A ComPLEAT COLLECTION Of the Genuine WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS Faithfully Trawstarep ftoni the Original GR EE K, ‘And Compared with the Transuation of Sir ROGER L’ESTRANGE, Knight. CONTAINING, L. The Life of ¥OSEP HU'S,||1V. The Wars of the Jews with the written by himfelf. Romans, In Seven Books. IL. The Antiquities of the Jxws.||V. The Martyrdom of the Macca- In Twenty Books. bees; And, IL. ¥OSEP HUS’s Book againft|| VI. Péil’s Embafly from the Jews Apion, in Defence of the Antiqui-|| of Alexandria, to Caius ” Cali- ties of the Jews. In Two Parts. gula. With Explanatory Notes, and Marginal References. To which are Prefix’d, Several Remarks and Obfervations upon the Writings of Josernus. By A. Fackfon. Gent. ‘The Whole illuftrated with Mars and Cu rs, curioufly engraven on Copper- Plates, with an Addition of a new Plate of ‘the Elevation of the Tower of Babel, taken from Calmet. LONDON: in New Bondjireet, J. Wonnas. in Bell-yard ‘near Lincoln's-Inn, in the Strand, J. Joutaren in Se. Yamesfirect, W.Sunorsu ine, in New Bondflreet, C. Conuxyt againtt St. Diuzflan's Church in Fleet/ireet, ‘and Me. Norson in Tebslane weat che Reyal Bxcbanges os likewile by Meffieurs Rooens and Coorrn, ners, near Bifhopfgate. 1736. Princed and fold by J. Burwps. O. Payne in New Round CourtTHE Pulpit eis sy ier eee Ae Cenk convinced, that they are fuch as will afford a pro- fitable entertainment to moft of our readers. Tr is neceffary, however, that we thould fay fomething of the order in which we have placed this hiftory; and the reafon why we have varied in that particular from all the other editions of the » works of this learned author, which have yet appear’d in print. tr has hitherto been a cuftom to place the life of F. Joszrrus, (which was written by himfelf in the fifty fixth year of his age,) fometimes after his antiquities, and fometimes after his wars; for which we think no fuflicient reafon can he aflign’d, becaufe ’tis ‘contrary to modern cuftom to place the life of an author (though writ by himfelf) in the middle of his works; and therefore as critics cannot eafily determine whether his Wars of the fews, or his Antiquities, were writ firft, we think the moft natural method is to place the Life of the author before both. An account of the birth, education, and religion of an author (efpecially when penn’d by himfelf) carefully read, ferves as a comment to the reft of his works, which it in fome fort illuftrates, by infenfibly conveying into the mind of the reader, a juft idea of his temper, genius, ftile, and way of thinking, and therefore, we think, defervedly claims precedency of order, that people thereby may be able to B formThe Publifhers PREFACE, form fome judgment of his worth and abilities, before they pro- ceed to read his other works: this feemed to us moft natural, and confequently is the method we have followed. ‘We have likewife in this edition placed the defence of the An- tiquities immediately after the Antiquities ; and the martyrdom of the Maccabees immediately after the Wars; and the fame argument will ferve for this tranfpofition, as was ufed for the former, viz. ‘That it appeared to us the moft confiftent; and thus much for the order of the work. . Anp now we will proceed to fhew fome of the reafons which induced us to publifh the works of this author. We affure the publick, that it is with no mercenary view to our own private intereft that we have attempted to publith this new edition, but only with a defign to render the works of that learned Jew, Flavius Jofephus, of univerfal ufe to all degrees of men, by giving the world a fair and juft tranflation of the moft curious pieces of hiftory and antiquity, that ever were writ by any author, either ancient or modern, ‘To which end, we have indeed taken a great deal of pains, to render it more compleat than any other tranflation yet extant, by adding a great many ufeful notes to explain the molt difficult pal fages throughout the whole book; and we have likewife been at a great expence, by engraving Maps and curious Sculptures for the better illuftration of the hiftory. A creat deal more might be urged in favour of this new tran lation, but as it might feem impertinent in us to be too vain of our own performance; and as we have no defign to raife our reputation by undervaluing the labours of others, we leave the work to recommend itfelf; and as it is found to prove either good or bad, fo we expect to be incouraged or difcouraged, and no other wife. Anp therefore we intreat, that every one of our fubfcribers would carefully examine the fubject of the following fheets, that they themfelves may be able to judge of the merit of the under- taking. : SOMESOME OBSERVATIONS Upon the WRITINGS of FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, IN TWO DIS co uURS ES DISCOURSE L Wherein the Life and Religion of Jofephus is briefly examined, and an Aecount given of that famous Paffage relating to our bleffed Lord and Saviour. N this preliminary difeourfé I thall chiefly enquire into the life and religion of Jofephus 5 a right waderflanding of which will explain fome obfcurities in him, and remove the ebjec~ tions that have been made againtt that memorable paffige concerning ow Saviour. g Hie has given ns the hitory of hie avn life, writ by himfelf at che'age of fifty fix; where UAE in he tells us he was of the ftock and lineage of Aaron, and by his mother’s fide, a defeen- dant 8f the Maccabees, and of the courfe of Jojatib, the firtt of the twenty four orders of the pricits. He faith that he was born ‘in the firit year of Caligula’s rcign, A. D. 37. He made ctial of the three famous fees that were then among the Jews; Pharifces, Sedduces, and Effenes: and leaving them at the age ‘of fixteen, he fpent three years in the wildernefs of Judes, under the inftruétions of a famous mafter nam'd Bani, Scrrarius took this Bani for an Efféne, Drufius and che author of Juchafin for a Pharifee ; but they are all miftaken5 fince Jofephus in that very place diftinguitheth him from the three feéts he had before made trial of. It is more likely, that he was one of the difeiples of St. John Baptitt, of our Sa Viour. ‘The Talmud makes mention of one of Chrift’s difciples, by the name of Basi, ot Buni. But Whoever he was, at the end of three years Jofephus Icft him alfo; and being now nineteen years old, ré~ tora’d to Jegufalem, where having fpent feven years, he went to Rome, being twenty fix years old; and theré"contraéted th acquaintance with Nicanor, (who was afterwards 2 colonel in Vefpafian’s army) and with Alityfus, one of Nero's minions, and by his means with the eimprefs Poppea, from whom he receiv'a many favours, After two years abode at Rome, he revifited his own country, the war beitg now ready to break out; in which war Jofephus, being thirty years old, and a governor in Galilee, oppofed the Romans, till’at laft being over-powered, he yielded (or in the language of his enemies, revolted) co chem. At this time he told Vefpafian, that he thould become emperor of the Romans; and when Jofephus faw his prophecy fulfill’d, and the whole nation of the Jews fubdued by him, he took him for the Mefliah and king8 The Firt DISCOURSE. Upon thefe accounts he was highly valued by Vefpatian and King of ths Jew's,em took the namie of Flavius. And becaufe ths is fo remarkable a pare of the life ot Faghaniemay nor be amis vo quote icin his own words.“ Nothing {9 mach fin’d up the minds of he Fei eT efere wart, ae doabefl prophecy found in eel fered books that above chat ln there ee Ee Lsoai ih cheis counery, one who fhoald become ruler of the whole world. By this orncle the ceed efpaan was predicied,which began in Jaden.” Alf chaps xiv. he flth, “That God revealed oc STR Sea dream the datration ofthe Jets, anid their conquet by the Remans, and whit should box Sa in 8 ar ea” For being a prict, he know how to explain the fuered books of che pro- cine Ro neipice eam. He often delaed o the Jew tht God had left them, and was gone Dace aoe Remand s ehae the Jews in refiting, not only foughe againitehe Romans, but God alfos and See fee Ntienas of che prophets manifety pointed cut the deitettion of Jorufalem about that time} and se ee eng faceordained ie From the waters of Siloam being dtied up, whea in the power of FEES COU ENS owing plenilully whea ia poffetion of the Romans, he infor'd, that God had deerted che Freee ea ine gone ever to the Romane. When the wat was ended, and all things ad fallen on ac SESig'S Joghe's predictions, he determin'd to poblith the hiory of it; which he did fit in his mo~ Hae ee Re Hebrew, forthe ufe of the extern nations (a book long Since loft) and afterwards coming wears wich Titus, he there publifhed thefe books i Greek, which are now extant. Bue this was not Ruse upon his very ft coming thiehce for che triumph of Vefpafian and Titus over the Jews was fri pat, Gihich Jolephus deferibes in thole books. ‘There were alfo falfe accounts of that war publi'd by many, before he peblifhd his; and ic was alter the fourth year of Vefpafian’s rciga, which he makes. exprefs mention of in his feventh book of the ware of the Jews; and afeer ehe building of the temple of Peace wURome, which he alfo takes notice of and which, as Dion informs us, was dedicated A.D. 73. that isp alter the finithing of the war and yet it was before the death of Agrippa, who highly approv'd “Agrippa eame to Rome, and had feveral new honcars nple of Peace was dedicated (as appears from King of the Jews, foretold by the prophets. fixe of it, and writ feveral letters in its commendation. confert'd upon him by Vefpafian, that very year that the tem a 2 Dion,) befides the concurrent teftimony of feveral coins. Eufebius in his chronicle, and the uchor of the Palchalion fay, That he reign’d twenty fix years, that is, il the feventh year ot Velpafian 5 all which T the rather recount, becaufe two very learned inen of the laft age have fixed his death in the third year of Velpaiian. From hence it is manifett, thar Joephus publifird his book of che wars of the Jews betwixe the filth year of Velpafian, when the temple of Peace was dedicated, and the feventh year of Vefps- fian, in which Agrippa dy'd. Te was out of refpeét to the Romans, among whom he liv’d, that he wrote thefe books, and from whom he had receiv’ many honours; for he was made free of Rome by Velpalian, lived in the palace, and had a yearly penfion allow’d him by the cmpezor; and having prefented his books of the Jewith war to Vefps- fian and Tieus, the fir ordered a flatue to be crested to him at Rome, the latter figa’d his approbation of them wich his own hand, and gave orders for them to be kept in all the publick libraries. Ae the Ro- mans extoll’d him, fo he conftantly mognifiech and flatters the Romans, and gives very indifferent cha- raéters of the Jews; for which they gonerally condemn his writings. | Abarbancl faith, that he falfi- fied the erath to magnify the Romans, whofe difpleafure he was afraid of, and wrote to pleafe them. ‘And though thefe cenfurcs of the Jews are falfe and groundlefs, yet I cannot but remark, that he fo far complied with che rites and cifloms of the Romans, that Minucius Felix in the very next age after took him for a Roman; “ De Judivis feripta corum relege; vel, i Romanis magis gaudes, Flavii Jofephi, « vel Antonit Jaliani de Judeeis require, ie. Concerning the Jews, cither read their own writers, or if you would rather read Romans, inquire for Jofephus or Antonius Julianus.”” ‘This lattcr was without doabe che fame Antonius Jolianus that was procurator of Judea in the very time oF we war, and is men= tioned by Joiephus. He was by bireh a Spaniard, a man very eloquent and learned, and one who pub- Jickly tavght rhetorick at Rome. When Jofephus therefore wrote hie books of the wars of the Jews, he was of opinion, that God had forfuken their nation, and was gone over to the Romans. He had fecu his country Isid waste by a war that had exhaufted above 1100000 people, the whole city levelled, and God's temple fo utterly deftroyed, as that there was fearcely one ftone Jefe upon another; the facrcd books of Mo~ Ses, and the holy veilels of God's houfe, firft made part of the Roman triumph, and aficrwards prophan’d co fuarnith the cemples of Jupiter Capicolinus, and that of Peace; and the very fhekels which were formerly Paid by the Jews all the world over to the temple at Jerufalem, were now paid to Jupiter Capitolinus. By which and other circumftances, Jofephus was thoroughly confitm’d in his opinion, that God had for ken the Jews, and was become the God and favourer of the Romans, and that Vefpafian was the pro~ mifed Mcifish.” His opinion about government was, that no one could be promoted to a throne, but by God's fpecial favour, and he makes king Agrippa thus addrefs the Jews: ‘It’s plain that God is now « gone over to the Romans ; for i's impoflible that fo grcat an empire should be eftublifhed without God.” For thefe reafons Jofephus conceived favourably of the religion of the Romans, and was pleafed that many ‘of the Jewith opinions agreed with theirs. ‘The prodigies chat he recounteth before the defiruétion of Jerufalem, would better become Livy or Tacitus, than a Jewith hiftorians and he could not cell whether he thould afcribe his great deliverance at Jorapata to chance or providence. And when Judas, an Effency foretold the death of Antigonus at Strato's tower, the prophecy was nor fulfil'd at the famous Cxlarea, foThe Firt DISCOURSE, 9 fo called by way of eminence, but at another obfeure place of that name; which feems copied from the fible of the death of Alexander king of Epirus at Pandofia, as ic is recorded by Livy and others. And ‘uhat he relates of the apples of Sodom and the Sabbatical river, is more like a romasce, invented ‘to di- Yerr bis reader, than with any regard to truth; ahd the ridiculous ftory of the root Baras feems borrow’d From the Moly of Homer, or Citcea of Diofeorides and ‘Theophraftis. ‘The four colours of the veil of the temple at Jerufalem, he makes to be an imitation of the four clements, and the feven candlefticks a Re+ femblance of the feven planets. The flying open of the great brazen gate of the temple, is fuch alike cir ‘cumitance as happen’d at Thebes juft before the great battle of the Lacedemonians at Leuétra, when the great gates of Heercules’s temple'open'd of themfelves without any one’s touching of them. [Cic. de Die Finat.] Tomic many other things of the like nature; from whence it’s manifet, that Jofephus endeavour'd to gtecife, and Shape the hiary of che Jows as like as he could to thofe of the Grecks and Romans Kup thus Ihave given a faccinét account of his fentiments when he wrote the wars of the Jews; but is books of antiquities were not wrie till che thirecenth year of Domitian the emperor, after the death of his chree great patrons, two emperors, and a king; and now he betook himfelf to the patronage of Epa- phroditus, to whom he dedicaves his twenty books of antiquities, his own life, and cwo books aguinit Kipion. He had now feen his fuppofed Mefliah dic, wichout advancing the Jewith intereft, or anfwering the charadters given him by the prophecs ; by which means he {eems to have altered his opiaion, with re- {peek to revealed religion, and to be grown very loofe in his fentiments about its myftorics sa great lati ‘cidinarian, and chiefly adhering to che general notions of the exccilency of virtue and goodnefs, and the agrecablenels of moral religion to the nature of God, and fuch other like fentiments ; wherein the wifeit Of the Jews, Heachens, and Chriltians were agreed, without any religious veneration to fach things as lad been reveal'd to the Jews by Moles and the Prophets ; and of this it may be proper to give fome inftance Circumcifion was one of the mott ficred rites of the Jews, which God gave Abraham, and by which they were kaown to be his feed ;, and yer when Jofephus is fpcuking of the antiquity of it, he leaveeh the max tor undecided betwixt Herodotus and Mofes, whether the Egyptians learn'd it from the Jews, or the Jews from chem. He does not feruple to fay, that one might worfhip God wiehcut circumcition, fo that hhe refolv’d to obferve che Jewith laws : thac this was fur better than circumeifion, and that God would cafily pardon one that did omic it for fear of perfecution. And in this it is evident, that Jofephus com plied with the bad circumftances the Jews were in under the emperor Domitian, by reufon of their circum cifion, of which Suctonius hath thefe words: Judaicus fifcus accrbiffim? a€tus eft. Interfuitle