investigated beforehand.
the reputation of being dishonest and corrupt. In our internal troubles and struggles, we
must strive not to thoughtlessly impart such a reputation of ourselves to foreign people.
We are a young Republic and these formative years must be dedicated to the building of a
good reputation abroad and a sound structure at home.
However, what I was really afraid of was the Generalissimos failure to secure the support
as well as help of the United States, at a time when he needed it most - - the Chinese
Republic was waging its tragic, virtually last-hour effort to save itself from its final
overthrow by the Communists - - had been partly attributed to the cumulative report
about graft and corruption blame upon the Chiang Kai-shek regime. This, happening in
the face of the victory of the Communism in China, could not but be indicative of the
most bitter disappointment of the people. To my mind, Chinas luck could spell the fate
of Philippine democracy, too.
99
98
There was no effective way of communicating this fear to the Filipinos at the time. The
event was too recent even for the most informed Filipinos to get a correct appraisal of the
situation. Most of the time, therefore, I have to keep this apprehension to myself. The
hope that the United States would know how to appraise justly for internal struggles and
problems never abandoned me.
The lesson we must learn from Chinas tragic post war experience is that we cannot speak
ever so lightly about our own internal problems without the world hearing and judging
us by the way we talk about them. As an isolated people, living in an archipelago wholly
by ourselves, we cannot expect the world to know us by the way we act and do things.
Most of the time, foreign people have to rely on what is reported about us for this kind of
knowledge.
Although the case of China was a very sad example, still there was a consoling feature
in it, because in the usual Communist propaganda pattern, is not any regime opposed
to Communism evil and corrupt? In our particular case, we would not allege that the
graft and corruption was Communist-inspired because we know it was not, although
some may not be willing to assert, just for political effect, that it had become a
common practice among us Filipinos to say thief to one another without the slightest
compunction.
But in the conduct of serious affairs, both private and public, such levity should never be
allowed because its tolerance is a serious reflection upon our integrity and character as a
people. We must all endeavor to protect our character and integrity as a people because
it was the only way we can earn and preserve the friendship and respect of other people.
In the field of international relations, no action would like to deal with people who have
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
100
With all these consideration in mind, I felt the time had come for the Liberal Party, as the
one Responsible for the administration, to make its mind to fight unitedly or separately,
as the case may be. The widening breach in party ranks, proceeding cautiously at first on
the question of who was to be Liberal candidates for President and then suddenly being
jolted by the provocative speech of senator Avellino, has drawn rival faction farther apart
.To me, the idea of undertaking a mission abroad was out of Consideration while the
question of leadership was hanging fire at home; and from bitter personal experience
,of course , I would not face the American public again with charges of graft and
corruption leveled at me or at our people.
I knew there was no lack enthusiasm to speed up decision .But there was too much
prejudice and amor propio holding up such a decision one way or the other .I resorted
to the public forum to observe what the spirit of the awakened idealism could
contribute to remove so stubborn a stumbling block .
At the special commencement program of the University of the Philippines on the
occasion of the conferment upon me by my alma mater of the honorary degree of Doctor
of Laws, I took the opportunity to sound an elevated note in the appreciation of the
practical problems of government.
I said I was launching a new Philippines ideology base more or less on our experience
as a people. Our problem as a people has been always as a question of survival, largely
because our lack of economic preparation was one weakness which made all of us a prey
to the strong man --- the foreign invader who promised us wealth and power. So ,to get
rid of this complex ,I proposed that the nation consider a new Philippines ideology
based on the mobilization of all our economic resources to make these serve our needs
instead of allowing them to be the medium of our enslavement in the hands of the
foreign intruders who came to exploit them .I coined the slogan of total economic
mobilization for this program.( The speech may be found in a small volume ,entitled.
The New Philippines Ideology, printed by the Bureau of Printing, 1949)
An unsympathetic critics Dr. Jose P. Laurel, called it the total economic tontolization
l The MEMOIRS
I said in that speech:

Heretofore, we have been nurturing the common mans loyalty to
his country and government merely in terms of direct personal
,material benefits .He has been pampered into believing that the
nations sole concern is material welfare and upliftment .And for so
long as these benefits continue to make him contented and happy ,

his loyalty to his government and country lasts. But the moment he
is deprived of them, or suffers even only a diminution of his share of

them, he becomes disillusioned and bitter toward his government
ant country. (The New Philippines Ideology, pp 159)
I considered this view of the ordinary man in relation to his
government and people as needing a radical revision .His loyalty
above all must be to his country and people, whatever adversity

there might be .The common triumphed over the Japanese
occupation because he did just that.
I quote the rest of the speech:

It is sad fact that the prosperous are no less immune to evil doing
than the poor and the hungry .Not infrequently ,prosperity merely
accentuates the appetite for conspiring against goodness ,truth of

beauty .Man does not live by bread alone ,and it is to be doubted
that if can be any different even in a materialistic society where
spiritual matters are regarded as legitimate object of derision ,and

where people ,after all ,are still human beings.
Social amelioration through total economic mobilization has, therefore ,its limitation in
the attainment of greater peace and contentment for our people .However important
The memoirs l
101
TIME FOR
DECISIVE ACTION
in ridicule .The program might not have had the immediate effect upon the political
squabble of the day foe which it was intended ,but I venture to say that the derision
which moved Laurel to substitute tontolization for mobilization does not sound
now as funny as he thought so at the time .For if there is anything which the present
party in power has up to now failed to erase or to offer a plausible substitute in its
place , in the attempt to obliterate all traces of the Liberal Party in the government
administration, it is the program of economic and industrial development laid down
then under the program total economic mobilization , which the years have shown
to be our countrys salvation
It is what more things can belong to us ,but what high things we can belong to .IT is
not so much mastery over things as being mastered by supreme spiritual devotion . The
great hours of our lives, which are worth remembering to our dying day, are the moment
when we were swept out of our individual selves by something that mastered us the
breathtaking sweep of
Time for Decisive Action105
102
great mountains ,the magic of great music ,the fascination for heroic and noble deeds
,the inner consecration to a cause bigger than ourselves, our family or even our restricted
community .This the soul and the substance of our Christian heritage .In our efforts to
develop our country to raise the common man, we must find firm anchorage in the fruit
of our labors and in the spiritual loyalties that can deepen the meaning of our lives .We
cherish the liberties that our kind of democracy provides in order to enjoy the privilege
of being mastered by these loyalties .
Dr. Trinidad Pardo de Tavera once marked : Los enemigos del pueblo Filipino so
la nipa ,la caa,elcoco ,yel padre Nuestro this was a researching explanation of the
Filipinos much-alleged indolence and the resigned acceptance of the common mans
lot in his time . But times have changed .The Filipino was awakened from his lethargy,
a different man from yesteryears. The Nipa, the bamboo, and the coconut, in the light
of his initiation into modern science and technology, are now militant symbols of his
determination to develop his countrys natural resources to secure national stability and
happiness. El Padre Nuestro we still retain ,but not as enemy ;for we need , indeed, not a
return to blind belief ,superstitious ,and obscurantism ,but an enlightened appreciation
of the unsearchable riches of the spirit . Yes, we need more urgently than ever to
rediscover God and the creative benedictions of His disciplined. We should ever invoke a
deeper love country predicated upon actual toil and devotion.
our national progress .We should not be afraid of losing face in passing issue , of being
unauthorized or repudiated ,in our heart is in the right place .In our business ,intellectual
,and political life, we should rejoice in the success of others and the welcome discipline
of gracious patience in waiting our turn .Our success should be measured in term of
individuals we have helped, of institution we have built and developed. We should
welcome any change to credit people for their good work, to acknowledge their fine
construction performance. We need charity and humility and when we are right,
but especially when we are attempted to dogmatize in direct proportion to our lack of
information.
We cannot conceal our deficiency in facts and reason by heaping abuse on other who
refuses to stood to our manners.
Our keenest rivalries should be, not for position and prerogatives, but for the best way of
giving constructive service.
Our country deserved all the loyalty and the devotion we can give. It is a beautiful
country. It is rich country .And it is a free country. It has been consecrated by our blood
.It has developed a way of life allowing for continued improvement consistent with
need of the freemen .It holds out the hope to millions beyond our shores courageously
fighting for the advantage we enjoy . My fellow countrymen, we have every reason to be
proud of our country and people without falling for the illusion of becoming a chosen
or master race. We have every reason to be happy in this country without coveting what
is not our own.
To get the most of this privilege is to continually strengthen our faith in ourselves,
pour self-reliance ,even as we look up to the hills whence comes our help .We must
eschew factional bickerings, captious disregard to honest efforts of other to serve
,facile approaches to problems of public welfare, the dissipation of social intelligence in
magnifying trifles to salve the individual ego.
As we reconstruct and build our new nation in harmony with world readjustment
,we define our own mode of living .We must have our own patter ,drawing from
the experiences and lessons of others -- pattern suitable to our peculiar conditions.
Thus we evolved a way of life inspired by democratic ideas and guided by tested social
advantages. It is a new philosophy that has been distilled from the bitterness of the past.
It is a flower that has grown from the ashes and ruin of yesterday .It is a spiritual force
that has sprung from the severest test of our moral fiber. It is a weapon that has been
forged on the anvil of adversity so that we would ever vanquish hunger and want. It is
an inspiration that makes us march forward to conquer a new day for our posterity .It is
a vision that has presented itself on the dawn of our redemption and resurrection .It is a
new ideology that urges us on, shaking our lives and our very soul, to realize the dreams
of our dreams an enduring sovereign Republic.(The New Philippines Ideology pp.166169).
Undue preoccupation with the ego , with amor propio ,can be a great obstruction to
I pursued the trend of this thought three days late, when I spoke over the radio in my
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
103
and urgent ,abundant supply of the good things and master over the technique of
their production ,such as applied science assures us , are not the decisive element in our
individual and national fulfillment.
After all, I am not advocating an entirely new line of conduct. I am only launching a
system of coordinated national action suggested by the dispersed beliefs and convictions
that have inspired the manner of living of our countrymen in recent years .It is an
organized Filipino mode of living that has actually entrenched itself in our national soul
in answer to the continuous threat to our individual and collective existence as a people.
104
The atmosphere, in which this new ideology has been launched, although propitious,
may appear suspicious. At least to some calculating political minds, nothing worthy and
noble in this ideology may be seen through their electoral eye during this election year.
At this juncture, may I take note of the political disease that is spreading like an epidemic
from Jolo to Batanes? It is afflicting the proudest as well as the poorest who have not
been immunized from the contagion of its vicious influence .Every little incident or
accident or experience is exploited for whatever opportune interpretation may be derived
to promote partisan political designs .Often it is magnified beyond decent bound to
serve selfish political ends .
I rely on the maturity of judgment of our citizenry .But I do believe that when our
national firmament is beclouded, and prejudice and suspicion hang over our immediate
horizon ,we must identify and try to banish the active menace to the success of our
sincere endeavors to serve the welfare and future of our country .We must watch out
against being unwittingly swept by the prevailing current of prejudice .We should guard
against extravagant ,reckless adventures inspired by trivial emotion or induced by passing
moral and intellectual confusion. Our honest-thinking people should know how to arrive
at an adequate answer in the face of a challenging situation.. (The New Philippines
Ideology p.176).
I concluded with an earnest appeal for sanity and understanding:
My fellow countrymen, I beseech you to summon all that is big and noble in you, all
that is earnest, all that is patriotic, all that is sincere, to help set a pattern of sanity and
constructive action in these days of bitterness and political bewilderment .I am confident
that we can prove again and again the maturity of judgment which we are known to have
developed after centuries of struggle for national self-determination.
We must establish in our minds that there is no magic to expect in the matter of realizing
our new way of life .There is no royal road to national stability and self-respect. We have
to work together
l The MEMOIRS
The failure of any government is not the failure of a few, but of all. This government is
ours .We cannot treat it as an impersonal thing , as something merely to sneer at in the
hands of an adversary .We have to devote more time to discover what is right for our
government ,as for our country and people ,and use it as the basis of our efforts.
We must be more friendly to freedom and democracy, not by thinking that age-old
problems can be resolved by a witticism, but by rolling up our sleeves in cooperation
with our neighbors, with a definite purpose and a will, to grow to blades where only one
or nothing grew before .If we consider any totalitarianism as inimical to our ideology of
self-reliance , national loyalty ,and world cooperation ,we must suspect and resist these
impatient pontifical school of so-called progressive thought which would establish the
millennium with one wave of the land.
There is no substitute for good will loyalty, cooperation, and work in the solution of
our problems and the fulfillment of our national objectives .When we ask our duly
constituted government what it is doing in this direction, let ask ourselves individually
and collectively what we are doing ourselves. An honest answer to this question will clear
a lot of the rubbish obstructing pour common way to individual and social happiness.
It will also help us to appreciate the new way of the life that I have just submitted to my
countrymen as the basis for estimating the tasks and contributions of this administration
in advancing the common welfare. (The New Philippines Ideology, pp. 177-178).
Working on these speeches certainly gave me the mental preparation, as I hoped mulling
them did to the public which they were addressed, for the political convulsion that
Senator Avelino was to precipitate again this time for the complete division of the party
on the issue that had long held the attention of the country.
This event was brought to a head by a curious combination of circumstances in which
all the venom of politics and blind partisanship played a significant role. It began rather
quietly in the Senate within the ranks on the commission of the appointments of which
Senator Avelino, as head of the Senate, was the Chairman.
Two appointees to the Cabinet, Pio Pedrosa for Secretary of Finance and Primitivo
Lovina for Secretary of Labor, were refused immediate confirmation by the Commission
for their alleged participation in certain business activities. They were supposed to be proAvelino. They were able to clear themselves. In retaliation, the appointment of Secretary
of justice Sabino Padilla as a member of the Supreme Court faced certain opposition for
the reason that he was in charge of the prosecution of officials found involved in surplus
property anomalies. Although the appointments of these three were all subsequently
approved, the temper of the senators revealed a determination to see that only those with
The memoirs l
105
monthly radio chat. Some persons did not fail to discover certain political motives as the
source of inspiration of the new ideology I had defined .So I explained:
clean and honest record would get their nod. (Chronicle, February, 9; Times, February,
4; Bulletin, February, 15, 1949). I had, of course, to restate the policy I had adopted
that in the exercise of my appointing power, all selection for high public positions in the
government must be based on moral and technical fitness of the proposed appointees.
(Times, February, 12, 1949).
AVELINO RESOLVES
TO END IMPASSE
The issue raised as to the honesty and integrity of men of his confidence before the
commission cut deeply into the political controversy of the day in which Avelino, by
reason of his speech at the Bahay Kubo, had smarted under a concerted newspaper
campaign to label him as the advocate of the toleration of graft and corruption among
loyal henchmen in the government.
106
He chose to speak in his own defense in a question connected with certain transactions in
surplus property which evoked the issue of graft and corruption and threw wide open the
discussion of the subject. He made an able exposition of his case, reading a letter of Mrs.
Trinidad Roxas, widow of the late President Roxas and were free from the consideration
of personal gain.
He won the vote of confidence and was escorted triumphantly to the rostrum of the
Senate to occupy his seat as presiding officer, but only after Senator Taada had waved
around photostatic reproductions of certain checks drawn in the name of the Senate
President, totaling over half a million pesos, which he wanted him to explain (Bulletin,
February 19, 1949). Taadas revelation of the existence of checks, connected with the
surplus deals admitted by Avelino in his speech, led to immediate filing of a resolution for
his investigation, which was approved by the Senate.
For the remaining part of this chapter, I shall only mention the events of major
consequences occasioned by this incident, each of which is to be properly dealt with in its
proper place in these memoirs.
The first major consequence was the actual split of the Liberal Party in the Senate
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
107
believe Senator Avelino, as president of the Liberty Party, finally became so irked
by this campaign and by reports of the plot to oust him as Head of the Senate that
he decided to place the issue squarely before that body in a dramatic speech on the
floor to demand a vote of confidence from his colleagues. (Times, February 11,
1949) The speech created a sensation greater than that which immediately followed his
Bahay Kubo address to partymen. As a consequence, unfavorable public reaction found
him even more deeply enmeshed in the controversy he wanted so much to avoid.
between the senators who believed in the leadership of Avelino, despite his being
adjudged guilty of pronouncing a political doctrine contrary to public interest and his
actions in the surplus property deal, and those who were sincerely for clean and honest
government.
of the government has been factually observed. The right of free expression has been
preserved. The only law that has been strained and found insecure is parliamentary law,
and that over the question of what constitutes a quorum in the senate. The Supreme
Court has been asked for the second time to decide this question.
The second major consequence was the series of charges and counter charges filed by
the opposing factions in the Senate to prove that Avelino was not the only one guilty
of irregularities for the misuse of his official position but that other senators also were,
somehow or another.
There are the larger considerations upon which the political upset in the Philippines
will be judged from abroad, especially Washington, where the survival and progress of
democratic processes here are viewed with more concern than anywhere else in the world.
When Senator Avelino announced publicly that he would abide by the ruling of the
Supreme Court, he did much to restore public confidence both locally and abroad in the
stability of the government and the ultimately peaceful outcome of a political fight.
108
The internal convulsion experienced by the nation over these events was nerve-racking
and terrific. But to know the truth, people in democracy must always be prepared for all
kinds of shocks and contingencies. The test of their strength and intelligence lies in their
being able to keep calm and composed.
There was no doubt that the people understood thoroughly the nature of convulsion
that faced the country. At home and abroad, interest was focused on how the young
Republic could successfully withstand the rude assault on the soundness of its political
structure. For my part, I felt that in surplus property transactions which was immediately
questioned by his colleagues, the issue should be pursued to its logical conclusion,
whether his acts as private officials and as head of the party were proper or not. This
was very important in view of the general accusation of graft and corruption in the
government.
We turn to and impartial source to learn exactly what the public reaction was on the
decision of the Senate to oust Avelino from the Senate presidency and, later, from its
membership, on this issue. This is what the Manila Daily Bulletin said editorially:
It is possible to say now without contradiction from any responsible quarter that the
Philippine Republic has weathered out the worst phase of its most serious political storm
without permanent damage to hull or structure. The storm is not over. There will be
winds, sometimes of gale force, blowing from now until next November. But the ship of
state under control and its course is following the will of the people.
There were threats of a resort to force, but they have not materialized. Instead resort has
been to due process of law. Constitutional separation of power among the three branches
l The MEMOIRS
Likewise, President Quirinos insistent repetition of the stand that the real issue is one of
clean vs. corrupt conduct a public office has done much to elevate the battle for political
power from a mutinous level to that of an important national issue upon which the
survival or downfall of the administration really depends. He has drawn the lines beyond
the possibility of safe compromise with venality. Any weakening of his stand by word or
deed will mean a measure of failure in his determination to restore public confidence in
the Roxas-Quirino administration and the Liberal Party.
It could be argued that the political crisis in the Philippines does not need to concern
itself with foreign view points, in Washington or everywhere else; that it is peculiar
and entirely an internal affair and not the business of any outsider. This is indeed the
viewpoint that the official Washington has taken, according to press dispatches, and
official commitment has not been offered from any quarter. That is as should be.
But official reticence does not hide the fact that many people in many nations are
watching what happens here. Democracy as a political system is on test, in a way.
Success and progress within it framework are viewed with friendly pride in the US and
among the other freedom-loving nations. Any hint of failure or collapse will be observed
with triumphal satisfaction among power groups which for political reasons have not
recognized the Philippines as indicating fundamental weakness in the system. (Bulletin,
March 14, 1949)
Although I did not escape the roughing-up tactics of the fight which characterizes the
split of political organization and the intrigues of a third party to exploit all opportunities
to point out all the shortcomings of the adversaries locked up in fratricidal struggle, I
was glad that the Liberal Party showed great moral courage in shaking off the stigma of
being tolerant of graft and corruption by throwing overboard those who would make the
people believe that was its theory of public administration. I was also glad that my actions
The memoirs l
109
The third major consequence was my own impeachment. It was supposed to prove that
I, too, as Head of the Republic, was accountable for crimes, not necessarily for treason,
committed against the interest of the people
With these issues resolved, I prepared at once for my projected visits to the United States.
I had in the interim launched the idea of a Pacific Union among the nations bordering
the Pacific as something of a counterpart to the North Atlantic Pact just then created.
It would have the same purpose and objective as the latter - - to promote peace in this
section of the world. I had also received the visit of General Chiang Kai-shek, who came
to see me and who showed personal interest in the idea. The position of the United States
with regard to this proposal was nebulous, due to the fact that at the time, it was still
mulling over what to do with the Chiang Kai-shek regime.
110
On August 6, I departed for the United States. On that very day, the US State
Department released the China White Paper, which contained the decision of the United
States to withhold further help to Chiang Kai-shek and signified the eventual surrender
of China to the Communists.
On a US Senate proposal to lend another $1.5 billion to China to bolster its finances
against an imminent collapse before the assault of the Chinese Reds, Secretary Acheson
had interposed a strong opposition. His reasons, as disclosed in the China White Paper,
are contained in his letter of March 15, 1949, written at the time when we were facing
the great political convulsion in the Philippines on the issue of graft and corruption in
the government.
The letter, addressed to Senator Tom Connally, Chairman of the US Senate Committee
of Foreign relations, emphasized that despite the grant of $125 million under the China
Act of 1948, aside from $2 billion aggregate help previously extended to China from
Manchuria to the Yangtze River and have the military capability of expanding their
control to the populous areas of Yangtze Valley and eventually dominating South China.
In these circumstances, Secretary Acheson said, the extension of as much as $1.5
billion of credits to the Chinese government, as proposed by the bill, would embark this
Government on an undertaking the eventual cost of which would be unpredictable but of
great magnitude, and the outcome of which would almost surely be catastrophic.
Acheson then proceeded:

The United States has in the past sought to encourage the Chinese Government to
initiate those vital measures necessary to provide a basis for economic improvement and
political stability. It has recognized that, in the absence of a Chinese Government capable
of initiating such measures and winning popular support, United States aid of great
magnitude would be dissipated and United States attempts to guide the operations of
the Chinese Government would be ineffective and probably lead to direct involvement
of Chinas fratricidal warfare. General Marshall reflected these considerations when he
stated in February 1948 that an attempt to underwrite the Chinese economy and the
Chinese Governments military effort represented a burden on the United States economy
and military responsibility which he could not recommend as a course of action to this
Government. (US Relations with China, Annex 186, p.1, 054)
This was indicative of the temper of official Washington when I arrived there on August
8 to explain the internal problems at home with a view to seeking American assistance. I
was glad, however, that when I got there I could speak without getting challenged that I
stood for clean and honest government, to a point where I was even impeached for trying
to uphold such a doctrine in a country where internal enemies were busy endeavoring o
prove that the public officials were tolerating graft and corruption in the government.
No less than influential New York Times published this comment on the result of the
unsuccessful impeachment proceedings against me in Congress:
The Philippine House of Representatives has closed the impeachment case against
President Quirino by voting 58 to 9, that the charges brought by a political opponent
were groundless.
This action, it seems from this distance, is more than vindication of the democratic
processes that are at the work in the young Philippine Action is being taken within the
frame work of that government are thus being demonstrated. (New York Times, May 4,
1949)
The result of the impeachment not only vindicated me but the Republic as well in the
eyes of foreign people.
The United States, as revealed in the above observations of Secretary Acheson, found its
help no longer effective in producing the desired results from Chinas further plea for
financial help. Its faith in Chiang Kai-sheks ability to preserve China had been shaken.
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
111
as Chief Executive were scrutinized to the fullest extent in the impeachment proceedings
presented against me. It gave me, the moment I was cleared of the charges, the great
moral courage to carry on with added vigor the program of clean and honest government,
with my clean bill as guaranty that I do not preach but also practice what I preach.
he manner in which the issue of graft and corruption came up finally for
determination before the legislative branch of the government had all the
excitement of a dramatic political and parliamentary struggle. That the man
placed on trial was no less than the Head of the Senate and of the party
in power greatly served to magnify its tremendous significance. In deciding to take this
course as the proper means for his vindication, Senator Avelino, of course, was sure of the
loyal support of the Liberals in the Senate to make him continue as the head of that body
as he did, in fact, get the vote of confidence he had demanded.
Nevertheless, in demanding such a vote, he, made revelations which aroused curiosity
and suspicion; naturally, members of the Senate, Nacionalistas and Liberals alike, wanted
him to clarify these. When he made the revelations concerning his participation in a
surplus deal in which the partys name was involved, it did not take much time for the
public to conclude that here was the proof of the existence of graft and corruption in
high offices about to be unraveled at last. it was also natural that all of Avelinos previous
pronouncements now had to be weighed and analyzed in view of these revelations.
It was unfortunate that the decision in this case never reached the courts as the Senate
failed to pursue it further after pronouncing judgment on it. For the episode dwarfed all
cases of a similar nature that had been brought to the attention of the public. Even today,
the manner it was terminated left the public doubting as to whether the senate decision,
l The MEMOIRS
I regret that, even now, the people have apparently not recovered from the poison
dosed to them, lulling them to believe that we were tolerant of graft and corruption
from pronouncements that had been disowned and published. I, therefore, cannot help
observing that a very great injustice is being committed to the administration, which
went after the evildoers at the risks of its own downfall. Justice Sabino Padilla once said
of it: The anomalies date back to previous administration . . . this is a good government
because anomalies have a chance to be brought to public attention. (Evening News, June
17, 1949).
The special committees of congress, however diligent they showed themselves to be
during the investigation of anomalies submitted for their consideration, could not escape
from the suspicion that, whether their findings were adverse or favorable, their decisions
were not without political bias.
There is no better instance of this that the case of Avelino. Although he was eventually
found guilty or irregularities connected with his position and suspended for one year,
the subsequent actions of his colleagues prove the very decisive consideration of politics
which cannot be ignored. The Nacionalistas, whose solid vote helped their Liberal
colleagues to oust Avelino form the presidency of the Senate, were not too particular
about reconsidering their decision on him when they needed his help at the last hour of
session.
I propose that we consider the record for a puller appreciation for this eventful period in
our political life. In retrospect, I find the events not only exciting but revealing as well.
To begin with, the Avelino speech demanding a vote of confidence was preceded by
another vain effort to restore unity in the Liberal party ranks. In a supreme attempt
to calm down political excitement over the issue as to who was going to the partys
presidential candidate, Avelino in fact volunteered personally to nominate me for
president and even agreed to withdraw as candidate for Vice-president. (Bulletin,
February 12, 1949). A group of party leaders who came to see me aboard the presidential
yacht Apo accordingly voted to have him retained as head of the Senate (Chronicle,
February 16, 1949). But opposing factions showed reluctance to any compromise.
The memoirs l
113
112
A CHALLENGE
TO FIGHT
after all, was justified or not. On the other hand, very few remember today how both the
administrative and judicial departments of the government labored with untiring efforts
to investigate and dispose of all cases of officials and even private persons found involved
in the surplus property and other anomalies, either meting out to them the punishment
they deserved or acquitting them as justice demanded. On all these, the courts left no
room for doubt.
I immediately disclaimed any participation in this move. I said disapprovingly when I

was interviewed: I am not member of the senate. Would I do such a thing to a man who
helped me and paved the way for me? I wouldnt be so ungrateful and un-Christian as
to hit a man at the back who has done so much for me. I still have enough nobility of
character not to do such a thing as that. (Times, February 18, 1949).
114
But one newspaper made the insinuation that the fight for power is not always sure to
be won by manipulations and combinations. (Chronicle, February 18, 1949) The truth
is that a proposal of Senator Avelino to draft Jose Yulo as my running mate had found
opposition in Cebu and Iloilo from the men of Senator Mariano J. Cuenco and Fernando
Lopez, who were being boosted to the post of Vice-President against Yulo, Avelinos
choice. (Times, February 18, 1949)
While this was going on, Senator Avelino rang me up excitedly late at night to report
that news had been circulated about a P2,500,000 scandals in which he was allegedly
involved; he suspected that the news had been inspired by my men. He said: if you
are spoiling for a fight, I never refuse one. I countered with the remark that it was
precisely his men who were carrying a campaign against me. I meant Senators David and
Pendatun, who were behind the underground campaign to boost Avelino.
Avelinos charge left me dumbfounded. To clear it up, I called an emergency meeting of
party leaders early the next morning at the Malacaang. I woke up in the morning to find
that his challenge to fight in our telephone conversation the previous night had leaked
out to the pres. I stared at the newspaper announcement that the Senate President was
going to make an important speech on the Senate floor. (Chronicle, February 18, 1949).
The party leaders invited to the meeting in Malacaang. All arrived as requested, but
senator Avelino and his followers failed to appear. Our mutual good friend, Jose Yulo,
had volunteered to intervene by going to the Senate building to persuade Avelino to
come to Malacaang. Yulo offered his house if Avelino was agreeable to meeting me there
instead. Avelino was adamant. He said curtly to Yulo. You tell the president I am at my
office here in the Senate. (Chronicle, February 18, 1949).
l The MEMOIRS
Upon leaving their residence that morning, Mrs. Avelino had tearfully pleaded to Avelino
to go directly to the Senate and clear yourself of the monstrous charges against you. He
promised her that he would do so. Mrs. Avelino had been ill throughout the night and
had fainted. Senator Avelino was evidently under stress.
I had to release those whom I had invited to Malacaang for a caucus when Avelino
refused to come. The senators rushed without delay to the Senate to attend the session.
The gallery was full of curious people. Avelino was greeted with shouts of Mabuhay
when he entered the session hall.
Speaking for two hours, Senator Avelino decided to meet head-on what he said were
insinuations that he became a millionaire overnight after rising to the presidency of the
Senate. He remonstrated that the charges against him were not openly formulated but
only secretly insinuated.
But I have to speak now even though it should mean the destruction of the Liberal
party, Avelino declared, because it is necessary to open my conscience before public
opinion, that conscience which is the only legacy I can leave to my family.
He said he was the victim of persecution because his candidacy for the Presidency was
being boosted. According to him, he did not like being terrorized or muzzled, adding
that he also had in his possession documentary evidence to prove the participation of his
accusers in alleged anomalies which he would produce in due time. With respect to clean
elections, he said, the Liberal Party had been as accused of committing frauds, but the
Nacionalistas could also be charged with committing the same offense.
He declared that if his prewar property had not been relinquished to the Japanese,
they would be worth about P2 million. He began trading in wine and shoes after the
liberation and, with the help of a P50,000 loans from the Philippine National Bank, he
was able to rebuild his finances and rehabilitate himself. He had built a compound of
four housed in Quezon City out of a loan of P70,000 from the Rehabilitation Finance
Corporation.
This is the wealth, he said, These are the millions which my detractors treacherously
have been telling the people that I possess because I am the President of the Senate. There
is a campaign of vilification against me for only one reason: because the elections are
approaching.
Mentioning the talk about mysterious checks by his political enemies Avelino then
proceeded to explain that this checks were used to pay certain surplus goods bought by a
The memoirs l
115
Senator Pablo Angeles David, an inveterate Avelino backer, publicly stated that a group
of influential senators was definitely supporting the candidacy of the Senate president.
On the other hand, those opposed declared openly that they would push the ouster of
Avelino as Senate President unless he was willing to sacrifice himself. These men were
after the senator because of the embarrassment his speech had caused the party. (Bulletin,
February 16, 1949).
In effect the beer was bought, he explained. The check of P312,000 was issued in
my favor together with another check for P47,500 representing the profits . . . The
transaction was made with myself as intermediary. Was there anything wrong in this? I
did not use my political influence because the beer had already been bought in public
bidding from an American agency by a private corporation. Neither legally nor morally
can I be made responsible for any irregularity before the bar of justice or public opinion.
If I had put those profits in my own pocket, I had a perfect right to do so; I would not
have incurred any responsibility. But that was not the case. This money was spent to settle
the pending obligations of the party which at that time reached the amount of more than
P100,000.
116
Clarifying another charge in connection with a check for P196,000 paid for surplus
accessory packs, he declared that the profits made from this transaction, which amounted
to P10,000, all went to his son who acted as intermediary.
He went on to conclude:
If I committed a crime to serve the party, I am ready to leave the presidency of the
senate for the sake of the party. Any sacrifice would be welcome, noble and consoling, if
that sacrifice were to be made for the Liberal Party, because I am a party man and I wish
to live but not to die.
This was the setting which prompted Senator Taada to exhibit photo-static copies of
the check referred to in the speech just made by Avelino, challenging the latter to explain
them when he was called to answer the roll call for the resolution extending a vote
confidence to Avelino.
Waving the photo-static copies, Taada declared: These check assume importance when
you connect them with the speech delivered by Avelino at the Malacaang caucus where
he berated President Quirino for starting the investigation of anomalies and where he said
the party is a corporation with the members of stockholders sharing in the dividends. He
said that he doubted whether Senator Avelino meant what he had said at the caucus, and
then added. But when I have had these checks (waving the Photostatic copies) I began
to believe them. He shouted: If we have to maintain the clean government, we must
have clean men in that government.
l The MEMOIRS
Taada voted no to the resolution.

