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T. N. Bisson
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extending from 990 to 1060. 5 But when I.-P. Poly and Eric
Bournazel undertook to synthesize the new regionalist research
towards 1977 (just when the notion of revolution feodale became
current), they chose to strengthen the metaphor. 6 Their concept
of mutation feodale implied a radical disjunction between the
feudal societies of the eleventh and twelfth centuries and the
public order which preceded it. They made the new chronology
heuristically plausible, or even paradigmatic. Teachers learned
how to explain that, while fiefs and vassals (and lords) could be
found in the eighth and ninth centuries, feudalism (or "feudal
society") was a post-millennial phenomenon. Lately Guy Bois,
returning to evidence from Cluny first exploited by Duby, argued
that the persistence of antique order was even more thoroughgoing than Duby had shown when, at a moment more precisely
determined than other scholars had dared to think possible, private property (including slave labour) was swept away in a
"feudal mutation or revolution" - here the metaphors are run
together - more catastrophic than any had yet supposed. "The
feudal revolution", Bois roundly concluded, "was a European
event".7
Reaction had already set in. It could be overheard in France
by 1985 and became current in Georges Duby's new history of
medieval France published in 1987. This book so played down
the impact of banal lordship and violence as practically to undo
the tournant its author and Lemarignier had described in the
1950s. 8 Meanwhile Dominique Barthelemy, engaged in new
research on the Vendomois, abandoned the implications of mutation in 1988; Guy Bois's La mutation de l'an mil (1989) was
severely criticized for its uneasy use of problematic and equivocal
sources;9 and Barthelemy has lately called for categorical rejection
5 Robert Fossier, Enfance de ['Europe, Xe-XIIe siecles: aspects economiques et sociaux,
2 vols. (Paris, 1982), i, pp. 288-601.
6 J.-P. Poly and Eric Bournazel, La mutationfeodale, Xe-XIIe siecles (Paris, 1980),
trans. Caroline Higgitt, The Feudal Transformation, 900-1200 (London, 1991).
7 Guy Bois, La mutation de ['an mil: Lournand, village maconnais, de l'antiquitil au
jeodalisme (Paris, 1989).
8 Georges Duby, Le moyen age: de Hugues Capet a Jeanne d'Arc, 987-1460 (Paris,
1987), trans. Juliet Vale, France: The Middle Ages, 987-1460: From Hugh Capet to
Joan of Arc (Oxford, 1991), chs. 5,6.
9 Alain Guerreau, "Lournand au Xe siecle: histoire et fiction", Le Moyen Age, xcvi
(1990), pp. 519-37. See also "L'an mil: rythmes et acteurs d'une croissance",
Mildiilvales, no. 21 (1991), pp. 3-114, a gathering of reflections on Bois's book, with
the latter's reply.
Annales E.S.C., xlvii (1992), pp. 767-77. See also Dominique Barthelemy, La societe
dans le comte de Vendome de ['an mil au XIVe siecie (Paris, 1993).
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It is this regime, revisionist historians suggested, that was subverted by the multiplication of fighting men, of castles and of
harsh new lordships of command based in castles. But the impact
of such an intrusion cannot be grasped without considering the
nature of violence in the tenth century. In this old order violence
was frequent, continuous and by no means new. Capitularies had
railed against abuses of office, protection and military purveyance,
22 See e.g. Diplomatari de l'abat Oliba, no. 62: "illi dixerunt: Non tenemus iniuste,
sed per scripturam emptionis ... Iuste iudicatum fuit a predicto iudice ... secundum
legis ordinem (they said to him: we do not claim unjustly but by a record of purchase
... It was justly judged by the aforesaid judge ... according to law)". The record
goes on to quote from the Liber iudicum.
23 Chartes et documents de l'abbaye de Saint Pierre au Mont Blandin a Gand, ed. A.
van Lokeren, 2 vols. (Ghent, 1868), i, nos. 20, 23, 26, 27, 3l.
24 K. F. Werner, "Konigtum und Fiirstentum im franzosischen 12. Jahrhundert",
Probleme des 12. Jahrhunderts (Vortrage und Forschungen, xii, Stuttgart, 1968),
pp. 177-225, trans. Timothy Reuter, The Medieval Nobility: Studies on the Ruling
Classes of France and Germany from the Sixth to the Twelfth Century (Amsterdam,
1978), ch. 8.
25 Elisabeth Magnou-Nortier, La societe largue et l'eglise dans la province ecciesiastigue
de Narbonne (zone cispyreneenne) de la fin du VIIIe a la fin du XIe siecie (Toulouse,
1974), chs. 3-7.
13
until they fell silent. We have the anguished testimony of contemporaries that Vikings and Magyars perpetrated frightful havoc in
many regions for several generations after about 840; not by
accident we know the history of this crime wave in some detail.