me memi- «© ni, chm & procuratore frequentiflimo concilio infpicerctur nonagenarius fenex, an circumfeétus cliet, isc. « ‘The Jewith tribute was moft rigorouily exaéted. [ remember that I was prefent when an old man of ninety « years of age was in a great allembly infpected by the procurstor, whether he was circumeiled or not.” ‘When Jofephus relates the miraculous pallage of the Iffaclites through the Red Sea, he adds with an air of diffience, That he tells every thing as it was in the holy books, and doubts whether the fea went back of its own accord, or by God’s {pecial command, and feems inclin'd to think ie fuch a circumftance as happen’d to Alexander’s army at Pamphylia. In conclufion he adds, That every one might think of ic ashe pleafed. When he mentioncth God's coming down to mount Sinai, he faith, Let every one be= ieve of ic as he pleafeth, but he related no more than he found in che holy books, When he faith, "That God was the author of the law of Mofes, he adds, But let every one think of thefe things as he plesferh. And the like refleétions he makes upon Jonas’s being fwallowed by a great fh, and Nebuchadnezzar living feven years in the wildemefs wich the beafts. In his {econd book aainft Apion, he faith, “ That « Moles from his juftice and pieey might cafily think that he had God for hio guide; and when he was « once poffeffed with fach notions him(elf, he did well co perfuade the people £0 think fo too; jut as « the Greeks to gain a fanétion to their laws, pretended they were given by Apollo, whether they really «© thought fo, or thought that the beft way to make them receiv’d of the people.” He faith, “Thar the & Jews obferve their own law, and never cenfure others, and do not rally, or rail againtt thofe that are « thought Gods by others.” OF which place Grotius remarks, that he undoubtedly flatter’d the Romans 5 and long before him Philoftorgius made the like obfervation, that Jofephus was affaid to offend the Gen tiles, and took great care in his books sot to difpleafe them. Now the difetteeming the rites and ceremonies of the law of Motes, and paying fo great a regard to the Precepts of morality, are two confiderable fteps that Jofephus made cowards the doétrine of chrittianicy 3 and whereas of all the feéts of the Jews, Jofephus gives the beft charaéter of, and {eems to have the high= eft value for the Effencs, fo it is obférvablc, thac of all the feéls of the Jews, they approach’d neareff to the chriftians. “The Eflenes were forbidden to keep any changes of coats or fhocs, as Chrift alfo forbad his difeiples, Mates. x, 10, "The Effénes were forbidden to fwear, as Chrift allo forbad the chriftians, ‘The E(fencs excommunicated perfons that liv’d unbecoming their profeffions and of fach it was obferv’d by them, that they ufually came to fome untimely end : jut as St. Paul obferves of thofe who prophan’d the facrament of the Lord's fupper, in thofe purcft times of chrittianiey, chat it ofecn happen'd, that they Were deliver'd co Satan, ‘The Effnes never troubled chemfelves with farifces, but filed often, and weadily became marcyss for their religion ; all which things compore with the precepts of the gospel. OF the Riles, Jotephus particularly oblerves, that they wore endowed with the gift of proghecys and could foretel thing’ to come ; to which may be added of them, in the Init place, that though Chiift vehemently c ceenturesro The Firt DISCOURSE. ccenfures the pharifocs and fidduces, yet he never once inveighs againft the Effenes. And when Jofephus, at the end of his fecond book againit Apion, makes the Jewith religion to confit in piety, juttice, concord, and obferving God and his providence, he comes very ncar the defeription of chriftianity. Ano having thos far taken notice of Jofephus's fEntiments in religious matters, when he wrote his an= fiquities; Jet us fee in the Iaft place, whether there is any thing in that remarkable account he gives of ouF Saviour, that is not very agreeable to Jofephas, and the time when he wrote. The place is Antiq. B. XVII. chap. 4.‘ There was about chat time one Jefus a wife man, if yet ie be lawfal to call hime man: he « was a worker of range miracles, a ccacher of fuch men as would readily embrace the truth, and had « many followers both of Hebrews and Hielleniits, G. e. Jews and profelytes.) This was the famous & Chri, who upon the accufation of the chief’ men among the Jews was crucified by Pontius Pilate and «© yet thofe who firttlov'd him, did not forfike him for he appear’d to them the third day alive again. & Theie holy writers have decar'd thefe and many thoufand other wonderfal things of him, The feet of «© Ghrittins, which are fo call'd from him, remain to this day.” In all which I fee nothing but whee may agree to a Jew, giving an hiftorical account of the affairs of his own nation to the heathens; elpecially what may agrce to Jofephus, who oftca tells his reader, that he did not aver the truth of every thing he related, but Lithfuily eranferib'd what he found ia their books and fo indilferenely related. the opinions of che Phatifees, Sadduccs, Effenes, and of the followers of Judas Galilaus, and gives a particular oust of St, Joh Bapttl, and St. James the brother of Chritt ; fo that it would have been very ftrange if Jofephus should have pafs'd by Chrilt and the chriftians in filence; efpectally at the thirteenth year of Do~ mitian, when they were grown fo very numerous. At the end of Nero's reign, Hicrmas, Clement, ‘Tact tus, Lagtantine, and Sulpicius Severus call them a grem multitude; but at the end of Domitian’s reign, mot nations abounded wich chrittians, Orofius calls the chriftian chorch at that time, Ccalirmatiffimam toto Orbe Eeclefiam, « church firmly efabliflrd in all the world, Pliny not long after thews that Pontus and Bithynia were full of chriftians ; and even at Rome they were fo numerous, that Domitian was jealous of them, and theit fetting up of Chriit's kingdom and for that reafon rais'd a perfecution again them. Bur becaufe fo many learned men have employ’d their pens in cenfuring the authenticknefs of this pars ‘ph in Jofephus, I will examine ie yet more particular] ‘Tuexe was about that time one Jets (Insés 7) This is the proper language of the Jews ufed by Try phon in Jultin Martyr, (where Chiritt is calt’d Jofts, tetsu.) and by Jofephus upon other occafions, a6 ia his wari of the Jows, lib. vii, cap. 11. and 13. 153 and even of Zenodorus a’Tetrarch, Ant. Hib. xv. 82. 15. Zwidazle vm He calls Banus, tise Bets 3 alfo Hyrcanus, lib. xvii. cap. 8. Theudas, lib. xx 9 A whee man (re! 2:iz) the old appellation of a philofopher; and no more than what the fame Jote~ hus faich of Se. fobn Baptit, who is call'd by him 2 good man’ (#yad% vig.) Tr he ought to be call'd a man who was a worker © (Spt dda durin .) Jofephus means that he feem’d fiperior to coms fe Wrote co Tiberius, it was de Chritto Deo. ‘Tereallian and Pliny, that the chriftians fang Chritto quali Deo. i, e. concerning the God Chri i. ©. co Chirtt as aGod. That he did mi Jews own'd, John xi. 47. "They faid, what do we? for this man doth many mi In Jultin Martyr's dialogue with Tryphon the Jew, the Jews own thar fach miracles feem/d to have beon done, but imputed them to magick; and both Celfus and Porphyry, though bitter enemics to the chrifians, confofs'd thar Chritt did miracles. Phlegon acknowledges thas Chriit forcknew fucure things. Pilute gave the empcror ‘Tiberius Nero an account of our Saviour's mira cles, as Fereslfian and Eufebius affure us, And from that account he underftood, that he was a wife many and doer of miracles (neces 3} 2apare wt A teacner of fuch men as would with pleafure embrace the rrnth. (S.tvenaise erSie've adv aly ti ot Porphyry quotes many oracles in the praife of Chrift, that declare him to be religious and immortal. ‘Yo which Porphyry adds, that Chrift was good, and carried to Heaven, and yer blames the christians. ‘Tareno, a Jew, extolled the holy lives of chri “That chey were chafte, much addiéied to prayer and fating, abitsin'd fram injuries, &e. # lef advantagious charaéter that Pliny gives of them in his epitile to Trajan; and Jofephus alfo in giving fn account of the mastysdom of St.James highly commends him, and thofe that took his part, as mest mott jut and exe about the obfervance of the law, ‘Titrs was the famous Chritt, (0 xem%s fre f,) vite He that was the author of chrifianity 3 for Jou fephus wrote. thofe books to inform Epaphrodieus and the heathens, who Knew him belt by the name of Chrifts for fo he is call'd by Suetonius, Tacitus, and Pliny, and they fay exprefly thee the chritians Werefo denominated from him. {t's beyond the fenfe and detign of Jofephus to expound thefe words of teue 204 faving Faich in Carifts for Jofephus was (6 acer Teed se Sust) among thofe that did noe belicve Jefus spe che tras Meffas, as we are tole by Origen: But Jofephus meant nomore than only to let usknow, thet gis Jefos was the fame that was usally eall'd Chri, and was the author of Chriitianity: ‘Thus elfewhere he fells us chat Se, James vas Brocher 4 py2uive Xavi of him ehat is eall’d Chri = was crucity’d by Pontius Pilate. ‘This is a plain hittorical truth recorded alfo by Tacitus, and the ‘2s of Hace: Tho rsh in hae Tuas account of Chit apres Peace een wh ea Ta Auctor nominis ejus Chriltus, qui per Poncium Pilatum fupplicio alfeétus erat. ive. Chritt who washencryad by fans ; and Galen, an heathen, faith of the chrThe Firt DISCOURSE. rr by Poctius Pilate was the author of the feét of chiitians: And fince is evident that Tacitus had read Jo Revue, (for in his biftory ib. v. he faith, Expanfe repent? delubri fores, & audita major human vox ex swiere Deos, ive. on a fadden the doors of the temple flew open, and a voice louder than human was feard to fay shat the Gods were departing the place,” which is taken from Jofephus, lib. i, cap. 6. prrafiirer ee sionsdun, Bcc.) ie i more likely he haa his account from Jofephus than from the gofpel; and fo he will fe creanly evidence of the authority and great antiquicy of this paragraph in Jofephus. ; Tie appear’d to them the third day alive again. Jofephus here doth not felate his own but the chit tians faith; and this information he might get, not osly from their gofpels, but even from the lotees which Pilnte fone co'Fiberius, and is in part extanc in Jultin, Tertullian, and Orofiuss in which we have an exe prefs narrative of Chris rofurredtion fiom the dead on the third’ day 5 befides Celfus tees, that Christ Bppear’d to his followers after his death. ion TTurre holy writers have declar’d thefe and many thowfand wonderful things of him (iy Sav wesérr suird 15 9) dane pies ob dint Sayudziaciputres.) Thefe words having roference to them, i.e, the chriftians Jethe former fentence, ought properly to be underftood of the writings of the prophets. ‘This Jofephus Makons the books of Maceabces amoag the Jewith prophets, and the holy books of the Effenes he calls Tsqents dmdiquare, isc. the doétrine of their prophets; and this fenfc is here much confirm’d by the word seer, ahich hath no relacion to che foretelling fuare things, but properly fignitieth, hiftorically declaring: Ca eee obec ord eval and fee cae yooks of the gofpels were now generally receiv'd in the chriftian churches, it docs not teem at all im= probeble, boe that Jofephus might have feen fome of them. Tryphon, the Jews tells Juin Martyr, chat Me had read them ; and fo the modern Jews do now. It is plain that he wfeth the chriftian, and New TTeftament language in other places, as when be calls St.John the Baptif, St. James che brother of Chri. So that I fee nothing in all this account of Chrift but what may be allow'd to come from Jofephus ; and indeed ie would be more ftrange, if fach an accurate hiftorian, and one that fpeaks fo fully of St. Joln Bapeitt and Se. James, thould not fay a word of Chritt himfelf, and when afterwards he calls James the brother of Chrift, it may very well be foppofed, that he had given fome account of Chrift before. And, lally, we may make this probeble conjecture, chat at the writing of his antiquitice, he began to have 2 good opinion of the chriftians, He commends St. John Baptift and St. James a8 well as Chrift, whom in fis wars of eheJews he never mention’d ; and never fo much as oncefpeaks of Vefpafian,whom he had before magnified as the Meifish, He thought formerly, that the murder of Ananus and Jefis were the real eaule of God's anger againft the Jews, and the deftruétion of Jerafalem. But in his antiquities he makes the murder of St. James the apotile to have been the caufe of it ; if we may believe Origen and Eufebius. Te cannot feem firange, that Jofephus fhiould fay fo of St. James, when Maimonides himfelf declares, thar this Jofus who was put eo death by the Sanbedrim, was the caufe of the deftruétion of the nation of the Jews, and was prophefied of by Daniel. Now whereas Chritt is term’d by the chriftians, the ftone cut but without hands, from Dan.ii. 45. (a place which many Jews, and particalarly Tryphon in Jultin Mar tyr, confefi'd to relate to the Meilish) Jofephus, when he comes to give the meaning of it, exprefly owns, that it was {ach as he had no mind to publith, and fo tacitly acknowledges Jefus to be the Mcifiah, though he would not opealy confefs ic. Bue be this as it will, icis certain that though Jofephus often condemns the Sadduces, taxcth "Theudas, Judas, and others, chat fet up for prophets to draiv people after them, yet hhe never once accufeth Chrift or the chriftians. Urow the whole, chee does not appear to me to be the leaft reafon to believe this paflage fparious or interpolated 5 it is quoted in the very fame words by Eufebius, St. Jerome, Iidorus Pelufiota, Sozomen, Ratinus, Sophronius, Cedrenus, Freculphus, Suidas, Joan. Sarisb. Hegefippus, Caffiodorus, Nicephorus, ‘and many other antient writers 5 ic is extant in all copies and MSS. of Jofephus in the world, and in all ‘ranflations 5 particularly that of St. Ambrofe, which goeth under the name of Hegefippus, hath ic at large twice, viz. in the fecond book, and again in the Anaccphaleofis; fo that Tanaquil Faber, the great op- pofer of this paflage of Jofephus, fecms very alfiming, when he fays of this Hegefippus, that “ Jofe- & phum co aceufite nomine quod fefurredionis Domini noftri Jefa Chrifti non memincrit, ie. Hegefippus « accaféth Jotephus, for not mentioning the refurreétion of Chrift,” which is not only weak, upon the ac count that Hiegefippus is nothing elfe bue a corruption of che word Jofephus, and that book 2 Hee tranfla. tion of it; but alfo char this paffage about our Saviour occurs in to different places at laige. Ludovic cus Vives Was the firtt I met with who difcover’d yofe to have been the trac author of the tranf= ation that gocs under the name of Hegefippus : his his book De Tradenda Difeiplina are thefe: « Hegelippus Latinus fiStus ab Ambrofio Mediolanenfi Antiftie, ic. ‘The Latin Hegefippus was made by « St. Ambrofe, bithop of Milan.” The old Latin verfion of his antiquities made by the care of Caffio~ doras recites this place alfo. ‘This verfion hath been falfly father’ upon Rufinus, and though the old copy at Milan hath been by fome learned men thought as old as Rufinus, if not the very fame copy; yet it is plain from ‘Caffiodorus, that it was not at all tranflated into Latin till one hundred and fifty years after Rofinus, by Epiphanins Scholatticus. And, latly, the Hebrew verfion of fome parts of Jofephus, commonly publifh’d under che name of Ren Gorion, hath this paffage of Jofephus about our Saviour; for though it be not in the imperfeét edition of Munftcr, which is but part of that work, yet it is certain that it b 4iz The Firt DISCOURSE. i wan inthe complet copes of that ok. P. Fao nhs eto of ch iby of as Levi, ot he ord-yory puts down che whole pangraph with this prfice to ie. “Ego Paulus Fagin inerpres hujs I TELE: Eotorem Chritt & rebemptorisnofr, hoc referam qu feripea jvenfuntar in libro. Jofeph fl & Gorien, cujus hae fant verba fui item temporibus Jefis, &c. i.e. I Poul Fagius, iterprcter of this « book, will relate here, for the honour of Chrift and our redeemer, what is found written in book of Fa no as woh rng Joy eat he This Whole palfage as it is in the Greek Jofephus. Baronius mentions an old Hebrew copy ol JEERRh of enae book by P. Mortiyn hath this poragraph at Large and moreover Giraldus Cambreniells ty that Reebereus Canutas (the fier of St Fridefwide, who lived sbout tho year 117%. and. was, well, skied ia Hebrew) declar that he found this teftimony concerning our Saviour in two