Raising his voice above the tumult in the gallery and excitement on the floor, Senator
Lopez, who sponsored the resolution, explained:
Men imbued with the virtue of gratitude should be praised and appreciated. Men who
are incapable of gratitude should be discredited. If I am speaking now, it is because this is
the only occasion when I can show my gratitude to the man who underwent sacrifice to
help me win my seat in the Senate.
Senator Cuenco rose to interpellate him, but hecklers in the gallery wanted Lopez to
continue. Continuing, Lopez said:
President Quirino deserves the respect of the people. Never on any single occasion has
Quirino sought to impose his will or interfere with affairs pertaining to the congress.
(Shouts of Mabuhay from the crowd). Neither has Quirino at any time attempted to
induce me to abandon Avelino in the present fight, which goes to prove that Quirino is a
man of integrity. But I would vote for Avelino to remain president of the Senate.
Senator Cuenco had stood up to remark that it was unnecessary to vote on the resolution
since no formal charges had been presented against Senator Avelino, but he was booed by
the gallery. Senators Arranz and Taada called out that the text of the resolution had
120THE MEMOIRS
not been formally presented, whereupon Lopez handed the resolution to the secretary of
the Senate for him to read.
Senator Tirona, who was presiding, yielded the chair to Senate Pendatun when called
upon to express his vote. He immediately plunged into a diatribe against Taada for
his remarks, charging him with ignorance of the elementary rules of legal procedure by
attacking Avelino while explaining his vote when the latter could not interpellate him to
defend him. He elicited laughter from the gallery when he announced that since Taada
had shown such a poor knowledge of the law, he was withdrawing his son from the
senators classes in the college where he was teaching law. Tirona accused him further of
changing his stand since Taada had been one of the bitterest critics of the extravagances
of president Quirino.
The vote on the resolution was ten in favor, seven against, with four abstentions.
(Chronicle, February 19, 1949).
The memoirs l
117
private firm from the U.S. Liquidation Commission. He explained that president Roxas
had told him how this private company, had acquired 200,000 cases of beer and that he
could have 50,000 cases of these to dispose of to liquidate the debts of the party.
This dramatic incident definitely placed for decision a momentous issue before the
highest legislative chamber of the country and at the bar of public opinion. The outcome
of the voting on the resolution would not only have grave political considerations,
as admitted by Avelino himself, but could also mean the destruction of the Liberal
Party. The narrow margin in the Senate vote which carried the Senator to victory was
not conclusive in itself. As a matter of fact, Avelinos explanation of the surplus deals
and Taadas demand for a satisfactory explanation of the checks connected with those
transactions met with a universal clamor for a thorough investigation. Avelino himself
declared he had also in his possession documentary evidence to prove the participation of
his accusers in alleged anomalies which he would produce in due time.
118
The press was in a fighting mood. Commented one newspaper editorially:

Mr. Avelinos victory is neither complete nor conclusive. In the course of his defense,
he has brought to light certain transactions of members of the LP which must be
explained, not in the heat of a passionate speech but in the cold and logical clarity of
impartial inquiry. Senator Taada has allowed the public a glimpse of what seems to
be a highly anomalous transaction. He was made serious charges, purportedly backed
by documentary evidence. This evidence had been presented for the examination of
the senators. Senator Taadas accusations cannot be ignored nor can Mr. Avelinos
explanation be considered sufficient.
If formal charges were to be made and investigation ordered, Mr. Avelino and the LP
would be afforded the supreme chance to clear their names. Such an investigation, if it
were to serve the worthy purpose for which it should be made, would determine once
and for all the guilt or innocence of those who now go under the cloud.(Chronicle,
February 19, 1949).
The following day, the same newspaper invited Senator Avelino to file charges. It
observed:
If there are accusations against the Quirino faction, the Avelinistas should bring them
out in the open. It is their duty. President Quirino should also welcome them and should
submit himself, his friends and kin to scrutiny.
l The MEMOIRS
The results of any investigation of graft and corruption in the government cannot be
anything but salutary, both for the people and those who are accused. If it is carried out,
as it should be, there can be no doubt that the culprits will fall out and thus bring about
a long-awaited purge. (Editorial, Chronicle, February 20, 1949).
In impartial and responsible circles, the fear of the adverse effects of a protracted
controversy upon the nations business was seriously entertained. One newspaper
reported: The political fight in the ranks of the Liberal Party is holding the president
back from his projected trip to United States, which was certainly true. (Times, February
19, 1949). The slowing down of the nations business struck a pessimistic note in another
editorial comment:
The long-threatened showdown in the LP has broken out in the open. The effects are
not immediately discernible and predictable. The repercussions on the overall political
situation will take time to assume definite shape.
But the fact is inescapable that the present political muddle is unfortunate because it is
certain to impede the vital work of nation-building.
National problems of extreme urgency wait to be solved; vital decisions are held in
abeyance; the machinery of the implementation of measures necessary to propel the
country on the road to progress bogs down. (Evening News, February 19, 1949).
Meanwhile, the use to which the findings of the Horilleno Committee on the surplus
goods scandal and the Natividad Committee on the immigration quota racket might be
employed in the controversy had become the subject of popular speculation. Statements
such as the following appeared in the press:
With the threat to file formal charges against Senate President Avelino on the Senate floor
Monday, pro-Avelino followers have readied themselves to counter with similar and even
more sensational disclosures, it was gathered. It was indicated that many of those who
would spoil Avelino before the public eye through a smear campaign would also be
charged with certain alleged anomalies.
The Horilleno report, it was said, is divided into two parts. One part deals with certain
SPC officials, while the order makes mention of politicians and local businessman. The
Horilleno report has not included SPC officials since Chairman Jose C. Zulueta took
over.
It was also indicated that the first part of the report on SPC officials had already been
The memoirs l
119
Those in favor were: Cabili (N), Clarin (L), David (L), Francisco (L), Lopez (L),
Magalona(L), Pendatun (L), Tan (L), Tirona (L) Torres(L); against: Arranz (L),
Cuenco(L), Diokno (N), Madrigal (L), Sanidad (L), Taada (L), Vera (N), abstained:
Garcia (N), Mabanag (N), Osias (N), Pecson (L). Not present were Confesor (N), who
was in the United States and Sotto (L), who was sick in the hospital.
On the immigration quota racket, pro-Avelino sources disclosed that sensational

revelations would turn out to be a boomerang against the Quirino side. These sources
charged that a number of political bigwigs supporting president Quirino were included
in the immigration quota list.
It was pointed out that the delay in the release of immigration quota list manifest a
desperate attempt on part of the Quirino faction to soft-pedal, if not totally whitewash,
the scandal.
120
Without mincing word, a political mogul close to the Senate Chief declared that
unless president Quirino puts a stop to this unjust campaign against Avelino, further
repercussions will find Malacaang in a mess.
Political observers, however, predicted these two alleged scandals might not be utilized in
the Quirino-Avelino conflict since it will be mean total destruction of party in power.
A pro-Avelino man went further by saying that the Quirino men may stop their smear
campaign against the Senate President who has an ace up his sleeves. (Evening News,
February 19, 1949).
Of course, I could not allow any threat or consideration, as pointed out in the foregoing
report, to deter me from disclosing to the public whatever document or information
I had in my possession as I did not expect anyone else, either, to hide from the public
any such document or information he had in his possession, so that irrespective of who
were going to be affected, all available evidence would be place at the disposal of the
public and the probers for inspection and examination. Accordingly, I called first all the
members of the Horilleno Committee to a conference to instruct them to blow the lid
open on any surplus deal in which any official was involved and to make its findings
available to the senate. I told them: Let the truth come out. I am determined to settle
this question once and for all. I am not afraid of the consequences, even if the Liberal
Party is split even if my chance for the Presidency itself is sacrifice. (Times, February
20, 1949).
determination to have the truth, with no regard for anything but the truth.
This will be the most powerful blow yet struck in the light of the prevailing and longstanding impression of graft and corruption in the high places in the government.
Charges have been made, almost since the inauguration of the Republic, of widespread
corruption, and as the months and the years passed, these charges were intensified.
Investigations have been conducted. Some facts were bared. Some actions were taken.
Some punishment was meted out.
Now is the time to bare all the facts. As the President made it clear, now is the time, if
there is any rottenness in the tree of the government, to put the axe on the tree and let
the chips fall where they may. (Editorial, Times, February 21, 1949).
Members of the Senate plunge into feverish activity to outline their course of action in
settling the issue that had fallen on their lap. Senators Arranz and Taada, who took
command of the strategy against Avelino, announced that they would file normal charges
against the Senate President, based on four checks, upon the resumption of the session. A
resolution withdrawing confidence from the Senate President would then be presented on
the basis of those charges. On the other hand, supporters of Avelino were planning to file
a resolution reorganizing the Senate Committees in order to oust from the chairmanship
of these committees all senators who did not belong to their group, and to frustrate
the filing of charges against Avelino as well as impede the presentation of a resolution
withdrawing confidence from him. (Times, February 20, 1949).
But the Nacionalista Senators had decided to stick together and to vote solidly against
Avelino at a caucus held at Senator Arranzs house. This political development thus placed
Avelino supporters in the minority. It forces them to sue for time.
This step made one newspaper to comment:
Accordingly, a move was started in the lower house for the congressmen to intervene.
Taking hold of speaker Perez, these mediators decided to call on me Sunday night at
Malacaang. After they had started their mission, I told them: I want to talk to Mr.
Avelino and nobody else. I wasnt to save the party from destruction. In spite of all
humiliation, I am still amenable to any reasonable understanding. After all, Mr. Avelino
is my friend and our brother in the party.
President Quirinos directive to the Horilleno Committee to press investigation of

surplus property cases and to make findings and records available to senators, who may
require them, is a tremendous stroke for good government. It reveals the Presidents
The congressmen then proceeded to fetch Senator Avelino. I waited until 1:30 a.m., and
when they came, 66 congressmen were in the delegation besides Avelino and the senators
supporting him. Upon my request to be allowed to speak to Senator Avelino alone, the
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
121
acted upon with the conviction of five defendants in the Guiuan GI sheets case. This left,
it was said, the part about certain political moguls and local businessman.
David, Clarin, Magalona, Pendatun, Tirona, and Torres. Sotto, identified with Avelino,
was ill in the hospital.
Thereafter, we agreed that there would be a three-day truce to allow each side to cool off.
The congressmen were told of this decision. They left almost at 3 a.m.
With lightning speed, the 12 senators, on motion of Senator Sanidad, approved a

resolution declaring the position the Senate President vacant in view of the incumbents
desertion of his sworn duty, and designating Senator Cuenco was immediately installed
as acting Senate president.
But the senators opposed to Avelino had previously scheduled a caucus at the Senate
early Monday morning, and when I tried to contact them in their houses as soon as I was
ready to receive them, I was told they had already left for the senate. I sent word to them
through Congressman Crisologo to come to Malacaang. But I was informed that they
were already on the Senate floor in the midst of a caucus with Nacionalista Senators, all
eagerly and excitedly awaiting the opening of the session. The session hall was crowded;
the gallery filled with excited spectators. The senators, anticipating the arrival of Avelino
at any moment, refuse to leave the hall.
Forthwith, Taada stood up to deliver a vitriolic attack against Avelino, based on the
latters Senate speech. He explained that he was fighting for the principle of a clean
and honest government in which Avelino was only an incident. He revealed that the
United States has been loath to lend the Philippines money for rehabilitation because of
rumored corruption in the government. He described Avelinos speech in Malacaang
as most blatant in its advocacy of tolerance for graft and corruption. He proceeded to
comment on the four checks which Avelino, in his senate speech, had admitted to have
received and how they were encashed and deposited by him in the banks.
Meanwhile, Senator Avelino was holding a caucus with his men at his office from 10
oclock that morning. Finally, a few minutes before 12 oclock, he decided to walk to
session hall to open the session. Senators Sanidad and Taada successively stood up to
request that the reading of the minutes be dispensed with, but neither one was recognized
by the chair. (Times, February 22, 1949). Senator Tirona, who was presiding, ruled them
out of order; he was booed lustily by the 3,000 crowd which jammed the session hall.
Taada concluded by filing a resolution, co-authored by Senator Sanidad, calling for

the formal investigation of the Senate President. It was immediately approved. This
resolution was followed by three other, which were also quickly approved. These were
notifications to the President of the Philippines, the Speaker of the House, and the
Auditor General on the designation of Senator Cuenco as acting Senate President.
(Times, February 22, 1949).
This was followed immediately by a commotion on the floor which broke into fist fights,
with people pummeling each other and creating a near-riot. Senator Avelino took the
chair and called for order, but the tumult failed to subside. Despite the presence of the
Chief of Police of Manila, Eduardo J. Quintos, who was asked to intervene, disorder
mounted.
The Taada-Sanidad resolution called for the Senate to determine whether or not the
Senate President had (1) advocate the protection, or at least toleration, of graft and
corruption in the government service; (2) committed illegal or reprehensible acts in the
surplus property transactions represented by the four checks, totaling P566,404.60,
described in the resolution; (3) evaded the payment of income taxes; (4) directed,
sanctioned or countenanced the perpetuation of electoral frauds; (5) attempted to
interfere with, or influence, members of the judiciary in deciding cases pending before
them. (Senate Report No. 528, Revised, First Congress, 4th Session).
Without waiting any further for the people to quiet down and acting on a motion of
adjournment, Avelino banged the gavel and adjourned the session. He descended from
the rostrum and, followed by his men, squeezed his way out through the milling crowd.
The other 12 Senators remained behind. As the departing senators turned their backs,
Senator Arranz, President pro-tempore, mounted the rostrum and called the meeting to
order.
The senators who stayed to continue the session were: Cuenco, Arranz, Sanidad, Taada,
Madrigal, and Pecson, all liberals, and Garcia, Diokno, Mabanag, Vera, Cabili and Osias,
all Nacionalistas. Besides Avelino, those who walked out were: Francisco, Lopez, Tan,
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
123
122
delegation stayed at the ante-room. Avelino took Senator Francisco with him to my
study. I consented to it. We conferred for almost an hour, during which he emphatically
told me: I am not afraid of the charges against me. As a matter of fact, I also have
charges to present.
THE LAW IS
INVOKED
be followed. In the meantime, I believe it is the duty of every citizen of this country
not to complicate the situation all the more by restoring to other means of official
determination.
The stability of this government is at stake, (Evening Chronicle, February 22, 1949 ).
I was constrained to make the above statement, acknowledging the shift of leadership
in the Senate, for two reasons, namely: to keep the controversy within legal and
constitutional bounds, and to prevent public officials from openly taking sides and
transforming the office of the government into hostile camps to the prejudice of the
public interest.
enator Avelinos lost the presidency of the Senate in the most adroit
parliamentary move. I believe that being a veteran parliamentarian, he never
expected to be so out-maneuvered. (In view of what had happened, the proposed
three days truce, of course, had to be set aside.) Following his walk-out, his
headquarters announced that he and the liberal senators with him had agreed to abstain
from attending the illegal sessions of the rump Senate and were forthwith filing quo
warrant proceedings in court. The Secretary of the Senate was informed in a joint letter
signed by the 11 senators that they did not recognize the legality of declaration of the
vacancy of the Senate Presidency and the subsequent election of a new Senate head and
other officers. (Chronicle, February 22, 1949)
Through the Malacaang press office, I issued the following statement: The country
should not feel that in the course of recent changes in the organization of the Senate, the
government is going to be paralyzed or that the fundamental functions will be affected.
Personal or partisan among its leaders do not affect the constitutional functions of the
government.
As a matter of fact, these differences have been submerged in the greater issue of good,
honest government, and so that the continued and orderly functions of the government
may be insured, the Executive Department has recognized the Honorable Mariano Jesus
Cuenco as the acting President of the Senate in accordance with its Resolution No. 70,
adopted yesterday.
If the legality of this resolution is to be tested, let the normal democratic procedure
l The MEMOIRS
Listen to this:When Liberals invoke unity, what, precisely, do they mean? They mean,
for one thing, the unity that is necessary to cover up multitude of sins, the unity of
thieves to loot and plunder people. While that the unity was in force - -and it seems to be
in force even at this writing - - the Liberals have not for gone any opportunity, however
slight, to show that they, and they alone, have the resourcefulness and brazenness to
feather their nests.
Unity in the sense that the Liberals use the term simply means a smoke screen to hide
the charges and counter-charges, the mutual recriminations that invariably spring when
crooks cannot agree on the spoils.
But somehow the truth - - even a glimpse of it - - will come out. And in one brief
moment, the screen was lifted and the people saw and smelled the stinking corruption
that has distinguished the career of the past administration. The Liberals were seen in the
familiar posture of gangsters ironing out differences for another raid on the people.
Two warring factions, each concern over its own welfare, are engaged in showing and
proving to the people that one did the looting first. Either must be guilty - - or both. And
so, in fear and trembling, both sides are using cunning and enterprise to renew an unholy
alliance.
But in any understanding arrived at, the Quirino faction will have to assume the burden
of guilt. Has it suddenly discovered that the skeletons in its closet are such of hideousness
as to blister in the light of public view? Has it lost, like its former partner in crime, all
sense of decency as to entertain even the thought of amity?
The memoirs l
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124
Some newspaper comments had been quite severe, if not needlessly provocative or
abusive, making unwarranted attacks and assumptions.
These are the implications of the evil thing that is now being hatched. President Quirino,
I he consents to be a party to be scheme, shall have surrendered whatever claims he has to
leadership and shall have become a cheap town politician clinging to his job. The small
handful of decent Liberals - - for we entertain the slight hope that there are still some - will also be adjudged: Guilty! And President Quirino because he is the President, cannot
resort to the trick of Pilate. He, too will also get the same verdict.
126
If they the decent Liberals should allow themselves to be dragged into the plot, then
they shall have erased, finally and forever, the only decent issue with which to justify their
name. there can be no question to defeat. The minority, standing on the side of decency,
is willing to cast its lot with them. Why then the hesitation to push through the charges?
Why the tragic comedy when the welfare of the people is at stake?
The Liberals as a group are on the verge of collapse. How can anyone, genuinely
concerned with the welfare of all, invoke unity for the sake of preserving a structure
of which, to all intents and purposes, has wrecked itself by an incurable, indigenous
rottenness?
If there is unity now it will only prove that there is honor among thieves. The unity that
the Liberals want is the unity that arises from conspiracy.
We will have none of it. (Evening Chronicle, February 21, 1949)
The newspaper which printed the above comments which saw the forest the trees. For
example:
The rather shocking way which entrenched graft and venality have been exposed on the
floor of the Philippine Senate so enthralls public opinion that it is quite easy to lose sight
of the main issue.
The most important thing for the republic to keep in mind is not the downfall or survival
of the Liberal Party. It is not the nomination or the rejection of any presidential candidate
in the November elections. It is not the leadership of the Senate or the party, nor yet the
political advantages or disadvantages or charges presented by Mr. Avelino, all of these
l The MEMOIRS
issues become minor in comparison.

The main issue is tolerance of graft in public office. Not the existence of graft, but the
tolerance of it, the easy and careless way in which growing numbers of public officials can
come to regard big-time cheating and thievery as a normal mode of conduct. Upon this
ugly rock any democratic government could wreck itself open to popular condemnation
which would force it out of power. Only a totalitarian government which controls the
people can perpetuate its own rottenness.
Whether or not the charges against Mr. Avelino are true ones and could be established
in a court of law, they have become a public issue and they must be settled as such.
Whatever person or persons are involved must now be accountable to the trust reposed in
them by the electorate. Public confidence has been shaken, and either it must be restored
with the facts that are above suspicion or else by forced changes in government positions
where suspicion lies.
The sensational developments in the senate yesterday rest now upon a mass of disputed
technicalities. Whether the Quirinista rump senate has authority to carry on may
be a question the courts will have to settle It may finally come to rest upon an
interpretation of Article VI of the Constitution, section ten, which reads:
A majority of each house shall constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number
may adjourn from day to day and may compel the attendance of absent members in such
manner and such house may provide.
It is obvious that the makers of the Constitution had not in mind such a circumstance
as the present one, with the upper chamber divided half against itself, and over a matter
which could involve survival of the government .
If it does become a question of actual survival, it will probably depend upon the
willingness or unwillingness of the highest authority in the land to compromise with
tolerance. The people will be watching. (Bulletin, February 22, 1949)
A fresh sense of responsibility was recovered in this comment:The removal of Jose
Avelino from the Presidency of the Senate would not have been possible without the
unanimous support of the minority senators and the overwhelming sentiment of the
people against the things with which he has been identified as well as the splendid spirit
of the Quirino bloc.
The events of the last few days which moved inexorably to the climax of yesterdays ouster
The memoirs l
127
Unity now and under the conditions both sides want it, cannot be. For the issue, if the
Liberals still capable of understanding the normal instinct of honor, has gone beyond the
level of factional fight and has become an issue of good and evil - - good if the Liberals
fall out and land where they belong - - behind bars - - and evil if they succeed, as they
seem to be succeeding at the moment - - in cementing the bonds of cooperative looting.
representing the Minority, summoned him at once to appear before it. But the senator
declared that he would not submit to any investigation until the Supreme Court had
decided on the legality of the Cuenco Senate, maintaining that it was not and could
not be a legal body since the Senate had adjourned until Thursday, February 24, (Times,
February 23, 1949).
But Mr. Avelinos ouster also paved the way for the minority to come to their own.
Together with Quirinistas, they now control the Senate and they are now in a better
position to give a little reality to a program of better government. Their common decision
to make the factional fight in the Liberty Party an issue between good government and
bad government to side with the good augurs well for their future. They have lived up,
in the present instance, to their avowals that honesty is the fundamental problem of the
government.
Now, we come to the ousting of President Avelino in yesterdays session (February 21).
The Senate gallery was on that occasion jammed with an unruly mob of thousands of
people inflamed with partisan passions. Shortly after the session was opened, a fist fight
started at the rear of the spectators gallery. Once it had subsided, another one started
in the right wing of the gallery. Two shot were fired, and a sort of panic ensued in the
hall. Under the circumstances, Senator Angeles David moved for the adjournment of
the session, and forthwith President Avelino Adjourned the same for three days, until
Thursday.
President Quirino, the Liberals and their new colleagues from the minority who
have decided to cast their lot together have assumed new responsibilities. They took
tremendous risk. They won. Their victory commits them to pursue the ends for which
they changed their prestige and influence in the fight against the former Senate President.
In brief. They are privileged to discharge their duties and moral obligations. The people
expect that they succeed.
President Quirino himself deserves commendation for his clever leadership. Unknown
to many he has taken active part in the final moves to bring his men and minority men
to an understanding. He was himself present in the final conference which cemented the
accord for common on the issue of good, clean and honest government. He has actually
exposed himself to criticism by certain acts which were done in order to insure the
success of the move.
With regard to the future stability of the government, there is really no cause for fear.
Many thought, for instance, it would be affected adversely to a great extent when the
Speaker of the Lower House was deposed during Hare-Hawes Cutting Act controversy,
but history prove a swift return to normalcy after crisis. This is what should happen, if
the new political alliance is imbued with determination, sincerity and the true spirit of
public service. (Editorial, Chronicle, February 22, 1949)
The committee created to investigate the charges against Senator Avelino, consisting
of Senator Cuenco, Chairman; David, representing the Avelino bloc, and Mabanag,
l The MEMOIRS
Senator Francisco endeavored to explain why Senator Avelino left the session hall, thus
bringing about the anomalous situation, as follows:
At this juncture, I may say that an agreement had been reached between President
Quirino and Senate President Avelino the previous night for a three-day truce. The idea
of the truce was not prevent the filing of any charges against latter, for he had advised
President Quirino that in the next days session he would ask the Senate to refer all
speeches delivered against him by Senator Taada and others, including the checks
produced by the former, to the Committee on Privileges for investigation and report. The
purpose of truce was rather to fresh out differences existing between President Quirino
and those who sought Senate President Avelinos ouster, on the one hand, and President
Avelino and those supporting him, on the other hand, and to pass upon all the existing
controversial questions or disagreements with calm and equanimity, in view of the fact
that those who had voted for his ouster and lost in the Friday session were apparently
disgruntled. It is true these senators did not live up to the agreement between Quirino
and Senate President Avelino. But we cannot blame the latter if, notwithstanding this
circumstances, he tried to abide by and honor the gentlemens agreement he had with no
less than the President of the Republic.
I am not against the filing of charges of corruption against President Avelino nor the
investigation thereof and his ouster if the said charges are duly substantiated. But I
am against his ouster without giving him a fair chance to defend himself and show
his innocence. It now appears that after the Monday session was adjourned by Senate
President Avelino, a group of six senators of the majority and six of the minority
The memoirs l
129
128
should prove to future power groups that the people - - their voice and their strength
- - can no longer be ignored. The mistakes of Mr. Avelinos political philosophy was
that it cynically disregarded the conscience of men, even of politicians, and the source
of power which is he people and proceeded to fortify their hold on their positions by
manipulations, compromise and unholy barters. The people, in other words, have shown
that they can no longer stand by while the men who rule them continue to misrule.
The Quirino men and the oppositionists heeded the peoples will and served them
accordingly.
I cannot view this procedure with favor and sympathy, because Senate President Avelino
was ousted before the charges against him was investigated and substantiated. If one
would inquire into the purpose of the investigation, the answer would undoubtedly be
to find out whether the charges against Senator Avelino was true or not - - whether he is
guilty or not guilty of the charges. Instead we have here the following situation: Senate
President Avelino was first adjudged guilty and afterwards his investigation was ordered.
If Senate President Avelino has already been ousted, what is the investigation for?
130
In Russia, it is said, when a high-ranking army officer incurs the displeasure of Stalin,
the latter orders that the officers be investigated and shot if found guilty. But, at any rate,
the investigation comes first and the shooting afterwards; in the case of Senate President
Avelino, the shooting took place before the investigation.
Although I favor President Quirinos candidacy for President in the November elections,
I cannot sanctions or give my acquiescence to the ousting of President Avelino in the way
it was done. There is no justice in it. My first loyalty is to justice. Justice is and should
always be the greatest interest of a man on earth. (Times, February 23, 1949)
(At) the opening of the session of the Senate on May 25, 1946, at 11:05 a.m., 21
senators were present when the roll call was read. They were Senators Jose Avelino,
Vicente Francisco, Melecio Arranz, Mariano J. Cuenco, Ramon Torres, Enrique B.
Magalona, Olegario Clarin, Salipada Pendatun, Proseso Sebastian, Domingo Imperial,
Emiliano Tria Tirona, Tomas Confesor, Carlos Garcia, Ramon Diokno, Pedro Hernaez,
Nicolas Buendia, Vera, Mabanag, Cabili Romero and Eulogio Rodriguez, Sr. the 11
senators are Liberals and the last 10 are Nacionalistas, three senators were absent: they
were Senators Sotto, Rama and Saramain. Total of 24 senators.
of oath of office of Senators Vera, Diokno and Romero. Before the approval of the
resolution and as a protest of arbitrary and tyrannical procedure of Avelino as presiding
officer the 10 Nacionalistas walked out and only 11 senators, all Liberals, were left at the
hall. Senator Sebastian raised the question of quorum but he was told by Avelino that the
session was mere continuation of the morning session of 21 senators. With 11 senators
the Pendatun resolution was approved, 3 Nacionalista senators were deprived of their
right to seat. The Senate with 11 members only proceeded to do business.
The session of February 21, 1949, was similar in nature; 22 senators were present when
roll call was ordered. The Senate President arbitrary adjourned over the protest of
Senators Cuenco and Sanidad. The motion to adjourn is subject to the approval of the
majority. The session was resumed with Senators Pendatun and Lopez still in the session
hall. Nobody raised the question quorum; consequently there was a quorum. The 12
senators did business. (Times, February 23, 1949)
The Supreme Court promptly decided the quo warranto petition filed by Senator Avelino
to declare illegal the election of Senator Cuenco as Senate President for lack of quorum
by ruling that the matter was outside its jurisdiction and that only the Senate according
to its internal rules and as provided in the constitution could settle the question itself.
It went further to state:The court will not sally into the legitimate domain of the
Senate on the plea that our refusal to intercede might lead to crisis, even a revolution.
No state of things has been proved that the mighty change the temper of the Filipino
people as peaceful and law-abiding citizens. And we should not allow ourselves to be
stampeded into a rash action inconsistent with the calm that should characterize judicial
deliberation. (Chronicle, March 5, 1949)
A motion for reconsideration was also denied.
Avelino at that time was elected president of the Senate with 10 votes including his own
vote, and Vera obtained 8 votes. Vera voted for Garcia and Senator Mabanag Left the hall
to facilitate the election of Avelino. If Mabanag did not absent himself and Avelino did
not vote for himself he could not have been elected President of the Senate.
As sign of gratitude of Avelino to the Nacionalistas who facilitated his election, he used
as instrument Moro Senator Pendatun to introduce a resolution suspending the taking
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
131
convened and approved a resolution ousting Senator Avelino from the presidency of the
Senate after declaring the same vacant. Then Senator Cuenco was elected acting President
of the Senate. Lastly, another resolution was passed ordering that the charges filed by
Senator Taada on that very day be investigated by committee of three senators and that
this three committee submit its report not later than February 25.
ithout waiting for the ruling of the Supreme Court, the Senate
proceeded to hold hearings on the charges against Avelino, but
the latter refused even for once to appear before the investigating
committee. The membership of the committee was enlarged from
three to five, and every opportunity was given to him to defend him and to present and
confront witnesses. He failed to avail of this opportunity. And the committee, upon
rendering its report, had to go at length to explain it actions, as follows:
The committee will not dignify, with an answer the obvious ad populi charges of
partially leveled by the respondents against it. The record of this investigation makes
superfluous any such answer: for it shows conclusively, not only that there has been
no attempt to persecute or hound the respondent for political reasons but, on the
contrary, that the respondent has had at least five different opportunities before the
Horilleno investigating committee; at the Liberal Party caucus of February 18, 1949;
on the floor of the senate on the same day; and during the original investigation and the
reinvestigation conducted by this committee answer all questions and settle all doubts
as to his actuations (sic), but he has refused to avail himself of all these opportunities.
In view of the evidence hereinafter to be discussed, it is not difficult to understand why
the respondent has to stubbornly refused to allow himself to be questioned; nor why he
has sought to cover this refusal with a smoke screen of counter-charges of partiality and
political persecution.
The committee found him guilty on four counts and acquitted him of the fifth charge it
said:
l The MEMOIRS
A.Tolerance of graft and corruption:

That the respondent is guilty, beyond reasonable doubt, of advocating the
doctrine of protection, or at least toleration, of graft and corruption in the
government service, in a speech delivered while he was a Senator and President
of the Senate, at a caucus of high government officials and leaders of the Liberal
Party at Malacaang Palace on January 15, 1949, in which he stated, among
other things, that:
Why did you have to order an investigation, Honorable Mr. President? If
you cannot permit abuses, you must at least tolerate them. What are we in
power for? We are not hypocrites. Why should we pretend to be saints when
in reality we are not? We are not angels. And besides when we die we all go to
hell. Anyway, it is preferable to go to hell where there is no investigation, no
Secretary of Justice, no Secretary of the Interior to go after us.
When Jesus died on the Cross, he made a distinction between a good crook and
the bad crooks. We can prepare to be good crooks.
The reporter who heard this speech and reported it in the press has sworn to the
accuracy of his report; and the respondent not only failed to deny it under oath,
but his counsel did not even dare to question the respondents witness on this
charge, the Hon. Quintin Paredes, as to whether the report is true.
B.Surplus Property Transactions:
That the respondent is guilty, beyond reasonable doubt, of entering through
dummies into at least two contracts one for 4,558 cases of accessory packs
and one for 50,000 cases of beer with the Government Procurement
Commission, an instrumentality of the Philippine Government, while he was
a Senator and the President of the Senate; and that, through these contracts, he
defrauded the government by, and enriched himself in, an amount not less than
P66,700, which he converted to his own use and benefit, in culpable violation
of article VI, Section 17 of our Constitution, Section 1 of commonwealth
Act No. 626, and the agreement on surplus properties between the United
States and the Philippines ratified by Republic Act No. 33. These transactions
have been proven conclusively by documentary and oral testimony and the
The memoirs l
133
132
AVELINO IS
FOUND GUILTY
After carefully analyzing, sifting and weighing the evidence presented, both during the
original investigation and the reinvestigation, a majority of the committee find:
C. Evasion of Income Taxes:

That the respondent is guilty, beyond reasonable doubt, of evading the
payments of income taxes while a senator and president of the Senate, by
flagrantly and deliberately underdeclaring his income, for the evidence
conclusively shows that:
(a)From June 1946 to December 31, 1948 (excluding the cost of
the surplus property beer and accessory packs which amounted to
P498,204.00), the respondent made cash payments amounting to
P1,055,170.14, whereas his cash receipts from his salary as Senate
President, from over drafts, from loan accounts, and from sale of two
parcels of land amounted to only P339,00i4.10, leaving unexplained
sources of income which produced at least P716,166.04 in cash in two
years and seven months;
134
(b)During the same period, the respondents made investments in real

properties and newly organized commercial companies amounting to
at least P515,537.39;
(c)For 1946, the respondent declared a gross income of only P10,
258.99, his salary as Senate President; whereas in that year he netted a
profit of P66,701.60 from the two surplus property deals mentioned
above; made investments worth at least P85,000; and in seven months,
from June to December, paid out P227,557.26 in cash, but received
only P95,866.01 in cash from opening balances, loans and as his
salary, leaving unexplained sources of income which produced, in these
seven months, at least P131,691.25 in cash;
(d)For 1947, the respondent declared a gross income of only
P15,999.96, his salary as Senate President; whereas in that year, he
made investment worth at least P130,000; and paid out P417,721.33
in cash, but received only P118,512.34 in cash from opening balances,
loans, overdrafts and as his salary, leaving unexplained sources of
income which produced, during the year, at least P299,208.99 in cash;
(e)The committee has no information as to the respondents income
l The MEMOIRS
tax return for 1948, other than the statement in respondents

memorandum that, this year, his wife paid a tax of P8,000 for 1948.
However, the record disclose that during 1948, the respondent made
investments worth at least P300,000; and paid out P409,891.55 in
cash, but received only P124,625.75 in cash from loans, overdrafts and
as his salary, leaving unexplained sources of income which produced in
one year, P285,265.80 in cash. The tax allegedly paid seems, therefore,
to be insufficient.
D.Electoral Frauds:
That the respondent, while a Senator and President of the Senate, in his speech
on the floor of the Senate in February 18, 1946, justified the perpetration of
electoral frauds to compensate from frauds that might be, or might have been
committed by political opponents, a doctrine subversive of democracy and
pernicious to public peace and order.
E.Interference of judiciary:
That the evidence is not sufficient to prove, beyond reasonable doubt, that the
respondent abused the prerogatives of his office while he was President of the
Senate and ex-officio Chairman of the commission of appointments by seeking
to interfere with, or influence, members of the judiciary in deciding cases
pending before them.
In view of these findings the committee recommended the approval of the following
resolution:
Resolved, that Senator Jose Avelino be, as he is hereby, declared guilty of acts of grave
misconduct, constituting serious disorderly behavior, as found in the final report of the
investigating committee created by Resolution No. 68 of the senate;
Resolved, further, That Senator Jose Avelino be, as he is hereby, punished thereafter
with a suspension from his office as Senator, with deprivation of the of the prerogatives,
privileges, immunities and emoluments of the office, for a period of one year from this
date;
Resolved, finally that the record of this investigation is referred to the Secretary of Justice
for the immediate presentation and prosecution of whatever criminal actions may be
proper against the said Senator Jose Avelino.
The memoirs l
135
respondents attempts to exculpate himself have been shown to be a mass of

misrepresentation and hyperbole.
In the melee following of the ouster of Avelino as President of the senate, four other
Senators found them confronted with charges also connected with questionable dealings
in surplus and relief goods and of acts unbecoming a member of the chamber. Although
Avelino did not personally file any charge, his followers made good his threat to expose
also his accusers.
Senator Cuenco was accused of negotiating the purchase of six FS surplus vessels at a
reduced cost of P1 million for the Bisaya Transportation Company of Cebu, in which he
was alleged to have pecuniary interest, by approaching the late President Roxas directly.
AN ENTENTE
CORDIALE
IS FORMED
136
Senator Arranz was accused of an act unbecoming a senator and of being directly
interested in business transactions in which his office was decisive influence.
Senator Pendatun was charged with using his office to secure crop loans for the farmers of
his province, Cotabato, in which he himself was financially benefited.
Senator David, who masterminded most of the charges filed by the Avelino faction, and
Senator Tan, who sided with him, in turned faced the charge by Senator Arranz that they
won their seats in the Senate by committing election frauds in Pampanga, Lanao, Samar,
Negros, and Leyte.(Bulletin, March 3, 1949).
he dramatic coup which wrested the control of the Senate from Avelino
was accomplished through the coalition of Liberal senators opposed to him
in principle, and the Nacionalista who were against him for party reasons,
aside from the moral issue of his stand. The working majority of the Liberals
of 17 votes was shattered by this split. Avelino romped away with 11 of these votes,
including his own, leaving six votes, which coalesced with the six of the Nacionalistas to
form an entete cordiale.
1.The coalesced Liberal and Nacionalista senators proceeded to cement
their majority of one vote by formulating a six-point joint program, as follows:

Revision of the Election Code to eliminate block-voting and insuring free
election.
2.Vigorous prosecution of the drive to establish a clean, honest, efficient,

and economically stable government.
3.Thorough study and discussion of legislation.

4.Maintenance of friendly relations with foreign counties and the adoption of
a policy supporting world peace and security.
5.Abolition of sine die sessions so that both Houses of Congress could

adjourn promptly at midnight or earlier during the last day of session.
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
137
Senator Clarin asked the Senate investigate his colleague from Bohol, Senator Garcia,
Nacionalista, for securing relief textiles, valued at P98,000, from the Philippine Relief
and Rehabilitation Administration (PRRA), during president Osmea time, and of
selling them for his profit in the black market through a dummy, instead of distributing
them to the needy people in his district.
Nacionalistas would be equally represented to carry out the objectives of the

agreement. (Bulletin, March 18, 1949)
Previously, I had resisted the suggestion to hold a party convention wherein all qualified
delegates would be free to participate in the nomination of the candidates for President
and Vice-President and the senatorial ticket, precisely because, in view of the situation
that had developed in the Senate, such a convention might sidetrack the issues facing
the party. I told Congressman Quintin Paredes, who transmitted the suggestion to me,
that the issue of clean and honest government ought not to be subordinated to any
party consideration. Senator Arranz, who was with me at that time, was more blatant in
his reaction. He said: Down with the convention! We are going on our way. (Times,
February 25, 1949)
138
I dismissed at once any speculation concerning members if the Cabinet who were known
to be pro-Avelino, like Lovina, Pedrosa, and Mapa, by Issuing the statement: My
Cabinet is solid. I have faith in every one of them.
I felt that as long as they were honestly and faithfully discharging their duties, they
should fully deserve my confidence. I had in fact advised all the members of the Cabinet
to perform their duties along normal lines without allowing themselves to be influenced
by, or dragged into, the raging political controversy. They all remained in their posts,
which showed how faithfully they conformed to this line of conduct.
I recount a published report, said to have come from a confidential source at this time, to
the effect that an emissary from Avelino headquarters had submitted a rapprochement
proposal to a ranking Nacionalista with these conditions;
That the 6 Nacionalista senators withdraw their alliance with the 6 Liberals;
That in exchange for this move, Avelino will pledge his support for candidacy of Dr. Jose
P. Laurel for President;
That Avelino will submit himself willingly to the investigation of charges against him;
That Cuenco be ousted as Senate Head and Avelino be unseated pending the
investigation of the charges against him; and
That a Nacionalista senator be elected president of the Senate in the meantime while
the Nacionalista senators could have choice of chairmanship in the reorganization of the
Senate. (Chronicle, February 25, 1949)
l The MEMOIRS
The proposal, of course, did not prosper. But the potential dangers of the entente cordiale
arising from opportunistic motives were, as early as that time, clearly seen.
Just to find out what truth there was in this proposal, I was induced to call a special
meeting of the party executive committee at Malacaang. Everybody was present except
the Chairman, Senator Avelino. None would volunteer any information on any proposal
of this nature made to the Nacionalistas, but the committee members suggested they
should meet more often, preferably every week, to smooth out differences. Among the
pro-Avelino group, there were threats to oust me from the party a few minutes before
the meeting. I was certainly anxious to meet the issue. Speaking briefly, I said that this
was not the time for everyone to meet decisively the challenge of subordinating personal
interest to public welfare. I waited for anyone to contradict me, but all seemed satisfied
with my remarks. Speaker Perez then presided over the meeting, which proceeded with
utmost harmony. Before adjourning, the members to meet again on April 20. (Bulletin,
March 4, 1949)
The cordiality of the meeting led one newspaper to ask: Truce or Graft? in its editorial
banner line the next day. It observed with dismay;
The leaders of the warring factions of the Liberal Party, at a caucus held at Malacaang
the other night, virtually agreed on a temporary truce and decided to call a plenary
meeting of the executive committee of the party next April. Among those who took part
in the discussion were President Quirino and the chosen representatives of the Avelino
faction.
Under the circumstances of normal political struggle, agreement and understanding
between political groups are not only desirable but also necessary. But at the present time,
when the issue of good government can only be solved by exposing the corrupt elements
of all faction, truce in the Liberal Party will be nothing more nor less than a crime against
the people. (Chronicle, March 5, 1949)
I hurriedly a press conference to explain that there was no reason to fear that the
campaign for honest and clean government would not continue. It would proceed even
at the cost of my political fortune, I said, adding, I would rather be defeated in a
glorious fight than be a winner in an inglorious fight.
I asked the press to be moderate before an explosive situation. It was regrettable that
there were attempts to spread the news that the country was on the verge of revolution.
We were actually at work on a vast undertaking of industrial development and social
amelioration. All the attention of the officials of government was geared to this program,
The memoirs l
139
6.Creation of a steering committee in which the coalesced Liberals and
140
Invited after this to officiate at the national interscholastic, meet in Tuguegarao, I told the
people wherever I had occasion to speak in my trip through the Cagayan Valley, that the
fight in the Senate was not simply a constitutional fight among its members. Speaking
in Appari and Tuguegarao, I said that the drive against graft and corruption, which had
disrupted party alignment in the Senate, must go on even if it meant losing my own
name and those of my friends. (Bulletin, March 6, 1949)
Meanwhile, Avelino and his followers refused to attend the sessions of the Senate. In two
successive resolutions, the Senate requested the Manila police and members of the NBI
to serve and summons on them, with orders to arrest them if they resisted. In response
to this, they stood defiant against the authority of the Cuenco senate to issue summons
to them or to have them arrested. Even after the supreme Court had declared its lack of
jurisdiction to pronounce as illegal the election of Cuenco as acting Senate President,
Avelino further sought the reconsideration of the courts decision before saying notice of
his willingness to return to the Senate. Cuenco charged that by their refusal to submit
to the will of the majority, Avelino and his men were sowing the seeds of anarchy.
(Chronicle, March 8, 1949) However, Avelino insisted: Pending a clear-cut decision
by the Supreme Court, neither I nor anyone of the senators with me will yield to arrest.
After the decision was rendered, whatever the ruling may be, we shall attend the session.
He was reported to be awaiting the arrival from the United States of Senator Confesor,
whose help might give him back the control of the Senate. (Chronicle, March 10, 1949)
We have been dragged into this issue by mere incidence, I am myself a mere incident, so
is Mr. Cuenco, and so are all those charges and countercharges being thrown in the upper
chamber of Congress. They are nothing but details in the big issue of moral and political
regeneration of this country.
The decision of the Supreme Court, I continued, should be final in our minds until the
Senate acts otherwise, emphatically pointing out that one of the greatest victories of our
people today is the fact that democracy has been successfully tested in this recent case of
the Supreme Court.
I warmly praised the people who had calmly watched the controversy. I said:Our people,
at least their heads, have kept cool and refrained from taking violent action. We have seen
to it that we can avail ourselves of the remedies provided by our constitution.
Our people, although they have rather jittery, impassioned, and in some instances
quite aggressive in advancing their view, pro and con, in this conflict, have maintained
a traditionally peaceful attitude as a Republic, a new Republic. They are to be
congratulated. (Bulletin, March 6, 1949)
141
which made all talks of revolution clearly absurd. The Senate upheaval was, of course,
the manifestation of the desire to reform in the higher echelon of the government by the
responsible and sensible officials. Therefore, the center of the public interest should not
be on the conflicts of personalities but on the fight to give the people real honest and
efficient government. This, I said, was the gist of the situation in which I invited the press
to show more interest, rather than filling their columns with irresponsible reports.
I also found upon my return to Cagayan Valley that the both warring factions in the
Senate had decided to bring the controversy directly to the people. I had before this time
objected to the use of Quirinistas and Avelinistas in the context of the controversy.
I stated the practice of the indentifying the opposing groups as Quirinistas and
Avelinistas, when the real issue, the big issue, is clean, honest and efficient government,
was unfortunate.
I explained:Many of us overlook the fact that far and above these partisan differences
there is a desire on the part of the people for immediate political and moral regeneration
of our country.
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
142
In Legislative Circles, However, the controversy suddenly veered to the Lower House.
Congressman Agripino Escareal (L-Samar), using this one-hour privilege, denounced
the Supreme Court for refusing to exercise jurisdiction over the quo warranto petition of
Avelino to oust Cuenco from the presidency of the Senate. He described its refusal as a
dereliction of duty. He said that the Supreme Court has stepped down to the level of
the mob.
He recalled it was Avelino, precisely, who obtained a no jurisdiction pronouncement

