The Struggle to Be Seen: Social Movements and the Public Sphere in Brazil

Author(s): John A. Guidry

Reviewed work(s):
Source: International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 2003),
pp. 493-524
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International

Journal

of Politics,

Culture

I. New Research

and Society,

Vol.

16, No.

4, Summer

in Social Movement

2003

(? 2003)

Theory

The Struggle to Be Seen: Social Movements

and the Public Sphere in Brazil
John A. Guidry

paper analyzes how community movement

activity in three popular
in Bel?m, Brazil, shaped the dynamics of contention
in the
neighborhoods
in
public sphere. Popular social forces, elite actors, and the state mutually
fluence each other across three moments
of public interaction:
clarifying
the struggle to be seen, and routine politics. The article
popular discourse,
reverses the usual picture in movement
research, which emphasizes move
ments as organizational
to be explained,
outcomes
and instead builds on a
can
of
movements
research
that
how
to broader
contribute
body
explores
processes of political change.
This

KEY WORDS:

social movements;

public

sphere;

democracy;

Brazil.

This article analyzes the role of social movements

in making popular
claims visible in the political arena across three moments
of public interac
tion: clarifying popular discourse,
the struggle to be seen, and routine politics.
social forces gain visibility and clarity in
Through movement
organizations,
ac
popular public spheres (Somers 1993), where relatively disempowered
tors challenge more powerful politicians
and hold them accountable
to both
the law and their campaign promises. Movement
actors "work the linkages"
back and forth between
the everyday
life and politics
(Levine 1992) and
in so doing develop
connections
between
local
spaces and the
important
The
central
of
this
system.
argument
paper is that move
larger political
ment action shapes and reshapes the boundaries
of public spheres, allowing
influence and
popular social forces, elite actors, and the state to mutually
transform each other. This reverses the usual picture inmovement
research,
Political

Science
Department,
poguidry@augustana.edu.

Augustana

College,

Rock

Island,

Illinois

61201;

e-mail:

493
0891-4486/03/0600-0493/0? 2003Human Sciences Press, Inc.

494

Guidry

as organizational
which emphasizes movements
outcomes
to be explained
and
et
Morris
Mueller
McAdam
al.
and
instead
builds on a
1992,
(see
1996),
of
research
Tarrow
movements
that
how
body
(Seidman 1994,
1994)
explores
can contribute
to broader processes of political change.
There is a growing tendency among scholars of contentious
politics to
across differ
explore the linkages between actors, events, and organizations
ent levels of political systems (McAdam
et al. 2001). Of special concern in
era are the quality of citizenship and public politics, especially
the neoliberal
where democracies must deal with persistent
that call into ques
inequalities
tion the very potential of the democratic project itself (Furet 1998,0'Donnell
both actors
1993, Dahl 1996, Fraser 1992, Unger
1998). In Latin America,
and scholars have highlighted
role
movements
the
of social
in pushing con
a
of
tention beyond
the politics
toward
process of "deepening
opposition
in which
democracy,"
street demonstrations

institutional mechanisms
in the tactical repertoires

and venues

exist alongside
politics.1
Kenneth Roberts
characterizes
this shift?"rather
than pro
(1998,24)
as in
vide a facade for class domination,
could be conceived
democracy
and social transformation
finitely elastic, allowing popular empowerment
as the logic of political majorities
to develop
cumulatively
gradually sup
and social hierarchies." Evelina Dagnino
pressed class privileges
(1998, 33)
of contentious

for the "crucial role played by social movements"

in
persuasively
in
their
the
relations
between
culture
and
democra
politics
"resignifying
of public
tizing struggles"
(2002) rethinking
(p. 46). Leonardo Avritzer's
of Latin America
sug
spheres and public space in the evolving democracies
arenas are becoming more open to the con
gests that state and governmental
cerns that social movements
carry from popular discourse into public politics.
There is also a growing literature on local, progressive
administrations
that
are changing the terms of the public sphere by building programs of popular
that has been developed
such as the Participatory
Budget
by the
democracy
12
in
the
last
Baiocchi
Workers'
years (Fedozzi 1997,
Party
forthcoming).
Yet while there is no shortage of reasons why robust social movements
of democracy
should contribute to the development
(even while some move
ments clearly do not2), as well as growing evidence supporting this conclusion
argues

et al. 1997, Ball 2000), the process that mediates

between popular
so clear. Roberts
not
of
life
and
the
is
everyday
public sphere
experiences
movement
note
in
Latin
in
and other analysts
that
actors, whether
America,
a
or
streets
in
the
face
difficult
task
the
within
state,
deepening
democracy,
(Meyer

roots of inequality
in the region (see
given the deep social and historical
our
This
article
of
also Stokes 1995, Weyland
1996).
expands
understanding
a
movements
the
of
in
role
social
that process by examining
public
creating
from the political
of exclusion
politics that addresses popular perceptions
process.

The

Struggle

to Be

Seen

495

For many analysts of Latin American

politics, the transition from oli
garchic rule to forms of democracy
incorporating
popular sectors has been
the defining political dynamic of the twentieth
and
century (see Collier
Collier 1991, Casta?eda
1993).3 Current debates over citizenship
(O'Donnell
1993; Roberts
1998; Fox 1994; Dagnino
1998; Baierle
1998; Yashar
1999;
Caldeira
2000) are only the most recent chapters in that story. In an ex
amination of women's movements
and democratization
in Latin America,
Ver?nica Monteemos
(2001,177) notes that "the historical un-representation
of women
in political
life and their subordinate
status in the economy and
the family are unlikely to change if pluralistic representation
is not expanded
and if citizen participation
in policy-making
remains limited." The struggle to
be seen characterizes
this dynamic, and the pages that follow turn to a local
can affect the scope and boundaries
level exploration
of how movements
of
public politics.
The research

for this article was carried out in Bel?m, Brazil, in various

to
from
1992
2000. A series of 70 open-ended
life history interviews
stages
to
1.5
2.5
were
with
of
all
classes
(ranging
people
hours)
completed between
and
Ten
two respondents
1993.
had
interviews
November,
January
one
one
(eight husband/wife,
mother/daughter,
teenage boys), yielding
80 respondents?14
from the upper class, 12 from the middle
class, and 54
from the popular class. Life history interviews were triangulated with stud
ies of community
in three popular neighborhoods
from which
organization
were
over
drawn
and
one full
informant
interviews
conducted
respondents
in
return
1992-93
and
shorter
in
and
2000.
Informants
year
1995,1998,
trips

civil
represent all classes and walks of life, span the diversity of Brazilian
and
include
office
holders, activists, police officers, and
society,
politicians,
The
three
for observation,
selected
journalists.
Jurunas, Bom
neighborhoods
Futuro and Aura, reflect the variety of associational
life that can be found
at the community
level in Brazilian popular neighborhoods.
is home to 1.6 million people, about 1.2 million of
Bel?m
Metropolitan
whom live in the city proper. Bel?m is the capital of the state of Para, which
straddles the lower regions of the Amazon River. It was founded in 1617 and
is one of Brazil's historic regional capitals, though it is one of the poorest
cities in a country that has one of the most unequal income distributions
in the
world. Although
Bel?m and the Amazonian
region in general are pictured
as more conservative
and "backward" than the national norm,
by Brazilians
as elections
recent political history suggests otherwise
since 1994 have each
new
into
executive
victories
brought
figures
positions,
including
by the Left
Workers'
Partido
dos
in
the
1996
and 2000
Party (PT,
wing
Trabalhadores)
elections
in Bel?m.
mayoral
The paper's first section examines popular
and politics. This is a vision of politics developed

discourse about inequality

by those "on the bottom,"

496

Giiidry

as respondents
system that is far away and relatively
put it, of a political
a model
unconcerned
about ordinary people. The second section develops
in
of how movements
the
of
to
address
the
spaces
operate
popular politics
concerns raised in popular discourse. Through mobilization
and contentious
the ex
action, movements
develop a popular public sphere that challenges
Brazilian democracy. The third section
clusionary character of contemporary
outlines
the cases of movement
action in Jurunas, Bom Futuro, and Aura,
and the fourth places the cases in the context of protest cycles (Tarrow
of Latin American
countries
1994, 153) in the broader redemocratization
after 1980. The fifth section situates the paper in a broader discussion
of
the social memory
and political
the public sphere, as movements

action in
learning generated
by collective
build the fundamental
of
routine
practices

politics.