Hebrew copicy of Jofepius; and that it was erafed in others, as he made ie appear to fome Jews then living ia Ox ford. ; : ee j 0 that in shor, there Seems as much evidence for the authority of this place in Jofephus,as of anyother init ie works and ie would have been a far greater wonder, if in is reum@lancesy tod at the rac when he wrote, he fhould have faid noching of Chrilt, than that he faich what he doth’, “yee if any one Gefires fuller fstisfaétion in this particular, lee him confale Andreas Bofius's Excreieaeiones Hiton, Critic, Chr. Amoldus’s colleétion of letters concéming the teftimony of Jofephus. Voflis's Chronologia Sacra, jactius’s Demonttratio Evangel. prop. 3- Bishop Parker's demonftration of the divine authoriey Hm 2, &e, and Dr. Cave’s Hiforia Literaria, Part Ih SPane law of nature and the chrifian religion p B17, 8c, DISCOURSE I. By Way of Enquiry into the Chronology of Jolephus in his Antiquitics. SLNSE she copies of Jolephus have been alter'd end corrupted, the beft method that I ean propofe to difcover his chronology, is, to make an exaét collection of fuch paffages of Jofephus, as were quoted from him within two or three hundred years after he wrote, and in thofe books remain’d unalter’d 5 ‘toge= ther with a careful perufal of his other works, which, being written upon other fubjeéts, and not contain= ing the hiftory of che bible, are lefs likely to have undergone alterations in favour of either verlion. In parfuance of this method, the fri place that I fhall pitch upon is that of Eufebius in his hiltory, lib. ii cap to. where he cites a large paragraph out of Jofephus's irk book ageinft Apion, which aflerts, that from the beginning of the world to che death of Mofes was almoft ehree thoufand years his words are dru & sy. " i. c. This fpace of time falls but little thore of three thoufand years. ‘Theft ‘alefius obferves, are in all his old MSS. of Enfebins, ‘The fame words are alfo quoted by Nicepho= rus, Hist, Eccl lib. i. p. 162, and are at this day to be read in all che verfions and manuferipts of Jotephust net was this alter'd co comply with Greek and Hebrew chronology; fince it manifeitly departs from both, Oar prefent Latin Jofephus tums thefe words thus, Hoc tempus de tribus millibus annoram paululum minus ft i. e. This fpace of time is fomcthing lefs chan three thoufand years. In the tranflation ufed by Bede and Hermannus Contraétus, and which was probably the fame that Epiphanius made, they are trenflaced thus; Qui paulo minasad tia millia annorum continentiam gorunt, i, ¢. Which contains the fpace of near three thoufand years. The word continentia is ufed after the fame manner by Epiphanius in the Preface #0 the Antiquities, “‘Thefe fame words of Jofephus are twice quoted by Bede in his book de Ratione tempo- sum, and his Apologetick Epifile, and alfo are in Hermanus Contraétus A. M. 2493. From all which we are well afcertain’d that this was the genuine text of Jofephus, and our belief herein is further confirmed from Jofephus himfelf in ocher parts of his works. Tn the preface to his Antiquities he faith, ‘That the he- Uy books of the Jews contain’d the hittory of five thoufand years and that he would have thie to be under Sood from the beginning of the world to his sime, is apparent, partly from tne conclufion of his Antiquis fies, where he faith of his whole hiftory, that it was taken from the facred writings; and more futly from the beginning of his frit book againtt Apion, where he faith, ‘That his books of Antiquitics concain'd the hiflory of five thoufand years. And to take avay all doubt, Jofephus in three dittingt places, where all copies agree, computes two thoufand years from Mofes to his time, as Philo doth likewife. Nee ik thefe two thoufind years fom Mofes to his time be added to the almoit three thoufand years fom Adem to Mofes, it makes up the fim of near five thoufind years from Adam to the time of Jofephus, Origen alfo faith, “That from Adam co the feventieth year of Chrift’s occonomy was four thoulindaine, huge Hgts and tho’ he doth not there quote Jofephus, yet ie is plain that he had ie from him. For birt ‘That number widely dilfers fom the Hebrew and Sepesagint, but egreeth with Jofephus. Secondly, Te thaeThe Second DISCOURSE. 13 that fume homily he ewice quotes:the hiftory-of the'Jews, and the wars of the“Jews3 by wliich he une tat am ly he eee ih ay of the Je we deni Stace ‘when Jolcphus’s books end: * And to shew that chat number in Origen is right, she adds in the fame place, that ie was foar thodfand cighic hundred and’ thirty years from: Adam to Chrift; rom all. which -it-feems Cvidenty that Jofephus computed almoft three thioufand years from Adam so the death of Mofés; “and al- moft five thoufand years from Adam to his own time, “Tue next place that falls under my confideration, is in the fame book of Origeiy Hom, x. p.as.-where he obferves, that it was as long from Adam to Noah, ic. the flood, as from Mofés to Chritt. “Now, if with Origen we affign four thoufand cight hundred and thirty years from Adam to Chritts and if according to the Hebrew we reckon one thoufand fix hundred and fifty fix years to the food, we’ fhall find juit fo many years in Jofephus to Chritt, “And becaufe I would not-as yet urge the authority of che prefent copies Of Jofephus, we may take this period out of Clem. Alex. Strom. ip. 250. where he quotes Jofephus from f yet elder author, who fourilhed under Antoninus Pius, and fo near to Jofephus’s time, viz. that from ‘Mofes, ise. the coming out of Egype, to David, was * five handred and cighty five years, from David to the fecond of Vefpafian one thoufund one hundred aid feventy nine’ years,both together one thoufand feven hune dred and fixty four years. ‘Now if from chat fam we'take the forty Yeats that Mofes was in the wildernefi, and feventy yeats of Chrif’s economy, there -will remain one thoufand fix hundred and fifty feven years fiom: Mofee’s death to Chrift’s birth ; Which he thus takes from Jofephus, and which plainly thews thae jn the time of Origen, Jofephus before the flood agreed with the Hebrew. And if we fuberaét ewice 1656. ive, 5312-00r of 48305 there will remain for the fpace beesvixt the Aood apd the death of Mofes, 1518, which comes very near'to what we now read for that period aiid if we put all this together, the chronology of Jefephus will ftand thas : ‘From Adam to the flood one thoufand fix hundred and fifty fix years, to the death of Moles one thow- fand five handred and eighteen ; to the birch of Chrift one thoufand fix hundred and fifty fix, vo che ewelfeh of Nero feventy yeuts; inall four thoufand and nine hundred years : or according té Jofephus, almost five thoufand years from Adam to his own time, at the thircecnth year of Domitian. Barone I procecd toa more diftinét confideration of particulars, it will be requifite to thew’ what’ evie dence may be produced out of ‘the: prcfent copies and maaufeript of Jofephus; ‘that he followed the He brow before the flood, and the Greck alter ic. ‘Tur period before the flood agreeth with the Hebrew. Firtt, in the age of Lamicch’s begettirig Noah, the Hebrew is 182, and the Greek 188, the difference only in the latt gare. Now all copics, verfions, ‘and manufcripts of Jofephus read ‘wo in the lat place, according to the Hebrew, and noe eight according tothe Greek. Sccdndly, in the age that Enoch bogat at, the Hebrew is fixey five, the Greck 165. Now the copies and manuferipts of Jofephus are herein alfo alike to the Hebrew, and contrary to the Greek, ‘Thirdly, the: Hebrew computes to the flood 1656, the Greck 2242 years. Now there are no copies of Jofephas confonant to the Greck; but they have cither 2656, or elfe 1-56, the number of hundreds being omitted; ‘and cither way there are plain marks of agrecment with the Hebrew. Laftly, Jofephus faith of this period, that he tranferib'd the “years from the holy books with even a religious exaginefey where by holy books he meant the Hebrew; and fo in his preface to his antiquities, though ‘the LXX tranflated the books of Mofes, yet there are many more things in the holy writing, i. e. che Hebrew which he intended to cxplain. “And againft Apion, Book I. he faith, that he compiled his hiftory in Greet from the holy books, i.c. the Hebrew books ; and agaia he faith, that he tranflated his Antiquities fiom the holy books, as thereby meaning thofe letters, i.e. the Hebrew books and letters. ‘Tue period next after the flood agreeth with the Greck. For firit, molt of the Greek extane here follow the LXX. Sceondly, the old Greek copy of Epiphanius here certainly followed the LXX; for fo Freculphus about A, D, 800. in Chron. TI. ei. cap. 35. © De numero annorum a diluvio ufque ad nstivi- “ tatom Abrahe alicer Jofephus arque LXX incerpretcs & Evfebius fentiane quam in Hebraica veritate con « tinetur, i. e. Concerning the number of years from the Rood to the birth of Abraham, Jofephus, the « Septuagint, and Eufébius diffénc from the teftimony contained in the holy books of che Hebrews,” and afterwards adds, that the Hebrew has two hundred and sineey two years, the LXX and Eufcbius nine hundred and forty two years, A quibus Jofephus nan longe exorbitat, i, c. from whom Jofephus departs “ bur alittle.” ‘Thirdly, Jofephus faith that Phaleg was born about the time that the divifion of tongues hhappened. “But thofe who follow the Hebrew fay, that wonderful event did not come to pafé ill the death of Phaleg, finding a hundred, years too few for the pcopliig of the world. Fourthly, they who follow the Hebrew, make Sem to be Melchifedech, as living in the days of Abraham, according to their chronology : but Jofephus calls him @ Chanaanitith king, and gives us not the leaf hint of a thing fo flrange, as that Abraham’s great grandfather's great grandfather's grandfather Sem fhould be then alive to blefe him. Fifthly, fince Jocktan in Jofephus is elder brother of Phaleg, and had thirtecn fons at the building of Babel, who gave names to counttics, it is'impoflible that Phaleg thould be born in the thircicch year ‘of Heber, bur mutt, according to the LXX, be born at leaf in che hundred and thirty fourth year of his D father. * In the fr Gir isa fall miake of & for y's five for cigh snd chen bork will be 176I4 The Second DISCOURSE. : father. And Iaftly, in this period of time Jofephus bath no where intimated that he took his years from the Hebrew, as he has of the period before the food. From all which it is highly probable, thar he fol- lowed the Hebrew before the flood, and the LXX after i Yet he feems to have departed both from the Hebrew and Greck in one inttance before the flood, and one after it. In the period before the flood he departs from the Hebrew in the age of Jured’s begetting Enoch, and adheres to the Samaritan writing fixty two, inficad of one hundred and fixty twvo3 and hereby making that number more fuitable to the rett, ‘as may be feen by this table. Santariean_| Hebrew] Sepeaagine | ae || 250 io a roan oa ee ee 7 | yo Malcicet | 65. | 63 | Foro maou |nmer sma ral e— Ix chis cable che Samaritan and Hebrew arc alike in all but che age of Jared’s begetting Enoch } the Septuagint exceed the Hebrow by an hundred years, in every one but in that of Jared; fo chat ia the Hebrew copics which they uled, ic was fixty two. Jofephus here made Jared’s begetting at ixcy five, pro- portionable to'that of his fon after him his father’s at fixty fives his grandfather's at feventy; and his reat grandfither’s at ninety: and that this was really the meaning of Jofephus, will appear, Firft, from he adjufting che particulars to the general fums I have laid down, and making them to the death of Mofes to be almoft three thoufand years. Secondly, from Jof. Antiq. Book x. Chap. 11. where itis faid that the temple was dettroyed 1950 yeats after the food, and 3513 years after Adam. Deduting, therefore, the frft fam from the fecond, we fhall find 1.556 years to remain beewixe Adam and the flood, that is, one hundred lef than the Hebrew. And in thefe numbers there is a wonderfal harmony among the Greek and Latin copies; {0 Zonaras read the Greek in his time, and fo Frecalphus read the Latin in his times and the numbers, though wrong, yet are proportionable, and have juit five hundred wanting in each of them, Thirdly, all the Greck manuferipts of Jofephus, even thofé chat follow the Septuagint, attribute bot fixey five years to the age, at which Enoch begun to begat. ‘They have lefe out one hundred years from Enoch, which thould have been taken from his father Jared, as in the ages after the flood in almoft all manufcripts of Jofephus; and the years of Ragau and Saruch are interchang’d, who are the fixth and feventh patriarchs after the flood, as Jarcd and Enoch are the fixth and feventh before the flood, Ix the period next after the flood,” Jofephus no where departs from the LXX, unlefs only in the age of Nachor’s bogetting ‘Terah; and here is fo great a varicty and difagreement’ in the manuferipes and printed editions, that ic is very dificult to tell what to trait to, Some cisions of che LXX, as that of Complutum and Rome, have 179 Other editions of the LXX have only 9 ‘Theophilus ad Avtolycum 7s ‘The Hebrew 25 ‘The Samaritan, 79 ‘Che valgar Latin, and fome copies of Jofephus have 38 ‘The ufual Greck Copies of Jofephus v0 As correded by Volfus 329 Freculphus Lexov. rcad in Jofephus fome number above 79 Origen in the place above cived tog Fox fince Origen accounted fifecen hundred and eighteen years from the flood to the death of Mofes, and exclafively of the year whercin Mofes died, fifeccn hundred and feventeen years, and the LXX leav. ing out Chanaan If. (as Jofephus did) account only fourteen hundred and eighty feven to that {pace, itis evident that in Origen’s copy of Jofephus he read forty years more than the LXX, and inffead of feventy pine read tare y faarery one hundred and nine. Amidtt this great variety and uncertainty, if we ade mit a fall alteration, and inftead of Origen’s tere 3 inereriy Tead in this one place, inerey € cuenn, eWen- ty nine, which is confonant to the Hebrew, Jofephus will agree exaétly with all the obfervations I have made3 and from Adam to the death of Mofes will be two thoufand nine hundred and ninety three years, i.e. almof three thoufand years. ‘Tnese things being thus adjufted, the chronology of Jofephus before and after the food will ftand thus Adam‘The Second DISCOURSE. 