from the Supreme Court two years back when a similar case between him and Speaker
Jose O. Vera arose, in which the latter sought the help of tribunal to declare his election
as president of the Senate null and void.
He Explained:In the Vera case, Senator Avelino rejoiced over the abstention of the
Supreme Court because it obviously promoted his political ends; he now bewails a like
abstention from the Supreme Court because he happens now to be on the losing end of
the line. He who invokes equity must go to it with clean hands.
The table had been turn to him, said Congressman Serano, who wound up grimly, as
follows:
If this is allowed to continue, he declared, the logical conclusion would have to be that
force and coercion rather than reason and intelligence and free discussion will remain in
the country.
In Gods own time, the hour of retribution has come. This is the hour of judgment.
Theres always a day when we should pay an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth - - and
pay our debts with compounded interest!
The speech marked the beginning of acrimonious debates in the chamber in which the
Nacionalistas, like their colleagues in the Senate, lined themselves up against Avelino.
(Chronicle, March 9, 1949)
Senator Avelinos refusal to attend the session and his resistance to a lawful arrest to
compel his attendance thereto, disclose a desperate attempt to cling to the Senate
Presidency, or at least retain the semblance of it, against the will of majority and even at
the cost of complete paralysis of the functions of the body to which he belongs, to the
detriment of public welfare. For these, he is bound to answer before the bar of public
judgment.
The next day, Congressman Felixberto M. Serrano (N) of Batangas made use of his onehour privilege to state that Escareals charge of dereliction of duty against the Supreme
Court is so grave that I cant let it pass. I believe, he said, that Supreme Court
acted wisely and justly, in view of the traditional separation of powers. Then turning
the attention of the House to Avelino, whom he accused as public enemy No. 1 of the
republic, he declared:
I cant understand why Avelino, with all this sagacity and astuteness, is afraid to go
straight to the fight of the Senate floor. His fight for leadership belongs there, and should
be there.
He charged Avelino with not really being serious in demanding the intervention of the
court, saying:
The subsequent conduct of Avelino discloses that he was not serious with the quo
l The MEMOIRS
I conclude that the issue involved in the whole thing is not constitutional law - - it is
greed of power. It is Avelinos fear of a retribution of justice.
Congressman Jose Cando (DA) of Nueva Ecija nearly had a fist fight with Serrano when
he accused him of taking side with the administration because he was interested in
winning his protest in the Senate Electoral Tribunal, am still Nacionalista and will remain
forever - - especially because we are all going to win in November. (Times, March 10,
1949)
The Serrano speech drew a rejoinder on the floor of the House the next day from
Congressman Atilano Cinco (L-Leyte). Also using the one-hour privilege, Cinco stood
The memoirs l
143
CONTROVERSY IS
EXTENDED
IN THE HOUSE
warranto proceedings, that he merely intended to use it as a camouflage, a strategy

to stall for time in the hope that in the interim, desperate maneuver on his part may
bring about the much-needed defection of two or more Quirinistas or Nacionalistas and
thereby tip the superiority of number in the Senate in his favor.
The Quirino Group, being much less in number than the Avelino Group, he said,
readily seized the opportunity of entering into an alliance with the Nacionalistas in a
most dishonest and immoral move to put down Senate President Avelino.
Dragging me into the picture, he said:
144
I lament the way being he democracy is observed in this country. Even the President,
who used to expound the theory of separation of powers and the principle of majority
rule, is a party to this alliance.
Part of his extensive speech against me follows:Soon after assumption of office as
President of the Philippines, President Quirino began to commit certain blunders in the
management of the affairs of the government. He tried to disregard the laid out policies
of President Roxas whose administration Mr. Quirino was called upon to finish, and
in so doing unfavorable, harmful results became very noticeable. Liberal Party leaders
became more and more apprehensive some in a slight degree were outspoken against the
way President was running the government.
He attempted to take into his Cabinet minority party members, which met with a strong
opposition from Liberal Party leaders. His handling of the Hukbalahap problem and
his being duped by the tricks of former Representative Taruc is a shameful page in the
history of our country.
excuse for the Nacionalista senators to fight against the existence of those checks since
two years ago and the circumstances under which they came into the possession of the
Senate President. (Times, March 12, 1949)
More speeches were made later on in the House with mounting animosity on each
side. Outside Congress, the followers if the warring factions had already organized
public rallies in the endeavor to bring the issue to the people and win support for their
respective sides.
At Plaza Moriones on the evening of August 12, Senator David of Avelino Group,
with Mrs. Felicidad Manuel, former manager if the National Cooperative and Small
Business Administration, appeared at the head of the rally to attack me. I was accused of
extravagance for my trip abroad when as Vice-President and concurrently Secretary of
Foreign Affairs, I was sent by President Roxas on a special mission to the United States
and, later to Europe, taking along with me my son Tommy and daughter Vicky, who
both paid for travel expenses.
At the same time, at Plaza Miranda, Senator Prospero Sanidad and Manila City Mayor
Manuel De la Fuente headed the rally against Avelino. Sanidad accused Avelino of fear
of truth, graft and corruption and personal ambition over and above the peoples welfare.
Mayor De la Fuente took a dig to compadre Laurel when he told the public that he had
advised him to keep out of the limelight as the people still nurse a deep resentment for
his acts during the Japanese occupation. (Chronicle, March 13, 1949)
The trend and spirit of these speeches set the pattern of the rallies that were to follow. As
one newspaper had predicted:
In view of such and other serious commission and omissions by President Quirino,
certain political leaders of the majority party began to look for a prospective candidate for
president of the Liberal Party other than President Quirino, the name of Senate President
Quirino loomed high on the political horizon so that these leaders began to boost him as
candidate in forthcoming Liberal Party Convention.
Tonights political meetings will be no inaugurate the political campaigns by both the
Quirino and Avelino Factions throughout the Philippines and will end only on the
second Tuesday of November, this year, when voters throughout the country will make
their choice as to who will be the President of the Philippines in the four-year period
from 1950-1954 (1949-1953) - - Elpidio Quirino or Jose Avelino. (Times, March 12,
1949)
President Quirino became uneasy and all the while started to plan out a strategy to
prevent Senate President Avelino from becoming a contender for president. Among other
plans President Quirino and certain Liberal senators decided to blacken the name and
reputation of their adversary.
And so it was from that time on. Dr. Jose P. Laurel joined later as the third man in the
ring in what proved to be the most riotous Presidential campaign, the first held under the
aegis of our republic.
They utilized Photostats of four checks to blackmail Mr. Avelino and to create an effective
Avelino left soon after for Iloilo to bring his cause to people. Arriving in Iloilo City, he
announced publicly: If the people want me to run for President, I have no alternatives
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
145
up to defend Avelino by denouncing me and the Senate. He accused the Nacionalista

senators to put down Avelino, since their motive was to divide and rule. He revealed
that they first offered to ally themselves with Avelino but when they were spurned, they
made overtures to the Quirino Group.
I am innocent, declared Avelino in his first political speech since he was deposed as
head of the Senate.
He continued: Now that the elections are coming, we are hearing many beautiful
promises again. We are being told that these elections were will be a fight for clean and
honest government. I do not see any fight on that issue. Everybody wants a clean and
honest government. You want it and I want it. This is like saying that everybody wants
to marry a clean and virtuous girl. Nobody will quarrel in that statement. This is what all
the people want.
146
There are many hypocrites who have the faces of angels and the morals of devil. These
people are just as bad as the Japanese.
It is said that I have advocated the toleration of graft and corruption. That is a lie. The
last time I was in Iloilo, I stated it was a lie. I said then and I repeat it that it was a lie.
I said then, and I repeat it now, that what I did was to defend the memory of the most
illustrious son of this province, President Roxas, dead or alive, because I know and I can
testify to his unblemished
integrity and patriotism. I am not like those who will vilify the dead because they can no
longer beg for his favor and his protection.
It is said that I protested against the investigation of graft and corruption this is also a
lie. What I protested against was the indiscriminate filing of charges and charges without
proof. Nothing is to be gained from intrigue, calumny and sander. ( Times, March 20,
1949)
Over the radio in a monthly chat, I dedicated a good portion of the time commenting on
the turn of political events. I said:
The electioneering propaganda gets you coming and going. It becomes a simple game of
heads that I win, tails you lose. Just imagine me being accused of dictatorship and being
denounced in the same breath as weak. A weak executive in which cannot lead, much less
dictate.
The trouble is that the present local atmosphere prompts us to occupy ourselves too
much with personalities. Thus we risk losing sight of the countrys interests. We should
be more concerned with how to keep this country stable and respected than with how to
maintain a mans position in government.
l The MEMOIRS
I am pictured as being vindictive, persecuting my political enemies. When I took over

the presidency, I started cleaning up, dismissing from office some justices of the peace,
chiefs of police, accounting officers, and other persons found guilty of abuse of authority,
incompetence, lack of integrity, and other forms of dereliction of duty. I was then
criticized that only the small fish were the object of my campaign to rid the government
of corrupt officials. But when certain high officials were eventually prosecuted in the
courts - - and there are still others who will have to stand judgment as a result of the
investigation ordered by me within one month after my assumption of office - - I
am accused of political persecution and of creating martyrs to the course of honest
government.
The leadership that some people would want is one with a big club imposing absolute
authority. They could not, apparently, easily get away in the shadow of our tutelage
period and the occupation. They seem afraid to grow up.
I have a different procedure. I would rather inspire respect than I impose it. I would
rather have people believe in me and like me than distrust me and fear me. Love last
longer than hate. And we need more love. I believe with President Theodore Roosevelt
in being soft in language but carrying a big stick in hand, just in case. I believe in firm
action but not just to scare people. I do not propose to keep firing simply because I have
the gun and ammunition. Panggulat is not in my vocabulary.
I believe in sharing responsibility with the people. That is why I go to them and talk
to them to them in provinces in the farthest-flung communities. Visit them there in
the slum instead of merely warming my swivel chair in the palace. This is the peoples
epoch and whatever has to be done must reckon with their will and their wisdom and
their support. That I am getting this support from our people from every section of
our country and from every walk of life, I am happy to acknowledge here in humble
gratitude. The message I have been getting from them in increasing volume without
distinction as to party, region, and creed affirm my faith beyond measure. I can be afraid
with such support. I propose to continue in my thankless job. Let the people judge me
rightly when I am through with it. As long as I have their support
Now let me touch on Senate crisis. It was virtually paralyzed legislative labor for three
weeks. It has threatened the country, in the wild imagination of some people, with
bloodshed and revolution as passions ran high. It was feared that our leaders would lose
their bearings, and that a cataclysm was imminent, threatening to destroy our democratic
institutions and expose our country to civil war, risking the loss of whatever we have
dearly won in our bitter struggle for political freedom and undermining the stability of
The memoirs l
147
but to follow their wishes.
The case has now been finally resolved by the Supreme Court, upholding the legality of
the election of Senator Cuenco as acting President of the Senate. I am happy that we have
been able to weather the dangers most feared. Constitutional processes have triumphed.
No evidence of our having come of age politically can be more eloquent. It is heartening
demonstration that our democratic institutions have the strength to survive.
148
Now that the Senate crisis have been settled, I invite our people to resume our normal
activities, concentrate especially on constructive endeavors and make up for the lost time
by accelerating our productive efforts. The senate crisis has been a highly instructive
political intermezzo in the life of our nation, although some of us have lost sight of
the public interest in the confusion. Now we should feel the full weight once again of
our responsibility. To our leaders then is addressed to challenge to give fully the best of
themselves in vision, in patriotism, and in statesmanship. To all of us challenge of the
hour in sobriety and sense of proportion. (The New Philippine Ideology, pp. 196-198)
DRAGGING ME
INTO THE CONFLICT
he Senate did not act upon the recommendation of its investigation

Committee to declare Avelino guilty of four of the five charges filed against
him and to suspend him for one year as a penalty thereof. Presumably,
the reason was to await first the return of the senator who had boycotted
all its sessions meanwhile and refused to appear before it. Avelino had announced that
he would defend himself on the floor of the Senate, and so the other senators decided
to give him this last chance before promulgating their decision. On the other hand, the
other committees investigating the charges against other senators seemed in no hurry to
terminate their work until the Avelino case had finally been disposed of.
Consequently, the Liberal and Nacionalista senators who coalesced to from the entente
cordiale felt impelled to coordinate their efforts in the interest of clean government
agreeing on the six-point program already referred to for the duration of the session. The
Avelino bloc, sensing right away the meaning of this move, decided to resign en masse
from the chairmanships of the committees which they held, including their membership
thereof.
Then, in the endeavor to drive a wedge into the entente cordiale, they renewed the
agitation for the repeal of the emergency powers vested in the President, which had
previously aroused the interest of the opposition. The opposition had openly expressed
their fear of these emergency powers in view of the coming elections, and had tried
to make them an issue on the ground that they might be used for political ends. The
Nacionalista senators, therefore, readily reacted favorably to this move, and the support
they extended to the Avelino bloc in this respect found the two groups closely aligned
together against the presidency.
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
149
our republic, which is the envy of other people still aspiring for freedom.
150
Certainly, the announcement was not intended as a challenge to the prerogatives of

congress but simply as a protest against the vicious insinuation directed at the integrity
of the presidency. But friends and foes alike in congress, seemingly blinded by their own
prerogatives, chose to take a different view. I soon found myself, therefore, the center of
a controversy which did not lighten in any way the burden of congress, especially the
Senate, to extricate itself from the arduous task of cleaning its ranks of the taint of graft
and corruption from the charges and counter-charges awaiting the decision of this body.
The danger of getting congress involved purely for partisan ends in a law whose obvious
purpose was to safeguard the security of the state was voiced by the Manila chronicle,
when it said:
At least four presidents who had wielded emergency powers Quezon, Osmea, Roxas
and Quirino cannot until now be accused of having abuse them. Our legislators
should be careful lest they avoid the danger of political abuse by exposing the nation to
an international danger. The matter is suspect for the most careful study by the most
atavistic motives. (Chronicle, March 22, 1949)
It was no mean triumph for the Avelino bloc in the Senate to have brought up this
question before Congress, since it immediately diverted the latters attention from the
untenable position the former held among their colleagues in both houses on the issue of
graft and corruption.
They had inveigled both Senator Diokno in the Senate and Congressmen Serrano
and Laurel in the house to speak extensively on the subject with passionate heat
and partisanship, although there was not much divergence of views on it among the
opposing leader in Congress, as both Speaker Perez and House Majority Floor Leader
Leuterio were also of the opinion that the emergency powers may now be repealed. As
a matter of fact, the Cuenco liberals in the senate had already agreed under the entente
cordiale to introduce the bill of the repeal of the powers objected to, and the only
l The MEMOIRS
question remaining to be settled was the date of the affectivity of said repeal. Speaker
Perez had suggested for this purpose the end of the year, with my concurrence; and the
Commoners bloc in the house, composed of Liberals, and the Vigilantes bloc of House
Nacionalistas, had also expressed their conformity to it.
Only in two instances up to then did I find it necessary to exercise these powers one
time when I extended the effectivity of the export law to prevent the exportation of
critical building materials, and the other time when I created the Rice Board to solve
an acute shortage in rice supply. Both measures were required in the interest of national
security. (Chronicle, March 22, 1949)
What was not evident at the start, however, was the surprise blow carefully guarded by
the Avelino Liberals, evidently with the knowledge of the Nacionalistas, to spring it
suddenly upon congress after catapulting the presidency in to the Senate controversy
through an assault on the emergency powers in a planned concerted attack against the
President himself. No plan could have been more venal.
In effect, senator Avelino promptly accused me of political blackmail. Stating his
reasons in a letter to the Senate as to why he had finally desisted from appearing before
the Senate special investigation committee to defend himself, he made this charge:
I want to reveal here for the first time that four or five days before I took the initiative in
exposing the political machinations against me, President Quirino, in a conference with
me in Malacaang, demanded that I resign as President of the Senate and as President
of the Liberal Party, and, even more, that I leave the Philippines on April 1st, before the
scheduled convention of the party.
The President threatened to have charges filed against me on the basis of the four checks
connected with the beer transaction. I indignantly rejected his contemptible attempt at
political blackmail. My conscience was clear. I had nothing to hide. If there had been
anything anomalous in the transaction, I certainly would never have allowed the checks
to be issued in my name.
It was only when this despicable maneuver failed because I refused to be blackmailed
that Mr. Quirino and his partisans entered into their unholy confabulation with the
opportunist opposition to depose me from the senate presidency.
I had kept silent precisely on this incident in the hope that he would acquit himself, as
he assured me he would, when the time came from him to do so. It was shortly after he
made the speech at the party caucus at Bahay Kubo that I was shown the evidence of the
The memoirs l
151
Personally, I felt that the repeal of these powers at that time might actually have an
unfavorable effect upon our determined drive to quell the dissidents then actively
engaged in prolonging the disturbance at home, and upon our ability at a given moment
to face any emergency from outside arising from the rapid expansion of the Communism
of the far east. I was not particularly keen on entering into a controversy with the leaders
of congress on the wisdom of whether or not the emergency powers should remain,
except on these points. But the charge that I wanted their retention so I could use
them in the elections was most uncalled for and unfair and, on that score, I announced
positively my intention to veto the repeal if passed by congress. (Times, March 22, 1949).
After Avelino had revealed this incident to the public, I naturally felt no longer bound to
keep silent. I said, when asked to comment on it the day after it was published:
When I learned of the evidence against Avelino and shortly after his talk at the caucus
(February 12, Bahay kubo, Malacaang), I advised him to resign as president of the
senate, resign from the party, and leave the country. I told him the senators were going
after him. The senators were going to file charges against him. (Times, March 30, 1949).
152
Immediately following Avelinos accusing letter in the senate, congressman Serrano

(N-Batangas) dedicated more than one hour in the house to an attack on the emergency
powers, and then made this distempered remark:
Avelino group Congressmen Pedro Muoz of Laguna, Juan R. Perez of Leyte, Tito V.
Tizon of Samar, Francisco Pajao of Leyte, and Agripino Escareal of Samar. The resolution
was filed on April 5, the very next day following the plenary caucus of the entente
cordiale in the Senate, which approved the recommendation of the Senate committee to
impose a penalty of one-year suspension on Avelino and ordering it calendared for final
action by the Senate.
So, I found myself accused of being corrupt and dishonest as head of the state. I urged
congress to act without delay on the resolution so that the public would not wait long for
the verdict. I knew then that the Avelino group and the Nacionalista party had set a very
high price on my head.
I reserve the discussion of this subject in the subsequent chapter of these memoirs,
because I want first to follow the fate of the entente cordiale up to the last session of the
Senate.
By what right or reason has president Quirino, who owed his leadership to accident and
not to popular mandate, to be invested with powers which President Quezon, in the full
panoply of his greatness, did not dare ask for in the infant years of the commonwealth?
To continue: The public did not view with favor the idea of diverting the attention of
congress from the charges and counter-charges against Avelino and the other senators
until the Senate had accordingly acted on them merely to hear prolonged discussion on
the Presidents emergency powers and their repeal. The Evening News hastened to express
the impatience on this matter, when it made this observation:
To right-minded men, the reason is clear: to Quezon and the then National assembly that
was jealous of its prerogatives, personal ambition melted away before the majesty of the
constitution; to president Quirino and his subservient congress, personal ambition is the
constitution itself.
When the Senate imbroglio started the current chain reaction on charges, the skeptical
public long inured to promises of a through, speedy and summary action, sat up and
took notice. The hope was revived that something would be done to those who have
betrayed the peoples trust.
And then revealing a total lack of finesse, Serrano Blurted out that it was conceivable that
in the capricious moments of the president, he may issue an executive order directing
how a hen should lay, or he may even create a widows procurement office for the
delectation of romantic mortals of peculiar taste. (Bulletin, March 30, 1949)
So far, however, no tangible action has come out of the welter of charges. We understand
the need for time to study the cases that have been unearthed, but the public has been
promised results and is impatient for them.
The whole objective of the attack became obviously clear for, no sooner had the senate
entente cordiale agreed to act on the proposal to repeal these emergency powers, a
resolution was filed in the house to impeach me on five counts involving alleged culpable
violation of the constitution, misappropriation of public funds, abuse of power, graft and
corruption, and misconduct in office.
The authors of the resolution were two Nacionalistas: Congressmen Conrado Singson
of Cagayan and Juan G. de Rodriguez of Pangasinan; and five Liberals belonging to the
l The MEMOIRS
There should be now a moratorium on charges to enable probers to catch up and give the
proper authorities a chance to act on those that have already come to light.
If the peoples faith in the government must be strengthened, it must be shown that
the present drive for clean and honest government is not just so much sound and fury
signifying nothing. (Editorial, Evening News, March 22, 1949).
The Horilleno Committee by then had finished its report on the surplus property
investigation, and in submitting it to the Cabinet, I had asked the Secretary of Justice
The memoirs l
153
surplus deals in which he was involved. I informed him that there was a move to uncover
these deals before the public, and accordingly advised him to take his choice either to
face their disclosure or leave the country until the whole thing had blown over. He was
convinced there was nothing wrong with these deals, so I left the matter entirely to his
own discretion.
154
But the senate was obviously taking its time in view of the many conflicting political
interest therein represented. It could not, of course, withhold any longer the
promulgation of its decision against Avelino after the latter had finally desisted to appear
before it. The senator was suspended for one year as recommended by the Senate Especial
Investigation Committee.
Forced to give up his seat, Avelino nevertheless continued to cast his shadow upon the
Senate. Carrying his fight to the people, as he had announced, he set out to organize his
forces. On May 12, he called a national convention of his followers in manila in which
527 delegates were present. The convention declared the election, as head of the party,
of Speaker Perez, which took place at a meeting of the national committee in Baguio,
and then proceeded to expel me, Speaker Perez, Manila Mayor. Manuel de la Fuente,
and all the six Liberal senators who were members of the entente cordiale. Through
his loyal supporters in the Senate, he kept a continuing fight against his former party
colleagues to weaken in every way the position of the Liberal Party by combining with
the Nacionalista senators whenever there was advantage to gain. Nominated as candidate
for President in the convention with Senator Francisco for Vice-President, he had opened
his headquarters to conduct his election campaign.
The Nacionalista senators, now counting on the open support of the Avelino bloc,
endeavored further to enlarge the scope of political rivalries by swamping the senate
with sundry bills all expressly directed to insure clean elections, but obviously aimed
at creating an issue to attack the Liberal Party. There was no issue, however, on the
objectives of these proposals. I readily give my support to the repeal of the emergency
powers and to the proposed amendments to the Election Code which I sincerely believed
would assure the minority party a fair chance in the elections.
Congress was fast approaching the end of its session, but the legislative measures
requiring voting for the annual appropriations of the government and public works
projects and bills, more or less of imperative nature involving the normal operations of
the government, were not receiving as much attention. I therefore invited the attention
of the leaders of both chambers, expressing my concern over the failure of congress
l The MEMOIRS
to attend to these measures. The House leaders had complained also about the senate
not doing its part. Both groups admitted at once the need for putting the legislative
machinery back to work. They then drew up a program of legislation for the rest of the
season, the principal features of which being: 1. The revocation of the emergency powers;
2. Revision of the election code to abolish block-voting and increasing the powers of the
electoral commission; 3. Public works appropriations for congressional districts, known
popularly as pork barrel; 4. Amendment of the backpay law for the benefit of guerilla
units; 5. Granting power to the Manila Railroad Company to increase its indebtedness
for the purpose of rehabilitating its rolling stock and service; 6. General retirement of
government employees; and 7. Forfeiture to the state of property unlawfully acquired by
officers and employees of the government. (Bulletin, May 13 1949).
But when this program was shown to the Nacionalista senators, they immediately gave
notice that while they would readily give their support to the repeal of the emergency
powers and the amendment of the election code to abolish block-voting, give inspectors
to the Avelino Liberals, and to increase the power of the election commission, they would
not approve of any measures supposedly giving the Liberals vote-getting powers, like the
public works bill and the redistricting bill, pending senate action, to increase the number
of the members of the lower house.
The legislative machinery got stalled immediately as the Nacionalistas demanded that
Congress act first to repeal the emergency powers and approve amendments to the
election code before proceeding to consider other measures. Alarmed by the purely
negative partisan stand of the NP legislators, both wings of the Liberal Party in the
Senate gladly acceded to attend a conference at Malacaang with a view to effecting
some reconciliation to save the legislative program of the administration. Present at this
conference were five Cuenco Liberals: Cuenco, Taada, Pecson, Sanidad, and Cabili, who
by this time had left the Nacionalista party; and five pro-Avelino Liberals: Lopez, Tirona,
Magalona, Torres, and Clarin. This conference virtually ended the entente cordiale.
The entente cordiale finally came to an end the following day, when in the midst of
the discussion of the bill amending the election code in the Senate, Senator Lopez
dramatically moved that the senate take up instead the redistricting bill. Diokno, who
was sponsoring the election code amendment, objected but he and his NP colleagues
suddenly found themselves confronted by the solid ranks of the Liberals. Caught by
surprise, he resigned from the chairmanship of his committee, and the other Nacionalista
senators followed suit. This marked the death of the entente cordiale.
What followed next was as dramatic and unexpected. In the endeavor to wrest control
The memoirs l
155
to assign a special racket-buster with a full-time staff to go after all those found involved
in any anomaly. I was informed that the Natividad Committee was soon filing also
its complete report on the immigration quota racket. I was, therefore, in a position to
assure the public that there had been no delay or neglect on the part of the executive
department in the disposal of anomalies that had been brought to its attention. (Bulletin,
March 23, 1949.
of the senate from the newly reconciled wings of the Liberal Party, the NP senators then
conceived of the plan to lift the suspension of Avelino and thus break up the LP ranks
anew. The coup was timed to take place before the end of the sine die session. Only a
timely tip saved the coup from being successfully carried out. The Senate, with the new
majority in control of the proceedings, was methodically working to put its stamp of
approval on the administration bills when the tip was relayed to the LP senators that
the Nacionalistas would move for the lifting of the suspension of Senator Avelino. To
frustrate this, acting Senate president Cuenco climbed the rostrum at once and took
the chair from Senator Sanidad, who was presiding. Exactly at midnight, contrary to
legislative practice to prolong the sine die session until all the important bills had been
approved by both houses, the presiding officer declared the session adjourned.
The mere fact that both the Quirinistas and the Nacionalistas, each in their turn, have
offered to lift my suspension shows what I have always held; namely, that the original
verdict against me was not based on conviction but on pure political expediency.
(Bulletin, May 20, 1949)
It is not for me to pronounce the final verdict upon Senator Avelino. We have long been
reconciled to each other. Whether the Nacionalistas acted properly or not, in retrospect, I
believe that this would be a good question for them to mull over now.
The resolution lifting Avelinos suspension was to have been filed by the Nacionalistas
the previous day through Senator Mabanag. The Liberals got wind of it and they went
quickly to work to frustrate it. Senator Francisco had prevailed upon his colleagues not
to ask the lifting of the suspension immediately upon effecting the reconciliation with
their fellow Liberals, as he believed it was not proper. Bu the Nacionalistas, in their last
and desperate effort to throw the Senate out of control after the dissolution of the entente
cordiale, had picked up the Avelino case with the object of staging a coup. Avelino was
in a car outside the legislative building awaiting the signal for the coup when the senate
presiding officer unexpectedly adjourned the session. We must admire the discreet and
statesmanlike behavior of Senator Francisco and his colleagues. It was in sharp contrast to
the opportunism demonstrated by the men of the opposition.
157
156
Caught in the midst of its sine die activity, the house also had to adjourn. As a result,
practically all the important bills remained unacted upon, like the 1950 budget, the
public works bill, the revised election code, the election bill, the redistricting bill, the
outlay for the national elections carrying the amount of P5 million, the extension of the
import control act in fact all the bills for which both parties had worked hard to see
enacted.
This act of the Nacionalistas gave Senator Avelino the opportunity to issue the following
statement:
It is too late for a compromise. But it is never too late for justice.
If the Quirinistas and the Nacionalistas now desire to repair the injustice they have
done to me in suspending me for reasons of political convenience, they can still redeem
themselves before the people.
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
T
158
he Presidency, which corresponds to the Executive Department is the

youngest of the three departments of the Philippine Government. But it is
an office of high prestige due to the men who had previously occupied it.
The position, as the matter of fact, was not, entrusted in Filipino hands until
1935 when the Philippine Commonwealth was established under the Tydings-Mcduffie
Act, following Americas promise of independence by degrees. Up to this time, the Chief
Executives Office was held by the Governor-General, an American and appointed by the
President of the United States, as was the case of the counterpart, the Capitan-General
during the Spanish times who was always a Spaniard and designated y the King of Spain.
The office itself held the symbol of sovereignty, more or less absolute, during the long
years of Spanish Occupation, and with ample powers albeit constitutional, under the
American regime. The Tydings-McDuffie Act provided for the office of an elective
Filipino President during the transition period of ten years precious to the final grant of
independence, but the same law also provided that sovereignty should remain to United
States Congress through the President and, in turn, through the high commissioner, an
American representative of the President, who resided to the Philippines.
President Quezon, who became the First President of the Philippines under the
Commonwealth, gave the office a high prestige, although his powers were subject
to review by the United States. The Legislative and Judicial departments of the
Government, long under Filipino hands, then for the first time found a co-equal Filipino
Authority in the government in President Quezon as the elective Chief Executive of
the Commonwealth. But having serve in the Philippine assembly in 1907, and with
this record as the leader of independence movement which won for the Filipinos not
only the Philippine Senate under the Jones Law in 1916 which he headed, but also
the Commonwealth in 1935 under the Tydings-McDuffie Act, Quezons position as
President of the Commonwealth with respect to the legislative and judicial branches was,
however, not merely co-equal but openly admitted by all as wielding more powers the
either of them.
157
l The MEMOIRS
At the expiration of his term while in Washington during the Japanese occupation, the
Congress of the United State, by Special legislation, readily extended to him another
term as president of the Philippines. As such, he was a member of the Pacific Council,
which was organized by President Roosevelt as a consultative body on problems of the
Pacific related to the war. He served on this body up to the time of his death on August
1, 1944. He was there upon succeeded by President Osmea, whose term of office as Vice
President of the Philippines had also been extended alongside that of Quezon by a special
of the American Congress.
President Osmea was no less colorful than his predecessor. As speaker of the first
legislative body under the American regime, he is known as the father of the Philippine
assembly, one f whose first acts - - a declaration of purposes for the immediate
independence of his country - - won for him the leadership of the Filipino people in
those early days. He was elected Vice President with Quezon in the first presidential
election under the Commonwealth. When he assume office after Quezons death,
Osmea brought to his office a name and prestige no less renowned and respected
than those of his predecessor. His leadership was concentrated by his long and faithful
service to his people. He was a statesman with all respects by standing, experience and
training. Like Quezon, he found his people ready to acclaim him as rightful head of the
Government.
President Roxas succeeded him in 1946, Secretary of Finance, Chairman of the National
Economic Council, President of the Post war Senate, ranking member of various mission
of the United States Before the War, and a patriot who consistently to take a leading
part in the Japanese puppet government despite tempting offers and threats to his life,
Roxas was endeared to his people. They readily and enthusiastically supported his bid for
presidency though pitted against the venerable statesman who, in point of popularity, was
only second to Manuel Roxas.
So these three men, elevated to the highest office through the choice of their people in
their own times, established the happy tradition of statesman-president, to which is due
the high honor that has always been accorded at home to the President of the Philippines,
The memoirs l
159
THE IMPEACHMENT
He was indisputably the head of the Philippine government as well as the recognized
leader of the Filipino people. His great personality gave immediate prestige to his new
office. Abroad, when the United Nations was organized before the conclusion of World
War II , the Philippines became a chartered member among sovereign states, although it
did not enjoy such a status at that time. No doubt, the personality of this great statesman
helped to win for his country this extraordinary privileged then.
Fortunately, the Philippines was able to avoid such turmoil in her political revolution
largely because the men who had occupied the highest position of leadership since
its peaceful struggle for independence began, had always been of high principles and
of extraordinary mind and character, rising into prominence as statesmen and not as
dictators or adventurers. They were Statesmen-Presidents, first and foremost.
160
The climb on the presidency of the Philippines as demonstrated in the lives of these three
men was one arduous battle of leadership in almost every field of national endeavor:
Legislation, politics, economics, education, diplomacy, world affairs and foreign relations,
public service, and unbending nationalism. Their schooling in these activities and their
proven ability to face their intricate problems won for them the unquestioned trust and
loyalty of their people and associates.
So , to me, succeeding President Roxas after he had serve only twenty two months
of his term, was not only a challenge to exhibit the qualities which these men amply
demonstrated in the execution of their high office, but also as to whether , counting
on these qualities, one could get the loyal support of the party which was theirs in full
measure, and of which they were the heads.
I was chosen as the running mate of President Roxas, as a friend of his who became, later,
his biographer wanted publicly to reveal, because, As Roxas himself had explained to
his close friends and advisers: Quirinos greatest asset to me is Geography. (Marcial P.
Lichuaco, Roxas, p. 214) it was forgotten that in the barnstorming campaigns in which
we appeared together as we travelled from one end of the country to the other, when he
had occasion to the public to refer to me, he would say: I have chosen Senator Quirino
as my running mate because in case something happens to me, I know the affairs of the
nation will be in safe hands.
Frankly, I entertained no notion that in the human endeavors for which my predecessors
placed their names as luminous stars in our firmament, I could to do the same feat to
earn renown.
Humbly, I fell back upon the role I have always played when facing a new task to explain
l The MEMOIRS
to my well-wishers. In my radio chat on the eve of my birthday seven months after my

succession of Roxas I said: Such opportunities as there have been were thrown into my
lap as indispensable responsibilities to discharge, as duties to fulfill in the course of my
struggles and endeavors as an ordinary citizens of my country. (The New Philippine
Ideology, p. 88)
I feel now that this concept of office, to which I adhered strictly from the first executive
position I held as Secretary of Finance under Frank Murphy, last American Governor
General, and under President Quezon on the establishment of the Commonwealth
and, later, as Secretary of Interior before the World War II, and then as President
Pro-Tempore in the post war Senate, and finally as Vice President and concurrently
Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Chairman of the National Economic Council under the
Philippine Republic, with President Roxas, gave me the patience and the strength to bear
the burdens of office, big and small during the entire period of six years that I stayed at
Malacaang.
No man, I believe, was more awed entering Malacaang as President than I was by
the weight of responsibility awaiting me, knowing full well its meaning as the varied
positions I held. A photograph taken at that time showed me slumped over the casket in
which the remains of Manuel Roxas lay in state, over a dais in the ceremonial hall of the
Palace. Really, I was overcome with awe and grief by what I saw before me. The weighty
problems of state which this great man had borne bravely with the whole nation hardly
started in the throes of its rehabilitation and reconstruction from the cruel devastation of
war still vivid, had snuffed out of him all the energy and the life he has ever ready to give
in order to restore to his beloved people the peace and normal life of which they have
been deprived for so long.
All the task had been left to me to shoulder. It made me reflect gravely what chance I had
of succeeding where my predecessors left an incomplete job despite his dash and hard
drive and the full loyal backing of the young and vigorous political organization at his
bidding. For in truth and n fact, now that leader was gone, the power of the party was
in the hands of another, not mine. So I realized that my first effort was to seek and enlist
this loyal support if I were to complete the work which remained unfinished.
But the rumblings about graft and corruption, hardly audible before this time, erupted
loose the moment I assumed office, and I could not in conscience turn a deaf ear to the
clamor of the public and the press for their investigation and proper resolution.
In the first place, I could not forget that one of the main reasons why the old guard
Nacionalistas were swept off from power by the young Liberals in the Preceding election
The memoirs l
161
and abroad by all nations from the establishment of the Commonwealth. This is in
contrast to the traditions established elsewhere by which Generals became leaders and has
of nations in the emergence of a new state. In Mexico and Latin America, such an event
has always been followed by dictatorship, military otherwise, and encouraged revolutions
and counter-revolutions, keeping the people in constant turmoil and endangering the
peace of their neighbor, culminating in foreign intervention.
was precisely because they could not stand the charges of graft and corruption flung
against their administration. The starving people clothed in sackcloths, as President
Roxas himself described them, wanted to know where the relief goods destined for their
use had gone and why they had to be obtained mostly in the black market.
TROUBLES BEGIN
162
aturally, as the successor to the departed leader, I had the right to expect
that I would be extended all the support I needed from the party. But
seeking the support of the party and finding that support almost at once
the center of a public controversy was the most unfortunate thing that
could happen to the office of the President. For this reason I found myself in a great
dilemma as the charges of graft and corruption then raging placed me in such a position
that, in whatever direction I turned my attention, I would rather alienate or antagonize
the elements whose political backing held the key to my quest for party support. And
much of this perplexity lay in the fact that I had not been privy to, nor had I particularly
interested myself in, the affairs of the party over which I knew President Roxas had
complete control.
All this counted against me almost at the very moment I took hold of the reins
of government. But the real troubles for me did not begin until after I had set the
machinery to investigate the Surplus Property Commission and, later, the Immigration
Commission scandals. Frankly, I initiated this probes only as a matter of routine to satisfy
a public clamor and to dispel any suspicion as to the policy of the administration with
regard to public corruption.
As for me, there was no retreat from the step I had taken. Consistent with what I believed
would have been the stand of President Roxas on the subject, I endeavored to explain
my action as indicating nothing but the process that must be followed in the probing
ground of public duty, as he (Roxas) and I conceived it to be our joint mission. (The
New Philippine Ideology, p. 210)
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
163
Then, too, I remembered the great emotion I evoked in the heart or President Roxas
upon the conclusion of one of my speeches during the campaign, when I started that if
I should be able, if elected, to do nothing during my incumbency but too see corruption
eradicated in our government, I would consider my mission justly accomplished, he
immediately rose from his seat and, with a tight handclasp and a warm embrace, I said,
Partner, that is our mission. (The New Philippine Ideology, p. 210)
I choose the first anniversary of Roxas death to make a public answer to those who tried
to defend his memory in the manner that I felt was not befitting. Speaking over the radio
on this occasion, I said: And yet there are people today, many of them his so-called close
friends, who unkindly involve his memory to justify public or official misdeeds. (The
new Philippine Ideology, p. 210) I continued: The task that we chartered was bold, risky
and thankless. But as the surviving leader of the great crusade, I shall not be deterred.
It is costly apostle ship, I said further, But it pays for the preservation of honor and
prestige of the nation.
164
I recalled that there was a time in American History when President Theodore Roosevelt
fulminated over a situation more or less identical. I had to quote him for the benefit of
our crusade at home. The great American crusader against public corruption, I observed,
said:
The Exposure and punishment of public corruption is an honor to a nation, not a
disgrace. The shame lies in toleration, not in correction. No city or state, still less the
nation, can be injured by the enforcement of law. As long as public plunderers detected
can avoid punishment, just so long encouragement is given them to continue their
practices. If we fail to do all that in us lies to stamp out corruption. (The New Philippine
Ideology, p. 210)
As it turned out, my quest for support with which to complete President Roxas
unfinished term ended disastrously. But the moral victory which came later to crown it
was worth more than the troubles and unpleasantness that it cost me and my friends and
colleagues.
Senator Avelino, as head of the party, doggedly followed his own counsel. His speech
wrecked the first meeting of the partys ruling body on dwelt on this speech in another
section of these memoirs. This was his celebrated Bahay Kubo Speech at Malacaang.
His subsequent ouster as President of the Senate and the Prolonged investigation of the
charges against him by this body all but disrupted the work of Congress and produced
repercussions which rocked the government and spoiled the remaining unfinished term
of President Roxas, with consequences even going beyond it.
Thus, the opposition found a gaping hole in the ranks of the Liberal Party form which
it threw broadsides at the two wings that were drifting apart. In the Senate, the Liberal
senators who did not follow Avelino in his revolt had to make temporary alliance with
l The MEMOIRS
their Nacionalista colleagues to maintain control to the said body.