BEING SEEN: EVERYDAY LIFE, ACTIVISTS,

AND PUBLIC POLITICS
for contentious
that
The struggle to be seen is a metaphor
politics
selected
emerged from the analysis of interviews across the neighborhoods
leaders and residents of other areas
for study, as well as with community
to seeing and being seen,
references
in the city. Repeated
by respondents
looking at and looking after the poor, seeing suffering and knowing what
to do something
for
poverty feels like were linked to a sense of obligation
those in need.4 Their manner of talking about everyday life was replicated in
the way they discussed politics, especially
in conversations
about what politi
cians do and do not know about the country and its citizens. The politicians
even avoid seeing the conditions
of the poor, and as one respondent
put
cause
of
this they
it, "because
poverty."5 In as much as most politicians
at being poor ("they're born in a golden cradle"),
lack any actual experience
as an effort to grab and hold the
actors
view
popular politics
popular
attention of more powerful actors. In their portraits of contemporary
politics,
between what politicians pay
people move quickly to establish connections
and political obligations
attention to, the inequality of everyday experience,
across

class

lines.

and neighborhood
vendor, Aura: As for the business
Nilma,
38, housewife
people
some kind of law should exist to obligate
them to help out...
of Brazil...
They
it. They don't think about Brazil's
future. No, they
That's
only think about money.
and etc. will
their grandchildren
future that their children,
don't think about Brazil's
so for this
and more
and more
rich. And
have...
They just think about getting more
reason I think there ought to be a law to teach them that they have this obligation
to help out their country
to help out, since they haven't
taken any initiative
already
and society.

The

Struggle

to Be

497

Seen

Across
the board, working and poor people in Brazil articulate a politics
of exclusion from the public sphere in Brazil. Their statements
characterize
a gulf between
to bridge that gulf they must
themselves
and politicians;
enter the public sphere and articulate the kind of claim for accountability
that Nilma makes. The problem, however,
is that entering public politics
seems difficult, if not impossible, for most people. Barriers include a lack of
a lack of time, the social scorn of the upper (and whiter) classes
education,
for those who are poor (and brown or black), and so forth. These sorts of
caricatures of class politics paint with broad strokes a concrete
commonplace
sense of how "low-intensity
citizenship"
(O'Donnell
1993) is experienced
and communicated

by ordinary people in the popular class.

of entering the public sphere,
ordinary people turn to methods
tell
about
stories
leaders,
they
good community or neighborhood
are
who
"educated"
people
(educado) and "know how to speak" (ele sabe
a grocer in Aura, discussed
the
falar), as the saying goes. One respondent,
of
trust
work
the "public man," who people
and might elect to public office.
The picture is one of accountability
and public pressure on elected officials.

When
most often

are going
I really walk around here seeing what people
39, grocer, Aura:
over there [at city
if I couldn't
done with the authorities
get anything
through. Even
I
Because
fundamental.
all, this is what's
hall], I'd at least take the incentive. Above
from the mayor, but I'd be like a corn on his foot, insisting, "Mayor,
might get nothing
are making
on me, and we need
the people
demands
[help]." We have to be there.
It's his job if we elected
him...
But then they forget...
and we always have to go
there beating
the doorbell
this time; I'll go back
[at city hall]. So I don't get anything
to the people
and say, "Look, I didn't get anything,
but I was there yesterday
and I
got this, and he promised me that." One day it could be that I get nothing
done, but
I would go back again...
This here is the work of the "public man"
that people
elect
to do exactly
this sort of thing.
Gilberto,

Movement

leaders and activists give these kinds of grievances

specificity
them
in concrete
issues or events. They tie local problems
to
by grounding
about
and
propositions
citizenship, mobilization,
accountability,
obligation.
"barons" of popular discourse,
They put names and faces on the anonymous
and they picture a dynamic process of interaction between opposing publics
and politicians
through individual and collective agency.
some politi
activist, Jurunas: Now
secretary and neighborhood
street and promises
the world
and more?and
he doesn't
do it.
Are you going to vote for him in another
For the love ofGodl
election?
In all these
I go, I put this up front. I think that people
are very complacent,
where
meetings
if you're not satisfied with this garbage
because
truck coming down your street, what
do you do? You get together with the residents
and don't pay your property
tax. Go
to it! Do it, and if it doesn't work call the press, put it in the press. Do
anything you
Carolina,
32, school
to your
cian comes

can, because

The
common

they're

obligated.6

of claims-making
relationship
formula that exemplifies well

and taxes made by Carolina

is a
the kind of modular,
cross-cultural

498

Guidry

social movements
around the world
frames that characterize
mobilizational
et al. 1996,
Tarrow
et
McAdam
and
Benford
al.
Snow
1994,
1988,
1986,
(Snow
movement
in
of
de
Vol?
Leaders
organizations
community
Bayard
2000).
Bel?m and around Brazil have stressed this inmeetings with residents?"we
pay taxes just like the rich, and we deserve the same services;" "it's not true
from taxes."
but it's the people's,
the government's
money,
and
and
frames
collective
individual
claims
grounds citizenship
Tax-paying
to
The
of
with
framing
grievances
tax-paying
political problems.
approaches
leaders to paint a dynamic picture of
and public services allows movement
local counterpublics
interaction between
(Fraser 1992) and political elites
are
concerns
state.
impor
given context and, most
Everyday
through the
that it's really

for resolving them that involves the agency of ordinary

tantly, a framework
associations.
people through community
associa
of community movements?in
The emergence
neighborhood
of
forms
collec
tions, demonstrations,
petitions, and other, less contentious,
even the most sedentary politicians
and office holders
tive action?reminds
that there is a public out there discussing
issues, debating politics, and, in
democracies,
casting ballots that determine who will hold public office. In
the
this sense, the struggle to be seen is a point of analysis that challenges
creates
at
and
that
notion
the
and
of
outcomes"
gets
"politics
"primacy
of life" (March and Olsen 1984,741). As movement
interpretations
it pushes this
of popular discourse,
clarifies the political
imagination
logic further, showing how the public politics of citizenship contests ordinary
"instruments
of life and challenges the symbolic and material
interpretations
of life" at stake are
of the interpretive order" (ibid.).1 The "interpretations
the stories told by dominant publics about the laziness of the poor, the com
politics, and
placency of the poor, the inability of the poor to understand
creates
the
the
between
that
the like?everything
popular classes and
gulf
affirms
action

formal politics.

PUBLIC SPHERES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

and leaders like Carolina or Gilberto's
"public
Community movements
concerns
life and place them into the dominant
of everyday
man" take the
the
public sphere of politics. They are important actors "crucial to reorienting
new
to
the
fore"
issues
(Calhoun 1992,
agenda of public discourse, bringing
the popular public sphere of the neighborhood
between
37). They mediate
or workplace
and the dominant public sphere of party discourse, elite debate,
actors organize public events, contacts
news
media. These movement
and
and public officials, and other actions that force
the neighborhood
between
concerns and localized grievance on to the agendas of both more powerful
actors and other movement

actors

in similar

situations.

The

Struggle

to Be

Seen

499

A public sphere emerges when people come together to debate political

of political
that involve
the nature and constitution
authority.8
a
the
ideal
of
Democratic
systems express
singular public sphere
political
issues

the pub
that should in theory be open to all citizens. In practice, however,
forms
of
stratification
lic sphere tends to institutionalize
social
that
existing
are grounded
in social, cultural, and economic
This
is
espe
experiences.
in the dominance
of electronic
and print media by a few,
cially reflected
cities are owned by histor
large, corporate concerns that inmany Brazilian
we
see
a
Thus
tension
between
the exclusion of
families.9
ically prominent
from
the
dominant
marginalized
publics
public sphere (Fraser 1992, Dawson
Hanchard
and
the
that bringing oppositional
1994,
groups
1999)
proposition
into a common public sphere can unleash a powerful potential
for "social
integration"
(Calhoun 1992, 6). In all cases, debate by politically dominant
actors in the public sphere constrains
the terms by which both material
resources
as
and
in the
labels, names, memberships
goods
ideological
(such
are
in
allocated
"Subaltern
community, voice, etc.)
society.
counterpublics"
public spheres (Somers 1993)?in
(Fraser 1992,123) develop sites?popular
the local spaces of everyday life and political authority, where public debate
over power and politics may occur. At the same time dominant actors seek
to exploit or constrain the action of subaltern publics through media control
and the sponsorship
of the major political parties and actors that set the
public agenda.
Yet the opposition

of popular and dominant publics is only half the story.