1s 7 Adam 130) Sein 2)To the promife Seth 105 | Arphaxad 135 | _ made to Abrabam, § 75 Enos ‘90 | Sala 132 | Tabs coming tty Keinan Ze | Heber Sa | of Bare Maleleet 65 | Phateg 130 |‘To. the death o Jared 62 | Ragaw 132 | Motes, to Enoch 65| Saruch 0 — Machufelah 187 | Nachor 29 585 Lamech 182 | Terah 7 Noah 600 = 892 1559 ux three fams fogether 2993, and {9 according to Jofephus, treet asin doxdeten syupntar thi tnt, 1 othe tiod of time falls bue& Iitle thors of three thoufind years. ‘The fame of the four Br books Gecmmonly printed at the begining of Jofephus) have 3093. Now if we eat away one hundred fom mre Oe Jared, which feems to have-crepe into the text even before Origen’s time) we hive this very faa ef cwo thoutind nine hundred and ninety three years. Seven et reafone may be aliga'd why Jofephus chofe to fllow the Hebrew before the food and the ween (which though an affe€ted way of writing chronology, has, however, been pradtifed by cae ere ied, liber, cap. 15. very probably in conformity to Jolphee'emedaod.) “rhe principe? SBS ce eng well sklltd fa Hebrew and Grock, and highly eceming beth editions of the Bible, did indifferently make ufe of both, fometimes following one, and fometimes the other. ‘Scgonpiy, Hebrew was his mother tongue: he firit wrote his hiftory of the Jewith wars in that lan= guage, and addreffed the Jews, his countrymen, in {everal eloquent Hebrew Speeches, to perfuade thei EM Brrender; and in many places (where all copies agree) followeth the-Hebrew Bible, where it differs fiom the Septwagint. As Firtt, Jofephus and the Hebrew omic the fecond Chanaan, fon of Arphaxad, who isin the LX. Secondly, Gen. xlvi. 23. Jofephus and thc Hebrew have fourteen, the LXX eighteen. Thirdly, Gen xlvii 27. Jotephus and the Hebrew have feventy, the LXX have feventy five, and fo are (quoted by Se. Luke, As vii 14, 15. Fourthly, Gen. vii 2. Jofephus and the Hebrew have the land SF Moreah, the LXX have viv 9% dia, i.e. the hill-country.” Fifthly, Numb. iv. 3. Jofephus and che Hebrew have thirty years old, the LXX twenty five years old, Sixthly, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13. Jofephus and the Elcbrew have feven years famine, the LKX three years. Seventhly, 1 Sam. iv. 18. Jofephus and ¢ Hebrew have Eli govern'd forty years, the LEX have twenty years, as obferv'd formerly by Syncellus, p- 176. Eighthly, 1 Kings iv. 32. Jofephus and the Hebrew have one thoufand and five, the LXX five Thouland. Nintily, x Kings xv. 2. Jofephus and the Hebrew have three years, the LX fix years. Tenthe ly, Either i. 5- Jofepbus and the Hebrew have feven days, the LXX fix days. Eleventhly, Efther ix. 16. Jotephus and the Hebrew have feventy fix thoufand, the LIX fifteen thoufund, ‘Titrnpiy, he underftood Greek alfo, had a great vencration for the verfion of the LXX, and relates is whole hiftory from Avifteas, frequenely making fe of it in his Andquities. As Pitt, Gen. vii. 11. Jotephus and the LXX have the ewenty feventh day, the Hebrew and the Samaritan che feventeenth day. Secondly, Exod. xii. 40. Jofephus and the LXX have the Iriclices in Chanaan and Egypt four hundred and thirty years, the Hebrew in Egype'four hundred and thirty years. ‘Thirdly, 1 Sam. xi& Jofephas and the LIX have Judah feventy thowfand, the Hebrew Judah thirty thoufand. Fourthly, 1 Sain. Jorephus and the LXX have Gilgal, the Hebrew ‘Telaim, Filthly, t Sam. xv--4 Jofephus and the Lc itove Iifacl four hundred thoufand, the Hebrew Hfrael two hondred thoufand.. Sixchly, 1 Sam. xv. 4. Jou fephos and the LXX have Judah thirty thoufand, che Hebrew Judah ton thoufand. | Seventhly, 1Sanso, 18. Jofephos and the LXX have three hundred ‘and five pricits, che Hebrew elghey five priete, obtere'a fi. Hierom, Tom. IL p71. Eighthly, 2 Sam. vil 13. Jofephus and the LX have Ldumeane, the ‘Ninthly, 2 Sam. xxv. 15. Jofephus and the LXX have till dinner time, the Hebrew el the time appointed. ‘Tenthly, Eater ix. 26, Jofephus and the LXX have oie’, the Hebrew Parim. Eleventhly, Jofephus relates the contention of the Jews before Darius about what is the ronge, whicls is not at all in the Hebrew, but Greek Efaras. Fourzuy, Jofephus many times departed from them beth: As fit, Gen. xiii. 18, the Hebrew hasthe plain of Mambre, the LXX the Oak of Mamre; bur Jotephas the Oak of Ogyges, Secondly, Gen. axe. 28. the Hebrew and LXX fay Mase dy'd one hundred cighty years olds Jolepbus, but Inc dy'd one Ihundred cighty five years old. Thirdly, Numbers i. 39. the Hebrew apd the LX have ewenty two thoufand, Fotephus ewenty two thoufand eight hundred and eighty. Fourthly, 1 Sam. xviii 2. the Hebrew and the LXX have one hundred foreskins, Jofephus fix hundred, noc foreskin, bue heads, nsece Hie thus alter'd itto niake it more compliable to the way of the Romans. Fiithly, 2 Sam. ii. 14. she Hebrew and the LXX have one hundred, Jofephus fx hundred. Sixthly, 2 Sam. x0. 7. the Hebrew and the LXX have forty years, Jofephus four years. Seventhly, 1 Kings vi. 1. the Hebrew and the LSS uve fourbundred eighty,16 The Second DISCOURSE or fourhundred forty, Jofepbus five hundred ninety two. Kighthly, 1 Kings xii. 53. the Hebrew and the Sach month, Jofephus thefeventh. Ninthly, 1 Chron. xii. 14. the Hebrew and the LXX have Saw hundred choufand caicors of gold, Jofephus cen choufind talents of gold. Tenthly, 1 Chron. xxii tj. the Hebrew ancdehe LS have one million of talents in filver, Jofephus one hundred thoufand talents of filver. 1. the Hebrew and the LXX have ehe twentieth of Artaxerxes, Jofephus the twenty ‘Twellehly, Neh. xiii. 6. the Hebrew and LXX have the thirty fecond year of Areax~ exses, Joh Drieey cighth year of Xerxes, Not to mention his making Solomon reign eighty years, ee eae How'd by Ttcadorer on 1 Kings ix. 37. and Brocopis onthe te place, Firtuur, To reconcile oumbers that were dillérent, he took a middle proportion. As 2 Sam. vit 4.the Hebrew hae feven huntzed horlemen, the LX feven thoufind horfemen, in Jolephus five thoafand horfe= xxiv. 9. the Hebrew and the LX have Titael cighe hundred thoufand, bue 1 Chron. xxi. 5. ind che LXX have one million one hundred thoufand, Jofephus hath Iirael nine hundred thoi men, 3 San the Hebrew ae ee eee es cemetery neer ener ern (mete ere ae swell a0 Scpeuagine verlion of the old Teftament alternately, as occalion offe'd: nor ferupled, when he Thoughe ehere was reafon, £0 recede from both. "Tae nest confiderable period is, from the death of Mofés to the laying the foundation of Solomon's cmple in tie fourth year oF Soloman, fire hundred fey ewo years: To which ad the forty years in the willesnels, and it willbe five hundred ninety from the coming ost of Egype: And fo Jofephus ith it eapeelaly in B.vib of his Antiquities, and Chap. 2. Again, from Jofbua toDavie’s taking Jerafelom tue five handgeaifteen years, -Antiq. B. vile Chap. 3, add thirty three of David and four of Solorffon, and Gre have fvehundred fifty wo years. Add the forty in the wildernefs, and they make five hundred ninety. two, as before. Again Antiq. B. x. C. 11, Nebuchadnezzar burnt the temple in the ycar four hundred fe veney alter its building by Solomon, and in the year one thoufand fixey two after the coming out of Egypt. Take che firft number out of the fecond, and there will remain five hundred ninety two fom the coming cour of Egypt to Solomon's temple. Again, the fam of the fifth book is four hundred feventy fix, of the fixth book thirty two, of the feventh book forty, and four yearsof Solomon. All which make five hun- dred fifty two. So that if we add forty in the wildernefé, the whole will be five hundred and ninety tivo." Clem, Alex. in Strom. i. p. 250. quotes Jofophus for faying that from Mofes, i.e. the coming out of Egypt, to David arc five hundred cighty cight years, Add the four years of Solomon, and you have again five hundred ninety two years. Sulpicius Severus, omitting the four years, hath for that peried oaly five hundred cighty cight yeors. ‘Now to make all this more evident, I will infert the particulars thas: Mofes in the wildernefs 2 Sst 3 Serviuides under Ahod Deborah and Barach Cufhan | ‘The Moabices 18 Jabin and Chanaanites 20 Midianices 7 Ammonices 3B Philiftines 4 Inall rr ‘The fourth year of Solomon x To which add 480 In all q8o | And the whole will be 592 Tue Greek copies of Jofephus fay that Saul reign’d twenty two years after Samuel, and fo Zonaras read it; but Epiphanius and the Latin verfions have only two. Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom. i. p. 258. faich, ‘Phat Saul dy'd two years after Samuel ; and ‘Theophilus ad Autol. giveth Samuel twelve, and Saul twenty, together thirty two yeats, according to Jofephus. ‘The Jews in Scder Olam and other books give Saul only ewo years, that is, after che Death of Samucl. ‘That Saul reign’d in all but twenty years is ex- prefe'd in Jofephus, Anrig. B. x. C. 11. Sows few things may be objeéted againft this number of years for this period, which muftbe confider’d. I. ’Trs objeéted, that after the death of Jofhua they were cighteen years without a prince. Jof. Antiq. Brie C6, Tr may by under Cuthan. wnfwer'd, that it ought to be read only cight years and isto be underftood of their fervitude WL ’TrsThe Second DISCOURSE. 17 iEra objedteds that according to Jofephius (Antiq, B.xx. chap. &.) from the coming out of Fgypt ees eel ees handied and ewe Yous; and Juk fies ead in Photius and. Hogelipp, Bail, c. 13 . . - \ Swen, Jofephus here gives an account of the time from the coming ont of Egypt to the dedication Bees stares priefis chat ferv'd in it und left off the tabernacle. Now thar was jut eweney Scare from the foundation of ie Jaid by Solomon. (Compare 1 Kings ix. 10. and Chron, vii. 1. and the Zepenagine 1 Kings vili 1) fo chat if to the five hundred and nincty two years to the laying the Founda see aE Solomon's temple we add ewenty, we have this very fum of fix hundred and twelve years; {0 Elf Sulpisias Severas, p. 187. Corpcum templi opus vigefimo anno explicsit, i.e. The temple was fr we eithedl in the twentieth year after it was begun to be built. : : Tire next petiod is from the foundation of the eémple to its deftraétion by Nebuchadnezzar, viz. four hondsed feveney years, fix months, and ten days. Jofephus is exprefs as to this, Antiq. B. x cit: in Which place alf fiom the children of Mfael's going out of Egypt to the deftroétion of che cemple, are aan heafind and fixey two years. Take out thence the fpace to the building of the temple, five hundred gad ninety ewo years, and there will remain for che duration of the temple four hundred and fev Gears and che reading of that place is confirm’d by Zonaras and Frecalphus. Agein, Antiq. B.x. c. 1% BE idage of che race of David reign'd five hundred fourteen years, fx months, and fen days; from Which somber take away forey of David, and four of Solomon, and there will remain four hundred and Yoventy years, fix months, and fen days.” Again, Antiq. B. xi. c. 4. che kings reign’d five hundred and thinry Uree gears, "Take away from Szal twenty, David forty, and Solomon four, there will rema From/che fourdetion of the temple to the captivity, four hundred feventy years, fix months, and ten days, "There is, L confefs, a finall diflerence in the Latin edition, and in that of Freculphus, and the Greck of Zonasss, p. 126. who have but five hundred thirey two years, fix montha, and ten days. “Tue purciculars of this fam we may cally colleé from feveral pares of Jofephus thus: 77 years. From Solomon's laying the foundation of hey temple to his death, Jof. B. vill, c. From Rehoboam to the captivity of the “ten! sribes, Bix. c. 14. chence to the ¢a neztar, Box, ett 260 years, as it fhould be read. Fy nivity by Nebuchad-} 155 years, eopreded fo by Voffon In all 470 Years. Ts moft of the prefene copies of Jofephus, B.ix. c. 14. there is two hundred and forty, inflead of two Inundred and fixty; and in B. x, ett, we have one-hundred and thirty, inftead of one hundred and thirty three. ‘Again the Sum of the eighth book 163 years the Greek 181, of the ninth book 177 years So Voffius, 3 tne Yacin aes ‘of the tenth book 203 years 2 Ta all 543 ‘Take away three years of Solemon, snd: feventy yeas of the cape 73 ‘There remains from the building €0 the? 5 veary rua oF he comple °F 7 yes Tr may be objeed, that Antiq, B. xx. c 8 we have from Solomon's temple built, to its’ deftru@ion, four hundred and fixty fix years. ‘To which is anfwer'd, that the tranflation by Ambrofe had in this place of Jofephus four hundred and fixty years, fix months, atid teh days, Tt thould be four hundred and fifty years, fix months, “and ten days, and there ate to be accounted from the dedication of che temple fix hundred and ewelve years after the coming out of Egypt. Tr is oblervable, that whenfoever Jofephus gives the time of the butning of the cemplé,” wilether from Solomon’s building it, from the flood, or fiom Adam, yet ftill he adds co the fam fix months and ten days; Whereas it is certain that the temple was burnt the tenth day of the month Ab, which is the fifth month, Jofephus therefore is to be underitood according to the order of the months among the Romans, for Whoie fake he wrote, and fo calls Adar March, Nifin April, Jiar May, Sivan June, Tamuz July, Ab Augu@, or Sextilis, the fixth month among the Romans; and therefore in his wars of the Jews, B. vii, ©. 9. he faich the temple was bunt Auguit 10. and in his wars with the Jews April is Nifan. Iv Jofephus, B. x. ¢. 11. the Greek and Latin. copies fay, thar from David, twenty one kings reign’. to the captivity, five hundred and fourteen years, fix months, and ten days.” Take away forty four for David and Solomon, and there are four hundred and feventy years, fix months, and ten days. E Vossrus,18 The Second DISCOURSE, Vosstvs, p. 129. faith, that che old Paris manafeript of Jofephus, hath from Adam to the burning. of the teinple by Nebuchadatzzar, four thoufand years. According to my account ie comes to four tho fand and fifteen, ad perhaps the odd Bilecen may be in che manuiripe, though omitted by Vortius, Faow the burning oF the temple, to the firt of Cyrus, Jofephus haeh feventy years; for Punsr, Ancig. B.xi- c. 1. The firtt of Cyrus is the feventieth year from the beginning of the capciviey, Now the captivity began at the burning of che cemple ; for (B.x. c. 11.) the ewenty third year of Nec Dbuchadnezzar is che fileh year of Iliacl’s captivity Sacoxpty, Antig. B. xi. c. 1. Seventy years ate bylon, and chat undoubtedly was the firtt year of Cyrus, ‘Twrepuy, Antig. B.x. c.11. From liaiah to the burning of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar, one hundred and forty years, From Haish co the firlt of Cyrus, ewo bundred and ten years 5 therefore from the buming of the cemple to the firlt of Cyrus are feventy yours. Fourruty, B. xi. c.1, From the burning of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar to the firft of Cyrus, ‘when the Jews zecurn'd ffom captivicy, are feventy years Fisrury, E.xi, c. 1. The temple lay defolate feventy years, and they ended the firit of Cyrus. Sexruzy, Jofephus (Antiq. B.x. c. 12.) hath the particalars thus Nevensowezzan forty threc years; Evilmerodoch cightecn y ig 5 Niricolafar, or Egreffarius forty years; Labofadarchus nine months; Bulthefar, or Nabonidus, feventeen years; Cyrus onc; ia all one hundred and nineteen years and nine months ; fo that i ; we take out feventcen yeurs of Nebuchadnezzar, there will be left for the captivity, onc hundred two years, and nine months, which is certainly wrong, and flould be thus: Nebuchadaezzar forty thrce years; Evilmerodoch twelve years Niticolaffar fourteen years Labofadarchus nine months ; Nabonidus feventeen years; Cyras one year; in all eighty feven Years and nine months. IF we then take out feventcen years of Nebuchadnezzar, there will remain fe~ Yeuty years and nine months ; fo that the firft year of Cyrus was the feventicth of the captivity; and this account, though falfe, yet agrecth with Jofephus, and was taken thence by thae anonymous author whom Sulpicivs Severus, B, hath tranferib'd thus: Nebuchadnezzar forty three ; Evilmerodoch twelve 3 Belthafar fourteen; Darios Medus eighteen; Cyrus ones in all cighty cight. Fox the fir year of Cyras to the conquett of Darius by Alexander (i.e. the whole fpace of the Per= fian monarchy) Jofephus hath two hundred and forty fix years, So Antiq. B.x. c. 12. from the prophcey of Daniel in the firtt year of Darius, who with Cyrus took Babylon, to the deftruétion of the temple by Antiochus, are four hundred and cight years, as ’tis quoted by Cedrenus, p. 191. Now that prophanation. by Anciochus was in the hundred and forty filth year of Seleucus, (Antiq. B. xii. c.15.) which re began the cighteenth year after Alexander's conqueit of Darius. If we therefore take one hundred and forty four, and eightcen (i.e. onc hundred and fixty two,) from four hundred and cight, there will r= main ewo hundred and forty fix years for the duration of the Perfian monarchy. Sccoxpty, Antiq. B. xx ¢, 8 From the firft of Cyrus to Antiochus Eupator, are four hundred and fourteen years; which words are cited from Jofephus by Photius and Hegclippus. Now Jofephus faith of Antiochus Epiphanes, that he, dying in the hundred and forty ninth year of Seleucus, Jefe the kingdom to Eupator, Antiq. B. xii. c. 14. and Eupator’s fir year was the one hundredth and ‘filticth of Seleucus, to which add eighteen from the conqueft of Alexander over Darius (jc. in all one hundred and fixey: eight) and fabttraGt that from four hundred and fourtcen, there will remain for che Pesfian monarchy, ‘two hundred and forty fix years. ‘Tuzaprx, the fam of book xi. is two hundred and fifty ehree years, and contains the fpace from the Sith of Cyrus to the death of Alexander. Now from Alexinder’s conquering Darius, and putting an end fo the Perfian monarchy, were feven years if therefore we take feven from two hundred and filty three there will remain for the Perfian monarchy ewo hundred and forry fie years. ‘Now it is certain that the duration of the Perfian movarchy was not fo long but Jofephus, miftaking for Xerxes, in whofe time Nehemiah came to Jerufilem, and built che walls of it, (making Nehe= igh cup-beater to Xerxes,) it was neceffary for him to affign to his reign above thirty two yearss which We find mention’d Neb. xiit. 6. Jofephus fpeaks of the ninth month of the thirty cighth year of his eign, and added ewenty years to his reign, as he did forty to Solomon's. ‘The chronology of Jofephusy 8 to thofe Perfian kings, fecms to have been thus? the burning of the temple they rewurn'd from Bae 50] Arcaxerses 46 6 | Ochus ar 1| Artes 2 36 | Darius 4 ar — Artaxerxes 4a In all 247 Darius 19 Aux thefe agree with the Canon Prolemsicus, except one year wanting to Cambyfes and the Magi, and twenty aclded to Xerxes; fo- that if we calt away the fit of Cyrus, which was accounted to the feventy ‘years captivity, there were juft two hundred and forty fix: years SomeThe Second DISCOURSE, 19 Some‘old authors makce the empire of the Perfians to lait two hundred and forty eight years, including the firlt of Cyrus; and fo Eufeb. Dem, Ev. p. 393. but they were to be underftood of the whole fpacc, from the firft of Cyrus, to the fit of Seleucus, or the * Era Seleuci, From Alexander's conquering Darius to his own death, are feven years ; for if we deduét two hundred and forty fix (che dutation of the Perfian monarchy) out of two htindred ‘and fifty three, (the number of years from Cyrus to'the death of Alexander, as in the fam of bookxi.) there will remaia feven for number of years betwixt the end of the Perfian monarchy snd the death of Alexander. Faom Alexander's death, to the beginning of the Hira Scleuci, are eleven years, as is evident thus: ‘Jotephus allows from the firlt of Cyrus to Antiochus Eupator, four hundred and fourteen years, and bis fic year was the hundredth and fiftieth year of Seleueus. Now if' we take the one hundred and filiy, and wo hundred and fifty three (from the firft of Cyrus to the death of Alexander) out of four hundred and fourteen, there will remaia cleven years betwixt the death-of Alexander and the beginning of “the Ata Selenci. Fxost the Hira Seleuci t6 the Meceabecs, one hundred and forty fix yeatss for fo we read in Antiq. Boxli, c.7, & 8. that Matthias and Judas Maccabeus began to prevail in the yeat of Seleueus, 146 Faowt the Jr Matéab. in the year of Scleucus, 146. to the beginning of Herod, are one hinaved and fix yeats, as Autig. B. xiv. atthe eid s or if the Afra of the Maccabees began the year following ic. inthe year of Scleucts.147. tien Jotephus afigns chem, but one hundred and twenty five years, 1 Bxvii. . 