Under the entente cordiale arrived at between these two groups, the Senate proceeded to
conduct the Probes, it was evident that the entente cordiale could not last much longer.
The Nacionalistas were bent on bigger game after Avelino had been gotten off the way.
Avelino himself, finding no other recourse, decided to go for high adventure to seek his
own vindication.
It was in this state of mind that the two groups presently started an attack on the seat
of power of the Liberal Party. That seat happened to be the Presidency of the republic.
Apparently, they figured out that it could be destroyed before that, so that the office
could be a sure haul later on. Anyway, if they failed in this attempt, they would have
done just that much in preparation for the kill in the forthcoming election.
There were preliminaries before the attack took place. In the Senate, Senator Diokno
Started by questioning the further existence of the emergency powers of the President,
whom he accused of seeking to insure his election by the use of these powers. Next, he
trained his guns on the annual public works bill, expressing his belief that the president
desires to push through certain measure involving enormous appropriations of the
public funds which are mainly intended to help him in the November polls. (Chronicle,
March 23, 1949)
In the Lower House, Congressman Laurel Jr. immediately followed up the attack on
emergency powers in a one-hour privilege speech in which he pointed to the existence
o a dual Legislature - - one in Malacaang and the other in Congress. He urged the
immediate repeal of these powers, claiming that these may be subject to abuse, if these
have not been abused already. (Times, March 25, 1949)
So, in a tenor more or less similar, the Nacionalistas endeavored to create a spirit hostile
to the president in both chambers of Congress, with accusing the President of having
engineered the ousting of Avelino joining them later to make a direct assault by accusing
the President of having engineered the ousting of Avelino from the Senate to eliminate
the possible arrival for the Presidency.
Under this spirit and atmosphere came the blow a few days later, on April 4, 1949, in
the form of a resolution of impeachment in the House against the President OF the
Philippines.
The following day, April 5, the Manila Daily Bulletin carried the following news report
explaining the background of this unspeakable move:
The memoirs l
165
Perhaps I was unduly severe toward those who, no doubt with good intention, tried to
caution me that the probes might be a reflection on the late President.
166
Although the hatchet men in the impeachment move are predominantly Avelino
followers, political observers believed this constitutes the second phase of Operation
Sabotage as planned out by coalesced minorities to destroy the Liberal Party. The first
phase, now a fait accompli, was the political killing of former Senate President Jose
Avelino. The second Phase, the undermining of the Quirino wing of the Liberal Party
and of President Quirino Himself, through a combination of the minority men and proAvelino followers, was an unexpected twist that is working favorably along the general
lines of attack mapped out by the Nacionalistas.
Originally, the move in the Lower House was aimed at decapitating the Quirino group
in the Lower House through the removal of Speaker Eugenio Perez as Lower Chamber
Chief. This strategy failed and sabotage operations were transferred to the Senate, it was
learned from highly placed minority sources.
All indications last night were that most of the 18 minority men in the Lower House
would back the impeachment move of the pro-Avelino congressmen. While this may
appear incongruous in the light of the modus vivendi in the Senate Between pro-Quirino
and Nacionalista senators, political observers said that the situation explains the reason
behind the Nacionalista vote of confidence to allow our senators and congressmen to
make on-the-spot decisions with reference to the clean and honest government issue.
This independent stand taken by the Nacionalistas, it was explained, enables them to
show that both the pro-Quirino and pro-Avelino wings of the Liberty Party are tainted
with scandals. Consequently, it was further pointed out, whether or not the impeachment
move prospers, the Nacionalistas would be able to train enough heavy ammunition
against both wings of the Liberal Party and create for themselves a favorable situation.
(Bulletin, April 5, 1949)
l The MEMOIRS
THE CHARGES
his, I could not refrain from saying to myself, is the pay-off of the crusade
to which you have pledge yourself. Take it as it befits the role of a crusader.
So in this spirit, I immediately dispatched a letter to the speaker of the
House of Representatives asking prompt action on the resolution. I said:
Although I have not yet received a copy of the impeachment resolution which has
already been given wide publicity, I hasten to request that you take immediate action
thereon so as not to allow the people suspense in their judgment as to my personal and
official integrity.
The charges contained in the resolution are as malicious as they are insolent, intended
merely to drug me into the current of political filth in order to defile my moral character
and stultify my crusade for a clean and honest government. I cannot but feel that the
presentation of the resolution, as has been prematurely announced in the press, is a
nameless attempt to secure a sinister political effect, and that the Chief Executive should
be protected on the floor of a co-existing branch of our government from malicious
harassment and embarrassment originating directly or indirectly from veiled retaliation
on the part of persons affected by the present campaign of ridding this government of
its corrupt elements. The move is calculated to disrupt the necessary harmony between
the executive and legislative branches for which we have been bending all our efforts to
maintain in our endeavor to achieve constructive legislation in this last session of the
present congress.
The memoirs l
167
It was held significant that three of those who signed the charges are to be followers of
Dr. Jose P. Laurel, probable Nacionalista Presidential Candidate, while the other four
are pro-Avelino die-hards. The pro0Laurel men are: Congressman Singson, Muoz and
Rodriguez. Political observers saw in the impeachment issue is the bonding together,
at least in the House, of all anti Quirino men for the sole objective of Destroying the
President.
A resume of the charges as contained in the Resolution for the impeachment of Elpidio
Quirino, President of the Republic of the Philippines is hereby reproduced, it being part
of history which everybody should know.
The charges:
First culpable violation of the constitution and of the laws in that, contrary to the
appropriations act, he has wasted and misappropriated public funds;
168
Second Grave abuse of power, violation of the law, misappropriation of public

funds and immoral extravagance in that he is squandered at least P88,000 of the
public funds devoted by law to other purposes;
Third Wicked and corrupt abuse of his power and authority, in that, in total
indifference to the public interest and in unholy connivance with his brother,
Antonio Quirino, a certain Brunner, a Russian subject who came to the Philippines
as personal guest and by whose subversive activities the American and Philippine
intelligence service kept close surveillance. He intervened so that the Cebu Portland
Cement Co. would accept around 170,000 sacks of Russian cement in the contract
of the government with Yu Tong Trading Company of Shanghai, China, which
cement it has not been able to use because of its bad quality, thereby causing the
Republic of the Philippines tremendous financial losses. Said cement could not be
sold in Shanghai because it was unserviceable, for which reason it was dumped into
this country.
Fourth high crime of aiding and abetting graft and corruption in the government,
in that, through his brother Antonio Quirino, he intervened so that the bureau of
internal revenue would abandon a claim against the Continental Commercial Co.
for war profit tax in the amount of P600,000 and so that buildings belonging to
the government might be insured for around P5,000,000 with the Alto Surety and
Insurance Company, of which said Antonio Quirino is the principal stockholder
and President and General manager.
Fifth Gross official misconduct and with depriving the government of substantial
revenue and/or aiding and abetting his relatives and friends to traffic in diamonds
l The MEMOIRS
and other gems, which were smuggled into the country from abroad by women to
whom he would issue diplomatic passports, among said women being Mrs. Nila
Mendoza (his sister-in-law), Mrs. Antonio Rivero (his close relative), Mrs. Luisa
Javier (his close friend), Mrs. Eleazar (his close friend), Mrs. Filadelfo Roxas (his
close friend), Mrs. Bona (his close friend) and others.
Personally, what I considered the most aggravating if not degrading aspect in the charges
of unlawful expenditures of public funds attributed to me was the allegation that
the money use was taken from the PACSA (Presidents Action Committee on Social
Amelioration) funds for the purposes described in the bill of particulars of the first
charge, with the explanation that the act was committed considering that such funds
had been specifically destined for relief to destitute sufferers and victims of operations
and actions of the dissidents elements, the military police, and the civilian guards, or of
the fighting between said guards.
The stinging malice of it was that, although the supposed act took place while I was still
Vice-President and Secretary of foreign affairs, I was denounced to have reached out for
funds to an entity which did not exist at the time. As the records showed (these records
were public and not private), if my accusers had been honest and diligent in formulating
this charge against me, they would have easily found that the PACSA was not created
until I succeeded to the presidency. It amused me bitterly to think how these gentlemen
of congress could have committed so elemental an error knowing that to impeach a
president involved the calling of no less than the members of the Senate, presided by
the chief justice of the Supreme Court, to sit in judgment over the Chief Executive, as
Expressly provided in our constitution.
Had they weighed their act as they ought to have done on a matter as important
and grave as this, they would have found that it was I, precisely, who conceived the
organization of the PACSA after I had transferred to Malacaan. Supported by public
and voluntary contributions to awaken the nations civic spirit to a cause not purely
governmental but largely social and humanitarian as well, the PACSA was undertaking
with great credit the work of extending direct succor to the helpless victims in the
rural areas where the dissidents had resorted to terrorism against all those who sought
protection and help from the government instead of supporting their endeavor to
establish a proletarian regime. By giving assistance through the PACSA, I thought, we
would lessen the depredations of the dissidents upon these helpless folks who could not
be effectively protected by the government or by any of its agencies without arousing the
suspicion and displeasure of the Huks in the remote and desolate areas of their own lairs.
The memoirs l
169
This dignity of the House as well as of the office of the Chief Executive and of the nation
is involved, I therefore ask that you lose no time to act on the resolution in order to
protect and vindicate the name of the republic regardless of who is to be sacrificed at the
altar of public duty.
170
The attempt to pervert the mind of the ordinary citizen was so evident that I did not
know at first what impulse to follow whether to get angry at the sponsors of the
resolution, or to pity the constituents that sent them to Congress as their representatives.
All the charges are alleged, if proven true, indeed, would make me the most cheap,
most base, most nameless blackguard, most vile, most unprincipled, most hateful, most
unfortunate person ever to occupy the exalted position of President of the Philippines.
That was how I felt upon being shown the copy of the impeachment resolution and after
making a cursory glance at its contents.
There was nothing for me to do but to let the people find out the truth, and that was
only what I could tell Congress to do. To this end, I ordered all the records of Malacaan
to be opened to all member of congress who would like to see them.
But to cap it all, after the sponsors of the resolution realized that their bill of particulars
would have no leg to stand on before the scrutiny of the Impeachment committee and
before this body could announce its findings, they again drew up another impeachment
resolution in addition to the first one. This time it was the Honorable Juan G. de
Rodriguez (N-Pangasinan) who asked the permission of the house for him to submit the
new charges. Allowed to submit the resolution, he proceeded to read thus: Resolution
for the impeachment of Vice-President and acting President Elpidio Quirino . . . as
he read with resonant voice the title of the resolution, the entire house started to roar in
laughter.
The speaker quickly banged his gavel to quiet down the house and then delivered a stern
rebuke to the gentleman who proved so amusing for his lack of respect and courtesy
toward the President of the Philippines. On a motion of the Majority Floor Leader, the
resolution was tabled and nothing more was heard about it. Mr. Rodriguez undoubtedly
achieved a supreme moment in his career as a member of the House in the few seconds
he stood listening to the contents of the resolution that he handed to the secretary of the
house to read, but unfortunately, only to be rebuked by the presiding officer and to see
his proposal tabled outright by a vote of 59 to 8. (Bulletin, April 28, 1949).
l The MEMOIRS
The impeachment resolution got the publicity that was awaited by its proponents.
However, it was not such a resounding success as they perhaps had expected. People more
soberly inclined regretted that such means should have been employed. The attempt, to
impair the almost hallowed prestige of the office formerly occupied by Quezon, Osmea,
and Roxas just to raise fodder for an election issue brought frowns of disapproval from
the respectable public.
Apparently most jubilant over the impeachment move was Batangas, the home province
of Dr. Laurel. A dispatch to the Manila times, dated April 5 from the provincial capital,
said:
President Quirino prestige nose-dived in this province as the people learned through
the press of the impeachment proceedings against him. Political leaders who called on
Governor Feliciano Leviste said the vote-getting ability of the Liberal Party has been
reduced to nil, thus insuring the election of Laurel. (Times, April 6, 1949).
On the other hand, the political leaders of the first district of Pangasinan, represented by
Congressman Rodriguez, were shocked. They were surprised to read from the newspaper
that their congressman is among the signers of the impeachment resolution. (Times,
April 7, 1949).
A Manila Times dispatch from Davao, dated April 5, reported: Leading government
officials here today branded the move to impeach President Quirino as besmirching
attempts. The reaction was considered significant in view of the fact that Davao is
traditionally an opposition bailiwick. (Times, April 6, 1949).
An Iloilo dispatch to the same paper, also dated April 5, stated thus: exploding like a
bombshell, the house resolution seeking the impeachment of President Quirino created
an unprecedented stir in this province, but drew the unanimous reaction from all
quarters that it was filed for political effect. Pro-Avelino and pro-Quirino followers and
the man in the street described the move as designed to smear the good name of the
President. It added: Minority leaders of this province opined that the impeachment
proceedings are intended to destroy Quirino politically and wreck the Liberal Party to
pieces. (Times, April 6, 1949).
A dispatch to the Evening Chronicle from Tarlac, dated April 5, reported: The
move to impeach President Quirino stirred diverse reaction among political and legal
circles here today. Governor Antonio Lopez deplored the untimeliness of the filing
of the impeachment resolution and declared that it is demoralizing the efforts of the
administration to regain the faith and confidence of the citizenry and the charges reflect
The memoirs l
171
Determined further that the funds so collected by such a civic organization be removed
from politics or political machinations, I suggested that their custody and administration,
although opened to government inspection and supervision and their disposal subject
to public scrutiny without official red tape, be not placed under the government. How
could it be possible that funds so administered could be used by the President for the
payment, for instance, of those expenditures pointed out I the charges which fall within
government appropriations as prescribed for his office by law?
Tarlac mayor Arsenio Lugay urged immediate investigation of the impeachment charges
regardless of the political eminence of the accused. He added that the accusers must
stand criminally liable if Quirino is found not guilty. (Evening Chronicle, April 6,
1949).
172
In Manila, a press release coming from the House of Representatives through its public
relations office quoted a group of congressman as saying: After reading a copy of the
Escareal solution seeking to impeach the President, we find that there are absolutely
constitutional grounds to sustain it. The grounds enumerated in the resolution do not
constitute any one of the causes for impeachment. We say further that it is part of a
preconceived plan to besmirch the honesty, integrity and character of the President. It
is undeniable that the ulterior motive of the resolution is to undermine the stern and
laudable program of President Quirino for a strong, honest and clean government. We
have complete faith that the people will rally behind him. (Bulletin, April 7, 1949)
Among the numerous messages personally addressed to me were those coming from
Cagayan, the home province congressman Singson. This is part of the first senatorial
district which I had represented in congress for a long time. The messages expressed full
faith in my integrity and condemned Singson for signing the impeachment resolution.
Dr. Laurel, whose opinion was sought by the newspaper as the most likely presidential
candidate of the Nacionalista party, held a press conference instead of giving out only a
statement. He told the press that, speaking as one who helped draft the constitution, any
one the charges contained in the resolution constituted a ground for impeachment.
Evidently, he was talking out loud for the forthcoming election when he told the
newsmen that the graft and corruption being aired at the time were worst yet in the
history of the country. He, of course, forgot the record of the Japanese puppet regime of
which he was the head. He blamed the situation to a breakdown in our moral fiber and
in our misfortune in the selection of our leaders in the environment. He attributed the
peoples poor choice to the disqualification in the past elections of all those accused of
collaboration.
Finally, when asked who would be his most formidable opponent in the coming
presidential election, Dr. Laurel replied curtly: I have none.
The interview finished, he invited the newsmen to partake of a native merienda which
l The MEMOIRS
his daughter had prepared, saying: She planned Russian salad for you. But she gave
up the idea. We have some salad from vegetables grown in Huklandia. I do not think,
though, that there is much difference. (Times, April 9, 1949)
Russia or Huklandia did not seem to make much difference to him.
Reaction in the United States was severely critical of the Philippine politics. But the New
York Times, piecing together the Avelino case and the impeachment resolution, observed:
This sort of political scuffling is not a sign of illness. It is sign of political health. It shows
not weakness but vigor . . . the President of the Philippine, far from seeking to avoid the
impeachment charges, has openly welcomed them and has invited the closest scrutiny of
his acts.
I was in Baguio vacationing for the Holy Week when this report was relayed to me from
New York by our consul-general there, Jose P. Melencio. To the newsmen who asked me
to comment on it, I readily made the reply that people who were judging the Philippines
from afar see the political situation from the right perspective. (Bulletin, April 19, 1949)
Vicente Villamin, a Filipino writer residing in Los Angeles, California, who conducted a
daily column in the Manila daily Bulletin, did not find much comfort in the dispatches
from Manila published in the American press; he considered this bad news. He was
referring, particularly, to the Avelino case and the impeachment charges. (Bulletin, April
15, 1949). He said that the news were apt to impress the average American reader that
there was political vendetta in the Philippines, because crooks and grafters caught redhanded in their liar had retaliated by engineering the impeachment of the president.
Calling the attention of his countrymen at home to the gravity of the impeachment
move, he made the following observation:
Impeaching the head of the nation and trying him as an ordinary criminal, to put it
bluntly, is big news anytime and anywhere. It will overshadow all other news about the
Philippines. As a result, Filipinos must not be surprised if they read stories and editorials
as well in the American press that are offensive to them as a race and a nation. The rich
grist for the sensational press is furnished by no other than some of their own political
leaders. Blame them.
The credit of the Philippines will suffer. Their reputation will be blackened. Filipinos will
be obliged to apologize for their government. And Filipino spokesmen in international
conferences will be told, if silently, to put their own government and house in order
The memoirs l
173
on the peoples capacity for self-government.
first before their proposals and principles can be taken seriously. Without even remotely
hinting it, for the good repute of the country abroad, it were better if the head of the
nation were killed by a murderer, than to be tried for impeachment by the legislative
branch of the government. That is how obnoxious a presidential impeachment is.
(Bulletin April 18, 1949).
THE ARRAY OF
HOSTILE FORCES
174
On the train from New Orleans to this city of Memphis I met half a dozen editors on
their way to a convention. What did they ask me? Very revealing. The first questions
were: Do you think your president will be impeached? How many of your senators
are not involved in graft? How many of your Cabinet officers? Is there going to be a
revolution? Do you think the Filipino people will ask to come back under the American
flag?
I realize more fully and more poignantly the monumental error of starting the
impeachment proceedings at all, not shield Mr. Quirino, not to condone crime or
irregularity, not to suppress a constitutional remedial process, but, rather, to uphold the
dignity and the stability of the government of the Republic of the Philippines in the
esteem of both the Filipino people and other people of the world. The movers of the
proceedings, I am certain, know that they do not have the votes in the Senate, which
will conduct the trial, to impeach the Chief Executive. It is hoped that a legal, not
whitewashing, way may be found to quash the proceedings and save the country from the
ignominy that they will bring her eternal distress and disadvantage.
The Philippines, patterned after the American system, launched as an independent
republic by the United States, is the only working democracy in the Orient. It is held
up as the exemplar of western democracy in an oriental setting; and it is pointed to
with prideful justification that a government of and by the people will thrive in the east.
With these happy realities, Filipinos and Americans are led to hope that someday not far
distant the Philippines, roughly like Britain in Europe, might be considered the leader
nation in Asia.
But now, with all the unhappy events and the poor repute that they give the country
all over the world, what weight and authority would be given to the Filipinos speaking
for their country abroad, not only on government but everything? Precious little. The
opinion of mankind is even unjust, when it bases that opinion on the failings and
derelictions of leaders of nations, and in most cases they form the only basis for the
opinion. (Bulletin, April 25, 1949).
l The MEMOIRS
he House, Acceding to my request to Speaker Perez, Promptly named sevenman committee to study the report on the impeachment resolution. The
committee was composed of Congressman Lorenzo Sumulong (L-Rizal)
as Chairman, and Congressmen Marcos Calo (L-Agusan), Juan Borra
(L-Iloilo), Domingo Veloso (L-Leyte), Toribio Perez (L-Albay), Cipriano Primicias
(N-Pangasinan), and Felixberto Serano (N-Batangas), as members. The request of the
authors of the resolution to be included in the committee was turned down. However,
they were allowed to sit with the committee but not to vote.
There being no precedent to follow, Chairman Sumulong announced: without deciding
at any merit of each case, the committee will first determine whether each charge is
impeachable in character. Accordingly, he notified the president and his seven accusers
to file their respective memoranda on what constitutes the legality of the impeachment.
They were asked to submit their memoranda on April 13 and be ready o make their oral
arguments on April 18.
Meanwhile, Speaker Perez was able to prevail upon the House to forego its Holy Week
recess, when Sumulong rush notices to the committee members for a preliminary
meeting, Primicias objected by saying that he wanted to prevent the impression that
we are railroading the investigation. Sumulong Retorted: I certainly will not allow
myself to be influenced one way or another by anyone in this investigation. Whereupon
Primicias criticized Speaker Perez for conferring with the President saying: Propriety
demands that no member of the House, much less the House leaders, should beg favors
from the President or go with conference with him since the President is on trial and we
might be called upon to prosecute him,(Bulletin, April 9, 1949)
The memoirs l
175
A few days later, writing from Memphis, Tennessee, Villamin wrote again, as follows:
176
The Natividad Committee on the immigration quota racket, now winding up its report,
had just given an insight into the extent of participation of members of both Houses
in this public scandal by allowing information to leak out naming certain senators and
congressmen supposedly linked to it. Senators Avelino, Tirona, and Pecson had advance
the explanation that their intention was only to help friends and that they did not receive
a single centavo for it. (Bulletin, April 14, 1949)
completing my first year of stewardship of President Roxas unfinished term. For all
my efforts to establish peace and order and to strengthen the peoples faith in the
government, here I was facing the most crucial hour of my career. Congress was
scrutinizing every bit of my record. For reasons of their own, there were people who were
evidently concerned less with the vast stretches of problems we had covered to give sinew
and enduring life to the Republic that was barely three years old. They were avowedly
more interested in undermining the man who was at the wheel in this momentous period
of our life as a nation. However, I was glad to face the ordeal, if the caprice of a few
men to pull me off the wheel were only another test of the steadiness of the hands and
sturdiness of the heart that had steered the ship since President Roxas was stricken at the
helm.
It was, therefore, a great consolation to me that, as I was occupied with the puzzle
confronting me, my friend Ralph G. Hawkins of the Manila Daily Bulletin undertook
to reveal what he believed was the plausible explanation to my troubles. Thus he wrote,
commemorating my first year in Malacaang, the paragraph which here I insert:
Perhaps the basic cause of the political situation which had outcropping in
machinations, feuding, intrigues, was that the men who are seeking more power and
upper hand in running the affairs of the country underestimated the man who succeeded
Manuel Roxas.
During the incumbency of Manuel Roxas, there was no question as to his leadership.
He was faced by political squabbles among the men of his party that were as heated and
violent as those facing the present incumbent. But Roxas succeeded in keeping them
within the family and straightened them out by sheer force of his personal leadership.
l The MEMOIRS
On the other hand, the men who willingly submitted themselves to the command of
President Roxas were apparently unprepared to accept his successor as the sole directing
power I the countrys affairs. Some, perhaps, felt that they were equal, if not superior, to
the man whom the people have elected Vice-President, and whom no one thought would
become President.
That, then, may be taken as the underlying cause of the events which followed events
which have all but disrupted the Republics efforts toward economic rehabilitation and
development.
But President Quirino, from the start, evidently was determined to carry out the task
which unexpectedly fell upon his shoulders with the passing of Roxas without being
pushed around by power-seeking men who also formed a part of his administration.
Now, let us see how the forces reportedly arrayed against me all tried to shatter to pieces
my political career and grad me down to presidency.
From the Avelino camp, a spokesman had announced: When we present the charges
against President Quirino, we expect the Nacionalistas in both Houses, as well as
Pro-Avelino senators, to give their support in view of their cry for clean and honest
government. (Evening News, April 2, 1949) A few days after the charges were filed,
the Daily News started the move calculated to unite all the forces hostile to me as
announced. In an editorial entitled, The President is Raving Mad, this publication
sought to convey the idea that I had already been condemned with the filing of the
impeachment charges against me. It was a vicious attack and very rare piece which I want
place here in record. It said:
It is highly improper for President Quirino to be violently indignant over the
circumstances that is crusade for clean and honest government should have taken him
and his family in its stride.
For a clean and honest government presupposes not only the cleanliness and honesty of
minor government officials and employees but those of the president of himself as well.
And yet judging from the letter that the president has written to Speaker Perez anent the
impeachment resolution against him, the President would castigate those who have the
audacity to include his name in the list of unclean and dishonest officials.
The charges contained in the Resolution, the President said in his letter, are as malicious
The memoirs l
177
Rising tempers at this point became less and less controllable in both chambers of
congress. In the Senate, Senator Avelino was getting his warning from his colleagues that
if he did not appear there to defend himself, they would be constrained without further
delay to vote on the committee resolution finding him guilty with a penalty of one
years suspension. Senators Pendatun and Garcia were fighting their cases before other
investigation committees. So were Senators Cuenco and Arranz.
Which can only mean that the Presidents mind is so perverted he cannot conceive of his
ever being within that scope of that crusade, on the strength of the exalted position he
happens to occupy.
The case of the people against President Quirino is clear. The people, through their
chosen representatives in Congress, accused him of having wasted and misappropriated
funds, of wicked abuse of his power, of aiding and abetting graft and corruption, and of
gross official misconduct.
178
The President upon his assumption of office swore that he would preserve and defend
the Constitution and concentrate himself to the service of the nation. He was given,
under the Constitution, an annual compensation which shall be neither increased nor
diminished the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive
within that period any other emolument from the Government or any of its subdivisions
or instrumentalities.
But the President Quirino, by following his shameless instincts, has willfully used money
outside of his fixed salary not to further the interests of the nation but to enable himself
and his daughter and son and his grandson to live in the grand style that the Constitution
has never intended for them.
And yet to President Quirino the mere presentation of the charge against him would
constitute a crime against the Republic, as if the mere discovery of any crime that the
President may have committed meant destruction of the Republic itself. (Daily News,
April 8, 1949)
The foregoing editorial indicated to me clearly the kind of political degradation that
detractors wanted me to assume in the eyes of the public in order to accomplish their
objective. The impeachment charges, as drawn against me, were very serious indeed but
a newspaper attack like this requires no answer except silent contempt. When a President
faces an impeachment, he stands up alone. No words can defend him, because he is judge
by the acts he supposed to have committed.
All my life as a public servant, in Congress as well as outside of it, under Filipino and
American superiors, I never allowed any attack of this sort, especially against my personal
integrity or honesty, to go unchallenged and certainly without the provoker getting the
kind of treatment due him. But this was the first time I was stupefied - - the dignity of
l The MEMOIRS
office, the vulgarity of the attack, the feeling of charity for those in toils whence came the
blow, the lack of malice in my crusade against graft and corruption - - all these combine
to restrain me and make me hold my peace.
This act of forbearance, I must confess, sustained me more than anything else during
all the critical hours that the members of the Congress could deliberate freely and
conscientiously, influence of any sort outside of Congress, and so that all the officials
called to testify could go before the committee and relate exactly what they knew without
the shadow of Malacaang hovering over them.
I entrusted my defense to the facts and figures brought out by the proponents of the
impeachment resolution themselves. Secretary of Finance Pio Pedrosa, Secretary of Public
Works and Communications Ricardo Nepomuceno, and Undersecretary of Foreign
Affairs Felino Neri lost no time in denying the truth of the charges which concerned the
actions of their respective offices.
I did not hesitate to call o the Solicitor General to review and study the charges although,
by the oath of his office, he would be my logical prosecutor should he be by any chance
find even a slight in any one of them that would make me civilly or criminally liable,
besides being adjudged impeachable.
What seemed to me curious, and this I want to mention before going further, was that
when the hearing before the impeachment committee began, it was a hired Nacionalista
attorney who registered as private counsel for the proponents and who carried all
the burden of preparing witnesses and making cross-examinations, while the Avelino
prime movers relegated themselves to the background and were even reprimanded by
the committee chairman for their seeming lack of interest in, manifest indifference to
cooperating, to marshal their or to bring their witnesses demanded.
Once, the Nacionalista counsel even walked out on the plea of physical and mental
exhaustion and threatened not to appear any more, and it was only then that
Congressman Escareal, one of the authors of the resolution, stood to act in his behalf
while the private counsel took a weekend rest in Baguio to recuperate. In the committee
itself, while all the signers of the impeachment resolution were allowed to sit and crossexamine the witnesses, it was only the two Nacionalista members, Primicias and Serano,
who took the active part and the leading part in the whole proceedings.
What was going on in the Senate at this juncture gave me a clear understanding of the
nature of the political intrigue into which I was dragged. The Nacionalistas and the
Avelinistas now began to maneuver together. Under the pressure of this new combination
The memoirs l
179
as insolent, intended merely to drag me into the current of political filth in order to defile
my moral character and stultify my crusade for a clean and honest government.
180
What followed next disclosed the trend of the maneuver. A news report soon came out
to effect that the rival wings if the Liberal Party were discussing the proposal that the
charges against Avelino be dismissed and he be allowed to retain his seat and to remain
as the president of the party and that in return, the impeachment charges against the
president and all pending charges against the senator in the Senate be all dismissed,
providing further that Avelino would not aspire for nomination either for President or
Vice President. (Bulletin, April 19, 1949)
This was a canard pure and simple. I suspected it was a move to delude the wary public
in the endeavor to discredit the administrations crusade against graft and corruption - that I, now also finding myself in the toils of the law, was ready to compromise and give
up the crusade. I was, therefore, greatly perturbed when a newspaper printed a report
not long after that Senator Arranz had make a statement apologizing and giving reasons
to Avelino for the acts for which he was awaiting judgment by his colleagues. (Bulletin,
April 19, 1949)
Undoubtedly, with me and Avelino on trial before the public, any compromise arrived at,
such as reported then, would indeed have meant the downfall of the Liberal Party regime,
the Nacionalistas were eagerly looking to this hour. The great opportunity was there in
their grasp. The prospect of seeing the President of the Republic in disgrace together with
President of the Party in power on charges of graft and corruption had only to happen
and they would have destroyed all obstacles to power.
Diokno, Garcia, Mabanag, Madrigal, Osias, Sanidad, Taada, Vera, and Cuenco. For
Avelino were: David, Clarin, Francisco, Lopez, Magalona, Pendatun, Tirona, and Torres.
Not present: Sotto, Tan, Confesor, and Pecson.
Forthwith, Avelino issued a statement announcing his decision to bring his case before
the people. He said:
I know I am innocent but I have no other democratic course except submission to
unjust, illegal and unconstitutional action taken by the Quirino-Nacionalista coalition in
the Senate.
The voting in the Senate did not surprise me in the least, it was a foregone conclusion
from the moment the charges were filed, and they would never been filed had I not
rejected the contemptible attempt to blackmail me politically. One injustice more will
not bother the conscience of my persecutors.
But, while justice could never be served by coalition which was conceived in political
expediency and dedicated to the proposition that might is right, I complete faith that it
will prevail in the end.
I have been suspended for 1 year but I am sure that long before the end of my period of
suspension I shall be acquitted and vindicated by the people in the coming November
elections. (Bulletin, April 26, 1949)
While I was in Baguio, I requested Acting Senate President Cuenco to come up to the
summer capital for a conference. I explained to him the gravity of prolonging any further
action on Avelino case in view of my existence of any compromise move, and I was glad
when Senator Avelino issued a statement to the same effect. The Senator was determined
as I was to face the world despite intrigues, come what may. (Bulletin, April 25, 1949)
Things starting to move fast. The six Liberal senators in the entente cordiale, despite
the threat of Senator David that would be a party split if Avelino was convicted, pushed
ahead the final vote over the case. On April 25, the Senate voted to suspend Avelino for
1 year and to refer his case to the Secretary of Justice for possible criminal prosecution.
Voting was 12 against 8, four senators were absent. Against Avelino were: Arranz, Cabili,
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
181
the Senate, which had sat for nearly three months on the Avelino case, agreed again on
April 11 to postpone final action on until April 21. Senator Garcia(N) pleaded to give
Avelino time to prepare his defense and for his colleagues to study the committee report
as well. The loyal Liberals objected to this new postponement but were outnumbered.
THE VERDICT
OF THE HOUSE
were agreed, leaving aside those charges on which they could not agree for the committee
to make an appropriate appraisal of them at the proper time by calling for testimony and
evidence. (Bulletin, April 14, 1949) On this basis the committee quickly resolves the
problem of separating the facts from the allegations in order to proceed immediately into
the examination of this charge.
Both parties, as requested, agreed on the following stipulations of facts:
First, with regard to the charge of culpable violation of the constitution and of the
laws in that, contrary to the appropriations act, public funds had been wasted and
misappropriated, these facts were admitted:
(a)That the sum of P53,811.13 spent in repairs and for remodeling a house on
Dewey Boulevard belonging to the Presidents deceased wife to be used as
Affairs, was taken from various items properly aside in the appropriations
ow it was my turn to stand trial before the House. By this time, the House
Committee investigating the impeachment charges had already received
the memorandums of both parties. In his memorandum, Solicitor-General
Felix Angelo Bautista urged the committee to quash the charges, stating
that none of the acts alleged to have been committed by the president involves culpable
violation, or any violation, of the Constitution in the commission of any high crime.
Congressmen Agripino Escareal (L-Samar) and Juan R. Perez (L-Leyte), for the
proponents, argued on the other hand that: 1) wasting and misappropriation of public
funds, 2) abuse of power, violation of laws, and immoral extravagance, 3) intervention
prejudicial to the public interest in the transaction wherein his brother Antonio was in
connivance with a Russian subject, 4) aiding and abetting graft and corruption, and 5)
gross official misconduct and acts which deprived the government of substantial revenue,
each constituted, in the opinion of the signers of the resolution an impeachable offense.
Meeting after the memoranda had been submitted, to the committee decided to get
at the facts first before attempting to rule on the legal contentions of both sides. After
hearing both sides orally, it rejected the motion of the Solicitor General to quash the
charges which, in his opinion, did not constitute sufficient grounds for impeachment.
Then, to set the stage for general examination of the merit of each charge, it decided
to hold a three-day public hearing for the receipt of testimony or evidence from both
parties. Both parties were further advised to submit stipulations of facts on which they
l The MEMOIRS
Act, as follows: P25,000 for representation and expenses for quartering and
accommodating foreign visiting diplomatic representatives, etc.: P10,000
for salaries in the Department of Foreign Affairs; and P30,000 from saving in
said Department;
183
182
his official residence while he was Vice-President and Secretary of Foreign
(b)That the sum of P2,360.70 for payment of billfolds sent out as
compliments to public officials was taken from the Presidents discretionary

fund; and
(c)That the sum of P1,398 to pay the airplane ticket of Reverend Osmundo
Calip to Hawaii, on request of Filipinos there for a spiritual leader, was also
taken from the Presidents discretionary fund.
All the above expenses were passed in audit by the auditor General. Note that they did
not come from the PACSA fund, as alleged in the impeachment resolution.
Second, with regard to the charge of grave abuse of power, violation of laws,
misappropriation of public funds, and immoral extravagance in that the President
squandered at least P88,000 of the public funds devoted by law to other purposes, these
facts were admitted:
(a)That the sum of P88,000 spent for palace furniture was taken from the
amount of P39,303 set aside in the appropriations Act for the purchase of
equipment in the Presidents office and from savings and legal transfer of
The memoirs l
funds in said office. The acquisition of the said furniture was made through
Antonio were excluded from the agreed stipulations of facts.
of Mrs. Amalia P. de Pastor, Malacaan interior decorator, as approved by
amelioration fund.
The Solicitor General objected to the fourth charge because it fails to indicate how the
President helped the young brother gain government acceptance of interior Russian
cement in a deal in which the government did not lose. On the other hand, he
explained that Antonios acquisition of insurance business from the government was
entirely a professional and business activity in which the President had no knowledge or
intervention whatsoever.
(b)That the sun of P1,061 spent in gifts purchased by Vicky, Malacaan
Cited as witness for the complainants were:
Pio Pedrosa, Malacaan Technical Assistant, in the name of the President.

