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militancy and radicalism in the New Left, satisfying the media's hunger for novelty
and drama in return for access was a major one. In the end, the New Left, Mayor
Daley, the Johnson and Nixon administrations, authorities and public alike accepted the media image of the movement as a serious revolutionary force.
Gitlin does not maintain that the mass media were responsible for the
destruction of the movement. The New Left had too narrow a social base; its goals
were too ambitious. He does think that the New Left paid a high price in the
movement-media dance: it was the weaker partner forced to play by the media's
rules, yet that was its choice. Nevertheless, even had it shunned the limelight at the
center stage of the anti-war movement in favor of long term grassroots organizing
among the poor, minorities, and working people, I for one think the New Left
would have been of little consequence.
The focal theme of this book is economic and social development as reflected by
differential growth of industry and consequent changes in the occupational
structure. The setting is seven major capitalist countries (or economies): the United
States, Canada, Great Britain, West Germany, France, Italy, and Japan, all of which
began their industrialization before the turn of the century. The conclusion is that,
despite some individual deviation in patterns of change, two trends are
unmistakablethe steady decline of agricultural employment and the steady
increase in employment in the service industries.
Six chapters explicate the author's approach and analyses of the author.
Chapter 1 is primarily concerned with the methodological steps in the gathering
and processing of 50 years of data for each of the seven countries. The author
defends his concentration on information about labor rather than capital "... because human factors are more appropriate measures of social development." He
explains that noncapitalist countries were excluded from the study because of lack
of information and the many additional aspects which would have had to be added
to the discussion.
In Chapter 2 the author is concerned with the conditions of industrialization
then shows how the definitions and "facts" gleaned from these sources in a crudely
empirical manner are processed within a self-validating "web of facticity," and how
they are presented in historically evolved and formalized news narratives that draw
from and feed into the same "web." Perceptive examples from the reporting of the
women's movement are used to illustrate these principles.
The result is an admirably close-knit argument, depicting news as an
ideology that distorts and obfuscates the socioeconomic structure of American
society and becomes "a means not to know." Yet, the density of Tuchman's
argumentative "net" constitutes its main flaw: it is too perfectly meshed. It lacks
any sense of contradictions. It leaves virtually no room for the challenge and
conflict in news organizations that other observers have documentedArgyris in
Behind the Front Page, Gans in Deciding What's News, and Crouse in The Boys on the
Bus. Does the self-validating and self-perpetuating system of newswork Tuchman
describes allow no real dispute from within or without? If news is only "a means
not to know," from where do those "who know" get what they know especially if
the situationally determined nature of knowledge (in its Mannheimian or Marxist
variations) is rejected? The danger in such a finely woven, all-embracing net is that
it can be taken as an invitation to defeatism and despair.
. On the whole, however, News making is an important contribution to the
sociology of mass communication. It powerfully demonstrates the ideological
nature and inadequacies of the "mirror" image of the news media still tenaciously
held by many professionals. It charts the conceptual development of current
scholarship in the construction of a theory of news. It also reconfirms Tuchman's
place as one of the major pioneers in that effort.