8. which therefore matt ha in the year of Scleucus 272. fr Hefod was made king 2 Rome inthe year of Scleuess 375. and yot Jofephus makes tisle end at che death OF Antigonts, in-ehe yesror Scleueus 276. and fo accouits thiee Gt four years hott, as is evident to any one that thall add the porte twenty calars.. Anrsronuius (Jofeph. Attig, B.Sitl. & 19.) began to pat on a regal distlem four huidiéa and feverty ‘one years afer the rex fiom the captivity fo likewifein his wars of the Jews, lib. i. In Freculphus ic & {lfely read four hundred and foventy Sve, in che prefone Greek: and Latin copies four hundred and eighty, But the four hundred and feventy one years ate thus made out, viz. From the firit of Cyrus to the Aira Seleuci 264. years. ‘hence to Jonathan's high-priefthood, x60 Years. ‘To Simon's high-prietthood 10 Years, Simon's high-priefthood. 7 years. Hyrcanus’s 29 years, Ta all 470 Ariftobulus began in the year ayn Fron the beginning of Herod, after the death of Antigonus, to the deftrdtion of the temple, in the fecond year of Vefpafian, arc one hundied and feven years, Jof Antiq. B.xx. c. 8 ‘Thief Jatt fams put together fad thi From the firlt of Cyrus to the Jira Seleuct 264 years. From the Ara Seleuci to the Maccabees 146 years. ‘The duration of the Maccabees 126 years. ‘The duration of the Heréds to the fzcond of Velpafian 107 years, In all 643 years. ‘The fams of the ten lait books are thus: yo ma 4 32 3 6 10 23 Book xvi. In all 638 1x 10 From the twelfth of Neto to the fecond of Vefpafian 74 complete years, ‘The whole fum 642 rz 10. Tue 1 an Hirsi seckoping of sie from fome memorable event, 2 fom the crenion ofthe worl, Nowa Good ; condi Brig ch morale sent, a from the erenion ofthe world, Nouk's ood, he Haaiiee emi iat Pepe Oe, fie ite rao Sons began he raga GP Scaace Baanes Gand Bais =F x Czpitation of the Grecian monarchy, eighteen years after the end of the Perfian ‘monarchy, according to Jofephus; ‘andi the year f the world, 636, before the hich of J. Cr 31a. according to outer cleumologeg *20 The Second DISCOURSE "Tue fams in the old Latin Jofephus are almoft the fame, and differ but in three years and five months. "The whole chronology of Jofephus will be thus: From Adam to the death of Mofes, 2993 ‘To the building of Solomon's temple, 1 “Fo its deftraétion by Nebuchanezzar, oo ‘The Babylonith captivity, 7 From the firft of Cyrus to the ewelfth of Nero, 659 Sum total 4724 2 From the twelfth of Nero to the thisteenth of Domitian, - . 28 In all 4753 "xp that fam Jofephas accounted numero rotundo to be five thoufand years. ‘There are alfo in Jofce plus, many fms of years which are certainly falfé, as Antiq. B. vii. c. ule From David to Hyreanus’s Spentog of his fepalehte, when Antiochus belieg’d Jerufalem, are thirtcen hundred years and fo Frecal- phos alfo read it, T.L Liii, c. 3. and yet this was buc eight hundred and cighy four years. Jofephus, againt Apion, B.Il. faith, thar the Jews had been a fice pcople, under the Maccabers, to Pomipey’s ta King Jorafalem, for one hundred and twenty ycars. Ie is plain that it fhould be only one hundred and evo years; for it was in the year of Seleucas 230. which was one hundred and two years after Judas's defeating of Antiochus, and purging the temple, in the year of Seleucus 148. ANAN A PPEN DIX TO THE Two Preceding Difcourfés. ESIDES the reafon already adduced, many others may be alledged that make the chrono» logy of the Sepcuagint in the ages after the flood’ more probable than the Hebrew. Freer, Ic feems abfurd and prepotterous, chat the feven firit patriarchs after the flood, who liv’d three bundred, and four hundred years, should beget at thirty, or thereabouts, as, the prefent Hebrew fays' and yer the fucecedings patriarchs, who did not live half fo long, ct their firft-born till they were twice as old; ‘Terah at feventy, Abraham at cighty feven, Misc at fixey, Jacob at eighty four, Levi, Chaath, and Asnram, at about fixty each of them} for from the binth of Levi, to the birth of Mofes, ‘the fon of Amram, were about one hundred and eighty years. Seconpty, Ie is not likely that Noah, who liv’d fix Inundred years before the flood, fhould fee ten gee erations fucceed each other after the flood, and live till the fifty eighth year of Abraham; that Sem Ahould fee nine generations after him fuceeflively die, and furvive Abraham many years, the niath perfon ineally defeended from him; who yet died in a good old age, an old man; Gen. xxv. 8 ‘That Sala should outlive Phaleg, Ragat, Lamech, Nachor, Terah, and Abraham, for fix: generations, lineally de fecnded fiom him; and even the lat of them liv’d to be an old man; that Heber thould outlive Phaleg, Ragau, Lamech, Nachor, Terah, Abraham, and Ifaac, feven fucceffive generations that defended from him; and yet Abraham and Mase thould both live to be old men, Gen. xxv. 7. and xxx¥. 29. ‘Turapry, It is not poflible that Jocktan thould have thirteen fons when Phaleg was bora, at the divi fion of tongues, if Phaleg was born at the thircy fourth year of Heber, as it is in the Hebrew and to fancy Phaleg firft call’d fo at the time of his death is ridiculous, and exprefly contrary to Jofephus. At the divifion of tongues we are told, that Mizraim, Chanaan, Sidon, Elam, Aflar, Aram, &c. gave names to countries, and yet they died before Phaleg. ’ Sem, Axphaxid, Salab, Heber, &c.. according to the Hebrew, were living when God infituted circumeifion; and yet none of them order’d to be cireameis'd, ‘which was then the fign of being in covenant with God. Buz how evidently fo ever preferable to the Hebrew in this period the LEX may fem in the judg ment of moft, yet I forefte feveral things that may be objeéted, and which it may not be improper to confider Fansr, ’Tis objeéted, that it is not probable that the ante-diluvian patriarchs, who lived to be nine hun= dred years old, should begee their firt-born at fixty or feventy years old, as is afirm’d in the Hebrew and Jofephus; and yet thofe after the flood, who did not live half fo long, fhould'not beget their firf-born BNL about one hundred and thirty years ‘old. ‘To which T anfiver, that could we be certain thefe mentioned after the flood were the firft-born, the cbjeétion would be very weighty and material. But it is much more probable that they were not for Sem was younger than Japhet, Gen.x. 27. and therefore Japhet is placed firtt in the genealogies, Gen. x- 2 and r Chron.j. 5. Arphaxad younger thea Elam or Affur, x Chron. i. 5. Gen. x3. vie 21. Phaleg younger than Jocktan, who at Phaleg's birth had thirteen children, Gen x. 25, 26, &c. Abraham F ‘younger22 An APPENDIX to the younger than Haran, Haran bora at the feventh, and Abrsham at the hundred and thirtieth year of Te Tah, Gen. xis 27, 28, 29) 32 A€ts vii. 4. and Abraham marticd Haran’s daughter. Te is very probable that i was fo alfo in the other patriarchs, (though we cannot prove ie fiom ferip- ture, where the hiftory we have of them is very fhort)) becaufe God continued this method afterwards Thine was younger than Uhmael, Jacod chan Efim, Judsh than Reuben, of whom ie is oberv'd, 1 Chron. \u_t Now the fons of Reuben the firil-born of Iffael, (for he was the firft-bom, but becanfe he defiled his ficher's bed, his birchrighe was given to the fons of Jofeph, and-the genealogy is not to be reckon’d al= ter the birthright, &c.) St. Auttin de Civ. Dei, lib. sv. c. 15, obferves of the patriarchs alter the flood, that « Magis credibile eft non hie primogenitos commemorates, fed cos per quos fucccffionis ordo duce~ thle to believe, that they who are here reckon'd up, were not the frit is «0 be derived.” «© erus, i.e. Te feems more prot « born, bac they by whom the order of fucccifion ¥ Srcoxors, ’Tis objetted, thar the Jews were fuch faithful cranferibers of che law, that if ever che Ho brew had agreed with the Samaritan ancl Septuagint, they would not have alter'd it. Taxswen, that the wonls of Philo (in Enfeb, Prep. Ev. lib. viii.) and of Tryphon (in Juflin Mart.) © certainly £0 be underilood of the Sepruagine and not of the Hebrew; and what Jofephuis faith co the Fame purpofe, mutt cieher be underftood of the Septuagint, or elfe in fo large a fenfe, as that according to LSS eranflacors were prophets, and did not make any alterations in any ching; and indeed iv. 2. and xii. him ¢ whatever is tu be met with in other books to this purpofe, is taken from Deut. be underitood of eheir not adding to or diminithing the precepts of the Jaw of Motes that the verlion of the Septuagint, the Targum of the Onkelos, the books of Ireneus, Eulebius’s chron rations added co them not to change or interpolate any ching; and yee ipeed. ‘The Rabies mention thirteen places alter'd by the is ‘The prefent He- by the lz, and Rusfinus, had folemn adj sin, that they have been much corru acerpretcrs, but not one of them thar slates to the chronology of the pa ty fix places leave 2 fpace ro fhew that fomething is wanting, which is fupp! ginal readings vary from the text in cight hundred and forey cighe places, and they are 2 vii. wants one whole verfe, which is in 1 Chron. vi. though the vii. is only a cranferipc of that we find in Ezra ii. yet ic is very different from i |. cv. beewixt Ver. 13 and 14, is the omiffion of a whole yerfé, as appears by the alphabet in thae pfalm, which was in the eexe when the LXX tranflated ie} fo that ic is are corruptions of the Hebrew tcxt of the bible, and many of them fince the time lated ie And finee ic is evident, that in the time of * Origen, when he com 1a, che Hebrew cext,was the fime as now, it is ccrtain chat the alterations therein were made before thac’ times and as it fecms mot probable, zhour the reign of Adrian and Antoninus Pius. "The Hebrew of the bible was at, and after the rime of our Saviour, a dead language, not underftood by any bu feholars; che common language of the Jews being at that time a mixture of Syriack and Chal= die; and the Jews wondered how Chrift underitcod lerters, having never learn'd, Jobin vii. 13. And Luke x. 36. Chri (aid co one of the feribes, as being his peculiar skill, How reade thou? And the xeadling of the law ia Hebrew was not nftal in the fynagogues, wichout an explanation of it, which they read alfo. Now their {eholars and bibles were generally deftroyed by the perfccutions they fuffercd in the ages after the apofiles. Vefpafian deftroyed four hundred and sixty fenagogues and Trajan forhad theJoyrs the reading of their law's and in his time R. Ananias was bum, and che book of the Jaw with him, R.Akiba had two choufand and four hundred {cholars kill'’d by Adrian, in che rebellion of Cochab ; and R. Simcon, the fon of Gamalicl, had two hundred and filty thoufan fcholars slain, and not one lel. 4 the very reading of the law had been utterly loft, had not R. Judah, the fon of Baba, with the ex- ce of his own life, preferv’a five copics, by hiding chem; for Adrian made a law, by which ic was th to ordain doétors, and keep up their fehools; and Icarning was at the fame time brought to 19 Lo an ebb at Babylon, that two of Juda’s feholars were fent thither to inftraét them and the very reafon Why R. Judah colicéted the traditions into the book of the Mifna, was, that learning was likely to be the law made void. Moft of the Moftick rices ended ‘wich the temple, and thereby the book “of the Iaw was lef effcemed, and the Jewith Icarning was become little elfe than a mulcicude of idle eradicions, R. Judah took great care, that in all the cities of the land of Ifruel there should be fach as taughe craditions. Aleing. tells us, that Tanta faie Mifne au®oritas, etiam vivo auétore, us *< fepolitis codicibus propheticis, in hoc uno explicando & interpretande omnem operam collocaverinty ity of the Mifhe became fo great, even in the ime, that negleéting the xe proghees, they [che Jews] fpene all their pains in expla 4 interpreting this only.” vwas a very fair opporcasity for thofe few {cholars that were leit to a leer the Hebrew text as pleas'd, and for the few Hebrew copies that were then extant to fufler corruption. ‘The Jews in iperfions for the mo part learn’d Greek, and in their fynagogues ufed Aquila’s verfion; fo that the Hebrew was in a great meafure nagleéted. "And to make all this plain, I will give fome inflances of the fn that cher Volufianss, according to fome: or a¢ other of Valerian Derwint the Tegianing and middle of the third estat. * Origen died inthe dgth year of his age in the reign at Gillas an ind Gatienssy A.D. raft ose ho complTwo Preceding DisCOURSEs. 23 the Jews altoring the text and changing their opinions, as to the matters Iam fpeaking of, after the de~ Thedtion of the temple, and before the compoling of the Mifna in the time of Antoninus Plus; or at leat lore Origen publith'd the Hebrew. Hae reeset ag. the Sanuritan and Sepraagicc have the word Two, and Mat. xix. 5, 6. our Saviour turgeth the Phases with the force of that word and they, thoogh well skill’d in Hebrew, were unable toanfwer che foree of ehe argument; whonce it appears, it was thea in the Hebrew, chotgh not now, find probably left out by R. Akiba, in the age Lam Speaking of, who allow'd the Jews to marry any wor ‘nun they fav fairer than their own wi Secowoi, Pful xxii 16. ‘They pieresd my hands; fo che Sepenagint, Syriack, Arabick, Eehiopick, and fone few manuferipes of the Hebrew. Aquila likewife read it fo3 for he tranflates ic by a verbs, but the Rubbine, to evade fach a plain prophecy of our Saviour’s crucifixion, alter the word of the text) and read, 3 lion. Ae dstaouy, Joth x%. 