All funds used in the purchase of furniture under this charge were passed
in audit by the Auditor General. None came from the PACSA social
official hostess and daughter of the President, was not passed in audit upon
the President being informed about it himself.
(c)That the payment of P1,000 to Mrs. Pura Villanueva for giving Vicky piano
lessons was not also passed in audit, for the same reason.
(d)That the sum of P375 (not 875) spent for a gift to Vicky as charge against
the President discretionary fund by Mrs. Mary Y. Pardo, social secretary,
184
without the knowledge of the president, was not also passed in audit.
Third, that with regard to the charge of gross official misconduct, depriving the
government substantial revenue, and of aiding and abetting his relatives and friends
to traffic in diamonds and gems, which were smuggled in the country from abroad
by women to whom the President would give diplomatic passports, such as Mrs. Nila
Mendoza (his sister-in-law), Mrs. Antonio Rivero (his close relative), Mrs. Luisa Javier
(his close friend), Mrs. Eleazar (his close Friend), Mrs. Filadelfo Roxas (his close friend),
Mrs. Bona (his close friend), and others, these facts were admitted:
1.Mrs. M. R. Rius, No. 2-A Juan St., San Juan Rizal.

2.The National Treasurer, to testify on the P88,000 spent for Malacaan
equipment.
3.Corresponding officials in charge of warrants and vouchers.

4.Eduardo Taylor of the Cebu Portland Cement Company.
5.Bibiano Meer, on tax records of Continental Commercial Company.
6. Judge Antonio Quirino, on facts on the insurance of government property
with the Alto Surety Company.
7.Collector of Customs Alfredo de Leon.

8.Corresponding officials in charge of issuing government property.
(a)That said persons were given only ordinary passports and were all
subjected to customs inspection;
(b)That on only one occasion was Mrs. Nila Mendoza given a special
diplomatic passport, and that was when she accompanied Vicky as
chaperon during the latters goodwill visit to Spain on invitation of the

Spanish government.
Speaking of the charge, the Solicitor General called it the meanest charge in the
resolution in that it has been calculated to expose the President to public contempt and
ridicule.
Collector de Leon testified on the first day on the procedure of customs inspections. He
told the committee that all the persons mentioned in the traffic of diamonds did not have
diplomatic passports and all were subjected to customs inspections. He explained that
under customs practice, only high officials enjoy free inspection, like the President, the
Vice-President, diplomats, and members of official missions. (Bulletin, April 21, 1949)
At this stage of the proceedings, I believed it most appropriate that the reader get his
information from the committee and the witnesses appearing before it, as reported
directly by the press. I leave the narration now to the day-to-day report of the case in
Manila press at the time.
The two remaining charges which linked me to the business transactions of my brother
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
185
the procurement office and Property Requisition Committee at the request
The seven representatives who had signed a resolution for the impeachment of President
Quirino were severely criticized last night by the Lower House committee looking into
the legal sufficiency of the impeachment charges for their apparent indifference toward
the prosecution of the investigation. Chairman Sumulong said the lack of cooperation
between the complainants and their counsel in the preparation of evidence and
presentation of witnesses made it apparent that the impeachment resolution had been
filed without due sense of responsibility on the part of the complainants.
The statement was made during the bitter fight over the plea by Antonio Barredo, counsel
for the complainants, asking for a 24-hour postponement of the hearings to prepare his
evidence and confer with some of his important witnesses, he wanted a postponement of
the hearing until Saturday. The majority members of the committee however expressed
the belief that the case should be expedited and that there should be no postponement.
186
Sumulong said that in view of the fact that some, if not all, of the seven complainants
were lawyer, they should all cooperate with and assists their counsel in the preparation of
evidence. He ruled the continuation of the hearing at 3:00 p.m.
Serrano branded the decision as sever. Sumulong replied that it was not severe in view
of the fact that the counsel for the complainants had been accorded all opportunity and
consideration. Barredo made exception to this statement of the Chairman and threatened
to withdraw from the hearing because of physical impossibility when Sumulong
directed to him to get assistance from the complainants.
The hearing continued from 10:30 a.m. to midnight, with three brief recesses one
hour for lunch, 15 minutes in mid-afternoon, and half an hour after dinner. Nine
witnesses were put on the stand: Finance Secretary Pedrosa; CEPOC Manager Taylor;
Mrs. Rius; Mrs. Pastor; judge Quirino; Felipe Ylagan of the procurement office, Mariano
Reyno, Malacaan auditor; And Luis Cinco of the requisition and Control Division of
Malacaan.
Meer was called. Counsel for the complainants admitted that the charge of war profits
tax against the Continental Commercial Co. was erroneous as it should be taxes due
the government. The respondents counsel had moved for the quashing of this charge as
erroneous.
Pedrosa testified on the remodeling of the Dewey Boulevard residence and on the
furniture purchased to justify all expenses in this connection.
l The MEMOIRS
Taylor denied that judge Quirino had intervene in the Russian cement deal, stating
that the only time the judge went to see him was to ask for time for the sellers to make
delivery; he said that he had nothing to do with the offer of compromise, which enabled
the government to realize a profit from the transaction.
Mrs. Rius blasted the attempt to show that the sum of P88,000 paid for the furniture
was irregular, since it was made in the name of Mrs. M. R. Rius, when she revealed that
she had two signatures for banking purposes M. M. Rius and M. Raquiza whose
signatures on the checks she identified as her own.
In this connection, Barredo made it of record that notwithstanding the language of the
charge contained in the resolution of impeachment, I have no evidence nor will I present
evidence that any of the money paid for Malacaan furniture went to President Quirino.
Mrs. Pastor confirmed Mrs. Rius, testimony that the selection of furniture for Malacaan
Palace was made by Mrs. Rius in accordance with the architectural scheme of various
rooms to be furnished. She said that the price of the furniture was reasonable.
Judge Quirino identified the man for whom he acted as counsel in the cement deal with
the CEPOC as Kincaid, and a Russian named Brunner who negotiated the sale of cement
from a Shanghai firm.
Regarding the charge of conniving with the president in insuring government property,
judge Quirino said that it was not true that I have taken advantage of my relationship
with the president in this matter. On the other hand, I feel as if I have been discriminated
against. (Bulletin, April 22, 1949)
2) Corvera Testifies against EQ
Colonel Hernando Corvera, former aide of the late President Roxas, told the committee
before it adjourned last night that Roxas did not approve the remodeling of the VicePresidents residence, contradicting Pedrosas testimony. He was called to the stand by
Escareal. The highlights of yesterdays hearing were:
1)After making a scathing denunciation of the majority members of the
committee, which was ignored, Barredo made a plea to withdraw. The plea was
also ignored. Barredo left for Baguio yesterday but is expected to appear today.
2)The committee granted the petition of Escareal to approve for the complainants
in the absence of Barredo.
The memoirs l
187
1) Impeachment Body Censures Solons
3)The committee unanimously agreed to set Monday as the deadline for the
3)Committee to sift evidence
1 p.m.
After closing the hearings Monday night, the committee announced that it would meet
to sift beginning today all the evidence presented. Both counsel for the respondents and
the complainants would be asked to submit memorandums on their respective evidence.
4)The committee took notice of Congressman Conrado Singsons motion to sit

as ex-officio member of the committee.
Barredo was forced to withdraw after this motion of postponement for 24 hours was
rejected because of his physical, mental, and moral weariness. After Escareal notified the
committee that he was appearing for Barredo, the committee went into executive session
and decided to make a today (Saturday) as the deadline for the submission of evidence.
188
Primicias and Serrano to resign to the committee if the decision was not reconsidered,
but all five other members contended that all opportunity had been extended to the
complainants to present evidence in answer to the charges of the minority that the
deadline was set was unwarranted, arbitrary and unjust, and constitutes a substantial if
not absolute denial of justice.
Chairman Sumulong expressed surprise over the contents of Barredos petition
for withdrawal and went at length to explain that if precedents were followed, the
complainants would not be entitled to a public hearing as was being afforded them,
and that the committee could have decided the case ex parte, as had been done in the
impeachment hearing of President Andrew Jackson in the United States. Sumulong said
that if the committee had taken advantage of numerical superiority, as contended by
Barredo, it could have quashed the impeachment charges immediately. He observes that
the counsel for the complainants was fishing for facts and evidence in the presentation
of his witnesses, after he had found that he could not prove the charges. There was a
systematic campaign to discredit the committee, he added.
Borra observed that the only motive of the complainants in presenting additional
witnesses was to prolong the hearing unnecessarily.
Corvera testified that he overhead Roxas and Pedrosa disclaiming the repair and
remodeling of the Vice-Presidents residence, when the former remarked: We cannot
approve payment of this. There is no law allowing it. He said that he asked Pedrosa the
subject of his conversation with Roxas, and Pedrosa was reported to have said that it
was about the Vice-Presidents residence. After the death of Roxas, Pedrosa was reported
to have said: I think President Quirino hates me for not approving the repairs on his
residence. (Bulletin, April 23, 1949)
l The MEMOIRS
Sumulong said that the recommendations would be based on the majority opinion of
the members of the committee, and would be penned in a report to be submitted to the
house of consideration. (Bulletin, April 27, 1949)
4)Laying the ground for Exoneration
Speaker Perez held a conference with the members of the committee yesterday on
its report to the House. It was reported that Sumulong would write the report and
that Primicias and Serrano would be allowed to express their dissenting opinion, if
they desired, on the floor. The House promptly quashed the new resolution of the
impeachment presented by Rodriguez and Singson, amidst the protest of the latter and
the charge of tyranny against the party in power.
The committee had established the ground for exoneration. The House would meet this
afternoon to consider the report.
Most of the congressmen felt that the charges had no prospect of progressing when the
committee was reported to have dropped three of the charges, and voting on the first two
charges was five against two for entertaining it.
The committee proceeded by allowing each member to write his opinion on each one
of the charges, starting from the last charge and on to first. Each member dictated his
findings and opinion.
On the floor of the House, Rodriguez rose to file a new resolution of impeachment;
he was allowed to have the secretary read its contents, which started with: Resolution
for the Impeachment of Elpidio Quirino, Vice-President and Acting President of the
Republic of the Philippines. The House members were amused during the reading of
the resolution. Speaker Perez, nothing that the congressman had referred to the President
merely as Acting President, reprimanded its author for gross disrespect to the chief
executive.
Floor leader Leuterio moved to table the resolution, after which the chair called for a roll
call. The members tried to explain their vote, but Perez ruled that the motion to table
a motion was not debatable. The minority men protested. Final voting: 59 in favor, 8
The memoirs l
189
presentation of the evidence. Hearing: 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. today; Monday, 8 a.m. to
against, one abstention.

How the committee reportedly voted, working from last to top in the list of charges:
Charges 5, 4 and 3 all voted unanimously that the charges were groundless; charge 2
six voted not impeachable, 1 voted aggravated circumstances; and charge 1 five voted
not impeachable, 2 voted for impeachment. (Bulletin, April 28, 1949)
THE MYTH
OF THE P5,000 BED
5)House Rejects Impeachment Resolution
190
In an unprecedented seven-hour night session punctuated by occasional outbursts

and impassioned exchanges of words, the House listened to an exposition of facts by
Congressman Sumulong, Chairman, who represented the Majority opinion, and by
Serrano, who began at 11 p.m., and then by Primicias, who started at 12:30 a.m. ProAvelino Cinco took the Floor after Sumulong finished his speech to read a prepared
address condemning the majority opinion.
The majority opinion which the House approve was considered by most congressmen as a
through, masterful and clear exposition of the case. The 28-page report concluded with
the following recommendation, which found little opposition:
It having been shown that the expenditures of the funds referred to in the first and
second charges had been made with the approval of the legal and constitutional offices
charged with the duty of looking into the legality and propriety of said expenditures
without the intervention of the respondent, it having been prove that there is no scintilla
of evidence to indicate that he had anything to do whatsoever with the other charges,
it is therefore respectfully recommended that any charge contained in the resolution of
impeachment be rejected by the house of Representatives for lack of factual and legal
basis.
Primicias and Serrano submitted a 39-page memorandum in which the first two charges
were considering grounds for impeachment. (Bulletin, April 29, 1949).
l The MEMOIRS
lthough not much time was consumed on the impeachment resolution,

with the house of disposing of it in 24 days (in contrast, the Senate took
almost three months to settle the Avelino case), in undoubtedly yielded the
Nacionalistas as much ammunition fir the electioneering purposes as they
obtained from the suspension of the Senate President.
The failure of the impeachment move did not matter. The charges had done as much
political damage as if I had actually been impeached. As the hired private counsel fought
vainly to elicit from the witnesses any testimony that would support the contention for
impeachment, the Nacionalista members of the committee resorted to the quibbling.
From the mass of furniture listed as having been acquired for the Palace, they spotted
an item corresponding to a bed tagged at 5,000pesos. In the same list were furniture to
furnish a room assigned to my daughter, who acted as my official hostess, and another
room assigned to my married son, both of whom had to stay in the palace as immediate
member of the family. They survived with me the Japanese massacre in Malate during the
Liberation wherein I lost my wife and three children, besides other close relatives. In the
list there also appeared a crib, which was for my grandson.
These items gained wide and unfavorable publicity because Primicias took a fancy to
questioning their value and propriety of their acquisition in the Palace. He also asked
why my son and grandson living in Malacaang (Bulletin, April 20, 1949), thus
providing proof in a sense to the charged made by Daily News, already referred to, that
the President, by following his shameless instincts, has willfully used money outside
of his fixed salary not to further the interest of the nation but to enable himself and his
The memoirs l
191
The House voted at 1:45 a.m. today to reject the impeachment resolution 58 to 9. Lack
of factual and legal basis in all five charges for impeachment was given as the reason for
the rejection by five of the seven members of the committee.
There is nothing irregular in this, the Solicitor General had replied to Primicias.
Regarding the high cost, he further stated, it was because the furniture were selected in
conscience with the dignity of Palace . (Bulletin, April 20, 1949) And Mrs. Amalia P. de
Pastor, interior decorator of the Palace, who ordered all the furniture had testified that the
Palace was almost bare. Even President Roxas bed, she said ,had been carried away by
Mrs. Roxas(Bulletin, April 8, 1949)
192
I believe that no occupant of Malacaang had been so berated as to be confronted with

questions on why members of his family should be staying in the mansion assigned as
his official residence when it is a well-known fact that, from time immemorial, the Palace
had been family home of the head of state. In this particular period, as the Palace interior
decorator head said, Malacaang was almost bare - - bare like a private home which
survived the war, when lootings, wastages, and vandalisms were common knowledge.
Spending 88,000Php. to furnish the palace at that time of the land to live in certainly
was not much to ask, considering the prices of the articles of the type in question were
at that time, 410 percent of prewar, according to a price index later compiled by the Bell
Mission economic survey report. Yet, as admitted by the accounting officer, the price of
5,000Php. for a Presidents bed, which had raised so much public howl and amusement,
thanks to the Nacionalistas arbitrarily by him simply to break up the lump sum paid for
all the furniture ordered, for bookkeeping purposes.
While I was still in Malacaang, it amuse me more than anything else to show that
much-maligned bed to my visitors, just to ask them how much it really worth. A
delegation of auditors to a convention in Manila, who came to pay me a courtesy call,
asked to be shown the 5,000Php.-bed. I opened my bedroom to them and when they
saw the bed, they all agreed that it was worth more than 300Php. . On another occasion,
at a cocktail party for some distinguished visitors, a group of newspapermen expressed
curiosity to see the bed. I gladly took them to my bedroom and showed it to them; their
estimate of its value was not far from that made by the auditors.
Indeed, it may be surprising if someday a writer possessed a Nacionalista humor

should write it as history that, at the beginning of the existence of the republic of
the Philippines, a President was impeached for sleeping on a 5000Php. bed. This is
not wild conjecture. Did not the present incumbent drag the bed out onto a Palace
corridor during his inaugural reception as a price exhibit those who stormed the halls of
Malacaang to congratulate him? I hope that the purpose was not to help perpetuate a
big lie.
Yet, how many lies of this sort are repeated every day? Evidently, the intent is to
perpetuate these lies so that any anomaly which may arise, or any action subject to public
condemnation, should have its origin under the corrupt Quirino regime, or that any
wrongdoing that may happen now should appear much less grave than what happened,
in that period.
Now for the purpose of setting the record straight, when the impeachment resolution
was before the House for nominal vote, Congressman Escareal, so-called mastermind
of the resolution, was absent also not present I the last hearings before the committee.
Observers believed, so it was reported, that the cooled off after he was maneuvered to
file the resolution.
Of the 18 House members representing the Nacionalistas, aside from Avelino follower
in the chamber supposed at first to vote for impeachment, only nine voted finally to it.
Nacionalistas and Avelinistas crossed party lines in the end to support the committee
report by a vote of 58 to 9. (Bulletin, May 3, 1949)
In the Senate, following this episode, Senator Cuenco, Arranz, Garcia, and Pendatun
were all exonerated for the respective charges filed against them. This put to an end to all
the charges and counter-charges which convulsed the Upper Chamber, since the Avelino
case started. And having ended the fight between themselves and having failed jointly to
impeach me, the hostile forces now regrouped to opposed the continued exercise by the
President of the emergency powers which had been in existence the world crisis in 1941.
But the price of 5,000Php. stuck in the mind of the public and, even to this day, the
mere mention of the bed creates amusement. Today, foreign writers make it a prominent
feature on their reports on the Philippines. It was one of the best ammunitions of the
opposition on the Presidential election in 1949. But it was too flimsy to carry a national
election.
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
193
daughter and son and grandson to live in a grand style that the Constitution has never
intended for them.
The Communist Party of the Philippines calls on all Filipinos everywhere to organize
new guerrilla and partisan groups and coordinated with the HMB in the decisive struggle
towards the inevitable overthrow the imperialist and puppet wrongdoers.
Then, almost simultaneously, in Camp Macabulos, Tarlac; in Sta. Cruz and Pila, Laguna;
in Sto. Domingo, Nueva Ecija; in Arayat, Pampanga; in Santiago, Isabela; and in Dasol,
Pangasinan, the Huks entered by force, armed with modern rifles and machine guns.
They slaughtered Constabulary Troops, set government building to the torch, broke into
the offices safes of municipal treasurers, butchered Army hospital Patients and Nurses,
and fled with seized loot in cash and goods. It was a series of vicious, well coordinated
strikes at peaceful population centers that obviously came under one central direction.
The plain purpose was to strike terror in the hearts of the people and, with the gratuitous
cooperation of the newspapers, impress them that there was no resisting the Huk sweep
to power.
he Huk Amnesty period of almost 10 months in mid-1948 enabled Luis

Taruc to sit in Congress, collect his back salaries, and strengthen his civilian
contacts. It gave the Huk movement just the breather it needed during which
to lick its wounds and gather new strength.
It made no sense that after our fathers of 1896 fought and won the first objective , our
freedom as a nation, a small group of our countrymen moved by an alien ideology should
still arise to seek to impose its ruthless will, instead of cooperating with their own people
to develop their country and safeguard its stability. But there it was.
Within the two years that followed, up to mid-1950, the East-West cold war intensified
abroad. In Germany and In Korea, the Reds took the initiative. This was the time of the
Berlin Airlift and the split of Korea.
The next day, August 27, in Balintawak, Caloocan, invoking the nations heritage of
1896, I called upon the nation to unite to guard our homes, to build them and make
them strong. And on August 30, in a radio broadcast, I reinforced that appeal:
Our Local communist derived no little inspiration from them. They seriously plotted
to seize control of our established government. It was probably the closest the Huk
leadership ever got to the conviction that the time was right for them to take over the
Philippines.
Every time we pause to strike each other in mutual recriminations, we make it so much
easier for them to murder our fellow citizens, lay waste our homes, destroy our moral
resistance, and submerge us in fear.
The Huks thought that they had the means and the mass support at hand to effect a
seizure of power. They were often played up by the local press - - and did they like it! One
could suspect a lurking administration of their exploits by the opposition. Huk terroristic
activities were sensationalized at home and reported abroad with added embellishments
that would, in effect, discredit the administration.
On August 26, 1950, the eve of the 50th anniversary of the historic cry of Balintawak,
l The MEMOIRS
Because they are after our power, not after reforms, they cynically exploit our policies
and amnesty, amelioration, and attraction to give themselves time and lay up resources to
destroy what we seek to build.
They think the time is ripe for reaping the harvests of fear. The question now is: Shall we
sit in complacency, with folded arms, and wait for further carnage?
I do not ask you to protect the government, or this or that government official. I call
The memoirs l
195
194
THE PEACE
CAMPAIGN
which ushered in the Philippine Revolution if 1890 against Spain, the Huks made what
they had intended to be a spectacular bid for national and world attention. In manila,
they secretly distributed a mimeographed manifesto, which said:
I found the occasion appropriate to challenge free citizens, as well as civic and charitable
organizations, to form barangays for peace, to give to a peace fund, to be watchful of the
enemy and relay information to peace officers. I asked for unity to keep the dreaded Red
hand of murder from our doorsteps, to fight our fight and to preserve our country.
196
And almost immediately I sat down with Secretary of Defense Ruperto Kangleon and
Major General Mariano Castaeda, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines,
for a review of the limitations and potentials of our resources at hand. A revamp of the
defense leadership and of Army strategy became evident as the pressing need.
In high dudgeon, Secretary Kangleon withdrew from the Department of National
Defense. I picked Congressman Ramon Magsaysay, Chairman of the House Defense
Committee, to succeed him. Magsaysay was eager and ready and, like Kangleon, had
a good underground resistance and guerrilla record. He impressed his colleagues in
Congress as simple, honest, courageous, and energetic. I had the same impression. He
had previously submitted some definite ideas for a fresh approach to the peace-and-order
problem - - which seemed to embody suggestion from US military advisers from whom
he had had close contact as Defense Committee Chairman - - and for recognizing the
Army setup to inject vigor to its leadership.
My appointment of Magsaysay proved a crucial point in our campaign for peace and
order. He cleared the way for better coordination in the efforts of the Armed Forces, as
well as closer cooperation between the Army and the civilian population, and in restoring
public confidence in the Army.
I was partial to Magsaysay in the conduct of this peace campaign. I hardly knew him
personally, but sensing his earnestness and the urgency of his job, I gave him priority of
my attention with respect to his requirements. He had only to mention what he needed
or wanted, in authority or funds, authorized or approved.
The way many of our people were subsequent led by fulsome news reports to credit
him solely with all the extraordinary feats he was supposed to have been accomplish
by his own ingenuity, drive, and power sometimes astonished even those who knew,
or could know better. But I rejoiced the opportunity to demonstrate that, under my
administration, it was perfectly possible for a relatively unknown and new man, whatever
his limitations, to get every encouragement to make his mark.
l The MEMOIRS
To insure that nothing would impair his effectiveness in the conduct of his campaign or
threaten his personal safety in resolving our immediate, No.1 problem of peace and order,
I offered him quarters in Malacaang. He settled for a residence within Camp Murphy
instead, and this was speedily arranged.
In addition to substantial outlays voted for the Armed forces by Congress, the biggest in
our history, I placed at Magsaysays disposal some 4million pesos, which had been raised
in due course by the Peace Fund Commission from voluntary public contributions for
the prosecution of the Peace-and-Order Campaign, according to the modes of approach
he had submitted. This include offering various sums of reward money for the capture
of dissident leaders, the purchase of loose firearms in private hands, and enlisting the
cooperation of agents and agencies of information to improve public knowledge and
attitude towards the Armed Forces.
The town of Concepcion, Tarlac, was the first community in the Philippines to respond
to my radio appeal to the nation on August 30 to raise and support peace battalions. Its
residents pledged 15,000Php. the following day for the maintenance of a civilian defense
unit. Accordingly, I launched a peace fun drive, naming a Cabinet committee, composed
of Secretary of Defense Magsaysay, Secretary of the Interior Sotero Baluyut, and Secretary
of Education Prudencio Langcaoen, to work out the details of a plan against civilian
action against lawlessness.
I picked Vice President Fernando Lopez to be the chairman of the National Peace Fund
Commission I created shortly after. I name Senator Eulogio Rodriguez Sr., President of
the Nacionalista Party, as Vice Chairman and Treasurer of the Commission. I wanted the
new body to be non-partisan and representative of all the elements of the country.
My idea of the entire civilian population into barangays, or neighborhood associations,
to help in the peace campaign met with suspicions and criticism from certain sectors.
Senator Manuel Briones feared it will lead to fratricidal war, not to speak of multiplying
abuses, violence, and acts of terrorism such as those attributed to special police and
civilian guards in the 1949 elections.
The Manila Daily Bulletin, a local American newspaper, in an editorial entitled
Dangerous Armies, feared for Vice President Lopez because of the tremendous
responsibilities trust at him with the job of organizing President Quirinos citizen armies
for self-protection against the Huks. The paper pointed out that the dispersal of arms
to the people is the most dangerous part of the proposed undertaking, and recalled that
one of the root causes of our present lack of peace and order was the distribution of
the United States army of 500,000 arms during the war against the Japanese, and its
The memoirs l
197
you to protect those things which are above government. Your homes, your families, the
schools for your children, the hospitals for your sick, and churches for your worship.
Mariano Jesus Cuenco, then Senate President, observed that the civil war feared by
Briones was already a fact and had been so for the last five tears. The government had no
alternative but to muster all the forces it could command.
198
I was not insensible to the fears expressed by the critics of the barangay army, especially
the Nacionalista opposition, and hastened, in my radio chat on September 15, 1950, to
clarify the situation. I said, among other things:
Challenged by the wanton Red Hand of violence in our midst, we have searched into
the practical realities of our earlier experience as a race. And we have decided to form
barangay associations not only as the basic civil units to promote community welfare
but also as a civilian defense against the treacherous hand that strikes in the dark. Let me
disabuse your mind. We are not organizing an armed private army. All armed action that
may be involved in our campaign for peace will be undertaken by the authorized Armed
forces of the country.
That citizens high and humble from all parts of our country have welcomed the original
suggestion to this end indicates not only the immediacy of our peril and the urgency for
protection, but peoples readiness to invest their resources of our courage and faith.
A few have warned against possible abuse. A few have visualized increased fratricidal
violence. But the very fact that responsibility is placed squarely on all our people who
have the civic spirit, the guts, and the means to take part should assure the opportunity
for ready and judicious correction.
If we cannot trust ourselves to undertake our protection, if we cannot cooperate to
defend our homes and the heritage that we value, who can and who will?
Let us not encourage the enemies of our freedom and security by our fear and mutual
distrust. Let us not dissipate, in bridled mutual recriminations and self-approaches, the
strength we require such enemies on their own ground.
We have, within last month, been speeding up the occupation of public lands to
accelerate the productive activities. We have the means to raise our living standards
by increased production. We have the resources at hand and the wealth that makes
l The MEMOIRS
the substantial base of such standards. We do not have to look far elsewhere for the
opportunities to do it. We have only to roll up our sleeves and work.
There are elements here who would keep on exploiting the outworn fallacy of land
hunger where land is to be had for the asking. They were the cloak of the agrarian
reformism to described their sinister drive for power. The fact of the matter is that they
do not want land for production; they want power to appropriate arbitrarily what has
been produced at so much labor by others. And they would secure that power, not by due
process, but by force, pillage, and terrorism.
We have fallen back on ancient experience to supplement our defenses for internal
security and intensify our individual and collective participation in self-government.
And I have summoned new talents and men of experience to help us reorganize our
institutions to secure a more vigorous and effective leadership in public welfare.
We still have to travel long to strengthen our security and reach a goal of abundance
peace. We have to be constantly reminded that we need to keep our muscles limber and
to fortify our spirits. We have to raise our sights in the face of the many problems before
us to prove our title to the lofty goal we have envisioned.
And we can only attain this by national action. This means participation of every citizen
in carrying out established national policies. My dear friends, this means you have to take
your share of responsibility when called upon to do so. In the government or outside the
government, your country awaits your contribution to the common fund of experience,
vision, and sacrifice. We are at present engaged in the greatest struggle of our lives for the
stability and security of our nation, for the preservation of our liberty and freedom. If we
fail, and a great world power would like as to fail, we shall again be slaves, and what is
worse, our children, too, and the children of their children.
The cooperation of the opposition in the peace fund campaign hinged upon the
acceptance of Senator Rodriguez as Vice Chairman and Treasurer of the Peace Fund
Commission. At first he was agreeable and willing; later, he wavered between acceptance
and rejection while his colleagues in the Nacionalista Party debated for almost a month
the wisdom if his acceptance and the conditions under which they would permit the head
of their party to accept. I waited patiently for them to make up their minds, welcoming
everything they could constructively suggest to improve the arrangement under which I
could secure the widest possible cooperation for the peace campaign.
Meanwhile, in consultation with my Cabinet, I tried to crystallize ideas on specific
functions that barangay associations could be used as PACSA agencies for relief
The memoirs l
199
neglect to gather them up again. Senator Quintin Paredes was reported to have said that
no artificial means - - meaning the citizens army and the barangays - - can unite our
people or force the, to have faith in the government unless fear is dispelled from their
hearts.
200
1. The commission will only function as long as Congress is in session.2. The executive
order creating this body will not be interpreted as a recognition of a state of national
emergency, and the funds collected will not be used to defray the expenses of any
emergency office.
Senator Rodriguez, in accepting a part in the Commission after the decision of his party,
recognized that the offer of the position is direct challenge to my civic duty as a Filipino
and to that of my party to cooperate so that we may surmount the serious problems that
confront our country today.
I was especially interested in having the President of the Nacionalista Party in the
Commission. I considered his presence there as the best guarantee that the opposition
party would watch with care the collections and disbursement of the voluntary
contributions. During the month of waiting, it could have been easy enough to yield to
the temptation of becoming impatient and annoyed at the slowness of the democratic
process. In perspective, the matter can be viewed with understanding for what it meant in
schooling ourselves in the tedious discipline of the democratic system.
In assessing the role and value of the as an idea recovered from our ancient, pre-Spanish
heritage and as an approach to the peace-and-order problem, I can say that it help us
deepen our conviction that no national problem is insuperable if we are determined to do
something about it. It help galvanize our people, from highest to lowest, to act together
in the face of a world-wide threat to free institutions that, decidedly, should not only
develop but also endure.
compelling faith in a revamp strategy of our Peace-and-order forces and their revitalize
leadership. We had, as it were, to believe in Magsaysay to prove that we believe in
ourselves and our capacity to lick destructive dissidence. This belief undoubtedly
enhanced the effectiveness of our peace-and-order effort
Sometime early in October 1950, in some response to my general appeal for cooperation
in solving the peace-and-order problem, a Liberal Party leader in Batangas, Dr. Castro,
Secretly brought to me in Malacaang a man who had grown tired of the rigors of the
hunted life that became his lot as a fugitive from justice, after joining the Huks in the
Hills. The man had asked to be allowed to surrender to me and to face in a court of
justice whatever awaited him for having killed his brother-in-law. This man was Taciano
Rizal, a great grand nephew of the national hero Jose Rizal. Through his associations with
the Huks in the hills, he had become privy to their plots and activities. He revealed a
seemingly fantastic Huk plan to seize the government and liquidate is existing leadership;
what he knew of its details and the people involved gave his disclosure an alarming
plausibility. I gave immediate orders for Taciano Rizal to be taken to Magsaysay so he
could elaborate on those details to him for appropriate action.
The Defense Secretary acted Promptly as directed and, on October 18 and 19, in
simultaneous raids on different places in and around Manila, his men in the Armed
Forces rounded up a total of 105 individuals, seven of the turning out to be top members
of the politburo of the Communist Party of the Philippines. (The revelation s of Taciano
Rizal and the swift providing Magsaysay on them tore the Huk movement wide open,
providing Magsaysay himself the solid base on which his subsequent reputation as a
successful local fighter of Communism and man of action has been built with the widest
possible cooperation and acclamation from me and everybody else.)
So gratified was Magsaysay with the haul of top-echelon Communists involved in the
plot to seize the government, following the revelation of Taciano Rizal, that he rush to
Baguio to Congratulate me for having provided him the key to so decisive a coup for
the government forces. (Chronicle, October20, 1950) This, to him, was just a break
the government had been waiting for. It was his break, too. I counseled against overjubilation, which could be Premature. I was happy enough that our renewed appeal for
public cooperation had borne fruit.
The Peace Fund Commission itself, in its drive for private contributions, signified a
challenge to community effort, the wide response to which rescued our people from
deadening sense of frustration that the dissident movement would impose. It induced a
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
201
distribution; CEA agencies to institute precautionary measures in times of emergency;

extensions of the Bureau of Education for adult education; units of the military only
for intelligence; and as means to disseminate information to counteract subversive
propaganda. As time pressed and opposition leaders to continued in protracted argument
over the issue among themselves, I decided later in the month to sign the executive
order creating the barangays along the lines we had discussed in the Cabinet. A little
before that, I had created, also by executive order, the Peace Fund Commission of which
Vice-President Lopez was Chairman and Senator Rodriguez (his decision still resting
in the unresolved will if his colleagues in the opposition) was to be Vice-Chairman and
Treasurer. These things done, it only remained to secure their final vote of cooperation,
which came on October 6 under two conditions:
NATIONAL
SECURITY
Clark Field, was crucial challenge- that of maintaining our national security. Without
national security, at home and abroad, we cannot concentrate on our big task of
reconstruction. We cannot build for permanence.
The last words of Roxas at Clark Field were still ringing in my ears: the purpose of this
base is not to wage war of aggression. It is a base established for the purpose of insuring
the mutual security of America and the Philippines.
World peace cannot be maintained if each nation acting separately should merely wait for
the aggressor at its border.
he immediate circumstances attending my succession to the presidency, I

suspect had some influence on my concern for the nations security from
within as from without. Roxas died in a US Military base. His last thoughts
was the safety of freedom. And US Army Secretary Kenneth Royall was my
earliest well-wisher.
On April 18,1948, he wrote to me:
Personally and in behalf of the United States Army, I wish to extend to you our very best
wishes for a most successful administration. We feel sure the remarkable progress made
by your Republic under your distinguished predecessor will be continued under your
guidance.
The friendship of American soldiers toward the people of the Philippines during a half
a century of close association, he said, was greatly strengthened in the recent conflicts
when American troops fought beside the citizens of our country for the liberation of the
Republic. He was confident that the admiration and affection of all Americans for the
courageous Filipino people would continue in the years to come.
He was convinced that during the relatively brief period since the liberation, our new
Republic had made remarkable stride not only toward recovery from the ravages of war
but also in contributions toward world progress and peace. This service to civilization, he
was sure, would be continued and extended under my leadership.
His letter brought into sharp focus what to me, and to Roxas when he was stricken at
l The MEMOIRS
The democracies of the world have to take stand, and they must make that stand
unitedly.
If war should come, if God in His supreme wisdom shall will it that the scourge of war
again visit the bewildered people of this earth, I am certain of one thing- probably the
only thing about which I can be certain- and it is this, American and Filipino soldiers
will again fight side by side in the same trenches or in the air in the defense of justice, of
freedom, and the other principles which we both love and cherish.
Those were dramatic words. They suited an occasion that, in memory, would remain
doubly dramatic because of its tragic sequel, which endowed their sentiment with the
force and dignity of a last testament.
It is possible that over the years, as we become absorbed in preoccupations of a workaday
living and less called upon to flaunt lofty and elemental principles, the noble words
so weighted originally with fate could miss popular attention. The possibility of a
thermonuclear assault on that bastion, as we are taught today to understand, offers us no
respect of surviving in sufficient number to be worthy of what Roxas visualized in the
event of another world-wide aggression.
But at the time Roxas left us, there was no question that we needed the continuing
assurance of national security. We wanted to be able to devote consistent attention and
effort to what required doing. We were hard-pressed to restore and improve basic facilities
that would propel economic production, social progress, and the advancement of living
The memoirs l
203
202
While its most important purpose is to insure the permanence of peace in the world
during these hectic days when rumors of war are being spread throughout the earth, it is
very gratifying to be able to see this field that is rapidly being built up so that it may be
one of the strongest bastions of freedom and world peace in our part of the world.
F. Fellers, and Lieutenants William L. Lee and Hugh A. Parker to do the spade work.
(Commonwealth Directory, p. 585)
The Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, signed in Manila on September 8, 1954,
was in line with our peoples concern, reflected by Roxas in his last speech, for national
security. This was not only to make the countrys liberty secure but also to speed up the
nations orderly development. It was in effect a direct follow up of the proposal for a
Pacific Union that broached to the United States Senate in August 1949, and set to start
toward realization in the Baguio Conference of may 1950. The logic of events has since
dissipated the skepticism and resistance that first met the idea, especially in Washington.
Their plans impressed Quezon and the rest of us. Trade, wealth, literature, and
refinement, as the military adviser had said, cannot defend a state; and our people
girded themselves accordingly for the task, fortified by an inner sense of righteousness.
This sense, as Captain Fellers had anticipated in a detailed scheme of defense of the
Philippines, which he enlarged upon in 1937, morally withstood enemy invasion in
1941. It even survived three years of enemy occupation. With it we welcomed the return
of General MacArthur in 1945. (Commonwealth Directory, p. 578)
It would be well to look back to the first days of the Commonwealth of the Philippines
to appreciate the problem of national security and the importance with which it has since
been invested by the nations responsible leadership.
In a discussion in 1936 of our defense problems before ranking officers of the U.S. and
Philippine armies at his headquarters at #1 Victoria Street, Intramuros, Field Marshall
MacArthur came to a conclusion. It was that ``so far as the study of history and some
considerable experience with armies and with warfare can lend a color of value to my
opinion, I am certain that no chancellery in the world, if it accepts the opinions of the
military and naval staffs, will ever willingly make an attempt to willfully attack the
Primarily, the first message of Manuel L. Quezon, as first President of the

Commonwealth, to the National Assembly at its inaugural session on November
25,1935, called for the establishment of a system of national defense sustained by a
citizen army as our first most urgent need. In response to this, the first measure the
National Assembly took up and approved was the National Defense Act
Philippines after the present development has been completed.(Commonwealth