The other half tells of an "interlocking"
transforma
relationship of mutual
tion in political discourse
and agendas
1992, 426). Dominant
(Habermas
and popular public spheres function in tandem. Even while popular groups
carve out separate spaces in which to develop
strategies or discourse,
they
confront political and social authority by bringing the concerns of popular
public spheres into the public sphere of liberal democracy. Popular classes
and marginalized
groups become seen as "the exclusion of the culturally and
lower strata entails a pluralization
mobilized
of the public sphere."
politically
This process brings to the surface "tensions...
in the liberal public sphere"
that are "potentials
for [its] self-transformation"
(ibid.).
We can think of the relationships
of popular public spheres, social move
of interac
ments, and the dominant public as unfolding over three moments
tion: clarifying popular discourse,
the struggle to be seen, and routine politics
mobilize
(see Table 1). Where movements
growing number of constituents
can repeat in cycles of activity
and realize initial objectives,
these moments
that feed back on each other and promote processes of political learning and
the building of collective memories.
In the first moment, movement
actors
discourse
clarify popular
by organizing highly local, public activities such as
debates, street theatre, games, social events, and so forth. These
meetings,

500

Guidry

Table

1. Movements

in the Public

and Engagement

Sphere

Public
Popular
First Moment:

Discourse

exclusion,
emphasizes
that
the perception
"politics" occurs far

Clarifying
Popular
Discourse

and that more

actors
powerful
either ignore or do
away,

popular

Movement

Dynamics

Sphere

publics
a gulf

perceive
between

popular public
local
sphere: organize
street
meetings,
theatre, social events,
prayer groups, and
other small forums

the

system
political
and the concerns
life
of everyday

not know the

concerns
of
everyday
Second
Moment:
The Struggle
to Be Seen

of
for the exchange
local concerns
and
debate
about politics
extralocal
organize
actions:

life

appoints
specific
and
grievances
known
emphasizes
(or suspected)
agents of exclusion,
targets for
develops
action
contentious

Action

build

engagement
encounter

and

between
popular
and more
actors
powerful
whose
voices are
in the
present
dominant

public

demonstrations;
small
public protest;
to meet
committees
with public officials
or politicians;
broad
that unite
campaigns
localities
separate
and grievances;
contact with other
movement

sphere

organizations,
government
and political
of new
to
grievances
known agents and

attachment

Third Moment:
Routine
Politics

agencies

cyclical repetition
these three
moments,
cumulative
experiences,
learning,
political
collective memory

of

concessions

NGOs,
agencies,

parties
from the

state; legislative
action and debate;
networks
develop
with other
broad
movements,
coalitions,
support-service
NGOs,
politicians,
bureaucrats,
parties,
and other public
actors

build upon already existing public and social events, institutions,

and practices that may or may not have been concerned with political issues
ac
or grievances
in the past. In clarifying and focussing debate, movement
or
a
tors build popular public sphere around specific issues, persons
agencies
for either the origin or redress of these concerns, and
responsible
potentially
specific solutions to the problems.10
a popular public
the more
The more
sphere becomes,
developed
activities

to frame grievances
and their so
have at their disposal
"resonate"
their
constituents
with
lutions in ways that
(Snow and Benford
enter
movements
the
struggle to be seen with
1988). In this second moment,

resources

actors

The

Struggle

to Be

501

Seen

public actions that move beyond the immediate locale and space of everyday
small committee meeting with public officials;
life. Through demonstrations;
broad campaigns; and contacts with other movement
groups, NGOs, politi
seen in the
cal parties, or officials, movements
begin to make local problems
the media are controlled by powerful groups
dominant public sphere. Where
actions from coverage, activists use disruptive
that exclude the movement's
tactics and alternative

communication

networks

to force

their way

on the

public stage.
build a history of practices
Over time, successful community movements
et
that construct
al., 1986) and create counterpublics
identity (Degregori
that become formally recognized
through political concessions
(such as the
a
or
in state agencies),
mutual participation
continuity
provision of services
of public action, and a predictable
(if not always contentious)
relationship
to the state.11 At this point, we arrive at the third moment,
routine politics,
when the movement
has forced the issues of the popular public
organization
opens
sphere on to the agenda of debate in the public sphere. This moment
of popular politics to the way
up the possibility of a shift in the relationship
and elites behave in the dominant public sphere. In this moment
politicians
and citizenship come together to expand
popular grievances, accountability,
the scope of the public sphere.12 In turn the popular public sphere either
takes on new issues, contracts, or becomes absorbed into the dominant public
sphere.13

NEIGHBORHOOD MOVEMENTS AND POPULAR

PUBLIC SPHERES: A COMPARATIVE VIEW
of Jurunas, Bom Futuro, and Aura were
The popular neighborhoods
to be
chosen as sites for study because
they reflect the standard variation
found in Brazilian urban history, organization
and politics. The spatial poli
tics of urban community movements
(as a subcategory of social movements
more generally) have the advantage of presenting
in clear terms how pop
ular public spheres develop
in localized sites and then move beyond them
areas.
to address the boundaries
of the larger public sphere of metropolitan
out
Table 2 lays
the basic points of comparison,
consistent with the mo
ments

of public politics
refer back to this table

developed
throughout

in the previous
section;
the individual narratives

readers may
of the three

neighborhoods.
On maps, Bel?m appears as a peninsula,
surrounded by rivers, fluvial
islands, and floodplains, with an elevation varying from 3 to 16 meters above
sea level. Rainfall
is abundant year-round,
from January
though heaviest
to May, with a shorter period from September
through November
being

502

Guidry

Table

2. Community

and the Public

Movements

Bom

Jurunas
Context

dates

to early

1900s,

100,000+
inhabitants,

high

Popular
Discourse

to Be Seen

Third Moment:
Routine
Politics

inhabitants,
high
"new

neighborhood
association,

and

local
in

1970s
(mid-late
localized
forward)
in
organizations
subsections

of the

density,

inexperienced
little
leadership,
of
continuity
movement
action

MOJOC: (from
1992) meetings,
prayer groups,
social events,

competition
between
small

vocational

demonstrations,
land invasions,
electronic
and print
media
coverage

(mid-1980s-present)
title given to
invaded
lots, broad
of
federation
neighborhood
organizations,
ties
political
between
politicians
and localized
in
organizations
of the
subsections
neighborhood

training,
classes;

Aura
dates

from

1990,5,000+

low
inhabitants,
density, "new
in

periphery,"
suburban
experienced

(1993-1998)

(1979-86)

Neighborhoods

municipality,

neighborhood;

groups, organized
social events

The Struggle

1988,

community
movements

street
organizations;
theatre, church

Second
Moment:

from

periphery,"
corrupt

organizations
subsections

Clarifying

in Three

8,000+

density,
population
close to downtown,
a long history of

varied

First Moment:

dates

Sphere
Futuro

karate

leadership,
of movement

continuity
action

(1991 through present)

prayer

groups,

surveys,
neighborhood
meetings,
door-to-door
campaigns

(1998-2000) fewer
meetings,
inactivity

(1992) Block the

"Highway
Death"

of

(1992 forward)
for Life";
"Movement
mass petitions;
cycles
of large community
meetings,
petition,
demonstration,
committee
with
interaction

nonexistent

agencies
School,
(1992) Anani
city bus service;

(1993) new bridge on

main
road, establish
formal neighborhood
association;
(1995)
city garbage
collection,
of
construction
Catholic

chapel;

(1996) election of
leader

to city council,

neighborhood
policing;
(1998-present)
of
"Movement
in
Occupations
Ananindeua"

The

Struggle

to Be

Seen

503

is close enough to the ocean for its river bays to be

dry. Bel?m
of high tides and
influenced
by the sea tides, and the combination
heavily
can
cause
in
lower
rainfall
lying areas of town,
dangerous flooding
heavy
as sewerage and
health
with devastating
and
consequences
hygiene
public
Over time, Bel?m
floodwaters mix and contaminate whole neighborhoods.
a class-based pattern of neighborhood
has developed
consis
development
tent with these topographical
and natural conditions. Upper class persons, as
well as early urban planning programs, initially pushed the city's boundaries
tolerably

out along higher ground, founding along the way the bairros nobres (lit.,
"noble neighborhoods,"
region 1 on the map). In the years after 1900, lower
in the homes or businesses of the elite began to fill
class persons who worked
in the low lying areas, called baixadas (Region 3), that surrounded wealthier
areas.

is a baixada adjacent to some of the wealthiest

bairros nobres
It is one of Bel?m's oldest working class neighborhoods.
Unlike
the
reflect
and modern
bairros
which
urban
nobres,
planning
design,
the baixadas' development
and construction
has largely been the work of
the residents themselves. Thus the boundaries between baixadas and bairros
nobres may be felt not only in decreasing
elevation
but also as streets
to
narrow, straight to curved or haphaz
go from paved to muddy, wide
ard. Houses
become
smaller, made of wood or unplastered
brick, in vari
ous stages of never-ending
and the population
ismuch more
construction,
Jurunas

in Bel?m.

than 3 times the density of the bairros nobres

densely concentrated?more
in some cases. And from January toMay, heavy rains and tidal shifts flood
to general public health problems
the baixadas and contribute
and untold
property loss among the working and lower classes of Bel?m.
Region 2, the "institutional belt" as it known locally, is an area of mixed
under governmental
elevation
control. This area reflects Bel?m's
role as
a regional administrative
center and is home to large military
bases from
all armed services, an international
airport, the federal university, water
2 also defines the Primeira L?gua
the
works, etc. Region
(First League),
the
1950s
and
the
baixadas'
crowded
city's original boundary. By
beyond,
and increasingly unhealthy environment,
conditions, congestion,
along with
increased rural-to-urban migration
Bel?m
out be
throughout Brazil, pushed
the
institutional
into
the
"new
where
both
belt,
4,
yond
Region
periphery,"
Bom Futuro and Aura are located. Region
4 also spreads into surrounding
Bel?m's suburbs, beginning with Ananindeua
municipalities,
for several miles along the Bel?m-Bras?lia
Highway, which
land route into the city. The new periphery
is a mixture

and continuing
is the only major
of older villages

lit.,
(e.g. Icoaraci, Region
5), planned housing projects
(e.g. Cidade Nova,
New City, Region 6), both private and public, and seemingly endless squatter
invasions that house upwards of 200,000 people.