59, Bea there are two verkes in the LICK ywhich thew Bethlehem to be in the tribe of Judah, waneing in the Hebrew. St, Jorom, on Micah v. ebink’ chem erafed by the Jews, fince the time of aur Saviour, that fe might not appear that Bethlehem was in the tribe of Judah. Founriiy, After the deftraétion of Jerufslem, and before the Seder Olam Rabbah was made by R. Jofe in the days of Adrian, the Jows fo curtail’d the Perfian monarchy, as to make Danicl’s weeks «9 be- ‘gin with che Babylonifh captiviey, and ead at the deftrudtion of che comple. Jofephus knew of no fuch Shtonology in his time, and ie could not be chance, but a contrivance of thé Jews after che fecond of Vel- ulin, that with the lof of two hundred years made Daniel's four hundred and nineey years exaétly end that time. termes, The great diffigreement of the opinions of the Jews before and after the deftrugtion of the temples Before that time the verfion of the LXX was held in great cftcem by Philo and the Feyptians, (rho kepea ieatt yearly in memory of it) and by the Jews in all the Greek difperfion, and at Nazareth, Lake iv. 16, 17, 18, 19. and by thofe of Jerufilem, as appears by Jofephus, who magnificth it, and the count given by Arias. In Adrian's tinie the LX were rail'd at by the Jews, and the Jows kept a it upon the day ie was tranflated, viz. TTobeth the eighth, and made another Greek verlion to oppofe it, and deliver'd ic asa tradition, that darknefs overfpread the world for ehtee days after the verlion of the X was made, and chat ic was ab unlucky @ day to the Jews, as when che golden eal’ was made. Srxrurcy, Phaleg was born at the divifion of tongues, faich Jofephus, according to the opinion of the Jews thae then prevail’; but the Rabbias ‘who have lived fine tell us, chae he died at ehae time. Sovenruny, Melchifedech was a Canasnitih king, filth Jofephus, according to the opiaion of the Jews inhis age, and "ris ageceable to Se. Paul but the facccsding Jows fuppoted him to be Sem. Exana ty, Daniel’s wosks, according to Jofephus, ended at che defolation of the temple by Antiochus, which wie according to him four hundred and eight years, fkom the fir year of Darius; to which add fe fevenry years from the baring of the comple, and i Comes very ncar co Daniel’s number; but the following Jews curtail the Perfian monarchy and though they begin che weeks at the beginning of the Bubylonifl captiviey, yee they end them at the fecond of Vefpafian. Sor will objet, what end oF daiign thould the Jews have in thorccning the period betwixt the flood and che birch of Abraham. Fras, Ie may be anfiver'd, that ie might be for the cafier bringing dows their pretended traditions from Adan, Noah, &c. for fo the Jews boa in Seder Olam Rabbsh, that feven men meafure the world, Adam, Methafélah, Sem, Jacob, Amram, Ahaja Salonites, and Elias, who is till alive; when as, ac” cording to the chronology off che Samarican Sepeuagine, and Jofephus, chere mutt be added at leat’ Heber, Saruch, and Abruham, beewixe Sem and Jacob; and even fo Saruch would be but eight years old ac the death of Heber, and Jacod but fttcon years old at the death of Abraham; fo thae there would be need Of ewo more perfons to be inferted for carrying on their eraditions, and {0 from Sem to Jacob would be as many perfons a8 they made in all the world. Secondly, ‘That it might be dane ro obviate the. prophe= ey of the houfe of Elias, that Chritt thould come at the beginning of the fifth millenary. Now fineg the fourch millenary, according to the prefent account of the Jews, ended A. D. 242. it is evident that this curtailing their chronology was long before that time, in which they expoéted the Mefiah. Buc when they found themfelves mittaken alfo in the account, they took up that faying, Curfed is he that numbereth the times. Thirdly, thie ic might be done co bafile che argament that Se. Paul puthed the Hebrews with, at Melchifedech’s pricithood was above Auron’s; which we find urged alfo by Juin Martyr againtt Tryphon, by Tertullian, and other carly Chrittims. For if Melchifedech be Sem, then Aaron, Who was lineally defended from him, inherited his prieRlhood alfo; and fo che argument of St. Paul and che chitians of a faperior priefthood to the Aaronitical, would be destroy'a. And here it is probable, that as the old Rabbis ealk’d much of the {chools of Sem and Heber, and chat Jacob ftudied in them; fo at frit they lefigned Hleber to be Melchifedech, and cot off the years only of the patriarchs after him for the orefent Hebrew faith, that he lived’ aficr he begat Phaleg four hundred and thirty years, where the Sa- neriean and Sepemagine agree in the number of two hundred and feventy years; and if alter Heber Bllow she prefene Hebrew, Heber lived to the hundred and fifth year of Abraham; and to this agreeth vhae Epiphanius cells us in che herefy of the Melchifedechians, that fome Hebrew copies from the birth of24 An APPENDIX, &c. of Sem to the time that Melehifedech met Abraham in the eighth or ninth year of Abraham, have about fix hundred and ewenty eight years, thus: Sem ro2| Ragaw - Arphaxad 100| Sarach Sats {o0| Nachor Heber 130] Terah Phaleg 30] Abraham In all 628, Bex this projeét not taking, they chofe rather yet to fhorten this period, and make Sem to be Melchi« fedech; tor fince the Chaldee parapbrafe faith thas Rebeca confulted the {chools of Sem, and the Rabbies ‘added that Jacob ftudied in the fchools of Sem, they the eaficr concluded that Sem was alive in the time of Jacob. Now that this was contrived after the deftruétion of the fecond temple, appears from hence, chat ‘ot only Jofephus tells us that he was a Canaanitith king, buc that it is impoflible for the Samarican or Sep- tuagiat, or fuch as ufed cither of thofe pentateuchs, to take him for Sem. Indeed all the carly fathers who mention him (Ireneus, Hippolytus, Theophilus, Enfebius, Hicronymns, ‘Theodoret, &e.) “affent to Jofephus, and make him a Canaanitith king ; and St.Paul, when he wrote to the Hebrews, f2ems an in tire ftrangcr to any fach extravagant fancy as that of making Melchifedech to be Sem, but all along takes it as a fectled confirm’d opinion, and a thing univerfally agteed on, that he was not concerned in the ge= nealogy of Aaron; and ( according to the laws of the Jews could have no right to the pricithood. Son others of ‘the Jews endeavour'd to evade St. Paul’s argument, by making Melchifedech an angel s an opinion that Origen and Didymus borrow'd from them, and which St. Ambrofe, De Fide, lib. iii. cap. $. calls Jodaicum Ladibriam, i. ¢. a ridiculous Jewith notion. Bur the fubterfuge, which chiefly prevail’d among them, was the curtailing the period of the poft-dilu- vian patriarchs, and making Sem to be Melchifedech, and then Aaron lineally defeending from him to in herit his priefthood alfo; and to make this probable, it may not be improper to abferve, how induftrions the Jews have been to pervert the hiftory of Mclchifedech, and anfwer Se. Paul’s argument taken from him. Faxst, They tell us that Melchifedech was abaftard ; and becaufe his name was not to be found in che scacalogies, therefore faid to be without father, &c. (See Epiphanius of the hercfy of the Melchifede- ans, p. 7.) Bue how this will agree with his being Sem, Tea. ot conceive. Seconpis, They denied Melchifedech’s priefthood, and tranflate. +m¥5 prince, contrary to the opinions of the feventy Jews that tranflated it iigss, to Eupolemus in Eufebius's Prep. Ev. lib. xix. c. 17. to Philo the Jew in his book of Abraham, to Jofephus in Antiq, lib. i. c.7. to feveral Jews in Epiphan. Ti P. 475, and to St. Paul in his epiftle to them, ©. 7. ‘Trrepry, they make Sem elder than Japhet, and to inherit the priefthood by right of primogeniture, contrary to the LXX, Gen. x. 21. and to Jofephus, Antiq. B.i. c.7. who calls Sem the third fon of Noah. Founriix, They give a different expofition of the text, fo as to make Melchifedech pay tith Abraham, contrary to the Septuagint, to Jofephus, Antiq. B.i, c. t1. to Philo, and St. Pauls Het Frrrmiy, ‘They corrupted the text, Plal. cx. 4. where by adding a jod, they apply it to David, cone trary to the Septuagint, to Se, Paul, Heb. v.6. and vii. 17. and to the Scribes and Phatifees, who expound~ ed that pfalm of the Meffiah, Matth. xxii. 42, 43. row all which accounts it may not feem improbable, that 2s * Aquila made his verfion of the bible of + Adrian, to oppofe chriftianity, and depreciate the vertion of the Septuagint, which was ufed by the Chriftians; fo the few learned Jews that lived about that time, did agree tomale fome alter rations in the Hebrew alfo, in order to oppofé the Chriftians, and to magnify thelr traditions; and then the true chronology of the Hebrew will be that preferv'd by Jofephus in his Antiquities, which followeth the thorter account before the flood, and the longer after it. This Aguile was a man of unter principles; ff jdical afcologer, then chrifian, and afer tha upon fome difguh or gibt guta’d Jews and was circum ant became a hicer enemy to the ehvutan religions Wine ee hae eng EUR oF ore'of him may conitte Epiph: in"l ae. Ment & Pore if epee eeedeeeesiels P Adrian Began his reign AlD. 117, and died AD vaiJofepha’s Jozopinn had three fons alfo ; Hyrcanus, the eldest, was born tins i Byreanan THE LIFE of JOSEPHUS, Written Originally by Himfelf 2S different nations {et a value on a have fee down as T find is upon record, little ® digaity of birch and illuftrious ex. Fegaling the malice of my enemies, who may traction, according to their feveral | endeavour to eraduce my family, und calume conceptions aud nations of honoar; | niate my character, E fSiwidh ue nothing. more, cnnobles| My taeacr Mathias was highly refpeted all a family, than the difcharge of the facerdocal| over Jerufaerm by perfons of all degrees and Function? upon which sccosne I'mey ook up- | conditions, not onfy for hie noble birch anc Saimyleie Oy bitth,, falicienely ditingotihed | extraction, boc natch more alfo for bi iaesgri fom the vulgery_ 2g T'am defecaded nee only | ey and juftices I had an own brother of my {om holy prepehicors, who bore the facred of | tener’ name, and he and Trwere educated ue ficey but Hom@priets of the fir courfe of the | chool together from children, Now being Four and tweneyy amongit which there arc | endued with a. solerable good wnderftanding Giiferent degrees of’ difngtion. By my mo-|and memory, by she age of fourteen I had ae her's fue em felared to royal bloods forthe | quired fuck feputavign for learningy thet the ‘Alargonsan family, from whom tne ‘derived | chiet pricits and'ralers would frequescly come itor defeeon, acceltvely bore the office of king | to eoofule me abauc the more diffeule and abe tnd pret in our nation fora great many ge-|frafe points of the law. After Thad arrived orfions, I Iba: fet down abe faccefion'in | ac iiteens T determi co dip into the doc: order. Simion, firnam’d Pfellus, was my great | trines of the principal {ets antong us, whereof, randiather's grandfaher, who lived when| there are three, the Pharifces, the Sadduces, Fiyreamus, the fon of Simon the high-pricft,| and the Eileness conclading afeer I had tried ii fir of chat name, held the pontificate” | them all, I should be the better able to chufe This Simon Pfellus had pine fons, Matthias | that which I liked beft: fo I pafiéd through for one, otherwife called Apblias, ‘who took | the requifie auitcrities of them all, with much to. wile the daughter of Jonathan the high-| labour and mortification; nor did I think fc priest, by whom, in the firit year of the reign | 0 ftop here, but hearing of one Banus, who Of Hyreanus, he had a fon called Matthias lived like an hermit in the wilderncfs, I be= Carus; to whom, in the ninth year of the |came a follower of him allo. His cultom was reign of Alexandra, was bora Joteph; and to|to ufe no other cloathing than the leaves of him Macthias in the tenth year of king Arche- | trees ; to cat no other food than what the earth aus}, and to Matthias inthe firit year of the | naturally produced; co bath often in cold reign of Caius Cefar, I myfelf, who have] water, the better to restrain the irregularities of his appetices, and preferve his chafticy. in the fourth year of the reign of Velpafian | After I had ftsid with him three years undez Cxfars Jultus in the feventh, and Agrippa in |ehefe difciplines, and fully gratiticd my inclina= the ninth; and this account of my family Iltion hercit, 1 tetamed iaeo. the cicy. And + The four pd ewenty wot nated by king David in she Inter ep of hi reign, out ofthe our and even fii of prc fieean of which were dufened ftom Behar, an eight fom ffumar the evo fon oF Aue son. By tis apacene evry Bly was fo ofelae Ty thevaTpic ghee or foe ghee Cobh, Sad B'vo do daty ove afer another cach ih bustier cours which wae Se thee dine deccrmiga ie lene oad teed ‘upon roll The Sri fumily, ahd fo the fecondy she thirds Bes im orders according see hegeeusl "f Caius Cetis Caligula, the fosreh Roman emperor. Fle began his reigns ADS #55. He applies, bimfelFre the fiacy of the three fe Becomes « ditciple of ulleseye26 now being nineteen years old, I betook myfelf} Toa eeuler court of life, adhering to che feet oiphine OF the Pharilees, whol doctrines approach isto the Gear co the opinions of the Stocks among siete’ Rearelt coe Phtcieee Woex Teas fix ana eweney years oly there fell out a very particular occurrence, whic Cccalfoned me'a voyage to Rome; ie was this. Felis being procurator of Judea, had for fome nis, flight affrone or other, fent prifoncrs to Rome, pets foveral priefts of unblameable charaéters, whe mets {© were my inkimaee acquaintance, in onder £0 take their trial before Cafar. Upon the news of my friends misfortunes, T imbarked for Jozp taker Rome, refolving co ule my uemot efforts, £0 woyage 9" effect ’their deliverance, elpecially when I relive them card they continued fledfatt co their principles, though reduced to the uemot dittrefs, and ne- eeffitated to feed upon figs and nuts, co fepe port lite. In my paflage thither T went Tie ip is through innumerable dangers at fea; for our toh sil Jo fhip foundered in the middle of the Adviatick | gulph, and out of a mateer of fix hundred of is, who were in company, only I, and fome thers, aboue eighey in all, who ouefwam the etl, were by God's fpeclal providence. pro~ ferved, being caken up early next morning by hip of Cyrene, after we had been a whole ight in che water. After this deliversnce 1 contraéted an acquaintance at Dicearchia, oF coli, as the Italians chute rather to eall ic, ch one Alicyras, a comedian and favourite of Nero, who was by nation a Jew, and by whole intereit I became known to Nero's wife Poppeta, of whom I quickly obtained, that thote prielsthould be fer at Hberey and fo fa Keme ‘who I returned to my own country, difmite'd not se without coniiderable prefens Gver and above, At my arrival there, I found the minds of d ple difpofed for an infuereetion, and reacly to revolt from the Romans; whereupon Te desvour all I egald to bring the matineers to better reafon, by laying before them th ia, Power of the enemy they had to do withal 4 people mach their faperior in marci dife plins, policy, and fortune; wherefore 1 ad: ited’ them not inconfiderstely ‘and rafhly to herard the min, of their country, ehemelve their wives, and children, upon fuch ‘unequal terms. Ae'this rate T plied them with all the arguments T could thik of, vo dilluade chem from enterprizing on a wat, which f pluiol forefaww would invelve them in the mB dit. mal and deftruétive confequences; yer all to xno purpofe, their refolutions were defperate, and their madnefs incurable. Fearing therefore Jeaft I had by a frequent and imporeunate re- Petition of the fame counfels, incurr'd. their Sifpleafare, and given them caufe to fatpect I Was a favourer of the cnemy, fo avoid Ganger of being feized, and put to death, I Srithdrow into the temple, the fadtion ‘batlog already made themfelves mailers of fort Anto- lem Bits Aftcr * Manahem and the ringleaders of ‘og his faélion were cut off; I came out of the id: temple, and converfed frequently with th por chief pricits and prinefpal men among the Pha The LiFe of Fiavius JoseErpHus, silees, who were in great fear and perplexity s for we faw the people up in arms, and what to do we Knew not ‘Fo appeate the confp- rators was beyond our skill, Befides dangerous co ateempt, ‘wherefore we "pretended 10. ap- rove their’ proccedings,, but yet advifed them For to be too mally bue Ice the enemy “p draie ait a Hieeey hoping thag Geflusj| would come fpcedily with a power fuificient to fapprefs the fcition, " Geffae came back idee £0 bis colt Geis Flo for his troops were intirely cut to picces in che " Hefsted attempe, and himfelf fluin 3 and this blow proved ’the utter ruin of our nation; for rhe Tucecls of this aélion mace the compirstors vain cnough to think they were able to con gut the Whole Roman power with the fam e uit ae this iame happened a very tragi- ML occitaencty which wate lows. ‘Tue Syrians and Jews living promifevoufly together fn feveral Greve toes bonding. o& Jadca, the Syrian inhabitants took occation to all the Jows, meni, women, and chile A matticre dren, who lived with: them in thote cizies, of te Jows wichOue any provocation ae ally for they had wn any publick tokens of dilatl ‘Romins, nor been guiley of doing any wrong to them in their privare cizcum= ances, But above all, the bash rev Oh the Scythopolicans was moft eranfeendently wiek= ed and tabuntan for being iavicied by Jews, who did ace live ainongtt them, they not only Yoreed the Jews of the place,’ their tellow- citizens, to take up arms againit thote of their own country, which is a ching torbidden by our laws bue after they had wich their