Directory, p. 584)
What, Quezon had asked in that inaugural message, would be the use of seeing our
country free one day with its own flag standing alone and flying against the sky, only to
see ourselves the subjects of another power the following day, with its flag the sovereign
in and out of our country? What would be the purpose of educating our young men and
women concerning their rights and privileges as free citizens, if tomorrow they are to be
the subject of a foreign foe? Why build up the wealth of the Nation, only to swell up the
coffers of another?
The point now is not why a willful attack five years later was attempted and was, in
fact, successful, enabling the aggressor to live off the country for four years for all the
destruction wrought. What could be pertinent is that the defense plan went far enough
to have developed among Filipinos that inner sense of righteousness correctly invoked by
Captain Fellers. It was this which enabled the people as a whole to sustain their heroic
resistance not only to the military but also moral conquest by the enemy, and to win
independence in 1946 as originally envisaged under the Tydings/ McDuffie Law.
At about this time, a leading Japanese paper, the Osaka Asahi, had said: Japans has no
designs to the Philippines. She has no mind to occupy the Islands, whether they are
fortified or not. If Japan should decide to occupy the archipelago, it would be to save
herself from a menace to her safety from America. (Commonwealth Directory, p. 565)
Concern for national security, which obviously is more than a matter of sufficiency
in armaments of the latest make and in bases for defense, therefore, serves a practical
purpose in conditioning our people to with /stand threats and absorb assaults to the
heritage they prize, and to think nothing of giving up their lives to preserve it for their
children.
With Field Marshall Douglas MacArthur as military adviser then, the Commonwealth
did not rest content with that assurance. It went ahead to do something about national
security. It secured from the U.S. War Department the loan of three brilliant officers
--- Lieutenant Colonel Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lieutenant Colonel James b. Ord,
and Captain Thomas J. Davis to assist MacArthur in plotting our defense. From the
Philippine Department of the U.S Army came Major Harvey W. Prosser, Captain Bonner
l The MEMOIRS
Thus it was that in 1947, his second year in the presidency, Manuel Roxas following the
negotiations I led from the Philippine side as Vice/ President and concurrently Secretary
of Foreign Affairs, with the U.S. State Department concluded the Military Bases and
the Military Assistance Pacts with the United States, to lay the foundations anew for
national security.
The memoirs l
205
204
standards compatible with the free and democratic institutions that we seek to preserve in
out Republic.
The matter of the military bases was first mentioned by Roxas in his State/of/the/Nation
address to the Second Congress of the Philippines on June 3, 1946, which shortly after
his inauguration as President of the Commonwealth. He said:
206
``We took up the matter of military bases which are to be established by the United
States in the Philippines under the terms of agreements reached between my predecessors
and the President of the United States and implement by resolution approved by the U.S.
Congress and by the Philippine Congress less than a year ago.
The specific determination of those bases is now under negotiation. I have not yet been
formally advised of all the specific sites considered by the United States as necessary for
the protection of both countries. I expect that final agreement will be reached very soon.
Roxas was referring to his talk with Washington authorities during the eight/day mission
he undertook in the United States immediately after his election to the presidency the
month before; he was accompanied by Paul v. McNutt, then U.S. High Commissioner
here. The matter of the bases was only one of some 40 subjects he discussed with
Washington. But he anticipated that with the proclamation of Philippine independence
a month hence, the problem of national security would be a most urgent one and the
arrangements regarding the U.S. bases would require early attention.
After the inauguration of the Republic on July 4, 1946, I set at once as Foreign Security
to organize the Department of Foreign Affairs. By mid/ August, we were well underway
in the bases discussions. Paul V. McNutt, first U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines,
head the American panel. With him were Major General Christiansen, Commander of
the U.S. Army in the Philippines, and Rear Admiral H.H. Good of the U.S. Navy. I
headed the Philippine group which included Senator Vicente Francisco, Chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator Salipada Pendatun, chairman of the senate
Defense Committee, Senator Proceso Sebastian, and Senator Cabili, representing the
l The MEMOIRS
minority party.
President Roxas had hoped that agreement could be reached early. It was urgent enough,
but not to the extent of sacrificing what gave meaning to the inauguration of the
Republic only a few weeks back. Roxas had to cancel the regular weekly Cabinet meeting
on August 16 in order to sit with McNutt and all of us on the Philippine panel because
the talks had bogged down. The American ambassador thought we were being difficult,
and that did not seem fair after the grand words that had been said with the proclamation
of Philippine independence. (Chronicle, August 17, 1946; Evening News, August 24,
1946) He felt he could appeal to Roxas to moderate our earnestness about establishing its
reality.
``We cannot build on principles of isolation, Roxas had said at the Republics
inauguration. ``Today the concept of independence is overshadowed by the dynamic
growth of international dependence . . . Our safest course . . . is in the glistening wake
of America, whose sure advance with mighty prows breaks for smaller craft the waves of
fear. . .
That was fine. Despite Robinson Crusoe, I subscribed to the idea that, the way the world
is, no man lives in an island all to himself. But the U.S. Ambassador was getting over the
fact which was daily becoming apparent in increasing measure from our side ----- that
in the matter of S. U. bases, we ought to make a start somewhere in being allowed to
believed and enjoy what had been proclaimed about the dignity of a free nation. National
security could not be worth much of anything without it.
I recall that Reuter, the British news agency, quoted in the dispatch at that time from
the London Sunday Times. Philippine independence, according to the Times in 1946,
``is radically inferior to that of a British dominion or that open to India as soon as she
chooses to make it is less indeed in some respects than the practical autonomy of, say,
Ceylon . . . for the latter, though not in charge of its own foreign policy and defense,
can frame its economic policy as it pleases whereas the Philippines, bound tightly to
American trade and finance, have a shadow of autonomy in external affairs but the
substance of military occupation by an imperial power.
Such observation could not always be prevented from coming to our attention. Our
innocence could not remain permanently inaccessible or impervious indefinitely to
comparisons of that invidious character. It is astonishing that in our dealings with
America, it seemed natural to assume and expect that we would be indifferent to the
opportunity to deserve recognition for having been apt pupils not only in the theory but
The memoirs l
207
At home, dissident elements, led by a hard/bitten core of die/hard Communists with

easy access to haft a million loose arms left lying around by the U.S. army of liberation in
1945, were continually harassing the isolated country sides, forcing peaceful peasants to
abandon the cultivation of their farms and to seek shelter in the poblaciones and in the
city. They were sold on their delusion that it was time to institute the Soviet experiment
here and were not above welcoming the delivery of their country to Communism.
Abroad, the East/West cold war had started, with Russia embarked on solidifying and
expanding its satellite acquisitions at the expense of the Free world, which was then still
in the throes of restoring peace and order and normal relations from the rubble and chaos
left in the wake of World War II.
208
It is understood to be such an honor to be regarded a bastion of democracy and freedom.

And it could appear not only ungracious but ungrateful to be particular about the
conditions for being set up as a bastion. But I do not mind being fool enough to persist,
as I did with Mr. McNutt in 1946 and 1947, that it would be to the credit of America to
take our national sensibilities to account in thrusting upon us the honor of being built up
as the show bastion of American democracy in our part of the world.
(Chronicle, August 7 1946) Officially and outwardly, we tried to present an even and
sober composure.
Members of the America panel may have assumed that prostrate from war, grateful for
liberation, and anxious for rehabilitation, we would raise no serious question about the
demands that they felt were justified to advance with respect of these bases. They leaned
on the professions of lasting friendship and mutual goodwill and understanding that were
part of the historic ceremonies celebrating our acquisition of national independence.
Of course, in 1946, with our country and people prostrate from the destruction of
World war II, we should be the last to fancy an absolute interpretation of independence.
We could take it only in the most relative sense hoping that with times, sacrifice, and
steady effort we could move forward to approximate the ideal. A start we had to make
sometime. In the base negotiations, I felt that we had our first opportunity.
I felt encouraged by the reported reaction of a Washington paper to the early difficulties
attending our negotiations Rather than ``concern, the Washington Post registered
``satisfaction with report that the Philippine negotiators could resist ``what appears to
be excessive American Request for sites on which bases are to be maintained. ( Bulletin,
September 6, 1946).
And so we sought to make it clear that in the matter of number and location of U.S.
bases desired, of their status temporary or permanent, of the inclusion or retention of
areas in and near centers of population, of tax exemptions, of jurisdiction in respect of
military and civilian personnel connected with the base areas, we had to see that we agree
only to such conditions as would discourage and obviate a relationship that could impair
our sovereignty and reduce it into a fraud, in fact if not in theory, in the eyes of skeptical
neighbors.
The Post regarded our resistance to such excessive demands as a sign of proper and
healthy relationship. ``We cannot help noticing, the paper observed, ``the contrast
between these open negotiations and undercover dictates laid down by some other power
to smaller allies that have never been under its sovereignty. Indicating optimism about
the chance of the negotiators to resolve their difficulties to their mutual satisfaction, the
Post concluded: ``We do not believe that our government will insist on terms that seem
oppressive to the Filipino. ( Bulletin, September 6, 1946).
We felt that it would be a reflection on America for it even to appear as imposing

demands that, in effect, would perpetuate our status as a dependency. At any rate, we
wanted to see Americas prestige sustained as the first western power to go back on the
imperialistic tradition. We thought what a fine thing it would be for America, without
protesting too much, to demonstrate that it really believed in our independence.
Meanwhile, the America Ambassador improved on every opportunity to be extraordinary

emphatic as only the representative of the most powerful nation in the world could. He
wanted. U.S. military reservations Right Manila, along with exclusive jurisdiction over
base personnel even outside military reservations.
In early September, a ground of U.S. congressmen, most of them members of the

House Military Affairs Committee, came to manila to assess the situation on the bases
negotiations. They were Representatives Robert L. Sikes, Florida; Thomas E. Martin,
Iowa; Dewy Short, Missouri; John Edward Sheridan, and J. Leory Johnson. (Bulletin,
September 5, 1946) By this time a strong disagreement had developed between the
Philippine panel and our America opposite numbers at the closed/door conferences at my
residence on Dewey Boulevard.
The critical world situation could not permit the open airing of our discussions
but enough of what had been said t5here seemed to have filtered outside to foster
speculations and raise concerns that militated against an early meeting of minds.
l The MEMOIRS
We thought that extraterritoriality rights were a thing of the past. We remembered the
mischief they worked in China at the expense of its sovereignty, in the heyday of Western
dominance there. And now, here they were being demanded by a great democracy of a
country so recently proclaimed to be free.
Roxas and I had a private understanding. In dealing with this ticklish question, I was to
hold firm while he remained the picture of sweet amenability to Mr. McNutt. Often, the
U.S Ambassador would run to Roxas to complain that I was gumming up the works, or
I was getting inaccessible to what could appear as the smooth imperial approach. Roxas
would telephone me every so often, after a grievance session with the Ambassador, to
warn me not to mind too much his gestures of seeming surrender. We were quite a team.
The memoirs l
209
in the practice of freedom and national self/respect as well.
passive subservience not easy now to discard.. that the excesses of the enemy upon our
helpless people have instilled in them a horror of falling once again into that wretched
state.
It appeared such a pity to permit a few scruples about Philippine sovereignty to interfere
with a speedy agreement that could help facilitate the flow of U. S. aid for the countrys
rehabilitation. Closed/door conversations between Roxas and assistant Secretary of war
However Peterson and, subsequently, between Roxas and the six/man U.S. congressional
committee on the bases concessions, had not been fruitful of positive results.
The war taught us, according to them, that the Filipinos cannot survive without the
protection of America, that the Filipino people are doomed to ruin and destitution
without the military assistance of America.
On September 23, I spoke to a student convocation at the University of the Philippines

whose walls- those of them still intactbore tell/tale marks of bitter last resistance as
enemy fortress against national liberation. I was glad for an opportunity to use a few
ideas on foreign relations as a springboard to indicate an outlook which would explain
that, possibly, I was not merely being perverse about the bases. I wanted to remind
myself principally that the apparently urgent need for national security, then uppermost
in our thoughts, did not have to render us fully destitute of spirit to the extent of being
constrained to sign off our rights and patrimony.
I impressed upon my listeners the view that it was possible to face the world and its
hazards with ``courage and dignity. I confessed that I had no illusions about the conduct
of our foreign relations, including those that have resulted from the establishment of the
Republic and have placed us under lasting debt to Manuel Quezon. I tried to suggest that
loyal to ourselves, with dignity and self-reliance, with faith in our right and the ability
to be free in word as in deed, we could deal with any proposition of mutual aid and
advantage, build well and build for our very own.
I have observed with profound astonishment and regret, I said that after the war and
perhaps as a result of the war, many of those who in the past were sturdy, aggressive, full
of energy and initiative, now seem to be not only lacking in enthusiasm and vitality but
even quite resigned to be servile as well. They have lost faith in themselves; they have lost
heart.
It may be, I continued, that they fear the invisible scars of the terrifying years of the
enemy occupation. It may be that they were driven in those years into a fatal habit of
l The MEMOIRS
Whatever their reasons or their motives, I said they falter and tremble, now that we must
stand on our own feet. They never tire of the melancholy refrain that the Filipinos can
never hope to control their own destinies.
I am not impugning, I said the decisions which have already been taken to continue our
long, sincere, and cordial association with America, an association of mutual advantage,
when I say emphatically that such are not true lessons of the war. Certainly, if the only
lesson we have learned from this Great War is the conviction that we can survive only
by economic dependence upon the United States or exclusively under the military
protection of that mighty leader of the world, then I would say that the moral fortitude
that the Filipinos have exhibited, the clear understanding of human rights which they
have so well defended, and their willingness and readiness to die for their native land
have all been in vain. If the war taught us anything it would have taught us I added that
the Filipino people to be free, must work out that freedom themselves.
Throughout the bloody years of subjugation and despite all the cunning and the cruelty
of a powerful enemy commanding overwhelming forces, I said we remained faithful
to the idea of independence alone. We were alone when we challenged the imperial
armies of Japan on the open field or by guerilla war. We were alone when we thwarted
their actions and we wrung out a living from our resources by the exercise of our racial
ingenuity and by pure will.
That I emphasized is what the war should have taught us; and what we did then, we can
do now, if necessary. Yes if necessary we can call again on that grim and gallant purpose
which won us our independence, to uphold and enhanced it.
I imagine that I had made an impression on the young men and women there at the
university listening to me. Their close attention seemed sufficient as advance intimation
that they could approve our resistance at the time to the pressure from the side of Mr.
McNutt over those bases. Getting those sentiments off my chest under the atmosphere
then prevailing enabled me to hazard an estimate of the measure to which they were
widely shared by our people as a whole. My guess was that they were widely shared, and I
The memoirs l
211
210
Towards the end of September, it was clear that the negotiating panels were making much
of a progress, to the extreme inconvenience of the Ambassador (undoubtedly he was sure
that he was exerting his best to protect and preserve the interest of this country). It was,
therefore, considered agreed that a shift in scenery, say from Manila to Washington,
might improve the situation. The idea was for me to lead a ``mission, consisting of our
panel, and continue the negotiations in Washington. Mr. McNutts natural preference for
head of mission was President Roxas, who seemed so disposed to be accommodating.
Come to think of it, I have since fancied the rallying words with which I wound up:
I am not asking for the blind and chauvinism that seeks only its selfish advantage and
scorns its duties in the community of nations; nor am I asking for the vain and empty
arrogance which would brush aside offers of assistance by generous and sincere friends.
I do ask for an essential loyalty to ourselves, a spirit of dignity and self-reliance, a belief
without reservations in our right and ability as independent in fact as we are independent
in name. that is the true spirit of liberty without which no true independence can exist,
nor any foreign policy be wisely formulated before the world.
212
In that spirit the Philippines panel continued to carry on the bases negotiations. It
remained our basic concerned in the process always to remember that, pressing as our
needs was for US assistance to restore our devastated country, a firm foundation must be
laid to sustain respect for its sovereignty.
On occasion, the discussion between the Philippine and American panels rose to high
words straining the most the judicious temper. The American Ambassador, in carrying
the burden of argument on his side, was flabbergasted by his failure to compel our assent.
For days on end, he pursued a line to impress on us the determination of his government
to include in the agreement a provision for the location of US military reservations in
Manila and other urban centers of population.
I felt called upon, along with my colleagues, to insist that this simply could not be.
President Roxas may have appeared amenable but actually he never relaxed in his support
of me. He never doubted the wisdom of our stand.
From time to time, the local press indicated an inkling of the drift to increasing tension
in the bases conversations. A Star Reporter columnist ( T.F. Valencia, October 16,1946)
credited me with guts to stand up to McNutt. Arsenio Lacson, in the Liberty News
(October 19, 1946),
allowed that I was most subversive character because I took the business of an
independent, sovereign Republic seriously to the great displeasure of the American
Ambassador.
One day, McNutt upped and said: In the name of the US Navy I demand that Baguio
be granted by the Philippine Government as a Naval reservation. You can do whatever
you wish Mr. Ambassador, I told him, and nothing should prevent you from getting
l The MEMOIRS
your report to Washington. It was one of those exciting moments. I found it quite a
stimulating exercise to thump table, too. Mr. McNutt I must say took it in stride.
Following any of those lively spats, Roxas would call McNutt and me to lunch to effect
some kind of reconciliation in intractable points. McNutt would appear to unbend and I
would affect sweet reasonableness. By no means did I construe such love fests as a signal
to rush resolution of arguable issues or to surrender positions rooted in sound knowledge
and in loyalty to what we have reason to prize.
This was the latter part October. Our panel was prepared to take its time in cautious
deliberation on all plans of the bases negotiations. It puzzled me some that the
Ambassador and his group were in a hurry to conclude an agreement they wanted to
last for 99 years- forever, practically. I sensed there could be trouble but not a global fire
immediately even before we had started restoring things.
On October 24,1946, there was a ceremony in Malacaang over the exchange of
ratification of the Treaty of General Relations. It gave Roxas and me occasion to stress
what we were trying to demonstrate in the bases negotiations. With this treaty, Roxas
said, the Filipinos can hold up before the eyes of the world the temple of a firm and
equal relationship for all to see.
And I added that although we are a small nation and the United States a great and
powerful one- one of the greatest on earth- we have every reason to believe and to expect
that we will be regarded as a nation on an equal footing with all the great and small
nations of the world. Of course, we know there is quite a difference between affirmation
and fact. Facts takes a bit of dash, energy and time. To say that we are equals rather than
guardian and ward is not the same as to live it. The pledge has yet to be made good.
It was disconcerting that the following month, November, Arsenio Lacson then on the
staff of the Philippine Liberty News came out with a story about doing things in the
US Naval Reservation in Olongapo. It appears that a circular signed by the Assistant
Reservation Officer restricted the operation of cartels in Olongapo to certain hours and
provided for its violation the penalty of deportation, confinement, heavy fines or both.
On the basis of this circular as enforced, according to Lacson, Filipino civilians had been
arrested without any warrant of arrest, jailed, beaten, kicked and made to sign, to run
and to stand under the sun without moving. Women detainees were alleged to have been
abused by the Marine MP guards and their heads shaved.
Navy authorities denied all this.
The memoirs l
213
felt deeply fortified.
214
It left a bad taste in the mouth all around. The story would not be the last. But at the
time, it was enough to remind us that early that US bases for our national security could
not be regarded in the light of unmixed blessings.
It was in the same month, shortly after the Olongapo story that we signed with America a
treaty of conciliation.( Liberty News, November 20,1946) our two governments pledged
that neither side shall resort to any means other than friendly, peaceful, and legal in the
adjustment of any difficulties between them, and that they are to deal with each other
always in good faith. From our side, it would be idle to imagined that any other way
would be wiser then- and possibly ever.
Nevertheless, that was no reason to miss the opportunity to grow up however slowly.
While I said at the signing of the treaty of conciliation that our people should feel secure
that Americas might would not always be used to our disadvantage in her relations with
us, I felt we could do better than merely trust and hope. ( Liberty News, November 20,
1946)
On that account we were resolved to stick to our stand in the bases negotiations,
consistent with the dignity and sovereign rights of the Republic. Mr. McNutt had just left
for Washington pending further talks on the bases, and it was apparent he had started to
appreciate that it was a position from which we could not in conscience retreat. ( Manila
Post, November 21, 1946) That appreciation was worth taking home to Washington, I
should think if only to make the people there see that it was to Americas interest to be
the first to recognize the reality of our dignity as a sovereign Republic.
On January 19, 1947, I was visiting Samar. As in other places alive with grim reminders
of World War II and likely to be considered for bases to enhance our national security, I
like to advise our people of our part and purpose in the bases negotiations. There I told
them that in the back of our minds in the negotiations was the thought that it would
be fraught with risk to sound Philippine- United States relation to locate bases in or
l The MEMOIRS
population centers and that a foreign army in our midst would mark the Philippines as
still a colonial territory.
On this occasion as on others, I noted what the people felt about bases, if any, in their
neighborhood. In Samar, the bloom of joy over McArthurs return apparently had not yet
worn off. The people seemed to favor the retention of bases.
Towards mid-February of 1947, negotiations had progressed far enough to enable us to
anticipate the conclusion of the work in some three weeks time.
The last phase was taken up with resolving the question of extraterritoriality. The
American panel originally would have the US Navy or Army exercise exclusive
jurisdiction over personnel within or outside the bases. Our panel would have our civil
authorities vested with jurisdiction over military personnel accused of having committed
crimes outside the bases whether they were on a military mission or not. Our discussions
on this subject were long drawn and sometimes pretty lively affairs.
We agreed to US jurisdiction over any offense committed inside any base by any person
except where the offender and the offended party are both Philippine citizens, or the
offense is against Philippine security. Likewise, we agreed to US jurisdiction over any
offense committed outside any base where the offender and the offended party are
both members of the US Armed Forces or where the offense is against the US security.
Philippine jurisdictions cover all other offenses outside the bases by US Army personnel.
Of the 70 bases reservations originally sought by the American panel, we conceded
23; and of these 23, we agreed that 16 would be permanent and seven were to be for
emergency. In the interest of international security and to indicate our faith in the United
Nations, we also agreed that any of those bases permanent or emergency, may be made
available to the Security Council of the UN upon prior mutual agreement between our
two countries.
With the abandonment of American proposals for military reservations in and around
Manila, we consented that the Port of Manila reservation will be available to them for use
until such time as other arrangements can be made for the supply of the bases by mutual
agreement of the two governments.
On March 14, 1947, or three days after our national plebiscite during which our people
approved the amendment to our Constitution granting parity rights to US citizen in
the exploitation of our natural resources, President Manuel Roxas, for the Philippine
government and Ambassador Paul V. McNutt, for the American government signed the
The memoirs l
215
President Roxas, reacting to the report and on the invitation of the US Navy designated
Ramon Magsaysay, a congressman from Zambales and guerilla hero, to look into alleged
atrocities. For my part, I asked Lacson to submit memorandum, which he did, complete
with affidavits from the alleged victims. Either from fear of reprisals or simple lack of
civic courage, not enough witnesses later came forward with sufficiently impressive
testimony to enable Magsaysay to make a conclusive report supporting Lacsons story. It
was unpleasant business for Magsaysay; he went through the motions, apparently seeing
no call for a nationalistic posture that could merely inconvenience our US liberators and
friends.
It took some eight months to arrive at its terms. In the circumstances under which they
were negotiated, we did what we could and do more, even to the point of bucking our
American counterparts, in order to give meaning to the freedom that the United States
would have the world understand has passed into our peoples possession since the
proclamation of independence on July 4, 1946. In seeking to strengthen our national
security, we had to make a start in asserting some character even at the risk of displeasing
our best friends if, in so doing, we could preserve our national integrity and thus give a
durable basis on which to retain their respect.
216
In 1947, we were pressed for so many needs in our national housekeeping which the
United States alone was in a position to provide. A sense of realism obliged us to heed
the wisdom of accommodation in relation to matters where time in due course should
develop in us the knowledge, character, and ability to correct existing disproportions
inconsistent with national sovereignty and dignity. Posterity could understand our
acceptance in 1947, for example, 99 years as the term of lease for the bases, which
less than a decade of the revolutionary progress of nuclear science has made patently
questionable.
We must admit that in agreeing as much as it did finally to the terms as concluded, the
United States appeared to have exercised considerable self-abnegation. This could not
have been simple to a power habituated to the acceptance of its wishes by reason of an
overpowering sense of their rightness and of its own righteousness. It must be recalled
that in 1947, the United States was feeling a sense of unrivalled exaltation as world victor
for the second time, and was properly acknowledged as democracys arsenal and foodbowl.
Habits take time to change- if they are changed or modified at all. Just as we would need
prolonged understanding for our inability to shake and shed off subservience bred of long
colonial domination, we would also need to take charitably the American disinclination
and difficulty to realize that the Philippines cannot indefinitely remain a special US
preserve and protectorate, in cavalier disregard of Filipino sensibilities.
A week after the signing of the military bases pact or on March 21, 1947, President
Roxas, for our Republic and Ambassador McNutt for the United States, signed the
corollary military assistance agreement. This is to help us train and develop our Armed
Forces and get them properly equipped and supplied in a manner and to an extent
required to maintain our national security and to form a basis of effective cooperation
with the United States in common military defense.
l The MEMOIRS
By this agreement, the United States undertook to maintain a US military mission in the
Philippines to advise us on the training and organization of our Armed Forces. The US
Army would provide technical assistance, equipment and material for five years. The US
Navy would turn over the Philippines 84 ships for its offshore patrol, some of which may
be available for use as lighthouse tenders and immigration and customs patrol boats.
Following the signing of our two treaties, I observed that every dollar of investment of
the United States in the Philippines.every man in the US Armed Forces stationed in
the Philippines every interest the US will have in the Philippineswill constitute a
strong, moral deterrent to any aggressive designs of foreign countries. Those, to be sure,
were days of sanguine expectations.
Ambassador McNutt terminated his tour of duty in the Philippines immediately after the
conclusion of the bases and military assistance agreements. Upon his departure, I said as
an accolade, that we have lost among usone of the greatest American representatives
in these Islands. He has been extremely helpful in laying down the foundations of
beneficent and friendly relations between United States and the Philippines. The
precedents established by him in our international relations will be a model of cordial
understanding between the two governments.
There was no question that with those two agreements signed, our people in 1947 felt
immensely reinforced in their faith that our national safety rested on a secure foundation.
We could, I thought, face our future and its ups and downs with kind of serenity and
confidence. That was quite important.
What led to the bases and military assistance- as an imperative of security- had not
been a neat, consistent line. What deviations it had seen came of realism required by a
courageous assessment of changing situations.
I was on the side of Manuel Quezon when he rejected the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act
that Osmea and Roxas had labored so hard to get in 1993, because the measure would
reserve military and naval bases to the United States after independence. To Quezon,
the retention of bases, destroyed the very essence of independent existence of the
Philippines.
Even President Roosevelt agreed, convinced by Quezon, that the maintenance of
military reservations in the Philippines after the proclamation of the Philippine Republic
would, in itself, make the granting of independence a farce.
As it turned out, the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934 which Quezon got as substitute was
The memoirs l
217
military bases agreement.
Ten years later, in June 1944, Quezon, remembering the rape and occupation of the
Philippines during the Pacific War, formally consented with Roosevelt in accepting the
concurrent resolution of the US Congress authorizing the American President to acquire
bases for the mutual protection of the Philippines and the United States. The urgency of
this arrangement we still recognized in 1947.
SECURITY
FROM WITHOUT
On April 25,1947, I set out on a trip that President Roxas and I felt would give me
firsthand knowledge of the world conditions and a clear perspective of the setting in
which we were to develop a place, however modest, as a young independent state. I had
just had time to organize our Department of Foreign Affairs and put it in working order
to carry on with the normal routine that comes within the scope of any foreign office.
218
The trip took me to the United States and several European and Asian countries. In
the United States, I took the opportunity to personally express the gratitude of our
government and people for the assistance it has extended to our government and
people for the assistance it has extended to our Republic. I enlarged on the possibilities
of continuing friendly cooperation, which is vital to our own stability, economic
reconstruction, and development as well as to the prestige and power of a nation that had
carried the world wars to expand the frontiers of freedom.
My visit as official guest of the governments of the different countries facilitated the
negotiations and conclusion of treaties of friendship with them. It gave me an authentic
feel not only of the world situation but also of problems in whose solution we shared an
interest for what light and guidance we could derive in facing our own at home.
Seeing the vast destruction whose marks still remained in grim evidence in Europe at the
time, I came away with the prayer that some way could be found to insure against the
repetition of any aggression that could work such cruel havoc on the face of the earth,
but especially on the faces of men who have managed to survive.
In less than a year after my orientation survey of the so-called Free World, I found myself
on the way to thinking in terms of collective security and regional defense arrangements.
When he succumbed to heart attack in Clark Field, President Roxas was weighed down
by the problems of a fledgling Republic seeking order and stability in a troubled world.
His last words, the most stirring ever made, were at once a pledge and a plea that freedom
should be safeguard and our national security insured.
A week after, on April 22, I told a foreign correspondent that if there was any changes
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
219
practically identical with the rejected Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, except for the provision
on naval reservations and fueling stations that would be subject to negotiations after the
grant of independence.
The Marshall Plan provided for US aid priority to Europe; it would be a witness to the
progressive deterioration in East-West relations. Soviet Russia would rise as the new threat
to world peace, as it collected along the way a grab-bag of satellites, hitherto free nations,
with which to indulge a huge imperial appetite that sharpened with every few stretch of
territory.
220
A military alliance to restore the balance of power in Europe, called the Western
European Union, would be born of the Pact of Brussels, March 1948. This would prepare
the way the way for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which was formed on April
4, 1949 in Washington by the United States, Canada, and 10 West European nations for
the defense of Europe and thereby, of the North Atlantic approaches to North America.
At the time of the NATO formation, the red blockade of Berlin was at its height to
dramatize Russian Communism feeling its imperialistic oats. Czechoslovakia had
knuckled under in a minority Communist coup under the sights of Soviet guns. From
Norway to Italy, there were only 15 under strength army divisions and 15 jet air bases
with only 500 tactical plains in Britain, to counter the ominous force of 175 Red army
divisions.
Here in my neighborhood, Mao Tse-Tung and Chou En-lai would take over all
mainland China, and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek would be reduced to being lord
of principality in a tiny island redoubt in which to dream of mounting up the means to
recover a lost subcontinent.
Under the pressure of such ominous developments abroad, I was naturally concerned
about the state of our security, external as well as internal. We were embarked on the
program of economic reconstruction and needed continuing assurance that we could
carry on with that program in relative safety from outside aggression and from the
resulting waste of our constructive efforts. A good deal of my waking moments was taken
up increasingly by this concern.
It was on this account, I imagined that Miguel Cuaderno our Secretary of Finance,
returning from an ECAFE conference in India in June 1948, was reported opposed to
allowing Japan to resume the manufacture of machinery and equipment for fear that it
might once more become a menace to the Philippines. We knew how, with unusually
ample US aid Japan was actually being rebuilt to become a US shield against possible
future Communist aggression.
l The MEMOIRS
At home, we had our worry over extensive American military rights. Some of our
people were beginning to find cause for growing resentment toward active encroachment
on our sovereignty, starting with the expropriations of private lands for the expansion of
military bases.
(Evening News, September 6, 1948) I was determined to be careful not to permit such
encroachments to exceed bounds. At the same time it was not easy to underrate the fact
that, without US help and support, our country can be easily put to torch in a fire that
might engulf the world anew. We had to hew closely to the US line in our relations with
the outside world.
With the increasing anxieties and tensions that the Russians in Europe and Chinese
Reds in Asia were able to generate in their bid to capture the world, it occurred to me
that it could be time for Asians as well, with US initiative on the lead, to undertake
what Atlantic countries had been led to organize in Europe. As plans for the NATO in
common defense against communist aggression began to take form and substance in
the West, I thought there was no reason why we in Southeast Asia should not be able
to undertake a pooling of resources to face up to the threat of Communist domination.
Accordingly, on March20,1949, in an interview I gave to a foreign correspondent in
Manila, I broached for the first time the urgency and feasibility of forming a union of
Pacific countries.
America, I said should take the lead in the Far-East in forming a Pacific security alliance
similar to the Atlantic pact, if our vast political strength was not to be lost. The countries
in our part of Asia were not a military force but they could be a powerful economic,
political and social factor for security within the United Nations. With peace and
freedom in the Orient, and with our pride in our nationalities, we could concentrate in
the development of our reach region.
Europe was used up- an economic liability, I stressed. Ours was a virgin region with
unmeasured resources and people eager for the blessings that have come to be associated
with democracy.
The importance of the Philippines itself to the United States, I pointed out was not
merely as a link in the defense chain of the Pacific but also a political outpost of the
United States and of the democratic world.
It was an idea. The reaction it rated at home and abroad varied from polite to rapid to
warm to sardonic to hostile. Born of a concern for national security, it served to focus
interest on an urgent need- to lay a foundation of strengthening faith and confidence
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221
in our relations with America, it would be to make them closer because the Philippines
was a part of a defense chain of the United States.
which are essential to carry on the task of building a new nation.
of American imperialism by drumming for a Pacific alliance under the United States.
Washington was reported to be politely cool to the idea, and appeared to have time only
to concentrate on making a bastion of Europe as the immediate job. It could only hear
the many problems in the way: the wariness of Asian countries to US leadership; Nehrus
known hostility to nations that would take Asian leadership out of Asian- or Indian
hands.
House Speaker Eugenio Perez, on the other hand, believed that the alliance would
facilitate the development of underdeveloped Asian countries through collective effort.
Furthermore, it would insure protection against communism and preserve the integrity of
small Pacific nation.
222
The Chinese Ambassador to Washington, wellington Koo, appeared to approve the idea
as complementing the Atlantic pact and providing a cover for the exposed flank of the
world peace front in Asia.
In London, the possibility of a British Commonwealth alliance designed to combat
communism in Southeast Asia was seen to incline the British tentatively towards a pacific
union. In Tokyo, the soothsayers were inclined to concede that positive developments
might be much slower in the Orient because of far more chaotic conditions. How, it was
asked, can you have a Pacific agreement without China? And who knows what China
will be in a few months?
The Japanese, doubtful of indefinite US protection and more so of the wisdom of an antiwar constitution, were understood to be receptive to a Pacific treaty that could possibly
include them sometime; to them, it could crystallize international opinion in the confuse
Orient.
Newly liberated south East Asian countries, by reason of their intense nationalism,
were regarded likely to distrust a working arrangement that would merely create fresh
opportunity to reduce national sovereignty or restore European colonial authority.
(Bulletin, March 21, 1949)
Internal turmoil in Burma, Malaya, and Indonesia attributed to communist work could
not be seen to operate in favor of a Pacific union.
Here at home, reflecting the dissident orientation, Amado V. Hernandez, President of the
Communist led Congress of Labor Organization, called me a willing Charlie McCarthy
l The MEMOIRS
But in the same breath, he affirmed that my grasp of local affairs was nothing to think
about. He called it dangerous to democracy that I should wish to retain the emergency
powers in a situation where he recognized the gravest threat of Communism to peace and
at home and abroad.
In common with his colleagues in the opposition, he said that he was not accountable for
the nations safety and, therefore, could not possibly have any interest in the burden of
authority and responsibility in a national emergency. That was the administrations worry
not his.
A Manila Chronicle pundit, in the same solemn mood, derided the Pacific pact proposal,
while an editorial in the same paper counseled serious study of the move in our
Congress to repeal the Emergency Powers Act. Citing, four presidents, Quezon, Osmea,
Roxas and Quirino- who had wielded emergency powers and could not until this time
be accused of having abused them, the same editorial warned Congress to be careful lest,
by avoiding the danger of political abuse, they expose the nation to an international
danger. (Chronicle, March 22, 1949)
In the days following, more people were heard from. On March 23, President Syngman
Rhee of Korea said that the President of the Philippines had voiced the sentiment of
all the Asiatic people in urging a pact formed on the same principle agreed upon in the
Atlantic pact, under leadership of the United States. A Siamese cabinet spokesman said
that Siam was anxious to join any possible Pacific and Asian non-communist defense bloc
similar to the Atlantic Pact. (Bulletin, March 24, 1949)
On March 24, State Secretary Dean Acheson said that the US State Department was
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223
But our Ambassador Carlos P. Romulo, was quick to put in a plug for the Pacific union.
He said that since it would be open to American states bordering on the Pacific as well
as European powers with Asian interest, a Pacific union would complete an interlocking
defense system around the world which he expected to develop in due course out of the
Atlantic pact. It was a wave of the future. (Bulletin, March 21, 1949)
Unaccountably, House Minority Floor Leader Cipriano Primicias saw something good
this one time in the opposite camp. He hailed the Pacific alliance proposal, citing it as
the Presidents highest statesmanship and heavy grasp of the international situation. He
even said that it was to the credit of the Republic that its head should see the need for an
alliance ahead of neighboring countries to check the menace of Communism. (Times,
March 23, 1949)
I could not be easily discouraged. I found a suitable opportunity to touch on the subject
anew on March 26 at the opening of the rebuilt clubhouse of the benevolent and
Protective Order of the Elks near the Luneta, Manila.
224
To a predominantly American audience, I pointed out that the United States could ill
afford to neglect the Pacific basin, which is the richest and most important area in the
world today. The leadership for conserving that area for freedom, I said, devolved upon
her; the front door might be secure with a North Atlantic Pact, but there was a backdoor,
too, and that could need some attention.
PACIFIC
UNION
Within the next three months, in the light of the deteriorating situation in Asia, notably
in China where the Communist had been steadily gaining ground at the expense of the
Chiang Kai-shek government, it became a question of increasing interest how soon a
Pacific Alliance such as what I had advocated on March 20 could be realized. This would
appear to be the case, especially with such a militant neighbor as Dr. Syngman Rhee of
Korea.
The idea of a Pacific alliance was predicated on the principle that Southeast Asia countries
should be afforded an atmosphere of freedom and peace to develop themselves internally
and become an asset, instead of a liability, to the free world. I was not calling for an
immediate armed bloc but an organization of the United States.
To the political opposition at home, the far greater imperative was the capture of power
from the majority. My fellow alumnus from the University of the Philippines, Dr. Jose
P. Laurel, for example, regarded the Pacific Union as laudable but not practical. He said
this in passing when he talked to the press at his home on April 7 on the constitutional
basis of my impeachment. (He fathered, he said, the constitutional provision on
impeachment).
This notion did not please Communist Luis Taruc, who had gone back to the hills.
We found him advising the nation the next day, through the Manila Times, that the
Quirino peace pact was designed to force the same infamous condition (of suppressing
the peoples movement in Western Europe for the need of American imperialist) on the
colonial people now struggling toward their liberation.
He said that while the Philippines should be on the side of democracy, it must first strive
to make the powers help the nationalistic struggles of small Asian countries to secure their
independence, citing Indonesia in this respect. He would make it appear that Indonesias
independence, for instance, could be our special responsibility, and that we were reluctant
or recreant about it.
As the American imperialist retreated from the tremendous victorious of the Chinese
people, Taruc was alleged to have said that President Quirino, frantic with fear of sharing
the inevitable fate of Chiang Kai-shek, prepares to rush to Washington to beg for more
American guns and more American soldiers to keep the Liberal Party in power.
My friend, Claro M. Recto, who had eyes also on the presidency, found the Pacific Union
proposal a suitable focus of his attention as he rose, on April 10, to accept an honorary
degree from Arellano University, in Manila.
Obviously it was not enough to let an idea on the loose. It must be nourished and tended
in private as in public. And so began a period silent soundings in Washington as at Lake
Success. Ambassador Elizalde, in Washington, and Ambassador Romulo, in the United
Nations at Lake Success, worked quietly to enlist the support of the countries that stand
to benefit from eventful fulfillment of what at this time appeared as a mere idea but a
compelling one- so essential to our own national security.
l The MEMOIRS
He sought to establish that while United States was relaxing interest in Asia and
concentrating helpful attention on Europe, I was not doing anything beyond announcing
a paper Pacific Union to gain contact with Asian neighbors. He regretted that when India
and Pakistan got their independence, no Filipino representative was sent to either country
to bear witness.
Obsessed with the American connection, scornful of our Asian heritage, Recto mourned,
we have dissipated whatever moral leadership we might once have exercised among the
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225
not yet ready to consider a Pacific Pact and at any rate, the question is still low on
the State Department agenda. That seemed like a dash of cold water, indeed. (Evening
News, March 24, 1949) It was serving a notice to Asians of the Europe-first policy of
Washington. The next day, Rear Admiral Ralph W. Christie, former Commander of the
American naval forces in the Philippines, an oasis of stable government, in the near-chaos
roundabout. (Bulletin, May 25, 1949)
Now I would say that the reproach could be just but for a slight abuse of facts. In the first
place, we had a fair record of espousing the cause of Asian countries and promoting closer
mutual relations with them. We had provided a year before for a legation in Bangkok,
but Siam had not as yet responded. Ambassador Elizalde had been instructed to start
diplomatic relations with India and Pakistan by negotiating a treaty of friendship with
them. Missions had been sent to Ceylon and Korea to promote our administrations
closer Asia policy.
226
In the second place, our being friendly to America had not prevented us from concluding
a number of treaties with nations of which she disapproved for some reason or another.
For example, with Spain, at a time when America felt morally superior to that poor
country. Against the implied wishes of the United States, we had supported the
acceptance of an Indonesian observer to ECAFE meetings. And we had not hesitated
to sail against the United States consistently at the United Nations and other conclaves
where the United States failed to appreciate, let alone recognize, our position on Asian
interest.
Now, as to the Pacific Union, I had invariably maintained that it must be predicated on
withdrawal of the colonial powers so that Asian people might have freedom for internal
development and for world peace. I had always maintained, too, that we must continue
to develop our community of interest with our neighbors because nothing could concern
our very life more.
For a Republic so young as ours, it was fatuous to pretend to the freedom, the power,
the initiative, the experience, the material facilities that older ones would command to
exercise the independence and the leadership that Recto affected to deplore we could not
display.
Perhaps we were an appendage to the United States, as we could not, in fact, avoid
appearing at the time, under the depressed circumstances in which we chose to be set
adrift. But we were under no obligation to stress it by gratuitous protest or protestation.
Neither did we need to feel imprisoned indefinitely by such purely circumstantial
limitation. I believe then as now that we could outgrow it, as we have since in fact
endeavored to do so, in direct proportion to the growth of our moral and material
resources.
But to reassure myself that we had the beginning, at least, of a foreign policy, however
apparently deficient in Rectos sense of vigor and vision, and that I would not be
discouraged from being responsible for our national security, I told the nation on the
third anniversary of our Republic, July 4, 1949, that there was quiet legitimate reason for
it.
Our answer to the threat of Red imperialism and the new slavery, I said, is a real union
of the people around the Pacific, but, paramount of all, the union of our own people on
the basis of common counsel and assistance in protecting and advancing freedom and
peace in facilitating the development of their resources for the benefit of our general
population.
And with regards to the United States itself, I could see no wisdom in making a point of
gratuitously scorning its goodwill at a time when the rest of the Free World were anxious
to develop, and benefit from, American friendship.
On July 10, under considerably private and confidential arrangements, without benefit
of any gratuitous intervention of good offices of any third power, I was able to welcome
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek to the Mansion House, Baguio for an informal exchange
of ideas related to our countrys security.
Both Laurel and Recto were men of light and learning. It seemed a pity to me then that
passing personal grievances should becloud their otherwise generous gift of vision and
understanding.
He came in response to an invitation of Roxas two years before, which I had renewed
recently. He flew in from Formosa on a four-engine Chinese government plane, with a
party of 14 Chinese advisers and aides.
On June 30, Recto insisted anew that our foreign policy has neither vigor nor vision,
that we have ignored opportunities for diplomatic leadership in the emancipation of
subjugated Asian people and have instead submitted to becoming a mere appendage
to the United States. In the same breath, he said that the foreign policy which, to him,
had neither, vigor nor vision, was non-existent in fact. He denied reality to what he had
affirmed to exist, and by the sheer facility of his prose, got away with it.
While my visit will necessarily be brief, he said upon arrival, both President Quirino
and myself expect to have a full exchange of views on matters of common interest,
especially the question of international Communism in the Far East.
l The MEMOIRS
I welcomed him, expressing the hope that during his stay in our country, the of the
Filipino and Chinese people would be stronger, and that our common efforts to
The memoirs l
227
renascent nations in the east. It was presumptuous of us at this time to call for unity that
we have been the first to neglect. (Bulletin, April 11, 1949)
Our conversations, full, frank, and friendly all the way, took the better part of two days.
We discussed Sino-Filipino cooperation and the relations among all the Far Eastern
countries. We agreed that Chinese-Philippine relations should be further strengthened
by immediate, practical measures on the part of our two governments to promote closer
economic and cultural cooperation.
We covered fully the urgent need of coordinated and full development of far eastern
countries to insure their stability and security. Because of their previous lack of close
collaboration and by reason of the gravity of the Communist threat to their freedom and
independence, we concluded that their organization into a union had become a matter of
utmost urgency, for solidarity and mutual assistance with which to contain and resist that
common threat.
228
We were agreed that a preliminary conference of the authorized representatives of the