504

Guidry

A Glorious Past of Contention

in the Public Sphere. Jurunas has a long
tradition of community
activism that, during its heyday
in the late 1970s
to mid-1980s,
matched
rather closely the academic portraits of successful
in terms of density
smaller
community movements
(high, with numerous
groups and linkages to other groups across the metropolitan
area), issues (the
standard urban services list or transportation,
health
sanitation, education,
and militancy
the
care, and land tenure legalization),
(focused on opposing
and usually linked to the political Left) (see Castells
1983). As the
of Brazil
government
military
(1964-1985)
began to ease the repression
of political expression
in the mid 1970s, neighborhood
groups from Jurunas
military

The

Struggle

to Be

505

Seen

of the Bel?m Neighborhood

Commission
spearhead the development
a
de
de
Bairros
Comiss?o
Bel?m),
city-wide community movement
(CBB,
that was able to influence city and state politics through the 1980s. The CBB's
for the
first public program was officially launched in 1979?The
Campaign
was
at
to
aimed
Direito
de
it
Shelter
Morar)?and
(Campanha pelo
Right
helped

freeing up several large, vacant tracts of land in central Bel?m that were not
functions.
being visibly used for any productive
the
this
era,
population
During
density of Jurunas reached saturation
to the few remaining parcels
turned
their
attention
and
residents
levels,
not given over to housing development.
These
of land in the neighborhood
citizens in some cases, the state
lots were vacant but had owners?private
in others. From 1983 to 1986, residents organized a series of invasions that
eventually wrested control of these lands from their owners and settled them
that already characterized most
a group
was
this movement
Particularly
was
of
called COBAJUR
that
orga
Community
(Neighborhood
Jurunas)
nized by residents in the poorest areas adjacent to "vacant" lots called the
had over 800 members
and was
"Radional" area. At its height, COBAJUR
in the dense

of

of baixada

patterns

housing
to
important

Jurunas.

at the front of local efforts to legalize land invasions and press the govern
ment for services such as sanitation, drinking water, electricity, education,
public safety (policing) and health care. Through children's programs, street
theatre, and other
sense of community

cultural
identity

events, COBAJUR
that could mobilize,

sought to build a public

focus, and frame collective

action.

With
these activities, COBAJUR
created a popular public sphere in
which debates about solving these issues, not just complaining
about them,
became

part

of

everyday

conversation?the

first

moment

in movement

me

diated public sphere development

(Table 2). As the group organized
larger
the immediate
in the
area, brought
open to the public outside
meetings
invasions of vacant or unused prop
media, drafted petitions, and organized
the
movement
the
second
into
inwhich popular claims
moment,
erty,
passed
became "seen" by politicians and officials. Their target was the state's gover
nor, Jader Barbalho
(PMDB, Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement),
whose populist political machine
also dominated
the municipal
government.
"The invasion," as one resident put it, "was their weapon"
that initiated a
and began to alter the terms of entry into the pub
process of bargaining
lic sphere by making
the claims of poor, marginalized
persons compelling
to politicians. Rosana
and Beatriz, both founding members
of COBAJUR,
discussed
the public contention
involved in the invasions,
so that the govern
Rosana
The community
became
united?united
(36, housewife):
ment would
we got
free up these areas [for settlement]...
We had a demonstration,
in front
centers, saying "Look, today get together
together with all the [community]

506

Guidry

of the palace
the movement.

all that stuff of demonstrations,

Banners,
you know,
[city hall]"...
And
there was a commission
to talk to the government.
that went

of

retired factory
Beatriz
activist,
(53, community
worker) Whatever
[the governor]
has done, it's because
of pressure
from the community...
when
the community,
the
there
want
the
'We
all
those things,
water,
food,'
go
people,
[in
streets], beating pans.
want
But all the same, it's difficult.
you know? The people
transportation.
[The
see the side of the periphery...
doesn't
because where
governor]
they come from, a
all these things.
person never has to live with the lower class, with poverty, necessity,

"All that stuff of the movements"

is the set of modular practices of con
tention (Tarrow 1994) that COBAJUR
and corresponding
organizations
around the city used to build the CBB and mobilize
thousands of people
in marches,
and rallies across the city and on the steps of
demonstrations,
Bel?m's

city hall and Par?'s Legislative

Assembly
buildings. COBAJUR's
ac
local campaign and the CBB's city-wide
campaigns pushed collective
tion into the second and third moments
of interaction
in the public sphere
(Table 2). In Jurunas alone, thousands of residents received legal title to lots
they invaded. The major streets were paved, public transit extended
through
the area, energy services regularized,
and the delivery of potable drinking
water established.
was matched
The work of COBAJUR
in other
by similar organizations
parts of Jurunas and around Bel?m, all of which tell roughly the same story
of development
around basic urban service and land-use issues from the
of central Bel?m
1970s through the 1980s. In every baixada neighborhood
were
on
the
of
to
3
thousands
families
able
obtain lots and
(sector
map),
build houses on vacant lands that were invaded and then expropriated
from
their private owners by the state. The CBB's Right to Shelter campaign was
followed by others?education
(1980-84),
transportation
(1981-ongoing),
to the military
poverty
(1984), opposition
dictatorship
(1984), the direct
in the constituinte
election of the president
(1984), participation
(1987-88,
one massing
thou
in which a new national constitution was written)?each
in the streets for demonstrations
sands of people
and marches
that ended
in front of city hall and the state's legislative assembly. By this
downtown,
the community movement
in Jurunas and Bel?m as
point, in the mid-1980s,
a whole had radically altered the terms of public politics, unleashing popular
claims that ultimately became heard in the process of writing the postmilitary
constitution.
High Start-Up Costs on the New Periphery. Bom Futuro and Aura are
founded during a wave of squatter invasions
smaller, newer neighborhoods
the process begun in the
that began in the late 1980s. This wave extended
of old
1960s, in which people began to leave the crowded neighborhoods
Bel?m, such as Jurunas, for newer areas far out from the city center (region 4
on the map). As

the governor's

race of 1990 approached,

however,

organizers

The

to Be

Struggle

507

Seen

a strategy centered on the election: to lead an invasion and then

developed
use that effort (and the potential votes involved)
to bargain for the legal
ization of land tenure and other political goods. As the "new periphery"
became an escape valve for population
pressures, the practices and methods
of organization
learned in the glorious past of the CBB became transplanted,
however

unevenly,

across

the metropolitan

area.

Bom

Futuro has about 8,000 inhabitants and lies within the city limits
of Bel?m, near the border with Ananindeua.
The neighborhood
dates back
to 1988, when a woman who had some experience with community
orga
on
a
to
in
Jurunas
led
and
divided
it up
land
group
nizing
privately-owned
into lots. Then they "sold" the lots to all comers, fueling a poor-person's
land speculation bubble. These kind of invasions took place throughout
the
were
not
to
and
able
the
who
area,
tjie
invaders,
metropolitan
police
expel
had hoped (correctly, as it turned out) that the new governor would simply
or buy out the landowners
the invasions and expropriate
in
acknowledge
volved. In Bom Futuro, however, the group that founded the invasion, as well
as its one neighborhood
sold individual lots many times over,
association,
for the land. The founders also
leaving claimants to fight among themselves
ran a burglary ring that stole appliances
from residents' houses and engaged
in other crimes that by 1991 resulted in their expulsion by residents.
A bus ride from the neighborhood
to downtown Bel?m takes about 40
are
45 minutes.
Bom
Futuro
other small squatter invasions?
Surrounding
I, Cabanagem
II, Jardim Sideral, Satelite, and
Cabanagem
a super
the
close
of
the
1990s
have
by
begun to resemble
the
that
is
about
the size
neighborhood
Augusto Montenegro
along
Highway
of present-day
Jurunas
and is referred
by city planners
simply as
Each
area
of
the
own or
within
the
has
its
"Cabanagem."
neighborhoods
no
and
there
is
of
federation
structure,
however,
ganizational
presently
area
as
for
associations
the
in
and
Jurunas
other
older, large
neighborhood
area are in fact
The neighborhoods
of the larger Cabanagem
neighborhoods.
like the microneighborhoods
of Jurunas, such as Radional,
each with its own
like COBAJUR.
associations,
neighborhood
Bom Futuro's one neighborhood
"Unidos Venceremos"
association,

Carmel?ndia,
others?that

has alternated between episodes of activ

("United We shall be Victorious")
ity and inactivity. For the most part, the association has been staffed and run
between
by residents who had hoped to establish clientelistic
relationships
and
the
In
this
the
associa
scheme,
politicians
community.
neighborhood
tion is a both a fulcrum between
the neighborhood
and the larger city as
well as a source of income and local power for its leaders?which
reflects
the area's

schemes. Attempts
to clean up the
origins in land speculation
or
reason have
association
residents
for
other
neighborhood
any
organize
tended to demonstrate
the high start-up costs of mobilization.