help ifperfed the enemy, and obtained 2 complete vielory, contrary to'geaticude, to juice, and The harba- common faith, they matliered all’of thae na ft meat tion amongit them without dittinétion, to. the S and other eqtipige over the great plain, out 40%," Of the King’s juriidiction, into’ provinge of me the Romatsy Wwayslaid, and fet upon the come pany, forced the lady to thife for herfelfy and made prize of what the had. This happened They ery while I was at Tarichew, and thicher they {pels broughe four mules Jaden with rich cloaths, 7°" and other coftly furnicure, a vat number of Gl {er ells, and ive huncice places of gold. Nov'ithcl "being the goods of Declenhy man of my own tribe, (and our law not ad= iting Oo chao tb cae eo) E told the people ho broughe they th they Wore ‘by bil cant to be Strsfully pretend, nl hey could be fold to the bellathaneages Soe ee ee Snrepeiting. ths walls of Fortilems hg auffians laid’ it fo to heart to be difappoiated of. 2s fure-ofe thar they currendly reporced if al about Tiberias, that I had a defign in my head ee ee tenaeal adeace they. dy to employ the prem fot the purchale pen febuildigg the walle ee eee Shady sel dbeenton ws co slate Se toh ito aly hc re ot ae of the young men, TP cal’d two citizens to me of the Bil queliey; hae foo yy Dalion and Janneus, the fon of Levi, both'in great adr he king, nd ordered hel to of death not to divulge the fecret to anyone Hic busy living. ‘The rumour was by this time fpread be reftored. ee deliver the country up to the Romans; and all tharg't with people were tamper’d with againgt me to take a Theory: Fevbnge: The ten of Farichew among others eS mach rele to the Bony te hey fate with fevcral of my quail and cece ee td coe nthe’ Cats vo cone hee wi Sther people concern, how to depele mer and A plot ro d- difpote of the government. When they came Pobjolepins thither, they found 2 huge concourfe of people aflembled together beforehand, all with one foc callingsut for juice upon the eters but the ringleader of the tumult was Jefus, thé Jefis the fox fon of Saphiss, who was at that tinic the chicf of Saphias, ‘Tiberias, and one of the falfert, hud of sh it feditious wretches in nature. He "™ prefented himfelf, with the two tables of Mo~ fes in his hand, and rellig inco the middle of 2 1¢ crowd, ‘addrefs’d chem after this men- “TE fo be, fays he, that you are grown “ carclels and forgeeful of your own good and « fafery, lee it be recommended to you, how= “ever, Mill to preferve a veneration for thefe 7A Decudarch, is the governor of a tenth part of a country. « holyThe Lire of FLavius JosEPHUs. sgpating of your wallp? “‘Thioiyin fore & governor, "has made no feruple to betrsy, | the whole ground of your difpleafure.” fee made ng rol a (is whale Sem ota aa «focal goo men thot no punifiment can be [thanks encouraged me €0 g0 on, and fear no © eo excoplury and fevere? ‘Thafe words off thing ; bue the Galilteans snd "Fiberians, “om Hie Gare Cheerearnrd with acclamations and {the other hand, continued as uneragtable’ and. applaufes, whereupon taking, foldiere along |outragions, fo that ic came co.a iret feud See We harfed awayeimmediately to fbctwixe them; the one fide affailing me with ‘The mult ints be rele oe | menaecs and Bard wordsy ‘and the ther ene sw ,| aging for my fecarity and proteétion. But PSs Pat, Spa Sromiling cho Eiberang ko do ay mach egies for them too, and fo likewite for oxher towns, where the ication would bese i they drop? seeede: athe only man eae flaid with me, | ped the conteft, took my word for the perm sen the fa sincere oe er ame | bemey one lect aborhery alter which wee fey Ro he Linger Pas ing, and adviled | peeled. and wonderful deliverance, T-return’d Bre icone worl, suker, like a feldier and man | with fome iriends, and a matter of twenty Gf honour, bravely to faller death from my |foldicrs, to my own quarters. ‘The ruffians Sten bond than co die fhamefully and. igno- [and ncads of ehis {edicious tumult, apprehend= own hand chan co die thamotully, 274 steve {ing ticmielves now in fome Gasper oo be cole Pleakure Of an iofolene enemy. Upon this ad- | lee. to an account for what they had done, Siee Tcommitted myfelt co providence, chang’ | gathor'd together about fix hundzed of chem, ny cloaths, difguied myfelf in black, and |and_ marched dircétly to the houfe where I ® hanging my fwoid round my neck, out went | lodged, with a refolution to fe fire to. it. Anos by here I eas geo meet pone | Beg torn’ of bets coming, and of their jee, frait co the multitude in [purpole, I thoughe it would lock cowardly co fovepinus in “10 35 here when Tw: Re Peek icneS hae Lather chee co hag Peso Heine protrats on my Lice, weeping the doors againtt them, and make the bet oF and vidteis fy moving a manner, thit the generalicy of | a bad game. Upon this T eall’d eo them ou ‘© ” the people thcmleives could noc but pity me. | of my upper chamber window, thet if mone When f found the temper of the people in | was what they made a rout about, they ha fome mesiure wrought upon aud ofeea'd, [no mere to do then bue to appoint any body Gid whac 1 covla to divide them in their opi- | they thought fit to reccive it, and nover give hnions of me, and of my condition, before the | themfelves any further trouble or -uncalinels reeumn of the Joldiers trom my lodgings. I jabout the matter. So. they fent over a party fold chem Tid noe poitively deny bat thar |to feech the money and pon their enering there was fomcwhae Indeed Of truth in the | tho houfe, finding one. particular perfon to be matter, wherewith I was charged: I defir'd | more infalent and troublefeme than the reit of nly that they. would fit rightly inform ther his companions, I order'd him to be fei’dy elves of the fact, and whae ufe 1 inten Whipt, ane hand cut off, and hang’d about his i neck, and fo turn’ out again, to tell his ta to thofe the cmploy'd him upon this ermnd. ind welcome. ‘The multitude were far boar- |The whole company Was 10 sRoniih’d ae this «ing me, and bad me proceed, only the fol- |ereament, chat eaking lor granted I hada “i his diese being jut now retura’é, wore Lor cutting |firong guard in my howe, they all {courd of Be Ele "Ime to pieces immediately, without any more |as hard as they could drive, for fear of being Rinwopies ado; but upon the clamour of the cemmon |fery'd with the tame {auce’ snd by this ftrae Jorephoe people to the contrary, they were prevailtd |tagem I browzhe myfelf olf Yor this bout, Ale Vrings hi poh to rept the cucction, tang for gran | cr this Upper Galilee, as Jamia, Amerytha, "and fevers Ching al iste mong” the focey moun tains. Ia Galilee I very ftrongly foreiied the towns alfo of Tariches, Tibettas, and Sep- phoris, and the villages of the cave of Axbels, Berfobe,"‘Selame, Jorapata, Caphatath, Co moleguta, Nepepha, and. the mouoe Teaby In ehete places Thad my magazines of corn and ams ‘Trre profperous courfe of my affairs was fo sifpleafing to John, the fon of Levi, chat it increaled his hatred towards me every day more and more; fo that he fally determin’d wich himfelf to work my deftruétion, let the confe~ quence be ever fo fatal. "To which end sléer John des the walling in of Gifehala, he dispacch'd bis tat Sison brother Simon with a Iundted men, to Simon the fon of Gamaliel at Jerufilem,” to try if he could get the couneil of the ty to "re c sioye mo irom my goverbncnt of Galilee, and to fobiiete Joha in-my place. Now this St- simon, an ton was a citizen of the fre rank; by feel, a eminett tee Pharifee, and confequencly a more’ than ordin 227» 274 by nary flzidt obferver of the laws of his country; Gob * Phare a perfon of extraordinary prudence, than whom, ‘no man was better qualihed for che reailying. 4nd compofing any dangerous diforders inthe flare, by the wildom of his councils ad fides, that he had been known for a dong time to be John’s particular friend, and at that junc~ BoE; my incterace enemy” “He ay in hore, (o fae wrougite upon by feliitation add fotreat ty that he fuggelied fe to Anane che high- Annus she ft, and Jetus the fon of Gamala, with hgbipect, others of the y to. cut me off betimes, and Jets the whilft they had ic in their power, and to prow £0" f Gans vent me from arriving at the higher pitch of fa3z¥" ger a to which I was afpirings bofides, ie Epes be highly conducive vo their interes he faid, to have me turn’d out of the command of Galilee, and to fee it done without delay too, before'the defign could take air; for fear of iny preventing the execution of ie by fale Jing in’ upon. them with 2 poweritl. army. Ananus the high-prief told him on the other hand, "that Lhad fo many of the chief pricits and heads of the people thet could beat wit nefs ro the conduét and jultice of my adminis fwation, that it would be a diffcule matter to. brain @ vote agaioit mes and to pate a def nitive fentence upon any man, without bein fle to. alfga hie eximéy wean unjuft and wicked aétion, "So Simon defir’d theih to take ho notice at ail of whae had pafs'd, but leave it to him to lay a projet for the difplacing of me fome other way. Upon this he applied himfClf to the brother of John, and propofed. theWritten Originally by Himfelf the diftribution, of money afd prefents among, the friends of Ananus, as the moit likely Conrfe he could take for the obtaining his By this method, in thor, Simon Com- Simon gins, poin REpoukensth paffed his ond ; for Ananes and his compa Roley ant" hions, upon she seceiving oF chefe bribes, laid prolate” heir heads cogether immediately how they from my government, and might depele me i ‘not € make any man _ Baepiy she Call ay Sey ‘er_pitehed upon was to employ four agents upon “is Phe commnif fof sem noble, fad the aa se icbeianss bacall Toy egy que five or ebeir learning, and skill in the laws, Fer eae yeaa Aaatany both pe Sees e Eto temy Jonny & una les, for erates ands phaneg alle for Serr euad thee the four was Simon? ofthe third ae won, aad the yeumged of the Aplecsgsiot Four. ‘Thefe men hed their iniftruétions given Jolephus. them co argue the matter at the next mecting SES Galen with de mentor a glib, and so expos why, they Mal poms foul alleges, becoue Lum a mative sere eto Fe miSke be anfwerege fo were Sele at myEknowiege oF ane laws saeco mighe be tie or them coo! 'y thould fay they did it out of a ro" fpcét to the prictthood, they might make an- ee Ravens ol tect manbel ed the very fame pretence. With this leffon, and forty Haid pleas of vers taken oe ofthe ped IgA Career sac Ns cempatons vioge tray shode thelr befits Asura tine on ous Galilean, came eo Hanke ithe kakd are haniees Be faster thé noting aged tnd his colleagues, and t'a€¢ in obedience t0 the and elt ones, To thee fldice they fume thie elt tidus whoottaey Bee ‘ied with money faficione to delbay the oe. pores of thei ony journeys aed thee oF all Fite hiken le rhs eahipget sek pie eat ira marcy the deporte sou ae Brother of Johd, wish his company tan bane chet app eih tene"ielr onder a SES IeeaieTthould selantarly ey ona dims to take me pact and fendme alive ie"fertalens bal HET niade an open, the} were to Bill me out of band’s ed tote Strtolfion ‘oul be 6 fabietone aren Bln Rom eke Tame han dese wee Feces Biguaccheh ‘way te Jobe ale ee beris Fendineh hime war dpsn ie Ang the Sept Phot the Grbucncey apd the ‘eters, Wise en dfe cogagesl es Lali wich the par, Te New felon tne fon of Gamala one Bh inal me! well snd was privy tothe whole he ortho con rephus fe contrivance, gave my Hath incelligence, from AGT time co time, of every thing thac patied y and Kini from him I’ received «particular accoune of| smceefit” of the whole matter. Ie Very fenlibly affected ‘me £9 conlider the ingratitude. and malicious praétiecs of a fadtion in the city againft me 5 and my affi@ion was as great to find the trouble my facher was in formy fake, and with what cameltnets he preiféd me to come over to him, upon a foggeition that ie was only to fee me once more before he died. In this unhape py Situation of my afiairs, L communicated my intentions to my triends, and told them, that days, co lay down my command, und go back Jotpina again ineo my own country. “They all fell ins Youll have { tears and lamentations upon rite hearing offseea its, begging and inereating 6f'me, not to leave Mer them upon any terms to the certalney. of peter ware rithing when I was g ‘Bue my life belng him se take on the ove Handy agai thee prayers atud imporaunities on the’ other, 1 til pertited, in my purpole. ‘he Galilorane were foletted with {ach a terrible apprchention of being pofed to the infolence ahd oppreilion of tiseves nd our-laws after my departarcy that they immediately fene notice up and down, ehrough the whole province, that | was upon the porate of leaving them. This news breughe a preat rmuleieude of people together, with their wives, tnd children, into the great plain of Atochy, where T then’ was, t0 try iF they could prevail with me to flay; not fo aad out of oe tion to me, perkaps, as for fear of the danger they were ia'chenifelvees for they reckoned all to\be faie fo long as I was among them. Tz was a wonderful dream I bad that very A. prophat- ighe ! as [was ia my bod, my head and my eilican of heart overwhelm'd with forrow, being extreme. Jo&phus ly troubled upon the account of my fathers Tetters, I faw, methought, the vilion of a man at my bed fide, anda voive Speaking to me af ter this manner: “Ceafe to difquict thy heart, food man, and fear nothing; forall rhele ea & Jamicies will blow over, and only lead to « thy greater advantage and fatisfaétion ; not « only for the prefent, but likewife for the « time to come} wherefore trouble not youre & fells but remenberthat yousre to have a war « with the Romans.” Upon waking out of this dream, T gor up with'an intent. to go out nto the plain, and Lhad no fooner thew ony elf, but'a world of the Galileans, men, wor ‘men, and children, caft chemfeives upon’ their faces ar the very fight of me, and wich tears and fupplications befoaghe me not’ to leave them in this extremity, expofed to che infales of their enemies. When tcy found prayers and imporcanisies would do'no good, they prefféd me with adjurations not to forfake them, Eatting many contumelious reproach upon the peopleof Jerufalem, who would never let chem Fequice. ‘This tome was fo fad a hearing, and fo racful a fpectacley that it made ay owels yearn with compatiion co confider the Gitte ‘of {9 many thoufands. of milerable Creatures, and brought me over, in the end, £9 4 refolation of ranning any hazard, whaefocver for the fervice of fo vait a multitude of forlorn hasmlefs people: fo thar in the conclufion t was oversperfvaded eo ftay. Upon this, I bad The Galil them drsw five thoufand men out of” their am peal Wwhole'nembery. aad. fursith them with arms ?po3 Jo, and viétuals for a march, the reft inftantly to feqye them. depart, cvery man to his own home. So foon as this five choufand was ready, I joined chem With three thoufand more that Uhad of own, and eighty horfe; and fo advanced wit thett co Chabolo, «village upon the borders of Prolemais, whore I took up my fasion, ae if my detign had been to fall upon Placidus, whom. Coftius Gallus had fent into thofe pares with # troop of horfé and two companies of foot, te fet fire to the villages of the Galileans there= abouts, Placidus inerenched hinfelf not far from the walls of Prolemais, while I ley ae the fume time a matter of fixey furlongs. to compais of three | ward Chabolo, “We drew out our army fevex al36 Jonathan's eres to Jo Siphin The LiFe of FLavius JosrEpHus, ral eimes on both fides, as if we were for join= ing batele imanediscely’s ‘ue there pailed only i Skies 5 or the mote presied ‘of it to ae engagement, the more the other declined ie not daring £0 thew his head oat of the proteétion of the rown. Warrte maeeers were in this potture, Jon2~ han with his companions came into thole partss the fame perfone, who a8 I told. you beter, were fene trom Jeruftlem by the faction of Si mon, and Anands the higheprietts and the plor Was ow how eo eompats their ends by tren Sheng hich ghey drt noe step by Howe ight force. ‘To this porpofe they laid their hinds together, and ko me this following leceer. ‘nathan and Dis Deputy-Calleagnes from the Feesnae a Yeni fo Foi greg: Hexeas our principals. at Jerufilem WV ie aiiea to dadenband chat Poko Gifehata hath been engage in foveal per Adious practices againit your perlon, they Bove fete asin hele mane to give bith 2 ee ove gepriman for fo doing, snd co require hrim for the facare to pay alll dus relpces Aral obedience to your conan Ant © the cnd that we may