countries desiring to participate in such a union should be called at the earliest possible
moment to devise definite, positive steps for its organization.
The Generalissimo said that, although he had come to the Philippines upon my
invitation to confer with me in his private capacity, he was prepared, as leader of the
Kuomintang, to undertake to advise and request the Chinese government to give its full
support to steps implementing what we had agreed upon in principle, as summarized
above.
In agreeing to organize for economic cooperation in a common front to resist
Communism, we did not exclude anticipation of the possibility of eventually uniting
into a military alliance if and when the United States was ready to join and provide basic
support. (Neri, Bulletin, July 14, 1949)
While Chiang Kai-shek and I were deep in our talks, I was not without appropriate
volunteer signals to be careful, presumably because I had because had no American
adviser around to prompt me. Apprehensive of a Nationalist China Dunkirk on the
possibility of Formosas fall into Red hands, the Manila Times warned:
There are mighty forces abroad today. And it might be well to consider whose good will
be served immediately and whether general good will be served ultimately.
Recto, who, it appeared, wanted, the Philippines to cease being a US appendage and to
l The MEMOIRS
assert an independent policy, was obviously alarmed by the fact that official Washington,
no less alarmed, had indicated that it wanted no part of our Baguio talks and had
announced a strictly hands-off policy. Recto said I was playing with fire. (Evening News,
July 11, 1949)
He expressed great concern that the Chinese Communist would be displeased with me
for conferring with Chiang on the chances of mutual collaboration for common security
against communism. He feared they might bomb the Philippines. Two months before,
Recto had called me down for not taking the lead in the fight for democracy in the Far
East. (Chronicle, July 13, 1949)
The Evening News on July 11 would not minimize the importance of the issues involved,
but warned that the Philippines should be wary of involvement that would demand from
it more than it is in a position to fulfill. Obviously with such and similar advice, it would
not be so easy for me to make a fool of myself.
Our policy with regards to China was not wittingly to seek to antagonize either side
in the conflict of arms for the sub-continent. It was to seek a common defense against
further Communist penetration of the democratic area by economic and political
cooperation. That was not easily and quickly to be found, but having started on our
search, we had to keep looking.
There was speculation that the Chiang visit was a kind of advance survey for a prospective
site of a Nationalist China government in exile. That was something promptly dismissed.
It was clear that our Baguio talks, in the short run, raised the morale of the free Chinese
by indicating to them that neighbor countries threatened by Communism would unite
in a common front to contain the danger. We impress the reality of that danger on the
people of our area and alerted them to the urgency of united action. We showed to the
United States that here, we were willing to move towards economic collaboration, and it
would be the US interest to lend moral and material support to the move. And we were
confident that far-reaching decisions would crystallize out of the conversations.
An immediate aftermath, which could be far-reaching in significance, was the curious
report by the International News Service, dated July 14, that Secretary of State Dean
Acheson appeared to have been riled by my failure to consult him on the Pacific Union,
and stressed that no Pacific Pact was under any consideration by the State Department.
Some members of my official family were irked by the implication. It was possible,
of course, that Achesons attitude might not have been faithfully reported. Anyway,
The memoirs l
229
enable our two people to live a life of contentment would find a common ground of
understanding for the development of our two countries and of Asia as a whole.
Americas assistance is desired and needed. But if she feels she is not prepared for the
moment to help her only friends in Asia, considering it burdensome to do so, it becomes
even more imperative that those concerned with the imminence of Communist attack
should provide themselves with the protection they can muster and afford without having
to consult anyone, particularly if that one does not seem interested.
After all, we who are undertaking the formation of a union are Americas best, if not her
only true, friends in Asia. If America has a heavy load Europe, we are merely trying to
carry what might be her added burden in the Far East.
230
She cannot question our motives. We are going ahead with our plans. We believe
Americas best interest lie in strengthening the anti-Communist front in the East and our
plans contemplate that such interest should be protected as much as ours. But she is her
own judge. We are our own.(Herald, July 15, 1949)
If Acheson did not feel so good because he had not been consulted, the injury was not
something beyond repair. At any rate, the Christian Science Monitor, whose sensibilities
were not hurt, was prepared to welcome any degree of understanding between antiCommunist elements in Asia, cautioning that it must be carefully evaluated as a bid for
American military support. (Bulletin, July 16, 1949)
Mr. Warren Magnuson, Democratic senator from Washington, went further He
urged America to take the necessary steps for the formation of a Pacific pact as jointly
announced by President Quirino and Generalissimo Chiang in Manila. Such a pact,
according to him, would give some hope to the people of the Far East for it would make
it easier our defense problems in the Pacific and solve some of our problems in Alaska
and that it would not leave us all alone in the Pacific as we are today. (Chronicle, July 16,
1949)
The Economist, London, despite British official coolness parallel to that of Washington,
consistent with Americas Europe- first policy, saw something to approved in my
proposal, declaring it a move in the right direction but admitting it would need skillful
diplomacy to gain effective support.(Chronicle, July 16, 1949)
This is how I reported to the nation the Chiang Kai-shek visit, in the course of my radio
chat July 15:
I come now to the visit of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek of China. As you already
l The MEMOIRS
know, the Generalissimo visited us last Sunday and stayed with me in Baguio for two
days. He came in response to a previous invitation extended during the lifetime of
President Roxas and reiterated by me through Minister, now Ambassador, Chen Chi-ping
in his last visit to the Generalissimo in Formosa. The Generalissimos visit was unofficial
and our conversations on various topics of common interest were purely informative and
exploratory in nature.
In my conversations with him, I had the opportunity to learn from a first-hand source
the present situation in China and also to appraise him as a neighbor of the situation
obtaining in the Philippines. The conversations have become a matter not only of
national but worldwide interest.
A few of our people have expressed some fears about the implications and consequences
of the initiative we took in having the recognized leader of nationalist China come
over for some frank but friendly conversations. This fear is partly to be explained,
undoubtedly, either by the war atmosphere in China or by mere insufficient experience,
and partly by pure political contrariness.
Our people should realize that we are faced by an active threat to our free institutions.
231
understanding Washingtons coolness, I expressed what I felt in this way:
If we are not going to do anything about it, nobody else will . . .

Some plan must be evolved to meet the impact of Red dictatorship a new imperialism
and a new slavery. We conceived in the Philippines the Filipino ideology based on our
total economic mobilization a means of checking Communism in our land by insuring
to our people a life of substance, of contentment, of peace, of happiness, for where these
exist Communism will not thrive.
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and myself, therefore, began thinking out loud on how
the countries in the Far East and in the Pacific could contain and counteract the common
threat.
In my Fourth of July speech, I stated that our answer to the threat is a union of those
countries in the Far East, as a measure of self-defense based on mutual cooperation for
the economic, political, and cultural development of the countries concerned, believing
that only the full and coordinated development of these countries can effectively and
permanently counteract the influence of communism. . . My only concern is to secure the
necessary moral rearmament of the threatened countries of the Far East, to be achieved
with the economic, political, and cultural collaboration of the neighboring countries.
The memoirs l
Meanwhile, the Manila Times, in its editorial of July 17, saw two points of some
significance:
One major point in President Quirinos exposition of his conversations with General
Chiang was the agreement which the two statesmen reached on the matter of containing
Communism. In this, the two march in line with prevailing democratic thought.
Another, more directly concerning the Philippines, is that the Philippines share in the
proposed Pacific Union will be economic and cultural.
This statement definitely dispels the fear that the Philippines by adhering to this proposed
union will be called on for contributions beyond her power to make.
232
Ambassador Romulo came home on July 20, upon my summons. He fell to with gusto
on his initial task of bringing leading elements in the country round to full cooperation.
On August 3, I made public my letter of instructions to him to reassure our people on
the nature and scope of the proposed Pacific Union and what else remained to be done to
facilitate its acceptance and organization. I felt also that the formulation and execution
of definitive foreign policy on this vital problem a non-partisan foreign policy -- , as
I observed on publishing letter, should be exposed to the widest scrutiny as an earnest of
our conviction that we are on the right road and that we could expect the loyal support of
a well-informed and intelligent public opinion.
This was the letter:
I have summoned you home to help prepare the necessary groundwork for the
prosecution of an important phase of our foreign policy which I consider a timely
contribution to the peace of the world: the problem of forging a closer union among
the people of Southeast Asia dedicated to the maintenance of peace and freedom in the
region through appropriate methods of political, economic, and cultural cooperation
with one another.
The interest we have taken in this problem is the logical outcome of the ideals that have
inspired our national history and the principles that have animated our foreign policy
since the birth of the Republic. For more than three countries, the Philippines has had
the oldest and most aggressive nationalist movement in Asia; it was the first colony in
l The MEMOIRS
Asia to achieve independence in the postwar period; and it has consistently defended the
right to freedom of the subject people of the world. It is therefore natural that we should
pursue with vigor the foreign policy we have initiated at this crucial time when our own
interests as a free nation and the peace and security of a free Asia hang so precariously in
the balance.
We have not embarked upon this historic course on the spur of the moment. It is
rooted in the deep stirrings of political consciousness among the Asian people. In the
Philippines, Dr. Jose Rizal and the other heroes of our revolutionary struggle for freedom
were its first major prophets. In China, Dr. Sun Yat-Sen initiated a political program
of vast magnitude for a people whom he endeavored to lead on the road to freedom
through education and democracy. In India, the late Mahatma Gandhi challenged the
worlds most powerful empire in order to advance the freedom of his people through
the equally revolutionary methods of non-violence and civil disobedience. And again, in
the Philippines, where the wave of Asian freedom first started, the late President Manuel
L. Quezon gave a regional cast to the libertarian struggles of the Asian people through
his well-known sympathy for the Pan-Malayan movement, through his concern for the
future of India when he served as member of the Pacific War Council, and through his
insistence that the benevolent American policy towards the Philippines, which has earned
Filipino gratitude and loyalty, should provide the pattern for the ultimate liquidation of
colonialism in Asia and an example for other nations to profit by.
Political developments in Asia, and particularly in the Philippines, may therefore
be said to provide all the necessary antecedents to justify the course we have taken.
Both former President Osmea and the late President Roxas were keenly aware of our
special responsibility in this regard immediately before and after the recognition of the
Philippine independence. As Chairman of the Philippine delegation to the San Francisco
Conference, you were instructed by former President Osmea to ensure recognition
of the right of the non-self-governing people to freedom and independence as a logical
consequence of the victory of the United Nations. As the first Foreign Secretary of the
Republic in the administration of President Roxas, it was my privilege to help set the
course of our foreign policy, specifically of our policy in the United Nations, to the end
that the rights of the non-self-governing people shall receive every assistance that is in our
power to give. In accordance with this policy, we have rendered vigorous and effective
service to the cause of a free Indonesia and in the defense of the rights of subject people
in the General Assembly and in the Trusteeship Council.
It was pursuance of this established policy that I sent you as my representative last
January to attend the New Delhi Conference on Indonesia, convinced that the
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233
There was some homework to start with: bipartisan support must be secured on the
domestic front. Camilo Osias and Eulogio Rodriguez of the opposition party said: We
refuse to cross our bridges until we reach them.
remains to be done in order to carry through to a successful conclusion the foreign policy
program upon which we are embarked.
Today, the need of pursuing this line of thought is pressing and urgent. It was and it still
is necessary for the Asian countries to consult and to cooperate with one another in order
to hasten their emergence as independent countries. But the great danger that confronts
us at this moment is the tide of totalitarian subversion and conquest which threatens
to engulf the very freedom we have won or others expect to win. This menace is on the
ascendant, and in order to meet it we must forge stronger bonds than exist at present.
You are authorized to exercise full discretion in achieving this immediate objective
with the cooperation of our Foreign Office. You may call upon the leading elements in
the country to cooperate with you in this delicate task and have assigned to you such
members of the staff of the Department of Foreign Affairs and of the Foreign Service,
here or abroad, as you may require. Decisions on basic questions of high policy will, as
usual, be determined in consultation with me. During my absence and if, in the course
of this assignment, you should deem it necessary to travel to any of the capitals of
Southeast Asia, I am authorizing you to do so. You shall communicate with me and the
Department as frequently as necessary in order to ensure complete comprehension of our
fundamental policies and objectives.
It was because of this imminent danger that I conceived in the Baguio conversations last
month the necessity of accelerating the process of establishing a union, predicated upon
the independence and sovereignty of the people of Southeast Asia and the countries
bordering the Pacific so that, maters of their own destiny, they can concentrate their
attention on their coordinated full development in order to ensure their stability and
security and thus contribute to world peace and advancement. I envisage such a union
to be essentially in act of common faith on the economic, political and cultural level, in
tune with the work of the ECAFE and the program of the UNESCO, and that it would
involve no military commitments. For I am convinced that in the long run our strongest
defense against totalitarian subversion would lie in providing a life of substance and
contentment and promoting higher standards among the Asian people. Thus it would be
a real union on the basis of common counsel and assistance for the preservation of peace,
democracy, and freedom in Asia.
It can thus be seen that there is a sense of historic continuity as well as of contemporary
urgency in our vigorous attack upon this problem. Every single act we have taken so far
falls in its proper place.
In summoning you home, it is my desire to ask you to take charge of the work that
l The MEMOIRS
In undertaking this task, you will take due account of all the pertinent precedents and
antecedents to the end that our stated goal may be the more speedily achieved. As I
conceived it, our immediate endeavor at this stage should be to sound out the attitude
of all the interested countries and eventually invite them to a conference in Baguio to
discuss methods of closer political, economic, and cultural cooperation between them,
the date and the agenda of the conference to be determined by prior agreement among
the participating states. To this end you will continue the consultations that I have
already authorized you to begin with the representatives of the other interested countries,
using such method of approach as you may deem appropriate in each separate instance.
This is an election year, and I am desirous that this vital question of foreign policy be
removed from the arena of politics. The final outcome of this policy so far transcends
in meaning and importance the political fortunes of any one man or group of men that
we must make a supreme effort to secure for it the loyal support of all sections of our
population. To this end, you are further authorized to make the necessary representations
to the leaders of other political parties in order to place at the service of this policy a
common national front. I dare to express the hope that, recognizing the wisdom and
necessity of such a common front, all will forbear from all tendentious polemics which
serves only to confuse the people and will accept instead joint responsibility for the
forging of the high-minded statesmanship that a question of such paramount importance
as this so obviously requires.
I am fully aware that in summoning you to undertake this task, I have for the moment
taken you away from equally importance work in the United Nations. But this is part
and parcel of the great overall objective of the United Nations itself, and your reward
The memoirs l
235
234
Philippines had a special responsibility to support the struggles for freedom of the Asian
people. As part of your instruction, I asked you to sponsor the idea of establishing a
permanent organ of consultation on problem of common interest among the countries
of Southeast Asia within the framework of the United Nations. The conference proved to
be an outstanding success, and, mainly as a result of your strong advocacy, a resolution
was adopted providing for the establishment of suitable machinery for that consultation.
From the New Delhi Conference, you brought home, besides, the observation that the
participating countries exhibited keen interest in establishing a permanent organization
to safeguard their common interest. Last April, following the initialing of the North
Atlantic Pact in Paris, I declared on behalf of our government that it was imperative that
the free countries of Southeast Asia, with the active support of the United States, should
consider at the earliest possible moment the conclusion of a parallel safeguard for Asia.
I am not unmindful of the difficulties that beset us in this task. The genesis of the
Western Union and the North Atlantic Pact over a period of many months provides an
object lesson in this respect and should teach us to persevere in the face of the obstacles
that confront us. But as the stake is great, so must our patience be inexhaustible and our
faith remain undimmed. A seed is being planted, and whether or not we shall be here the
season of its flowering is not important. What is important is that the tree will provide
shade and shelter for those that will come after us. (New Philippine Ideology, pp. 303308)
Romulo did not quail at the very considerable responsibility and work suggested by this
letter of instruction. In fact, he was greatly satisfied with it. He had drafted it himself,
and I had little to add to his appreciation of my sense of the importance of his task.
WASHINGTON
JOURNEY, 1949
he loss of mainland China to the Communists in 1949 involved a shift in

U.S. policy in the Far East. The withdrawal of U.S. confidence in the Chiang
governments integrity to contain Communism in the mainland would be
partly redeemed by the support of Chiang in Formosa. But I was concerned
as to how the shift would affect our own defense posture.
236
Under the Military Assistance Pact of 1947, the United States pledged to help in the
creation of a military establishment to place the Philippines on a secure footing against
threats of invasion. With China lost to the Communists, there was an obvious need for
the revision of plans of military assistance previously agreed upon. Our military leaders
had urged an immediate conference of the matter. Major General Albert Jones, Head of
the joint U.S. Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG), had gone to Tokyo to consult with
General Douglas MacArthur, and the Filipino military group was most anxious to come
immediately to an understanding on the problems that had arisen.
Some members of Congress, in this connection, had begun asking why the
implementation of the Military Assistance Pact had not been speeded up and why our
soldiers were still using old or obsolete equipment. Congressman Hermenegildo Atienza,
member of the National Security Council, had noted that the Philippines is being given
surplus material often equipment that has been discarded by the American forces, because
our defense, it seems, doesnt concern the U.S. Army much.
He had also asserted that under the Military Bases Agreement, there is nothing which
binds the United States to the primary responsibility of defending this country against
aggression. (Bulletin, February 10, 1949)
Several Army officers, eager to focus public attention on defense problems, had also
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
237
will not only be the knowledge that you have performed a duty properly devolving upon
you as our Ambassador to the United Nations, but also the consciousness that you have
rendered service of incalculable value to the maintenance of the security and freedom of
Asia in furtherance of the peace of the world.
To the United States . . . the protection of the Philippines is only a part of an overall
plan. Consequently, she may minimize her defense efforts in this country or even
abandon them altogether whenever such an action is called for in the overall plan.
Protection will be extended by U.S. forces to our country as long as and only up to the
point where its extension will not compromise the United States on her own behalf. To
expect more than this would be unfair.
Another officer revealed:
238
Military assistance so far has been on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. As a consequence, the

PAF (Philippine Air Force) has no alternative but to accept such equipment and supplies
as are made available by U.S. forces in this theater. . . A large fraction of this equipment
is unserviceable, while others are incomplete in nomenclature. (Bulletin, February 10,
1949)
As the military defense problem gained publicity, members of the National Defense
Committee in the Lower House began searching for a formula that would serve as a
basis of discussion to keep alive public interest in our national defense. But all that was
available as a matter for discussion consisted in the Military Assistance Pact and the
Military Bases Agreement with the United States. They soon realized that in view of
the change in Asia, he first work should be to revise these agreements to suit the new
conditions.
So, at a meeting of this Committee, Congressman Ramon Magsaysay, Chairman,
remarked: It is imperative that in his trip to the United States, President Quirino enter
into a more definite understanding with Washington regarding the role of the Philippines
in the overall military strategy. He suggested withholding discussion on the revision of
existing agreements until we know exactly what the overall plan of the United States is,
adding that the President was the logical man to find this out. (Bulletin, February 14,
1949)
Not unrelated to this problem of military assistance with respect to national security
was the question of recognition of still many guerrillas who stood to lose anticipated
legitimate benefits by reason of some U.S. rulings apparently arbitrarily terminating
further consideration of the merits of their claims. The question was a matter of
considerable discontent among the affected population, who felt they had a genuine
grievance.
l The MEMOIRS
People in such a mood would need their sense of justice properly satisfied to be accessible
to a renewal and reinforcement of faith in the plighted word of friends in whose behalf,
and in loyalty to whom, they have risked their lives.
It was very possible that in the early days after liberation, a good many people passed for
and were accepted as guerrillas entitled to rewards in the contemplation of the law. It was
just as possible that authentic guerrillas, incapable of the skullduggery that had managed
to creep in the scramble for formal recognition, or because of lack of timely advice, had
failed to get their papers through.
The fact remains that the resulting disillusionment, unless corrected, would be a source of
continuing disaffection. Such a feeling, if not attended to with judicious understanding,
could not make for reliability in the hour of national peril. It could destroy the basis of
urgent cooperation between avowed friends and allies. The feeling that the deepest loyalty
rooted in mutual confidence and faith during a period of peril and sacrifice could be
violated, not to say ignored, upon the disappearance of the crisis could work damage not
easily repairable on the ties that should bind the two people in bad as in sunny weather
and see them through all common dangers.
And then there was the exceeding urgency to restore and develop the countrys economy
on a systematic basis that should enable full understanding by the Philippines of the
problems involved and, by the United States, of the character and measure of assistance
called for.
The restoration and development of such an economy consistent with the needs, dignity,
and freedom of the young Republic had a crucial bearing on the question of national
security and the willingness of the people to make sacrifices for it. America definitely had
an interest, at least so we assumed, in the prosperity of such a state so that it could in
time stand on its own feet and on its developed resources to be a real asset for the security
not only of the United States itself but of the free world as well.
The proposal for Pacific Union derived its relevance from the need of creating the
conditions that would make our rapid development possible, give us a stake worth living
and, if necessary, dying for. We hoped that our neighbors would be willing to join us in
creating such conditions. And we believed that the United States was a decisive factor in
advancing the joint effort for development, security, and peace in our part of the world.
At least, that was the way I saw it.
And because I felt that our country, in its own interest, needed a Pacific Union and
because the United States appeared cool to the proposal for reasons of its own. I reckoned
The memoirs l
239
volunteered to offer certain information. A young officer in charge of the historical

division of the Army said:
Certainly, it was not one of those things you need only to mention in order to get instant
acclamation and support. It was not anything like saying: Let it be, and there it is. One
has to risk appearing not only foolhardy but also a fool.
For all the seeming endorsement that Romulo had secured after assiduous and discreet
contact with the opposition leaders at home before I instructed him to prepare the
ground abroad with our neighbors, I had to allow for the opposition the suspicion that
one could want to do something for political effect and advantage. Suspicion by others is
something that nobody can expect ever to control or prevent.
240
And since, as Head of the State, the responsibility was clearly mine to attempt it, I took
it upon myself to visit Washington for a purpose quite distinct from merely doing an
exercise in the amenities customarily expected between governments in the routine
advancement, so-called, of international goodwill and understanding.
I considered it fair enough if my visit should accentuate attention on a proposal that
could galvanize action on pending problems with respect to obligations subsisting
between two countries by reason of their wartime and peacetime special relationships and
agreements affecting our military security, economic development, and social stability.
A member of our Senate, Senator Primicias among a few, had cabled President Truman
ostensibly to warn him that my visit could be purely partisan adventure. Alfonso Ponce
Enrile was good enough, I subsequently heard, to call that gratuitous wire obviously an
attempt to sabotage the public welfare, adding that to entertain the idea that anything
like that could be palmed off on such a master political strategist as the American
President is pitifully infantile.
The Chronicle, no dedicated Quirino lover by any chance, was moved to observe:
we cannot see what the authors of these telegrams aim to accomplish by such action,
for even if we grant that politics was behind President Quirinos trip, we cannot concede
that the benefits he would receive as a consequence of that trip would also be political.
Those benefits would be in the form of grants and concessions; those benefits would
be economic which would relieve the people, including those who now criticize the
President. (Chronicle, August 6, 1949)
The goodwill of the crowd, some 25,000 strong, hat saw me off at the Manila
International Airport that morning of August 6 warmed my heart. Apparently, the people
l The MEMOIRS
wished me well and wanted me to succeed. Even the press was hopeful.
On this trip, said the Herald, the entire people wish President Quirino success and
Godspeed. The Chronicle agreed, saying: In his trip to Washington, Mr. Quirino will
do everything in his power to secure for the Philippines all those concessions without
which it would be difficult for us to prosper. The Times wrote: The President is
embarking on a momentous voyage.
This in part, is what I said at the airport as I was about to take off:
I wish to thank you all for seeing me off . . . I ask you to leave aside for the moment our
partisan political differences and help me concentrate on the interest of our country while
abroad. I rely on the high-minded loyalty and devotion of every Filipino to his homeland
and people, to cooperate and to wish success to our mission. . . Please pray at least for the
safety of our national interests which I carry deep in my heart.
Aboard the PAL DC-6 plane Manila on the first lap of our flight, I relaxed to reflect
pleasantly on a few of the happy details of the circumstances and arrangements attending
what promised to be an auspicious journey and mission.
At a White House conference the day before, Mr. Truman had referred to his invitation
as one that could provide an opportunity for discussing a number of matters of common
and continuing interest arising out of the peculiarly intimate and friendly relations
between the Philippines and the United States. He had developed this reference to
whatever President Quirino may wish to take up. He had let it be known that he would
come out to meet me at the Washington Airport upon my arrival, something which, it
was understood, he did not always do for visiting foreign statesmen.
Rear Admiral Francis P. Old, Commander of the U.S. Naval Forces in the Philippines,
had supplied appropriate information on our trip to the Commander of the U.S. Naval
Forces in the Marianas and the Commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet, who accordingly,
had alerted all U.S. naval installations along our route to give hospitality, personal
security and aid in case of need. There was no chance for me and my party to get lost
or to miss our destination, what with the entire facilities of the U.S. Navy being on the
lookout for my safety and comfort.
Andres Soriano, PAL President, was out to surpass himself and his company no
less by having arranged for the best pilots to man our plane. Our Civil Aeronautics
Administration was adequately represented on our plane to render the best available
technical assistance. The panel of advisers on my entourage left nothing to be desired in
The memoirs l
241
it was time to push harder.
242
We touched Guam, Wake, Honolulu, and San Francisco briefly. At every point, the
highest representatives of the U.S. government did all the honors to show, in the
abbreviated moments of our passage, that our country appeared to be cherished by the
host nation they represented. Where there were organized Filipino communities, our
paisanos came out in force to salute our mission.
the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines even stood at attention while Mr. Truman and
I took turns on a platform to exchange pleasant words, to indicate that our two nations
were friends in a special way.
This was the way Mr. Truman put it:
It is a great pleasure to welcome you to the United States as guest of the people of this
country.
Up in the stratosphere between airport stops, I had the leisure to mull what I could take
up with Mr. Truman and tell the two chambers of the U.S. Congress.
I recall that as Vice President of your country, you were our guest in May 1947, and that
the late Manuel Roxas visited the United States as President-elect in May 1946.
We arrived in San Francisco in the morning of August 8 and were met by Emilio Abello,
our Minister in Washington, members of the Filipino community, local state and city
officials, Army and Navy representatives, and State Department people. I was able to say
over the excitement and the flowers that it was a most grateful experience to be around
to renew friendly U.S. contacts. America and the Philippines had parallel traditions
and common interests in freedom and peace, I said, and we could not meet too often
to strengthen the bonds of friendship and cooperation. From the airport, we drove to
the chapel of the St. Vincent High School to hear a special Mass sung by Bishop Hugh
Donahue. We felt that the good Lord rated our special thanks for getting us across safe
and the whole.
The present occasion is significant for it is the first time the President of the Republic
of the Philippines has visited the United States. For that reason, we wish to make our
welcome doubly warm to a representative of our young sister nation.
While the rest of my party took in San Francisco, I was welcomed for the lunch, a nap,
a moment to draft my response to the kind words of welcome Mr. Truman was to say at
the Washington Airport upon our arrival there the following day. It was thoughtful of the
State Department to have wired me en route the advance text of Mr. Trumans proposed
welcome speech.
Incidentally, it was here in San Francisco, the following day, that a Filipino expatriate
businessman, who called himself Porfirio Sevilla, wired Mr. Truman: Please defer your
meeting with President Quirino until after the election (in the Philippines). He is seeking
to imply to my people that he is receiving the endorsement of the United States and the
American people. This was reported in an Associated Press dispatch of August 8.
Mr. Truman either failed to get this advice on time or, if he did, chose the moment not
to heed its wisdom. As had been indicated, he was on hand at the Washington Airport
at 4:30 in the afternoon of the same day, along with Secretary of State Dean Acheson
and the rest of the Cabinet. It was a balmy day. There was a 21-gun salute. A navy band
played the national anthems of the two countries. Hundreds of honor-guard troops from
l The MEMOIRS
There is, happily, a long history of friendship between the Philippines and the United
States. In the past 50 years, our two people have together written a memorable chapter in
world history.
It is a record of peaceful pursuits of our own choosing and of two world wars not of our
choosing in which we fought side by side and shared defeats and victory.
In the words of the late Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the United States and the
Philippines have learned the principles of honest cooperation, of mutual respect in peace
and in war.
For those principles we have fought and by those principles we shall live.
In these recent troubled years, the people of the United States and of the Philippines
have been steadfast in their adherence to the principles upon which their countries were
founded and upon which world peace must be built.
Both nations are dedicated to securing justice and liberty and promoting the general
welfare of their own citizens.
As members of the United Nations, they are dedicated to securing the same blessings for
all people everywhere.
There is a new struggle in the world today, a struggle of ideas, a struggle that ignores
national boundaries and even national loyalties.
The memoirs l
243
expertise, sobriety and wisdom among them, Jose Yulo, Pio Pedrosa, General Calixto
Duque, Filemon Rodriguez, and Amando Dalisay.
Again our two people will be found on the same side.