508

Guidry

These high start-up costs and the difficulty of building the kind of con
is demonstrated
in
tinuous, vibrant public discourse created by COBAJUR
Bom Futuro by a youth group that sought to fill in the gap left by the stag
nation and corruption of the neighborhood
In 1992, MOJOC
association.
Catholic
Workers'
affiliated
with
the
national move
Movement,
(Young
ment of the same name), had begun working
in the neighborhood
through
a nucleus

of 10-15 young people

in small meetings,
(aged 13-30) gathered
events.
moment
and
social
Here
entered
the
first
of public
prayer groups,
they
One
the
to
of
first
mobilize
sphere development
group's
attempts
(Table 2).
residents was around the issue of traffic accidents on Augusto Montenegro
at the entrance to the neighborhood.
the highway?the
Highway
Crossing
a
center?was
into
the
hazard
for
residents, and enough
only way
daily
city
had
been
and
killed
vehicles
by speeding
injured
people
along this road
that residents called it the "Highway of Death."14 On the morning
after
a
killed
vehicle
three
and
another
Christmas,
1992,
teenagers
badly injured
entrance. The youths were relatives of
right in front of the neighborhood's
to block the highway and create a pub
local residents. MOJOC
decided
lic demonstration,
thus entering the "struggle to be seen." They disrupted
and got a photo of it in the major
traffic on two separate occasions
lo
cal daily newspaper. As an issue, the problem of traffic accidents held all
the synergy that could result in a high level of public discourse
and mo
was
not
to
take
but
MOJOC
such
action.
MOJOC
failed
bilization,
ready
more broadly;
not
to mobilize
had
done
the
the neighborhood
pa
they
and negotiations
tient and systematic work of meetings
with residents that
In the end, itwas just a
would have led large numbers to the demonstration.
to pull trees and things across the highway for a
bunch of kids who managed
while.
activist: Only the group did the demonstration.
27, student and MOJOC
They
saw that it was a minority.
So up until now, nothing
[the public and the government]
if everyone
has happened.
Because
from the area would have gotten
together, went
to the street, and did the demonstration,
I
called the government's
attention?then

Geraldo,

think

something

would

have

already

happened.15

In this public action, MOJOC made a serious grievance

"seen" in the
not
of
but
the
level
local
understand
already existing
beyond
public sphere,
were
a
not engage
The
traffics
accidents
action
did
that
major problem.
ing
in a way that would
the process of building public debate and discourse
move
of public sphere development
from the second to the third moment
notes
the
residents
that
both
and the government
offi
Geraldo
(Table 2).
saw that both the group its potential
for
cials who cleared the roadblock
was
to
act
in
the
which
the
rather
small?unlike
way
government
forcing
had used land invasion as a "weapon" of the movement.
COBAJUR

The

to Be

Struggle

Seen

509

of public
returned to the first moment
For the next five years MOJOC
discourse
that
of
with
creating neighborhood
hopes
sphere development,
a
more
over
movement
to
construct
visible
time, help
would,
larger,
capable
like the road-block
of pulling off demonstrations
they had attempted. As
contract to teach vo
1993 wound down, the group secured a government
hall.
and typing) in the Catholic church's meeting
are typical of the income-generating
and cultural
programs usually taken up by community groups around Brazil and were, in
fact, the original types of activities that led to the formation of COBAJUR
involved with Bel?m's
and the other organizations
community movements
of the 1970s and 80s.
The classes were very successful, enrolling dozens of residents each year
and generally
creating a positive public image for the group. The classes
cational

These

skills (manicure
of activities

kinds

were

overall mission of reaching out to youths to develop

part of MOJOC's
to common forms of street life (gangs, crime, drugs, etc.) and
alternatives
for personal mobility. By 1997, the group added karate classes,
opportunities
as a way to engage young people in physical, recreational
activities. Karate
was chosen specifically because of its appeal to young boys of recruitable age

activists hoped that their karate lessons would also

for street gangs. MOJOC
to thinking about their world by providing
these
up
spaces
open
help
boys
for identity formation separate from the world of the street and gang activity.
In 1998, however,
thieves broke into the church and the parish board
karate class. The board
immediately
suspected the youths in the MOJOC's
to stop the classes, though itwould be permitted
to continue
asked MOJOC
was
not
to
its vocational
This
which
did not ac
MOJOC,
training.
acceptable
cept the thesis that their students broke into the church and saw abandoning
the class as contrary to its mission. After
reviewing available alternatives,
the group decided to end its affiliation with the church and attempt to work
for Bom Futuro's
with the "reform" ticket that had won recent elections
in a latest attempt to rebuild that organization.
association
neighborhood
from church groups (the Catholic Church, several Pentecostal
Apart
MOJOC
and the neighborhood
churches, and Afro-spiritist
organizations),
are the only organized groups in Bom Futuro. MOJOC's
association
activi
ties and the periodic attempts to revive the neighborhood
association
indi
cate that there are groups of residents who would like to see a popular public
sphere develop in the area, providing a forum to discuss issues of importance
nor the neighborhood
to the community. But neither MOJOC
association
can provide
must
Bom
this. Residents
of
Futuro
leave the neighborhood
to pursue claims about politics. Those who have the time and resources do
other social movement
in other parts of
just that?through
organizations
for the rest there is no locally viable outlet for community-based
town?but
grievances.

510

Guidry

A note regarding social memory

and learning curves iswarranted. These
one another, and the residue of mem
aren't
sealed
off
from
neighborhoods
from
the
CBB
and
the
of
Jurunas is known and felt by residents
ory
glory days
in the area. One woman inBom Futuro who had grown up in Jurunas recalled
and fondly COBAJUR,
the demonstrations,
the invasions
very accurately
to make
in the 1980s, how the group leaders appeared on television
their
appeals, and how the governor finally arrived to inaugurate a school and
From 1998 through 2000,
legalize land tenure. These stories are well-known.
the MOJOC
in the community. They
tried again to gain a public platform
some
contacts
with
grassroots support organizations
developed
professional
see Fisher 1998), and became
involved in attempts to renew the
(GRSOs,
association. These attempts failed, however, and the group is
neighborhood
to live in the neighbor
continue
inactive, though many of the participants
hood and remain in contact with each other. These are latent sources for the
construction
of a popular public sphere, though at present little more than
that.

and Cycles of Contention.

Aura is home to about
High Mobilization
in the suburb of
5,000 people and lies about 15 km from central Bel?m
a
is
is separate municipality
that
Ananindeua.
Ananindeua
contiguous with
Bel?m. The growth of the "new periphery" has fueled a population
explosion
movements
to around 250,000 inhabitants. Community
in
in Ananindeua
Bel?m work together in organizations
Ananindeua
and across metropolitan
federations.16 The Aura Road takes off from
like the CBB and metropolitan
the Bel?m-Brasflia
Highway
just across from the city hall of Ananindeua,
between a small hospital and a Catholic
seminary for the Silesian Order. In
man
a
the invasion of some
named
Orlando
young
organized
early 1990,
were
that
surrounded
lands
by swamps and a few agri
government-owned
he
could
for a
cultural concerns. Orlando
marry his own ambitions
thought
of Jader Barbalho,
former gover
city council seat to the political machine
nor from 1982-86 and the expected
winner
in
the 1990 race
(and eventual)
did not. He lost
for governor. The invasion proved successful, but Orlando
from
his bid for a city council seat in 1992 and by 1994 had disappeared
so
an
like
of
electoral
the area. Instead of becoming
machine,
many
part
of the invasions that sprang up around the 1990 elections, Aura developed
one of the strongest community movements
inAnanindeua,
reminiscent
of
activism in the 1970s
the CEB, and the heyday of community
COBAJUR,
and 80s.
settled
named Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho
In 1991, three ex-seminarians
a small prayer group that met one night
and established
in the neighborhood
a week. As residents of the neighborhood,
the young men formed relation
married
into a family participating
and
and
Jo?o
eventually
ships
friendships,
it started
in the prayer group. Shortly after the prayer group began meeting,

The

to Be

Struggle

511

Seen

to engage discussions
lence, unemployment,
not how one should

common

of poverty, vio
experiences
so
the
and
wealthy,
forth?asking
relationships
live with these things but rather how the community
in effect, a semipublic
might change them.17 The group began promoting,
discussion of the area's servicing needs and possible ways to address them.
of the members'

with

In November
the group's presence by carry
1991, Jo?o and Julio expanded
a
out
of
250
families
about
small
survey
ing
community concerns. Education
was the topic most frequently cited, in keeping with the sentiments of the vast
to material
in all classes, who directly link education
majority of Brazilians
success

and

security.18

As a result of the survey, the prayer group decided to build a "community

not unlike
movements,
school," a project typical to Brazilian neighborhood
in
the vocational
MOJOC
Bom
Futuro.
training sponsored by
Community
res
schools are small pre- and elementary
schools staffed by neighborhood
In the original invasion, Orlando had
idents and funded by the government.
set aside some land for a community
school, and Jo?o's group was able to
lot.
the state of Para to apply for gov
that
Next,
they approached
acquire
ernment funding, but they were told that they needed
to have their own
building

and teachers

the state would consider the application.