agree upon fome bet for provilion for the regulation of chines Tellier c|make ic our sequel that yo will come hither to us wich all {peed : the Xillage is but finall; ancl therefore we de fire you will nce Bring any great train of guards along with you, lor fear of being feanted for seoms Trexs lettor was contrived on purpote 10 plunge me, as they thought, ince adam Tons and ocxericable —diricaley for it T Gulled mtelf Without ¢theng’ guards the cele take me wp, and ule ms as they pleated sid on the other hand, if T-approachel them with the Kermality-ef miliary troops, t ighe be liable to be proveeuted asa rebels "Thi fees fr was bronghe me by a harman ga, bold Young fellow, vo had been formerly in the King’ ferieo! “Te wie now abour the’ fecond hey when Being ae fapper wich, 2, aud Geral Galiteans of ‘what was broaghe ms at the iy es esresin Jew on horfe ‘time: Londer= nud ccondingly he beck, iho dleited to peak gamez tnd without thew ans manngs ot des a fpeedy aniwers Tad frietly ene him to fit dewn, and tke pare fopper Trine 1h, fo stea a Rall we aainad user on ounce Fro [pores denartorum feputin ef wat Velpaian. See hes oe fake new and then out ef the dowry atin ce Silicy vo wate on fome of my gucils thee were zoing 9 bed, T cook the oppartamiey, when T was out of fight, to open the letter, antl glance ic over with my’ eye, fo as to perecive the cone fonts efits and ches intanly folding ie yp so L held it still in my hand, as belorss ‘hoot difeovering thae 1 bad rend ie, smpany was now all gone but four ineimate friends, and a fervant to fill the wine. 1 gave the folie twenty drachmast to ear Mites ences, and regale himlel! with, on his way Face tbr which be vews fo very wondenflly thanklal that I found the love ot money. wae his weak fide, and fo I refelved ro attack hin gn that quarter. «Come, fiéd 1) it you will seidrinie With aa, and do as we do, you Ahall & have a drachmna tor every cap you drink.” ‘The fellow readily accepted the terms, of the more wine the more money, and caroufed fo immoderarely, that he became too drunk to keep the fecret any longer 5 fo he blabbed the The meta shale “ptery ek the silsny withowe any See umping, ac all telling me af his own accord, Sire te was fate lala for mey and A fone tence of death pronounced againit’ me: Upon which difeovery, I gave him the following i wer to his leecer, Tofephas 10 Jonathan avd bie Fellee-Depuies, Grating + AM ve lad to hear that you are in Jofephu’ I inalthy and thae yor are come Toro Gasser Nes and she rather been T om prepate “ing miyfelf oe a journey inca my owe Seams Uy, which I hase an cammet dale to fey aid tine'icn thing of tong tines aed this will be a fair opporunty or my dee livering up the care ch the public admin firm into your hinds. ihould be very Willing tocedme, not coly ae lar ae Rally To.wnk wpon you, burs great deal eher, ‘ven without day other nerve tinting to ity but hope you'll be fo good a3 10 eee cufe ‘me at prefent, jince Tam not now at Iiberey tor Hach a Journey, Being toeed co flay at Chabolo to bier? the motions of Plicidus, and Keep bin fom breaking into Galilee ; and therefore I think it more ad ‘leabley upon the receipt of this eee, Sor Sopeo cont hither snl @ Tid you ee Ty Jeger T dlbcr.n the fee and Te me appointed tletyperlons of the bet qualey @ medlhcs tHong the Galltane to gorsiong. wich Ming ste giving them orders only to do their reverence PM" to the deputics, wichout entering into any enti tee ther courte’ Wish them Eat a hic tae eke Pa of my Ca ee that I could beit con- ™! hoe, ic in, whom I {et as fpies upon euch af other, he to watch them narrovtly it they entertained eh ty pve comciiton With Pennine ne ihe Aepareore of aie people te og nee Frating hae their Plot dat oek fecond letter to me to the follow! Roman Dani which on abgue 6 ight ie he tine of st fecha her ae Cele you, thse there seg ghee waive ier before or fr the tone in 35. 9), After thiv they weighal lof cighe iif penny of our monees for wheteas their hea nthe lower empire thoy Karke’ wel seh thier, JonA perompro 2 Joleen eae "Phe prope fe jet Bikodher iorcmnore posto Medepusies he depaties oe the des Eevclion of| Sotephns forme spon them the of Fitton, Boe w road meafare £0 find all cheiv anderhand perFious praétices bY se defeated and countcrmin'd. One of thefe ‘The hype four deputiés, whofe name was Ananias, 2 Sih of Anse man of” a perfidious and mitch emery ae propounded che proclaiming of a pxblick faft for the next day, wich a command, chat howl all meet tie fame hour, smd ae the fame place) without arms, to” hamble os fives betore the Almighty, to. acknowledge tat own weaknety_ and implore, his aiitance, Sithoue whe athe Rrcngxh oF many an the Urmotteffes of human farce were fmporene fd neta, Now the ral dtigh an iain diftof this prpofil, was under this pro- Exe of plcryy «9 biftem ate and my folirs 5 fad Tete fb to comply. again With this pro= Pofal, shoe T mighe toy fem to dftegard or Bighe eligi a motion, oe fustzoracey apon the breaking up of the embly, Jonathan aad his colleagues wrote it hho Join tobe ae fobs ary wich cuter came fafe, and John made no dif all of complying with the orde On die da ae y following, I call’d out two of the FeeFetse erultietand douten feHows T had in the guards Excoumitk. accoutred msteit with» cor vordy as fetetly as Veoulth dicrs fake cach, 9¢ them a thore fonts pris ztcly too, and follow mes “hig T did thas ve might be ina condition to defend oure fehrcs, in cate of an allies “and fo, t9 the oratory see went together where T my felband fends were acinitied but Jefes having 2 we the erie? dard athe doors would oot fader Lo mck any one of the’relt of my people to enter ris fo awe Wore ofon the point of Beptonng Freeney eeePen the point of Origa P, Jelus ftood up, and ask’d me w captions was becenic of the rich Tumiture, and th guetions Bx of fil ‘a away upon the fring te Jofephas ere it Was to be found? in keeping? Now thefe were aly words to prolong time, ull John came up wish blo amis? T anfwer'd him, ‘shat it was ail depofited in ehe hands of Capella, and ten Of the principal citizens of Tiberias’ fo that ir was but asking them whether I fpoke trath for nets wherenpon Capella and the reft ac jowledged th having of i all in their cuts ey put it to me then, what I had ith the twenty pices of gold that T re- geiv'd for the like value in filver bullion, the T difpos'd of. told them that I had given them to my envoys, whom T had fent eo Jo~ rofilem, to defray the expence of their jour nde, fomthan, and is colleagues refed, that it was very ill done, to pay my particular agents out of che publick reufare. The come ‘on people perce ng them wholly actuated by malice and a fpirit of contradiétion, were tranfported to fitch a degree of impatience and fury, chat ie fell Ticele thore of a Violent fedi= ion and finding how it wroughe, T could not Ho Better, F thought, than help’ it forward. aad who ied The Lire of Fuavius JosErpHus, J And fo T went on, telling hiny, that if i, erath ictal donc he wiped 0 fy icy to gratiy ny imllengers: out of the publ Rocky I bud him never give bimfelP or. me any father trouble or uneatinets on that fete fol T'myfeit would cake care eo fee hale Esrenty pleces of gold fepsida. The fairer mate tore appearddon my idee the more entraptons Was the multitude upon it, when chey found the whole tory from end to eady to have noe thing more in than fpite and eatamny. hs Eat Gur fo contrany co expcclaciony thas Jefus commanded the plice vo be clenrd of all ut che fenators «for the bufinefe they were about trap nor ea be Gone, he fdy in Rach a hurey tnd confuion s the’ people crying out on the ein iy th hs wee roi whee Gaine of ff not to eave: Joteph chore with them. While they were i the hene of thie Glamour, in came 2 mellengery and whifperad Jonsshan in the cary chee Joho would behwieh ihm immediately with is party; that Jor pacha apo th aeonagtincn eau teto a” mod providensal mparenesy (ler had cereainly Uoen lol elle) Good hen of « rtberiay faye ne Tee all Gcbates concern © the bulineis of the gold drops. for T woul not have. you imagine, thar agjudge Jor «ep wordy of deh Gtae scout boc & fr oppreing and impoling upon the ‘come mon people of Galilee in the eyranical af, & Relation and exerife of un asbieary power” Ac hae wordy certain tans shat were of the way, and fo got to the lake, where takin bose, T'presthdly- anivd. at’ Tariches wonderful deliverance, and beyond all expec ‘Tue fel ehing I did after my arrival, was to call a council of the chick inca of the pros vince, and give them a narrative of the bara rows Geimne fad feet from fora and the Tiberians, and how narrowly T had cfeaped being affainated by them, contsary to comimon faith, humanity, and Jufticce‘Lhis put the whole maleitace of the Galilzans ineo fach a fury, that nothing would ferve them, but immediatcly to declare war againtt Johty The Jonathan, and their companions, “and ufterly ito confound them ‘which they themfelves, se shey, faid, would ‘undereake, if they: might Je" but have ‘icave from me to’ enter upon the $8 work. Idid what I could by fair means, to- jwards the compoling of thie impetous’ hus mour; edviting them for the prefent, rather to refpite the macter awhile, till we might He whae our deputies had done at Jerufalems for there was novefolution co be talken without their approbation. With thefe ‘words. the fied, and Jobn, after another bald, retarn'd back again to Gifch Some Bloc ict upon'ry and bad yithoue oct 2 jogphae ke Bee eee eres had not immediately drawn their words! and iieveds [ope them olf by threstoning to ext thei See ee eae Fences "th Tomnch people a the lune dine sil offering co Rone. fonsthang fo, tha bee Se ete eee | rene ont of the handy of my enemies, Upon ayy pichdrawing to make my’ efeape, ‘whom fhould rece uponthe ways but font ith Ne ersoDSs yop upon their marcha the alliance of Jonatiag. Jee Fy ‘he furprize ftartled me, but I made a thift, the hed of however, to decline them, by taking a by- ‘is sroope and makes to Tariche probe enraged cho onWritten Originally by Himfelf. Jen Set Sig"" wich Ananus, and Simon the fon of Gamalicl, fen a thein- for prefaming, without any publick authority, ‘Phe deportes Bring word fom Jere folesceroe,” to fend thelr agents to remove me from my. Ananssaod Fe yernment of Galilee } and that the common ‘ople were fo incenfed at this proceeding, that Fick had like ro have {er fire €0 cheir Routes Joreph.con- ‘They brought letters alfo, by which the head Tenbt'is ie men of Jorufalem, with the auchoricy and con- gorroment. {Une of the people, confirmed me inmy govern- {John and his ment, and éonimanded John and his allociates tsdate or jnftanely upon the novice of thac order, to de~ sicredto de part the place. , Upon the receipe of thefe lee= pee ters, I went to Arbcla, where I had appointed ov agmbly ofthe Galileans 5 at which meet “rhc depuscs ing: my deputies made a report of what pall trakesietie ac Jeralems, how heinowlly the people refent= sspeir core Gd"ehe infolenees of Jonathan; and thereupon aim "© fone mea commiffion ratified for the govern- ment ofthat province, with a command to Jor chan and hs people iinmediaeely ¢o_relign Suny, nts theis precences, anc depare the place. ‘This or= ieee Ger was fone them accordingly, with an exprefe thecepatice Change to the bearer, to obferve their counte= hnaoces upon the delivery of ie. ‘The farprize of this leeter put chem fo fach a plunge, that Whoinme- ghey prefeorly called a cabinet toradvile what distely lla wastobe done, John himfelf and the chief men of Tiberias and Gabara being of the council. ‘Phe ‘Tiberians adviled them to contimne the power fill in their own hands, at all adventures, | nd not to abandon a people who had refigned themfelves up to their” protcétion : efpecially againil an encmy that chreaten'd them wich an invafion, 2s they falfely and malicionfly pre tended 1 had donc. - John was of the fame o- pinion, with this addition, that i would be Proper to fend two of their deputies to Je~ Tufalem, with a charge of male-adminiftre tion-againil me: which, betwixt the credit of the accufers, and the variable humour of the men they hid to.do withaly could not fail, he faid, of making’an impreffion upon the com= mon people, and working the eleet they de- fired.. ‘The’ thing, in thort, was agreed upon ; Jooathansna and {9 chey fent Jonathan znd Ananias foon af } ® ter to Jerulalem,, upon the commiliion,. wich a corifio-” guard of a hundied foldiers for cheir fale pate HESGAGY lage 5 the other two ftaying behind. at Tbo- ERSUNS TES? The" fo ort ime ISU opon repeving the Wall aoe asec coh eee lint toon and fans Joker es then at Ghihnlay ior a conical boop [i esoopes to be mn a'vendinels i thee Meta ben Betln, rat then ag RSRESE ancl nth dnd advanded as fr of Bobaseee ceptonathsn (a village fituate on @ large plain upon the at= Speathesss- mom borders of Galilee,) fell about midnight into a party of my out-guards, who took away’ their simsy and hope rem prifoners. upoa the |o place, ccbidiog tomy ondchy Levi who com: Inanded the party, gave me information of tae Encounter, which ter about two Gaye Emacs zo ‘Words oF; but fent meffenger to Tiberis, to advife the people to lay down their arms, ‘TheTike- Who fen me Only ribbaldry and foul laageag? Hepes fo- buck for anfwery in confidence thar Jeneekes Ealwwich” was by this sie got to Jeratsiem: ASie nae "PE" andfome afage did not at all dhicourage ie from making shy father arcempe open fen are and iititagom ; for T would nec fee abe 41 world have mde myfell the ring-leader of a civil war. It came into my head to try if T ould inveigle them out of the cown = ahd. fo T took to the namber of about ten thoufand choice men, and divided chem into ches bo- dics; part Gf chem I planted privately in Dora; 4 thoufand of them in another village upon the mountains ; and fome about four furlongs from ‘Tiberias, with orders to be ready upon the fir fignal to make a fally. Upon thisy 1 thewed myfelf out of the village within fight of the ‘Tiberians, who prefencly made toward me with all she feels and reprotches imaginable: nay, to fuch an extravagane pitch did their infolence and vanity carry them, that they had provided 2 mock-faneral for me and with @ phantaftical JoCphss - of folemnity, expofed my body in the & pom field, with my moumers about ine, by way of derifon : but ie was my butinefs to'fee and fay Sothingyandl to leave them tthe fee othe Own folly Thad s great bee all cs while ge gira, Serene ee Ee pope merhed Teold tk offre Suisog! my pote, was were HET cout eee them and their filends out oF town, with what troops they. themes thought efor tee Guat tecunily” une the pistice GF ot exe dient I had thoughe of for the adjufting of all eee ee th fousar, whe watcratyand tpetou ke WP ea ihiee for Ear of bc te Simon being weak snd covetousslwallowedl the Johogets bait, and caine over tome at irl word, wich bis Lawsroo of friends and his guards about him. Lrectiv'd him 9 by & With all becoming re(peét and acknowledgment “= Kechc honour bade es and pen alk Ee ee ere cena ee ttived to draw hin off a ede farther frees his company, 2s if it had been only to confer with him'aboue fomething that required a. little fie prvecyy wheal or ade I eaughe Fovup by the mises asd fone im ane {EE Bande to the nek village T gure che Jeph ake fignal ec the fame. dine for nf man Sotcoine ese Oetto ey, and fo murched away with shew Se Siem, SBA marched whey wih them cheourter by the way, and the ancy? make fined the fhe with & much relate te ee HiToiimeded Urfay encouragement heb renees Sdithe Highs, alhiled che Tiberlans web om fidoury Sad a lal cheugh wich patel GUM jap, bese culty and hazard, forced them within the walls the Fiberians of the town. I’had now fent another party hack inco the Sy the way ofthe lakes with eres eo ek aay firft houfe on fire they ‘could come at, which 3?" Being donc jut in theaice of Gans the abe, Sehr aso greece taken by fexee, thw down thet ang. Sool RSPR wer aide wine and ‘etlen ent emus Hoo" Seimy fect for mercy, ass conquer people, Upon! this fubmiffiom? I put a ftop co the far a tad Beng var evening, T withrew 98 reficth myfelf, and fent for Simon to fup with meg whch comforableaftranes te tS twouild take care to lend him fafe back again to &fo n= ‘erufatem wih al neceffaies and conveniences note” for his journey ‘On doe Bay tellowing I marched into Tibe= Jee PES- es the town together into the publick places ex= the seals, Eee” amined the bufinefé of the revolt, and com- #24,ends anded them to produce the ringeleaders of ie, Sazot L ‘whom tpsta