With pride in our common traditions, strength in our beliefs and in our future, we
dedicate ourselves anew to the cause of all free men.
I hope that you will enjoy your visit among us and that you will take back to the Filipino
people the warm regard of the people of the United States.
And I replied:
Mr. President: I am very grateful for your gracious invitation to visit briefly with you as
head of this great and noble nation.
It is a rare privilege to be accorded this distinguished reception. I am overwhelmed by the
high honor.
244
It can only be justified by the esteem in which you regard the country whose
independence and sovereignty you yourself proclaimed.
I am unworthy recipient of that manifestation. I know I am going to enjoy once again
the fullness of the hospitality for which the American people are justly noted.
There are, as you lately indicated a number of matters of common and continuing
interest to our two people.
It encourages us in the Philippines beyond measure that you should affirm Americas
continued solicitude by providing us a special occasion to review them with you so
that we may thereby strengthen the common basis of friendly understanding and
collaboration which have always characterized the relations between your people and
mine.
I realize that immediate problems of even greater magnitude press upon your attention.
It is the most reassuring indication of your sincere appreciation of what my country can
contribute, however modestly, to the progress, peace, and happiness of our two countries
and, perhaps, of the world as a whole, that you should pause and afford the Philippines
an opportunity to discuss with matters that vitally affect our people at home and abroad.
I wish to thank you again, Mr. President for your very kind welcome.
l The MEMOIRS
After a snappy review of the honor guards and their presentation of the colors, Mr.
Truman took me to his limousine and led a motorcade that wound up at Blair House,
where I was stay as the American Presidents guest for the first day of my Washington
state visit.
I was delighted, of course, if a trifle spent, by all this thoughtful attention to the President
of the Philippines. This and all else to follow in the next two days constitute what they
call the red-carpet treatment, representing the kindest, if most transitory, aspects of
international friendship and cooperation.
I noted that the worlds greatest newspaper, the New York Times, approved of my
coming, viewed it in fact in a kindly light:
Washington will reflect the sentiments of the American public if it extends to President
Quirino the best welcome in its power.
We cannot help but feel a strong sense of responsibility to this new Asiatic democracy
since it evolved politically under our authority.
Coupled with that sense is an attitude of profound personal friendliness toward a people
who have proved themselves loyal comrades in arms and co-workers in the good causes
that we espouse.
President Quirino is a good spokesman for those people . . . his devotion to freedom
is more than lip service . . . It has been remarked that his visit at this time is somewhat
embarrassing to our own State Department because he has been in a recent conference
with President Chiang Kai-shek whom we are apparently determined to abandon.
If there is such an embarrassment, it is of its own making and not President Quirinos.
It is also suggested that one of the reasons for President Quirinos trip is the desire to
discuss what further aid we can give to the Philippines.
That in itself is a good reason for the visit since we should be fully informed of what we
can do and fully aware of what we ought to do to assist the complete rehabilitation of the
archipelago.
We still have a real moral debt to the Filipinos and we ought not rest easily until it has
been discharged . . . we in turn ought to try to find out what we can get from President
Quirino.
The memoirs l
245
Doubts are being cast upon the validity of beliefs by which we live.
We will be well advised to confer closely with President Quirino and give proper weight
to his findings.
He has always been our good friend. Now he can be an unusually useful one.
(Chronicle, August 9, 1949)
In the light of such good opinion, I could not help being confirmed in my suspicion that
the purpose of my mission might prosper.
To round out his hospitality for the day, Mr. Truman, gave me a state dinner at the
Carlton Hotel. It was a very pleasant affair that included Vice-President Barkley, Speaker
Sam Rayburn, Secretary Acheson and all other members of the Cabinet, Chief Justice
Vinson, ranking leaders of Congress, and leading members of my party.
246
Mr. Truman said it was a historical occasion from the fact that the whole U.S.
government had enough representation in it, and was so arranged that it could truthfully
be said that the Republic of the Philippines was being honored. And so I believed.
The Republic, according to him, was something new in the history of the world. Never
before from Egypt, Syria, Greece and Rome to Great Britain and the Empire of the
French has it been the province the privilege of the most powerful nation in
the world to create a republic and donate to its sovereignty in its own right, until the
Republic of the Philippines was created.
I responded to the generous toast of Mr. Truman to say, among a few things, that
after President McKinley stumbled on the Philippines in 1898, after President Wilson
conceived the notion of giving us a permanent government and independence, and after
the President Roosevelt granted that independence by law, it remained for him, Mr.
Truman, to give life, to give dignity, to give distinction and . . . security, to that new
republic in the East.
I moved over, after a restful night at Blair House, to the Philippine Chancery the next
morning, and there made ready for the separate, successive sessions of the two chambers
of Congress which were specifically convened to honor and hear the President of the
Philippines.
Secretary Acheson and I had just enough time for a conference at our embassy before
I went to address the two houses of Congress. This was in the way of a preliminary to
l The MEMOIRS
my scheduled call on Mr. Truman in the afternoon. Mr. Acheson was concerned over
what I could and would take up with the President. I indicated assurance that I would
make no impossible impositions on the Presidents good nature. It will be recalled that
Mr. Acheson had had some anxiety over the fact that I had arranged to be hospitable to
Chiang Kai-shek for two days in Baguio the month before, without the knowledge and
blessing of the State Department. That seemed a novelty in his estimation, even if we had
been proclaimed free by Mr. Truman three years back.
At home in Manila, Eulogio Rodriguez, head of the opposition Nacionalista Party,
had announced that his party would refrain from indulging in political criticism of my
official doings in Washington. Upon Mr. Quirinos return, he said, we will demand
an accounting of his achievements in the United States. Fair enough. Certainly, all the
nation was entitled to an accounting.
As scheduled, I addressed the U.S. House of Representatives first and then the Senate.
The Capitol building was then under repairs and the work of renovation made it
impractical to meet in joint session. I was well received on the two occasions.
This is what I told the House:
Thirty years ago I occupied a seat in the House of Representatives of my country. This
fact makes me feel at home in your midst. As Head of a new State that owes its existence
to American wisdom and idealism, I am filled with a mingled sense of gratitude and
humility because of the special circumstances that have brought me to this mighty
rostrum.
The Independence Act you passed in 1934 as our charter of liberty has well directed
our course as a nation. During the transition period between 1934 and the actual grant
of independence on July 4, 1946, events of the most far-reaching significance to the
world transpired. That period provided the greatest test ever served on our people and it
revealed to us that quality of the freedom that we had been fighting for, and to America
and the world at large, the character of the nation that has become its recipient and
beneficiary.
The whole world was plunged into the most destructive war known in history. The
Filipinos bled with the rest of humanity in that titanic struggle. Thank God, we have
survived. Instead of succumbing to desperation, following the untold devastation of our
country and the decimation of our population, we have come out stronger, fortified in
the blessings of democracy and freedom. We have risen from our prostration disposed to
anticipate and face the dangers of another possible world conflict. And we are determined
The memoirs l
247
He can give us the benefit of his judgment on affairs in Asia. He can interpret the East to
us if we ask him to do so . . .
Immediately after the liberation of our country in 1945, we thought that the Philippines
could not be rebuilt in less than 10 years, that it would take much longer for us to be
able to stand on our own feet. But I can say with pardonable pride that the stride we have
made during the last three years has more than eloquently vindicated our capacity to bear
our burden and obligations as a free and independent people.
248
While many countries in the world are still at a loss to reconstruct or rehabilitate
themselves, bewildered in the face of uncertainties produced by their troubled
surroundings, the Philippines today stands in the midst of a most distressed region as one
stable unit, a veritable haven of many people in the Far East whose liberties have been
threatened.
We have been concentrating our attention on our internal development. We have not lost
a single moment and opportunity to enhance the stabilization of our economy. We have
adopted a new ideology, based on total economic mobilization of our country, as a means
of providing our people a fuller life of substance and contentment in our determined
endeavor to improve our living standards and, in that manner, contain and counteract
the onrush of a totalitarian system battering down the doors of our neighbors.
We thank America for the opportunities given us to develop ourselves and our country,
and for the assistance and guidance we know the United States is disposed to lend us in
our future undertaking. The new Republic of the Philippines was born in self-reliance
and we are determined to build it on solid rock. We cannot do otherwise if we are to
deserve the distinction of being Americas original handiwork in the sphere of freedom in
Asia.
I have come to your country in furtherance of mutual understanding between your
country and mine for the preservation not only of freedom and prosperity but also
of the peace of the world in our part of the globe. I am positive of your concern in this
regard. I am emboldened by the fact that President Truman has graciously invited me to
have an opportunity of presenting our side of the understanding.
I hope that this mightiest body of legislators in the world will have timely and effective
cooperation in our efforts to achieve the rich promise of that understanding, and enable
us to contribute in our modest way to the fulfillment of the high mission of the United
States in the advancement and preservation of world peace and security among liberty-
l The MEMOIRS
loving people. This has become an important phase of our Philippine foreign policy. It
has been inspired no less by a deep sense of obligation that we owe to this great country
that has given us the freedom which, I know, America will do her best to help protect and
develop.
My country is determined to succeed. My people are confident that you will continue
to extend to them every possible support to succeed. Your people and mine, by a fluke
of destiny, have become partners in a most glorious adventure which it will be to your
interest, as well as to that of the entire world, to prosecute towards increasing fulfillment.
(Philippine Ideology, pp. 266-268)
My address to the Senate, which immediately followed in the old Supreme Court
buildings, stressed my Pacific Union proposal. I said:
Fifteen years ago in this very hall, I took oath as a member of the federal bar. It was this
august body of the Senate that, for several months before the Tydings-McDuffie Act was
converted into law on March 24, 1934, I had also frequently visited as a ranking member
of the last Philippine Independence Mission headed by our friend, the late President
Manuel L. Quezon, to watch developments in the discussions of the provisions of the
bill, in the original drafting of which, I know recall with pride, I cooperated with my dear
friend, Senator Tydings.
I have come as a bidden guest of your Government. I am happy to report that Americas
handiwork in the Orient has justified its existence as the first English-speaking Republic
in the Far East. When Commodore Dewey entered Manila Bay and God gave victory to
his arms against the Spanish fleet, the American people little thought, and the Filipinos
thought less, that 50 years afterwards America would assume a role, and the Filipinos
an obligation, unparalleled in the history of liberty-loving people. In spite of herself,
America assumed the responsibility of leadership in the extension of freedom and security
to the people in that part of the globe. And the Philippines, correspondingly and in deep
gratitude, is under the obligation to extend the democratic way of life, as richly enjoyed
by the Filipino people, in our neighborhood and elsewhere.
Today the Republic of the Philippines stands as a monument to the great American
dream of freedom the freedom to which the American nation was born and by which it
lives, and which it has shared increasingly with the people of other lands.
I have recalled this little bit of history because time presses for a redefinition of the
relations between the United States and the Philippines. I speak of the Philippines in a
very special sense, not as just one more state with which this great Republic maintains
The memoirs l
249
to carry on and to fight to the last man on the side of America if freedom, our freedom
and your freedom, should ever again be menaced and the democratic way of life
imperiled.
How far we have proved ourselves worthy of freedom, the whole world knows. And
the world will know that we are determined to fight for freedom as long as Bataan and
Corregidor exist. As far as we are concerned, the history of our unremitting struggle for
liberty during the last 400 years has predetermined our future course, should our freedom
be menaced from any quarter.
250
Our republic is only three years old. It was born under exceedingly difficult and trying
circumstances, drawing in its birth not only the blood and tears of my countrymen but
of yours, as well. Our faith in democracy is being tested most severely. But I ask you,
remembering the history of your own original 13 states that formed the Union, to believe
that the Republic of the Philippines will emerge from these troubled times stronger in its
faith in the soundness and incomparable advantages of the democratic way. The Filipino
people have found in the democracy you have implanted in our land the fullness of life
and enjoyment of its blessings, and they will not surrender them in exchange for the false
Utopian promises of any totalitarian system.
But today, the most urgent problem that confronts the Philippines and the other free
countries of Asia is the problem of security. It is, in fact, the principal problem that besets
all those states that lie athwart the advancing tide of Communism.
The Philippines rejoices with the rest of the Free world that there has at least been erected
a mighty bulwark against the advance of Communism in Europe. That sector of the globe
has been secured and the peace of the world, to that extent, has been stabilized.
However, it is obvious to everyone that the task of securing our Free World is only half
done. No one who realizes the extent of the menace to which Asia is exposed the threat
to Korea, the infiltration into Vietnam, the debacle in China can well afford to rest at
ease now that the North Atlantic Pact is in full force and effect.
Asia, with its vast population which accounts for more than half that of the world and
with its incalculable resources, cannot and ought not to be lost to Communism by
default. And yet this is bound to happen unless something of the courage and vision that
went into the forging of the democratic defense in Europe is applied to the forging of a
similar system of defense in Asia.
My concern over this problem has led me into taking the first steps towards this end.
l The MEMOIRS
I realize fully that there are strong reasons why the United States may not too readily
welcome the obligations that its active participation in this project would entail. I have
not, therefore, made such participation a necessary condition for the initiation of the
project itself.
But I feel very strongly that the free countries of Southeast Asia and the Pacific must
themselves start the movement for closer cooperation in furtherance of their common
interest in the political, economic, and cultural fields. No military commitments are
contemplated at the moment. The reason is simple. The countries concerned have, at
present, no armies, navies or air forces to muster under the terms of military alliance.
Most of them have but newly emerged into independent nationhood and are faced with
grave domestic problems. They count with no industrial base of sufficient strength or
magnitude to support a major military undertaking and by constitutional mandate, the
Philippines renounces war as an instrument of national policy. Above all, it is my feeling
that we have time in the still free countries of Asia to halt the advance of Communism by
non-military means.
Our problem is therefore basically economic. Asia must properly feed and clothe and
house its millions, and raise their living standards. Technical aid is needed as well as
capital to tap and develop its agricultural and industrial potentialities. Fortunately,
President Trumans four-point program and the United Nations project of technical
assistance to under-developed countries give promise of aid to come.
We realize that, in the end, our salvation must come from self-help, and that the
advantages of self-help will be enhanced tenfold if, as we now propose to do in the
projected Pacific Union, we can convert self-help into mutual help.
This is the fundamental aim and purpose of the Pacific Union: To forge stronger ties
of economic cooperation and collaboration between the free countries of Asia in order
to enhance their prosperity, to hasten the march of self-government in order to afford
concentration on internal development, and to preserve their freedom. If after the union
has been organized and the modes of collaboration have been determined, the United
Sates and the other democracies should desire to offer such help as should lie in their
power to give, it need hardly be said that the offer will not only be warmly received but
also justly blessed. I am confident that the member states of the Union will gratefully
accept the renewal in peace and for peaceful ends of an alliance that was forged in the last
war for the sake of a common victory.
Time runs short and the margin of our common security grows narrower each day. As
President of the Republic of the Philippines, I consider it my supreme responsibility
The memoirs l
251
certain ties, but as a vital outpost of freedom and democracy in our side of the world
the very freedom which you taught us to treasure and of which you are today the great
champion and defender.
252
I am grateful to the members of the Senate for this singular opportunity to say a few
words from this mighty rostrum. I have spoken with a degree of frankness that may
sound somewhat unusual coming from almost any other guest of this powerful body. But
for this I invoke the memory of our long association in the common endeavor of freedom
and democracy that culminated in the establishment of the Republic of the Philippines.
I invoke also the bitter sacrifices that the American and the Filipino people endured
together in the recent war for freedom in the Pacific as sufficient justification for the grave
concern that I have here expressed on behalf of that self-same freedom.
The freedom is in peril for more than half the population of the globe. Only the blind
will say that the menace does not concern America, because the history of the last two
world wars shows all too clearly that this great democracy cannot remain unconcerned
wherever and whenever the survival of free men in a free world is at stake. (Philippine
Ideology, pp. 269-274)
The sentiment reproduced above came of the climate of the existing relations between
two countries. Their validity must of necessity depend on how close they were to
verifiable facts.
Discounting what could merely be the well-mannered response to the obligations of
international friendship and hospitality, it appears that the favorable reactions of the
American leaders who allowed themselves to be mentioned for the record signify fair
appreciation of the urgency to demonstrate through the Philippines, among other things,
that the United States accepts responsibility, and has the means, to broaden the benefit
that should and could stop Communism in economically and socially depressed areas,
which are the main Communist hunting grounds through which capture the world.
To their class apparently belonged the Chairmen of the Foreign Relations Committees in
the two chambers of Congress- Senator Tom Connally and Representative John Kee. So
did, among others, Senators Arthur Vanderberg, Rupert Taft, Walter George, William
Fulbright, Willis Robertson, Hugh Butler, and Representative Walter H. Judd.
Senator Fulbright said:
l The MEMOIRS
Precious time and ground already have been lost by our delay. But I hope that we are at
least sufficiently alerted to the moral danger we face in Asia that we will support with
enthusiasm and determination their effort to develop and extend the Pacific Pact.
Senator Robert A. Taft conceded that what I proposed would have a substantial result in
the thinking of senators on Far Eastern problems.
The Washington Evening Star observed:
President Quirino comes to us at a crucial moment in world affairs. The Communist
triumph in China is admittedly bankrupt, and we are today trying to evolve a new policy
capable of meeting the exigencies of a novel and dangerous situation.
In this time of interim uncertainty, what is better counselor could we have than the leader
of a nation which is almost as much exposed to the peril of Red aggression after Pearl
Harbor; he and his people are potentially one of the most dependable factors in any
plan for containment of Communist expansion in Asia and the evolution of a counteroffensive that will redeem that continent from totalitarian tyranny.
With Jose Yulo, Pio Pedrosa and Joaquin Elizalde, I called on the President Truman in the
afternoon of the same day for scheduled conference with him. Here we had an hour long
opportunity to go over a variety of questions in more specific terms. I was well satisfied
with Trumans reaction to the way I brought up these problems with reference to placing
the Philippines in a position to sustain its part as a bastion of freedom in Southeast Asia.
We got so engrossed in our talk that we forgot to take into account at the close what we
would tell the newsmen awaiting outside. After a moment of consultation, we disposed of
this difficulty by agreeing to leave it to Mr. Truman, on whose hospitality I did not wish
to presume, to issue a statement later on what we saw eye to eye.
In the evening, when I gave a return state dinner for Mr. Truman at the Statler Hotel, I
had an opportunity upon toasting him to say that I might go home to the Philippines
empty-handed but certainly not empty-hearted. It was to show that I considered my visit
amply rewarded, even without reference to the concrete benefits expected to result from
my visit.
It could like twitting Mr. Truman, which was not meant to be, as I felt I had every reason to
be gratified by the way he and all Washington had attended to whatever I had to say. Equal
to the occasion, he promptly and amiably responded: I am extremely happy you are not
going home empty-hearted and I am very sure you wont go home empty-handed either.
The memoirs l
253
in this perilous hour to call upon our friends everywhere, but especially our friends in
America, not to tarry too long in the redefinition of fundamental attitude towards Asia
to which I have earlier referred. May I venture to hope that this process, which may well
determine the fate of more than half of mankind in the next thousand years, will be a
calm, deliberate movement towards clarity, vigor, and resolution.
The next day, accompanied by my advisers, I conferred with Secretary of Defense Louis
John and other US defense officials, among whom were Secretary Gordon Gray, Navy
Secretary Francis Matthews, Air Force Secretary W. Stuart Symington, Chief of Naval
Operations Admiral Louis Denfeld, Deputy Defense Secretary Stephen Early, Joint Staff
Director Major General Alfred M. Gruenther, and Army Chief of Staff General Omar
Bradley.
254
We took up the question of Philippine defense and what we hoped to obtain in further
military assistance. I laid out basic points for my military specialists, who were to remain
behind, to follow up in subsequent discussions with US defense officials.
Later, I talked with officials of the Veterans Administration about outstanding unsettled
matters with respect to benefits for Filipino veterans, including the construction of a
Veterans Memorial Hospital.
In the afternoon, the envoys of China, Korea, India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Iraq, Lebanon,
and Syria were invited to the Philippine Chancery for tea. We had a delightful social visit.
I had considered to bring up informally the Pacific Union idea, but thought better of it.
There could be such a thing, I realized, as rushing a good idea and ruining it before its
time.
The White House issued the statement on my conversations with the US President in the
following morning that Mr. Truman saw me off at the Washington Airport for the next
point of my journey- New York. It was as follows:
The President of the Republic of the Philippines and the President of the United States
have met at Washington and discussed at length problems of common interest to the two
nations.
The spirit of these conversations has reflected the historic and unique relations between
these two countries.
l The MEMOIRS
As in the past, it was the aim of the United States that the Philippines should assume its
position as a free and self-reliant member of the world community, so today the United
States looks forward to the preservation and strengthening of the position the Philippines
has achieved in order that it may make its full contribution to that community.
It is recognized that the capacity of the republic of the Philippines to live up to the high
hopes which the events of the past three years have kindled must depend in part upon its
economic situation.
The two Presidents have discussed measures for the reinforcement and development
of the Philippine economy in terms of recommendations of the report of the Joint
Philippine-American Finance Commission, issued in 1947, being convinced that the
economic progress of the Philippines will be not only in the immediate interest of the
two countries, but will contribute vitally to the determination of the free people to resist
those forces which seek their enslavement so long as that menace shall threaten.
The two Presidents have agreed that this resistance will be most effective in areas
where the material well-being of the people allows full appreciation of the meaning of
freedom and that conversely it is among people who have abandoned hope of individual
betterment that least resistance will be offered to those perverted forces which would
destroy the ideals to which the two nations are dedicated.
The President of the Philippines has expressed the determination of his country to pursue
with vigor the courses of action which offer the greatest promise.
The President of the United States has reiterated the desire and intention of the United
States to render all feasible assistance.
The United States will continue to watch sympathetically the efforts of the people of Asia
to forge stronger ties of economic cooperation and collaboration to hasten the progress of
self-government and to preserve their freedom.
The statement was neat but cautious affirmation of good things in the most general
terms. It could mean everything or nothing. It says in effect that the United States is in
favor of friendship, of freedom, and of helping its friends who are determined to help
themselves to resist evil. This evil of course is Communism and all its works.
I ran the risk of yielding the feeling of self-satisfaction in running across an estimate of
Harry W. Franz, a veteran Washington correspondent of the United Press. He wrote
on August 12 that the President of the Philippines have conducted his official visit to
The memoirs l
255
This set up no little lively speculation at the moment and subsequently, especially
among those not privy to the details of the conference that afternoon, all the way from
Washington to Manila. I did not think to presume that I had leave to elaborate Mr.
Trumans conveniently cryptic remark. The nearest to an elaboration was sentence in the
White House statement two days later, in this wise: The President of the United States
has reiterated the desire and the intention of the United States to render all feasible
assistance.
this national capital with grace and distinction and quickened old and new currents of
friendship which already have made Philippine-American goodwill a living force for
peace and democracy in world affairs. He appeared to believe that, with respect to the
Pacific Union, I implanted a concept that has a better chance to grow than it would have
had if born full grown.
I stressed that in the internal renewal of Christianity and democracy lies the best hope of
conquering Communism, for it is only by establishing the superiority of the Christian
and democratic way that we can show up the fallacy and emptiness of the Communist
challenge and promise. Certainly, I said, our mere profession of Christianity and
democracy will avail us nothing if we merely keep vindictiveness and hate in our hearts.
That remains to be seen.
It was at Fordham, a signal honor to be taken, in behalf of the Philippines, as a symbol of

international fidelity and the fulfillment of solemn promises in a world where the pledged
word have seem to have lost its sanctity and dignity.
256
And so it follows that arriving there on August 12, after Washington, I was looked upon
as a kind of ambulant testimony by which to estimate the prospect of new and more US
money available for investment in the Philippine, and what good could come of it. Some
such idea as a Pacific Union assumed pertinence insofar as it could affect and help to
correctly anticipate the advantages of US business investment there.
New York gave me the regulation reception reserved on special occasions for a special
guest. I was showered with ticker tape on Broadway; there were touching welcome words
at the City Hall in a certificate and in the mayors speech; and I reviewed a military
parade of the Citys Finest.
At the Union Club, Winthrop Aldrich, Chase National Bank Chairman, gathered
for luncheon 56 leaders of US business and finance for that kind of contact supposed
to be vital in giving decisive directions to a nations economic destiny. Accordingly, I
invited them, to invest in the Philippines or to follow up on and broaden what they had
already invested there, pledge continuing protection to their investment, assured the free
exchange of currency, and cited the encouraging profit possibilities.
The following day, lunch with Cardinal Spellman and an honorary degree from Fordham
University served to balanced what otherwise could seem undue preoccupation with
material things.
At Fordham, I recalled the exploit of a bold adventurer from Spain 400 years back, whose
aftermath laid the foundation of my country of a Christian heritage. On this foundation,
I said, developed a democratic order that it became our responsibility to preserve and
spread, in common with the rest of our neighbors threatened by the advance of a new
godless tyranny.
l The MEMOIRS
In spite of our sour note by a New York Daily Mirror columnist Robert S. Allen, (three
of Quirinos party were Jap collaborators and United States denouncers), our brief passage
through the world business capital will remain memorable. We seemed to have brought a
little cheer to people who otherwise could lack for nothing at all.
We are troubled and somewhat confused about the many things happening in Asia these
days, said the New York Times, and it is comfort to have with us someone from that
part of the world with whom we can talk freely in full understanding that we want the
same good things for ourselves and for each other. Our community of interest with the
Philippines is reflected in this call of a good friend.
The Herald Tribune had its own way of assessing our call:
The President arrived in this country at a moment when we are in dismay over the illsuccess of our Chinese policy and when the whole problem of our far eastern relations is
under serious review. And he arrived with the reminder that in the Philippines we have
a present friend and ally, by the background of tradition a firm bridge between East and
West, devoted to the democratic theory, and offering in many ways a sound base for an
enlightened democratic policy in the Far EastThe idea (of lending support to a Pacific
Union) involves many complications, but it is time at least to realize its importance and
understand that in the independent Philippine Republic we have assets of friendships and
goodwill not lightly to be overlooked as we face the difficult problems which the Far East
presents.
I had just one opportunity before leaving New York to touch again in the Philippines
economic aspirations. This was at a dinner meeting at the Waldorf-Astoria with the
National Foreign Trade Council and the Philippine-American Chamber of Commerce,
on the eve of my departure. I enlarged in some detail on the Philippine economic
affairs, assuring welcome and protection to American investments and reaffirming at the
same time the necessity of continuing such controls as were required to carry through
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257
In New York, the business capital of the United States and of the world, the kind of
security that is understood first and last has to do with money, with profit and loss,
with what is produced and consumed, with the quality of living as determined by the
productive processes that money with know-how sets going.
I left New York on August 13, thankful beyond words for the hospitality and courtesies
extended to us, and with the personal conviction that I had done my best to cultivate and
foster friendship between my people and the American people.
From New York we flew to Los Angeles, arriving there in time to worship at St. Bibianas
Cathedral Sunday morning, at which Archbishop J. Francis A. McIntyre officiated.
258
There I heard that Representative Jacob K. Javits, New York Republican, had introduced
in the House of Representatives a resolution urging the creation of a Union of Free Far
Eastern and Non-European Countries to develop their economic and social well-being.
Through the union, these countries would receive US assistance for broad-scale economic
and social development and become barrier to the spread of Communism.
Asked about the Pacific Union in Los Angeles, I had occasion to refer to China and the
advance of Communism there. I noted that the Communist could conquer the territory
but they could not conquer the hearts of the people if they were happy and contented.
It was also at this time that the Washington Evening Star observed that the Philippine
Presidents warning to Congress that little time remained to save the Far East from
Communism should be weighed and pondered throughout the length and breadth of
this land of ours. No matter what the practical difficulties might be, said the Star, such
authoritative warnings cannot go unheeded.
The New York Times had a good last word about the frankness with which this warning
was made in the face of US reluctance to participate.
This is the sort of forthright declaration that commands respect and that promotes
understanding. Naturally, our approval for any such enterprise is desired. Our
participation would add to the element of immeasurable strength.
But Mr. Quirino does not propose that Southeast Asia can wait or should wait until we
made up our minds..
Governor Earl Warren of California joined me on our plane from Los Angeles to San
Francisco late in the afternoon. We were to have met in a rodeo show but got our signals
mixed, and he had to catch up with me at the Los Angeles airport. It was good to hear
l The MEMOIRS
that Filipinos in California were doing well, were industrious, were giving no trouble
and that they were even saving money and contributing to the economic progress of the
state. I had met a representative group of them at the popular luncheon given by the Los
Angeles 10,000 member Filipino community at the Baltimore Hotel earlier in the day,
and had been well impressed.
To the crowd that met us at the San Francisco airport later, I was able to report on
my afternoon glimpse of the Los Angeles rodeo. I joked about the possible benefit of
studying roping because there were a lot of political bulls in the Philippines that could
need it.
In our brief stopover here, I had time for just two more public statements, one at
Standard University in Palo Alto, and the other, before the Commonwealth Club in San
Francisco. I managed to put in my regular mid-monthly radio chat, which I did not want
to miss doing, and which was relayed to our people in the Philippines.
At Stanford, on August 16, I observed that if the United States turned its back on the
Pacific basin, this would be lost by default to America and the civilized world.
I traced, too, the inspiration of the Pacific Union idea:
When people of the West began building fences against the onrush of Communism, we
of the East began wondering if that program was not to be extended to our half of the
world. Someone from the United States asked what I thought of a Pacific Pact. It was
suggested in March. Then when the Atlantic Pact was formed, Generalissimo Chiang
Kai-shek found time to tell me of the desperate situation in China, and things really got
rolling. (S. F., August 16, IMS; Daily mirror, August 16, 1949)
And to the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco, I said:
Many of your friends in the Orient are becoming discouraged over the feeling that you
are turning your eyes only to the West . . . You cannot, must not, ignore the Far East. We
constitute half the population of the world, we in the Southeast Asia countries. We are
not jealous of the help you have given to Europe but we think we can claim proportional
attention, too, if you happen to look out at your own back door . . . The Philippines is
your democratic outposts . . . your moral outpost. The minute you withdraw from the
Philippines, you turn your back on your most loyal ally.
To our people at home, I reported my conviction that I had not come to the United
States in vain, reviewing a hectic week of unstinted hospitality, high honors, and
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259
a program of total economic mobilization to build-up and orderly and progressive

economy. I found a most receptive group apparently eager to cooperate through the welltested methods of private enterprise in a vigorous program for accelerating our countrys
economic recovery and sustained development.
In Honolulu, our plane stopped just long enough for us to greet kindly disposed people
officially and otherwise.
At Hickman Field, I talked to a welcoming crowd Filipino residents of Hawaii,
Ilocanos mostly. I reminded them that they could be thinking of their homeland and
sharing with it their experience and knowledge of modern agriculture and industry. I
appealed to them to contribute to the growth of their country. (It has been six years
since and I cannot say, now that we are obsessed with artesian wells and how they could,
profitably written up in the papers, to what extent any of these Hawaii Filipinos has
heeded my suggestion to make that contribution.)
The Hawaiian territorial legislature felt quite up to drawing some platitudes from my
direction, just to honor me. So I obliged. Some of the things I said:
260
The Philippines seeks peace through prosperity and not through war.
I cannot conceive of nations preparing for peace by girding for war.
We should seek a new path to inspire peace throughout the world.
The nations of the world should concentrate on internal development and prosperity.
That will bring the friendship of the neighbor nations, and friendship gives power.
The Philippines has seen successive waves of invaders but we never surrendered until we
were overpowered. Then we found a way of befriending our enemies, and each one left
behind influences which have made our life richer. (Daily Mirror, August 17, 1949)
My attention was called to a United Press dispatch with a London dateline, which
reported that I was understood to have received in Washington a remarkably cold
shoulder upon mentioning the idea of the Pacific Union.
The only mention Quirino heard about arms aid, so the British had been informed,
was the 21-gun salute he received at the airport. Whereupon I was supposed to have
quickly taken the hint and switched the discussion to U.S.-Philippine trade. (Hongkong,
August 17, UP; Chronicle, August 19, 1949)
Meanwhile, the same news service was ticking out this summation of our Washington
journey from the perspective of San Francisco;
In retrospect, the highlights of the Quirino tour were the appearances given him by
President Truman which went far beyond the mere courtesies due the visiting head of a
friendly state, the heros reception accorded President Quirino by the City of New York,
and Mr. Quirinos frank appeals to some of Americas leading businessmen both in New
York and San Francisco for capital investment in the Philippines.
President Quirino succeeded in preventing a trip from becoming a political advertisement
for the candidacy for reelection in November.
I was back on August 18 in Manila after being away for 12 days. The fuss was more
considerable at the airport. The press reported that there were 30,000 at the airport
and that 200,000 more fellow citizens lined the streets to welcome us and to say what
a Chronicle editorial and cartoon of that day indicated: Well done. The impression
seemed general at the airport as well as all over the nation that the mission had been quite
a success.
So I said to our people, among other things:
Curiosity about the Pacific Pact idea dogged me in Honolulu also. I had to say it would
undoubtedly be more effective if the United States should give it support as I personally
hoped the United States would. But nobody then could be sure.
Thirteen days ago I took off from this airport, received the encouragement of a big
group of friends and sympathizers . . . Today . . . I contemplate a greater congregation . . .
Anyway, I insisted that the Pacific Pact was intended really to be pacific that it could be
the expanded expression of our internal program of total economic mobilization.
Grueling experience . . . severely put to test my physical resistance . . . during all the
crowded schedule abroad . . . Thinking fellow countrymen would call my trip . . .
anything but a junket.
Somebody referred to Dr. Syngman Rhee as being critical of the Pacific pact, to the effect
that it could not be effective without military commitments. Maybe, but I declined to
take issue with the Korean President.
l The MEMOIRS
God knows that I havent had a single moment of personal pleasure except . . . of
accomplishing my delicate task . . . the enhancement of the respect and . . . regard of the
United States . . . for the Philippines . . . our people. The material things . . . are only
The memoirs l
261
deepened mutual understanding, of assurance of generous help far-reaching in

consequences to the future of our people.
I did not go to the United States to ask or beg . . . Many important matters . . . needed to
be clarified . . . I am happy I have been able to place our cards on the table, faces up . . .
Newsweek, in its Periscope column, would report that our new-found friend, Myron
Cowen, U.S. Ambassador to Manila, was rueful about Mr. Trumans impulsive
utterance that the Philippine President would go home neither empty-hearted nor
empty-handed.
When I get to Manila, Mr. Cowen was quoted by Newsweek as saying, everybody is
going to ask me What have you got in your little black bag for us? and I am not going
to have a single thing.
262
In the same issue, Newsweeks Washington correspondent Walter Fitzmaurice would

discuss profoundly what he regarded as an Odyssey for Dollars and Votes.
It could be said that this world has its imperfections and one, however fortunate, could
not have everything. More things would come from Newsweek and U.S. publications
from Washington, and they could not all be sugar and honey.
When Mr. Truman, on August 12, reiterated the desire and intention of the United
States to render all feasible assistance, it was not reckoned that for indefinitely
afterwards, the United States would presume or insist on blind and abject Philippine
devotion (some unreconstructed local nationalists would call it subservience) out of a
feeling of obligation for the reiteration to render all feasible assistance.
Shortly after my arrival in Malacaan, I had this message sent to the American President:
I arrived safely at four oclock this afternoon. My first thought is to reiterate my deepest
appreciation of your personal concern and that of other officials of the government of the
United States over my safety during the whole trip. I shall never forget the unprecedented
hospitality and cordiality shown to me by the people of the United States, most especially
your personal attention and high regard. I assure you, Mr. President, that my people
have an increasing moral obligation to America for this manifestation of esteem and
distinction accorded to your daughter republic. With my highest respect and kindest
regards to Mrs. Truman.
l The MEMOIRS
EPILOGUE:
A DAUGHTER
CLOSES
HER FATHERS
MEMOIR
EAFING THROUGH THE PAGES of these memoirs that I know so well,

I am struck, not so much by nostalgia or sentimentality, but by a great and
overwhelming feeling of relief.
I would like to think that the relief is brought about by the fact that I have
accomplished an important filial duty, an obligation that only a child can have towards
a parent. And the great relief that I feel at having accomplished this duty is made all the
more meaningful and gratifying by the fact that it has taken some 34 years to do so.
Does it matter that these memoirs are unfinished? By the time my father set his mind
to recording the events of his life, he was already living on borrowed time. But physical
deterioration and weakness could not hinder his spirit or his urgent desire to commit his
life to paper. That he eventually succumbed to death before he could finish his memoirs is
another defeat that he took with the same dignity and grace that marked all other defeats
he had suffered in his lifetime.
And it is precisely that sense of dignity and that self-same grace that shines forth one
hundred years after his birth. With the printing of his memoirs this year, his centennial
is made all the more meaningful by the fact that Time has done him the greatest of
favors. It has allowed Elpidio Quirino the rare benediction of being read and judged
in perspective. That was something that he could not have during his lifetime, and
something that I feel he desperately craved for, as most much maligned men do.
The memoirs l
263
secondary . . . you cannot put a peso sign to the wealth of friendship . . . goodwill . . .
understanding . . . respect . . . one nation has for another . . . I come home proud that I
have been able to bring . . . these things . . .
And I, his daughter, cannot help but wonder at how truly mysterious Fates workings are.
This man who was ridiculed and maligned so much in the last years of his presidency
seemed to have been cheated of all chances to redeem himself. Needless to say, the pain
was also shared by his family.
But who are we, truly, to question the machinations of time?
Thus I can say that Time had deprived my father of the chance to redeem himself, but
it also gave him in return a far more precious and lasting gift. On his centennial, Time
has given him back his relevance to contemporary society. Through his memoirs, are
we not confronting the fact that the problems of Philippine society in his time are the
self-same problems that we face today? And do we not see in his personal writings the
urgent stirrings of national aspirations for peace and sovereignty, order and truly allencompassing progress? I believe that my father wanted these things for the country. I
also believe that his sentiments, his vision, his dreams are the very things that bind him
to all of us today. For who can leaf through these pages without thinking of the country
today, without seeing how much there still is to do so, and how much there still is to
truly believe in.
265
264
On this, his centennial, the memory of my father has been cleansed of all bitterness, all
anger, all malice and ridicule. The men who sought to embellish his reputation with lies
and vicious propaganda are all gone. The issues are blurred and have been replaced with
far more pressing ones. And, most important, there is now a whole new generation of
Filipinos who are willing to listen and learn again.
In printing these memoirs and making them public, have I given my father a great gift?
Or is it he who has given me, and all who will read the book, an even greater treasure?
That treasure would be a personal lesson in humility and integrity, faith and fortitude
in the face of defeat and tragedy. It is a lesson Elpidio Quirino waited some 34 years to
teach. Would that I, we learn it sooner, and with less pain.
VICTORIA QUIRINO DELGADO
l The MEMOIRS
The memoirs l
266
l The MEMOIRS

The Memoirs Elpidio Quirino

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i

Introduction by JUAN COLLAS

This country will survive, not

ISBN -971-538-007-7 (Hard Cover)

ur people have always been strong for hero-worship, finding in powerful

In my effort to broaden the circle of young elements capable of assisting in national

On April 27, Secretary Zulueta submitted to the Cabinet meeting a memorandum

anybody in making the restoration of peace a goal of my administration. Now he would

Soon enough, a Pampanga provincial official brought me a message purportedly from

which they said dissidents have committed prior to the date

Philippines, in accordance of the provisions of Article VII,

WHEREAS, the principal leaders and many of the

members of the associations known as Hukbalahap and

Pambansang kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid (PKM) , who

ammunition to the agents of law.

WHEREAS, they recognize the authority of the Government

officers and agents, and have pledge loyalty and obedience

NOW, THEREFORE, I, ELPIDIO QUIRINO, President of the

of the associations known as Hukbalahap and Pambansang

the crimes of rebellion, sedition, illegal associations, assault

the Philippines within twenty days from the date this

When Taruc, accompanied by my brother, presented himself to me in Malacaang in the

WHEREAS, the return of these dissidents and recalcitrant

resumption by them of their lawful pursuits or occupations

rehabilitation of this war devastated country, restore peace

WHEREAS, to achieve such a desirable result with loss

and wise for the government to forgive and forego the

association, assault upon, resistance, and disobedience to

Accordingly, on July 21, 1948, I issued Proclamation No. 76 granting amnesty to

3. Educational aspect: opening of extension classes and dissidents

4. Financial aspect: cooperative and home-building loans from the

5. Relief aspect: distribution of food, clothing, etc., by the welfare

6. Medical aspect: reactivation of mobile clinics.

2. Public works aspect: building and repair of roads, bridges, etc., to

What I faced, in my attempt to clear up the situation, was an accumulation of problems,

Trade Rehabilitation Administration (PRATRA), the National Development Company

further investigation. Constant repetition in the press of charges involving graft

said, I am available. (David Bernstein, reproduced from Harpers Magazine by Evening

rushing aside all considerations, I turned my attention at once to the cause

Justice Horilleno made a reassuring response. He said: we are conscious of the

Acting shortly thereafter on reports of anomalies in the National coconut Corporation

political motive behind Senator Avelinos attempt to besmirch my reputation. A

I could not have seriously thought of conducting a pre-election nomination campaign

A party of congressmen, particularly from Visayas and Mindanao, had accompanied

it. That is democracy.

Nevertheless, we should not allow self-interest, petty jealousies or unholy

foundation of our sovereign existence. Pure political and partisan passion

I am happy to have found the people wherever in my last trip in the

this constructive work. And, unlike on previous occasions when I made

speak of public health and the establishment of hospital in the general

inspection trips in different official capacities, I was glad to hear people,

discussed with me the relative prices of local and imported commodities,

I concluded by raising anew a vision for the South:

alleged differences affecting leading personalities in our limited circles,

What I mean is that the excessive indulgence of a few in what appears

much fault-finding is outweighing in an alarming proportion the bigger

The revival of the National Economic Protectionism Association (NEPA), which

NFORTUNATELY, SENATOR AVELINO, as head of the party, did

(2) Avelino should continue as President of the Liberal

(3) A reorganization of the Cabinet and other key

election consultation with party directorate and Senate

President Jose Avelino as Chairman of the Committee

in Albay both needed extensive repairs and improvements.

There we have a viewpoint completely devoid of hypocrisy and sham. Government