In
formed a small committee
of residents to meet
Seminary on the corner of the Bel?m-Bras?lia

before

January of 1992, the group

with priests at the Silesian
highway and Aura Road. The Silesians helped
from a German
organization.
nongovernmental

to secure

start-up

funding

residents,
Neighborhood
excited by the prospect of a nearby school for their children, joined together
to help construct the three connected buildings with several classrooms and
an administrative
office. The "Anani Community
School" was named af
was named and teaches the
ter the tree for which the town Ananindeua
North American
equivalent of kindergarten
through the fourth grade. Two
hundred fifty students enrolled in classes that began on 9March
1992, and
on 1April the state government
to pro
finally granted a contract (convenio)
vide renewable annual funding, including salaries for teaching, clerical, and
of the prayer group staffed the school, and thereafter
general staff. Members
the entire neighborhood
began to refer to Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho
simply
as

"the

teachers."

In the Anani
movement
school, the neighborhood
gained a major re
source. The school provided income to activists, who were now able to pursue
neighborhood
organizing on almost a full-time basis. The school extended
the movement's
reach into hundreds of families, providing a service that was
an image
valued.
The
school gave "the teachers" and the movement
highly
of success?it
demonstrated
that the group could formulate a plan and raise
the necessary
capital and labor to pull it off. The school became a central
meeting
place, helping to build a larger popular public sphere in which to

512

Guidry

issues and politics.

develop public debate about community
school was a concrete symbol of the community's
identity and
In
role
in
that
short
order, Jo?o
prominent
building
identity.
a formal
to
at
hold
aimed
began
regular meetings
establishing
on
which
did
association,
26,1993.
they
September

In the end, the

"the teachers"
and company
neighborhood

to other urban servicing issues as the move

This process was extended
to
discuss
the
between
taxes, services, and class
began
relationship
through the lens of citizenship. Jo?o and the other leaders asserted that the
residents were already paying for services?like
garbage collection?that

ment

and
they were not receiving. Instead, they were paying for the cleanliness
Jo?o emphasized
the proprietary
security of wealthy neighborhoods.
rights
of citizens to the allocation of public funds; "it's not true that it's really the
from taxes."19 During meetings,
money, but it's the people's,
government's
Chiquinho
typically brandished a small paperback copy of the Brazilian con
was
that urban development
stitution, shaking it in the air and proclaiming
indeed a right of citizenship. At times they read from the constitution?"the
fundamental
of Brazil" are "to construct
objectives of the Federal Republic
a free, just, and solidaristic society," "to guarantee national development,"
"to eradicate poverty and marginalization
and to reduce
[social exclusion]
social and regional inequalities," and "to promote the well-being
of all, with
out regard to origin, race, sex, color, age, and other forms of discrimination"
Tit. I, Art 3). Their point was that the promise of
(Brazilian Constitution,
to democracy, carries with itmaterial
fundamental
which
is
political equality,
of poverty and wealth
correlates
about the geography
that raised questions
in Aura. After
the
raising these questions,
experienced
daily by everyone
teachers asked residents what should be done.
as the movement
in
Over
time, a cycle was established
continually
the passage through the first,
serted itself into public politics by repeating
second, and third moments
public sphere development
(Table 2). Every few
to discuss a particular problem
months,
facing
they would call a meeting
service and crime/public
the state
the community?bus
safety inmid-1992,
and a
of the bridge on the road into Aura in mid-1993,
garbage collection
on
elections
in
renewal of efforts
safety inmid-1995, municipal
crime/public
about a topic would explore residents' feelings
mid-1996. The initial meeting
on the issue and, with the help of Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho's
to
references
the national and state constitutions,
question the relationship of government
to what action the commu
to the issue. A next meeting would be devoted
nity should take. In this period, Aura became known as home to the most
inAnanindeua.
association
neighborhood
provocative
of causes: a (semi)professional
lead
The reasons include a combination
action that created resource bases, the benefits generated
ership, collective
by the movement,

and the continuous

development

of the neighborhood's

The

Struggle

to Be

513

Seen

and public actions that altered

sphere through meetings
movement
of
residents,
activists, and local politicians.
bargaining position
at
encounters
hall
and
with other public officials,
With every round of
city
built out from the neighborhood's
the movement
popular public sphere to
in the larger public sphere, changing the terms of that
challenge discourse
the
discourse
and registering Aura as a legitimate public actor. Through
successes framed and plotted fu
previous
public sphere, the movement's
popular

public

ture actions. Thus

by the movements
Olsen
1984, 744)
constitution.
The movement

ties the material

benefits obtained
and "symbolic order" (March and
in the
and enumerated
citizenship

the public sphere

to the "normative"
promised

has been
in the neighborhood.
School
alent of fourth grade, have
tended to turn out
Meetings

by

able to draw upon a consistent base of support

to the U.S. equiv
from preschool
enrollments,
400-600
students since 1993.
stayed between

30-50 people, demonstrations

(usually in front
over 1,000 or
Petitions
well
city hall)
gathered
1993, over 700 residents voted to formally
2,000 signatures. In September,
In
establish a neighborhood
and elected Jo?o as its president.
association,
of the group publicly announced
that
1995, Jo?o and several other members
Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores,
they were affiliated with the Workers'
on
Brazil
the
left.
The
association
sup
largest party
neighborhood
PT),
of Ananindeua's

100-300.

in
ported them and also agreed to endorse Jo?o as a city council candidate
the 1996 municipal
elections. By the barest of margins, he won a seat, which
a new voice in city hall and an even larger
the movement
then provided
inAnanindeua
and metropolitan
Bel?m.
presence
on
term
the
Jo?o's
city council, he and Julio began to construct
During
a larger organization
to turn out over a thousand people for
that managed
a demonstration
in June 1998. This led to the formation of the Movimento
das Ocupa?oes
de Ananindeua?MOA,
lit. the Movement
of Occupations
in
Ananindeua.20 MOA was to be larger version of what had taken place already
inAura, though more highly politicized. They developed
ideological affini
ties and concrete linkages to the Landless Movement
in Brazil (Movimento
dos Trabalhadores
Rurais Sem-Terra, MST), which is a rural organization
that occupies privately owned farms and agitates for agrarian reform. The
to emerge
is the most radical and well-publicized
grassroots movement
in Brazil since the 1970s.

MST

CONTRACTION AND CYCLICAL DEVELOPMENT

in the 1990s demonstrate
Jurunas in the 1980s and Aura
clearly the
of
movements
themes"
urban
social
identified
Manuel
Castells
"major
by

514

Guidry

focus on the collective

of services provided
(1983, xviii)?a
consumption
state
education,
by the
(sanitation,
etc.), the formation and defense of an
itself, and the mobilization
identity linked to the neighborhood
(territory)
aimed at local governments
the youths
(city and state). In Bom Futuro,
were thinking in these terms, but they lacked the experience
in MOJOC
a community movement
to develop
with a broad base, deep roots, and a
credible continuity in public action. Movements,
however, go through "cycles
of protest" that reflect a dynamic relationship
of internal resources, identity,
to the political opportunity
structure mediated
and mobilization
by the state
and
movement
the
decline
of
the
in Jurunas
(Tarrow 1994,153),
community
and some setbacks in Aura prompt us to think about movements'
relation
to public politics over time.
The community movement
of Jurunas and greater Bel?m
that began
in the late 1970s was part of a large cycle of protest that extended
through
out Latin America,
in countries dominated
by military
especially
regimes
and authoritarian
In this cycle, broad opposition movements
governments.
labor movements,
human rights
brought together community organizations,
women's
and
racial
groups,
identity organizations,
progressive
religious ac
to left wing
tivists (in both Catholic and Protestant
churches), and moderate
Perlman
Eckstein
1976;
1988, 1989; Hipsher
1996; Castells
politicians
(see
Stokes
The
to democ
Levine
transitions
1983;
1986,1992; Gay 1994;
1995).
the region opened up
racy that began in Peru in 1980 and rapidly engulfed
an
and
the
for
of organizing
in
space
provided
impetus
political
explosion
civil society that carries on to the present (Casta?eda
Escobar
1994,203-36;
et al. 1998). Yet as observers note with increas
and Alvarez
1992; Alvarez
the
and variety of organizations
in civil society
ingly frequency,
proliferation
of progressive
has also been linked to a fragmenting
political movements,
labor and parties of the Left, that have traditionally been key to
especially
such as those discussed
the redress of popular grievances
above (Roberts

1998).
movements
in Bel?m and Jurunas com
The history of neighborhood
a
in
the
of
national
FASE,
grassroots
support organization
library
piled
a
see
shows
in
Fisher
decline
CBB
and COBAJUR
1998),
precipitous
(GRSO,
activism from the late 1980s on. Part of the decline of the CBB is explained
to co-opt community movements
by the attempts of Jader Barbalho
through
a state-sponsored
federation.21 Though the CBB is still active today, it cannot
the kinds of large-scale campaigns it did prior to 1990. Dozens
of
or
to
be
continue
affiliated
with
the
but
CBB,
neighborhood
organizations
are not backed by mobilization.
At the same time,
numbers
ganizational
with the state
the CBB has also moved
away from direct confrontation
and toward a professionalization
and the politics of mass demonstrations
put together

of activist

leadership,

strong connections

to FASE

and other GRSOs,

and

The

Struggle

negotiated

to Be

515

Seen

relationships

with office-holders

and bureaucrats

sympathetic

to

the movement.

COBAJUR's
history in Jurunas reflects this process. The group contin
its work as one of 33 community
associations
serving the 100,000-plus
residents of Jurunas, each association
of
smaller subsections
representing
the neighborhood.
Some groups consist of only a few families and represent
one street on one block; larger associations may represent an area of several

ues

square blocks with a few thousand inhabitants (though many fewer are active
members
of the organization).
A federation of neighborhood
associations
to
these
coordinate
to the
claims
and
groups together
brings
relationships
state
more
and
but
in
movement
the
relies
governments,
municipal
general
on its "glorious past" than any significant accomplishments
(demonstrations,
improved services, land tenure concessions,
etc.) in the period since 1985.
In both Jurunas and Aura, though much more so in the former, leaders
tell a story that emphasizes
how residents who were mobilized
around some
the school and some
very specific projects (the land invasions in Radional,
or too busy to
of the services around Aura) became satisfied, complacent,
continue working
for the community movement.
see many of the
Leaders
residents as only self-interested
and concerned with material
benefits, and
not with the development
of the group, a very common concern in move
ments of all kinds. What begins as a "free rider" effect (Olson 1965, see also
in the case of Jurunas, simply
can, especially
Bayard de Vol? 2001,189-97)
result in a movement
the
interest
of
to the point at which
residents
losing
collective action depends on starting over?looking
to the popular discourse
of a community
in order to define issues and mobilization
potential. The flux
in mobilization
also represents an ebbing of concentrated
collective
action
related to the larger cycle of democratization
in Brazil. To some extent, the
exit from power in 1985 and the return to democratic
military's
government
eroded the solidarity of the community movement
of the 1980s as individual
associations
became affiliated and, in many cases, co-opted
neighborhood
the
and
clientelist
by
populist
politicians who held sway in Bel?m until the
late 1990s.22
was able to fend off Barbalho's machine,
In Aura, the movement
and
the Anani
to provide an important resource and source
School continues
of identity to the movement.
But the school and the movement
grew apart
somewhat when Jo?o left to take up his seat on the city council in 1996.
however, has kept his job as a teacher there, but Jo?o lost his city
Chiquinho,
council seat in the 2000 elections, presenting
the movement
with a serious
setback. Jo?o received just about the same number of votes in 2000 as in
1996, but under Brazil's proportional
system, a very popular
representation
from
the
centrist
bloc
of
to
the PT was able carry
mayor
parties opposed
several candidates on his coattails.

516

Guidry

LESSONS LEARNED: MEMORY, MOVEMENTS,

AND ROUTINE POLITICS
In this way, just as movements
contract, the public spheres they generate
can also contract, shrinking back from the robust encounter with the domi
nant public sphere represented
inTables 1 and 2, where the concerns of an op
can
affect
the discourse and actions of politicians
and
position counterpublic
the state. We should note well, however,
the "social memory"
(Uehling 2000,
The
of
mobilizations.
earlier
"glorious past" may be over in Jurunas,
262-63)
inAura treading water for the time being, but these move
and the movement
are present in the memories
ments and the public politics they generated
of
not only where they have
residents. People still talk about these movements,
that continue tomotivate
been successful, but also as models
activists in Bom
Even persons who have stopped going
Futuro and similar neighborhoods.
to meetings
of
the
past, in the same way that leaders do, and
speak longingly
memories
that will be an important resource in
sustain
social
together they
a revival of neighborhood
of changing
activism there, given the probability
structures, party coalitions, and electoral contests.
opportunity
Movement
social through popular public spheres, and
memory becomes
even as residue it never loses that public quality that allows general, anony
mous persons to share it, including those too young to have been present or
in the urban context, one neighborhood's
who arrived too late. Moreover,
glorious

past

is an

example

of what

other

communities

could

achieve

now.

inTables 1 and 2 and in the histories

The iterative, learning process presented
of Jurunas and Aura apply both within and beyond the borders of any partic
ular group or community. Latent identities and concerns (Gamson 1992) are
tangible resources that fuel public discourse. In cases around the globe, social
has been identified as a major resource for identity formation and
memory
Tatars in the post-Soviet
Crimea
of
mobilization:
(Uehling 2000), mothers
de
Vol?
African
Americans
in
the
slain soldiers inNicaragua
2001),
(Bayard
involved in the Greek Resistance
civil rights era (Harris 1994), and women
of public sphere
through processes
organizations,
(Hart 1996). Movement
remake the past into the elements of contempo
formation and meditation,
rary politics as they seek to represent the grievances and concerns of persons
who are marginal
to, or excluded from, public politics in democracies.
in consid
and latency becomes manifest
importance of potential
or
An
of
the
iterations
process.
oppositional
popular public
ering repeated
about everyday
sphere can develop where people share similar grievances
similar stories about how those everyday situations came
life and potentially
but they only consol
to be. Movements
coalesce around these grievances,
can frame these situations with stories
idate and grow when organizations
as directly as possible
to visible actors and solutions,
that link grievances
The

The

Struggle

517

to Be Seen

public sphere. This is

usually in formal politics and through the hegemonic
movement
the "resonance"
that analysts recognize as
how
frames develop
crucial to popular mobilization
(Snow and Benford
1988). The repetition
and successive
interactions
in meetings,
of public politics
demonstrations,
the cultural frames and iden
small) with the state strengthens
(however
and
of actors at the nexus of hegemonic
tity resources. In the relationship
pro
public spheres, repetition works to alter the bargaining
oppositional
cess. Events and expectations
of "routine politics"
build the third moment
action that constructed
the popular
(Table 1), when the kinds of collective
the "modular" (Tarrow 1994) tactics
public sphere (Somers 1993) become
to other publics. At this point,
and are available
of movement
repertoires
are a well-traveled
the contours of contention
map for actors on either side.

CONCLUSION
action transforms lived experience
into compelling political
Collective
more
claims with two consequences:
powerful actors see the terms of
(1)
at
while
the same time (2) less powerful
interaction
differently,
political
actors see their own agency and capacities
in a different
light. This very
a
to
of
the
is
fundamental
transformative
process
linkages"
"working
politics
and the force of public commitments
(Levine 1992) that alters expectations
in such as way as to imagine, at the very least, institutional change. Effective
movement
leaders employ strategies of framing that translate the language
of the neighborhood
into the language of power, putting into action the
critical substance of the statements discussed
earlier in the first section of
the paper. They turn block parties, prayer groups, and social events into
arenas of political debate. Gramsci
(1971, 331) refers to this as "renovating
an already existing activity," and in this process the discourse of everyday life
moves
actors become
toward resistance. Movement
important at this point
in translating the language and emotions
of resistance
into a constructive
attempt to alter the rules of dominant
public spheres. Beyond
exchange
actors work to alter the rules governing behavior
and brokerage, movement
on both sides of the gap in which they work. Movement
leaders may help
define a popular public sphere in one place, but they are working with one
foot at the door of the dominant public sphere.23 Movement
actors suggest,
and actions, changes in the way that citizenship
is perceived
and
alike.
by politicians
ordinary people
The struggle to be seen describes
this process of change and suggests
can be contested and reenvisioned
how citizenship
in contemporary
Brazil
in a way that pushes beyond
the "low intensity citizenship"
described by
O'Donnell
very
(1993) in the region. In this article, we have discussed
through words

518

Guidry

to develop popular public spheres that contribute

to
attempts
more
movements
of
how
have
Dagnino's
sweeping analysis
(1998)
begun to
common
In
for
the
of
this
push
expansion
citizenship.
struggle,
membership
to the distance between
in the polity is juxtaposed
the rich and poor. The
"struggle to be seen" bridges that gap and puts in play a public process of
and commitment
that are, at least potentially,
transformative.
recognition
These events do not stand alone but are part of an iterative process in which
is defined and refined at each moment
claims
citizenship
through distributive
that serve as material markers for a larger project of identity construction.
In
local-level

and other political actors come to shared,

repeated interaction, movements
no
if
less contentious,
of what it means
to be a member
definitions
of a
in the polity (citizenship)
is tied to
polity, and not infrequently membership
the kinds of services and political goods a person receives from the state.
The "routine politics" that movements
seek to establish is crucial to re
idea analyzed by Roberts
alizing the potential of the "deepening democracy"
the kind of consistent pressure to open up the public sphere
(1998). Without
and place both popular actors and their claims on the political
landscape,
the "logic of political majorities"
(p. 24) cannot move forward. In his survey
of the Latin America

in the early post-Cold War years, Jorge Casta?eda

de
that occurs in the movement
the kind political transformation
from
the struggle to be seen to routine politics and party linkages: "...popular
protest must transcend its purely social origins and forms of struggle, reach
1994, 364). The struggle to be seen
ing into the political arena" (Casta?eda
condition for electoral advances by popular movements
is thus a necessary
that claim to represent ordinary
and political parties, usually left-of-center,
scribes

people.24

ENDNOTES
In Latin American
cases, see Fais Borda
(1994, 364),
(1992), Mische
(1995), Catsa?eda
et al. (1997,165),
and Smith (2000); elsewhere, Meyer
Sassen
Korzeniewicz
(1996,60-61),
Robertson
(1992).
that movements
2. There
is growing
illiberal, or even
may also be undemocratic,
recognition
et al. 1994,5)
isolated from their own constituencies
2000; Dirks
(Derluguian
class" historically
Levine
that the term "popular
involves
"at a
3. Daniel
(1986, 6) notes
some notion of subordination
shared by divergent
sectors of
and inequality"
minimum...
class.
the population,
from the poor to the lower middle
a woman
to go back and
4. For example,
from the countryside
why she wanted
explained
"I want my husband
to
visit her family there. Marisa,
60, retired factory worker, Jurunas:
than I am.
there are a lot of folks so much poorer
retire, [then] I'll go back there because
I?we
have things?old
these things?and
sometimes
And
clothes,
they come here to get
... And
to go back there and bring more,
to save up
I have this promise
the stuff from me
there we see how it hurts: how poverty hurts.
things here so I can take them there. Because
hurts. That's
so, I want to go back there."
Poverty
just it. And
Bom Futuro.
5. Jorge, 22, unemployed,
1.

The

Struggle

to Be

Seen

519

in Jurunas for about 10 years at the

in neighborhood
had been involved
politics
time of our interview
in 1993 and still is today.
see
case that analyses
in politics,
contention
7. For an interesting
symbolic
comparative
and the crisis of the socialist state in Poland.
Kubik's
(1994) study of Solidarity
across a growing
literature.
that follows is consistent
8. This definition
and the characterization
Calhoun
See Habermas
(1993), Fraser (1992), Dawson
(1992), Somers
([1962] 1989,1992),
6.

Carolina

(1994,1999), Keane (1996),Hanchard (1999), and Zaret (2000).

a paramount
in both print and electronic
the Maiorana
position
family exercises
are affiliated
all of which
the major
media:
TV-Liberal,
Liberal,
daily, O Liberal, Radio
in the
the largest media
that is among
with Brazil's Globo media
network
corporations
world.
are not the only actors that clarify
to note that movement
It is important
10.
organizations
or stimulate
of popular public spheres. Political
the development
parties
popular discourse
as do a myriad
of
the process,
of civil society also contribute
and the formal organizations
of
and communication
life that involve the social networks
in everyday
informal practices
ties to and roots in these
to each other. Movement
individuals
may develop
organizations
in this
other organizations
and processes
1999), and the model
presented
(as inMcAdam
to the relationship
of other organizational
and informal processes
paper can be extended
to public spheres as well.
9.

11.

12.

In Bel?m,

The movement
studied by Robert
(1994) in the neighborhood
Gay
See also Stokes
Janeiro
is a classic example
of this moment.
(1995),
and Mainwaring
Levine
(1992), Bayard-de-Volo
(1989), Fais Borda
et al. (2001, 7-8), we may say that in
In the language
of McAdam
second

13.

14.

to the third moment

forms of contention.

tained"
The model
demonstrates
should be careful to note

of interaction,

movements

shift from

of Vidigal
Mainwaring
(2000).
the passage

"transgressive"

in Rio

de

(1989),
from the
to "con

the discourse
of public spheres can shift over time, but we
conces
of this process. Services and other political
are certainly gained in the process, as the cases
the quality of citizenship
sions that enhance
et al. 1986,
movements
below and in the literature on community
demonstrates
(Degregori
of
the full restructuring
Gay 1994, Seidman
change?i.e.
1994). But long-term,
qualitative
to meet Marshall's
criterion of "rendering
all differences
irrelevant
citizenship
(1964,165)
as much as much a normative
to social status"?remains
ideal as it does a distant objective.
are filled with reportage
on pedestrians
run over by cars and the re
newspapers
Daily
how

the limitations

of collective
anger by poor residents. A typical story found in Bel?m's
sulting expressions
major
daily, O Liberal
1993), told of a taxi driver who had hit a man on a busy
(3 May
street. When
to aide the victim, he was dragged
the driver stopped
away and killed by res
as was the case with
idents. Frequently,
block the roads in acts of protest,
angry residents
14 June 1993), and
of Juquitiba,
25 recent incidents
3,000 residents
protesting
(O Liberal,
a neighborhood
in this study, where
in Bom Futuro,
included
residents
refer to the nearby
8 February
and youths are
roadway as the "highway of death"
1993). Children
(O Liberal,
between
frequent victims. In the 18 months
January, 1990, and July, 1991,736 minors were
hit by automobiles,
in 137 deaths
16 June 1993).
resulting
(O Liberal,
is 8 kilometers
15. No organization
along the highway, which
long, was ever able to put together
more
than very limited actions of this type. The complaints
about traffic went unanswered
for a long time. By 1995, the city had begun placing
traffic lights on the highway,
and
between
1998 and 2000 more
of traffic laws
lights, speed bumps, and police enforcement
16.
17.

18.

had greatly
the situation.
improved
I was originally
taken to Aura by community
CBB function
in December,
I was
1992, where
This
kind
of discussion
is fundamental

leaders

from Ananindeua

who

attended

present.
to the kinds
of
consciousness-raising
(conscientiza?ao)
pedagogies
suggested
by the Brazilian
priest and activist Pavlo Freir?,
a kind of mobilization
whose Pedagogy
manual
among
of the Oppressed
(1983) provided
sectors of Catholic
activists.
progressive
One of Janice Perlman's
in her seminal
major
findings
of Marginality
study, The Myth
of Aura's
held most
(1976) was that Rio de Janeiro's favelados
(the equivalent
invaders)

520
of the same
education.
19.
20.
21.

22.
23.

24.

Guidry

social

values

as the Brazilian

middle

class,

included

a very

high priority

on

1993.
and others, 2 February
Interview with Jo?o, Julio, Chiquinho,
to "invasions,"
since the latter implies ownership
the term "occupations"
They preferred
is not being used.
the former implies taking what
while
relied
to the military
in Para, Barbalho
the candidate
As leader of the opposition
regime
in 1982. As governor,
he moved
swiftly
upon the CBB and other movement
organizations
state- and metropolitan
federations
movement
to co-opt
the community
by establishing
in public politics.
to represent
that, like the CBB, purported
neighborhood
organizations
were able to
and the State Federation
Federation
Funded
by the state, the Metropolitan
not available
to the CBB. These
and opportunities
activists resources
offer neighborhood
were never able to organize
like the CBB had and were
public campaigns
organizations
was a model
of populist
his early career, Barbalho
politics,
During
notably moribund.
a slow trajectory
based largely on urban land tenure issues, but since 1994 he has followed
he
as voters
demise
of political
politics
increasingly
reject him and the corrupt machine
represents.
the return
in Peru in the early-mid
notes a similar situation
Stokes
1980s, where
(1995,55)
for clientelism..."
and incentives
to "civilian rule opened
up new opportunities
do
A Provincia
in one of Bel?m's
article
It was through a newspaper
daily newspapers,
there. The
and the movement
Para
1992), in fact, that I learned of Aura
(19 December
children could
to obtain a creche where
that local residents had mobilized
article reported
their parents were away at work.
receive food and care while
of Brazil's
is clearly demonstrated
This
party,
largest left-of-center
by the relationship
and progressive
the Workers'
religious movements
Party to its base in labor, community,
in 1979, the Workers'
Party has slowly built up a na
1994,197-98).
Beginning
(Seidman
a relationship,
to balance
that has managed
tional organization
contentious,
frequently
success in every
that has led to increased
actors and its own politicians
between movement
of October
elections
In the national
since 1982 (Guidry forthcoming).
round of elections
in the lower house of the national
the largest delegation
legisla
2002, the party became
ture, with about a quarter of the seats, and its leader, Luis In?cio Lula da Silva, was elected
president

with

over

60% of the votes

cast.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research has been funded by dissertation
grants from the SSRC and
Travel Grant (1995),
International
Hewlett
the
HE Fulbright
(1992-1993),
to acknowl
wishes
The
author
and Augustana
College
(1998, 2000, 2002).
the
Summer
2000
of
comments
readers
the
present during
helpful
edge
in
the Be
Politics at the Center for Advanced
Institute on Contentious
Study
Peter
David
Mark
havioral Sciences
Laitin,
Sawyer,
especially
(Palo Alto),
the
as
as
referees
for
the
well
and
anonymous
Doug McAdam,
Houtzager,
journal.

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