It can hardly be doubted that monastic narrators exaggerated the
damage; but damage there was, including psychic trauma, and
the invaders taught well. 26 If aliens, even unhorsed, could plunder
harvest piles or monastic treasures, so could penurious vassals or
mounted servants in a magnate's household. 27 The Saracens' capture (972) and ransom of Abbot Maieul of Cluny was a dangerous
lesson, widely noticed. But pillage and seizures were endemic in
society. The bishops assembled at Trosly in 909 had likened
oppressive men to predatory fish in the sea, which devour one
another. 28
Violence, in short, was as normal and enduring as the public
order it afflicted. That it was dis-order, none who placed their
hope in legitimate authority doubted. But another view is possible. Was not the habitual resort to brute force an order of power
in its own right? Warfare was violent by definition, not only in
armed clashes or seizures but especially in requisitioning and in
devastating hostile lands. In 945 King Louis IV's Norman allies
attacked Duke Hugh in the Vermandois, ravaging crops, seizing
or burning vills, violating churches - another lesson for the
knights. 29 Violence was likewise normal in the feud, a system of
customary vengeance rooted in kin right, which public authorities
could only hope to channel, hope to limit the dangers it held for
the innocent. "The mortal hatreds", wrote Marc Bloch, "which
the ties of kinship engendered ranked undoubtedly among the
26 See generally Bloch, Sociert! Rodale, i (Feudal Society). More recent views are to
be found in P. H. Sawyer, The Age of the Vikings, 2nd edn. (London, 1971), ch. 6;
Georges Duby, Guerriers et paysans, VIIe-XIIe siecle: premier essor de l'economie
europeenne (Paris, 1973), pp. 129-75, trans. H. B. Clarke, The Early Growth of the
European Economy: Warriors and Peasants from the Seventh to the Twelfth Century
(London, 1974), ch. 5.
27 Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, i.20 (ed. Lejeune, i, pp. 150-1), tells of
brigands in Nevers becoming ominously aware of peasants depositing valuables to a
saint's protection.
28 L. M. Smith, The Early History of the Monastery of Cluny (Oxford, 1920), pp.
134-6; Bloch, Socihe feodale, i, p. 16 (Feudal Society, p. 7); Sacrorum conciliorum nova
et amplissima collectio, ed. Mansi, xviii, pp. 266-7.
29 Annales de Flodoard, ed. Lauer, p. 96; Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, iv.31
(ed. Lejeune, ii, p. 546); Philippe Lauer, Le regne de Louis IV d'Outre-mer (Paris,
1900), p. 127.
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III
Among the Miracles of Saint-Maximin of Trier composed towards
964 is the story of a "rich and noble" man named Bemacher
who was not content with the village he had acquired in commendation from the monks; so "fired with the torches of avarice
he unjustly usurped for himself little fields of the poor men that
adjoined the village's lands on all sides, for that land was fertile.
And having gathered crowds of ploughmen he ordered those
fields to be cultivated. Then they on whom he had inflicted this
violence [violentiam] implored him by God and St Maximin that
he make do with what he had and not despoil them wickedly of
Bloch, Societe feodale, i, p. 199 (Feudal Society, p. 128).
Elisabeth Magnou-Nortier, "La place du concile du Puy (v. 994) clans l'evolution
de l'idee de paix", Melanges o/ferts ilJean Dauvillier (Toulouse, 1979), pp. 489-506.
32 The Bayeux Tapestry, ed. F. M. Stenton, 2nd edn. (London, 1965), pI. 52.
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21
The invasions had ended - or at least the foreign ones had. But
there were more armed and fortified men about than ever, more
people to dominate in growing populations, more agrarian wealth
for the taking. While violence and the arrogation of patrimonial
54 See Barthe1emy, "Mutation feoda1e?", p. 774; Duby, Societe mdconnaise (1953),
p. 196, and (1971), p. 165.
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23
of an inertly conservative documentation, of a "coercive lordship" (seigneurie banale) already in place. 58 But the new usage
figures also in records that are themselves novel in substance,
including some that can only be called records of lordship. 59 It is
unlikely that peasants anywhere thought of predatory coercion
as justified custom, least of all when associated with new or
expanding lordships. In any case, the changed perception of
violence was part of a conceptual revelation which Professor
Duby himself allows to have been a "brusque mutation". There
was a new preoccupation with power in unofficial and affective
forms. Was not this revelation itself a manifestation of revolution?
Even of a "feudal revolution"? Two points must be made here.
When Georges Duby renounced his own metaphor, he noted that
the social changes in question had to do with lordship and production (seigneurie), not the fief. 60 This was not only to give up the
subtly Marxian irony of a feudal regime originating in revolution,
but also to overlook one of Pierre Bonnassie's most startling
discoveries: that the making of castellanies in Catalonia was
attended by the division of militant lordships into knights' fees
(cavalleriae), notional units or shares that were explicitly termed
"fiefs" (jeva) already in the eleventh century. This means that
the multiplication of castellanies entailed an exponentially
increased number of fiefs in regions where, as in Catalonia, the
endowments of knights took this form. And if we recall
Bonnassie's further discovery that until the eleventh century fiefs
had been known in east Pyrenean lands only as occasional grants
from fiscal lands to comital officers, it follows that the feudalizing
of Catalonia was an explosive transformation. 61 Do we not reasonably speak of such changes as "revolutions"? In Catalonia if
anywhere there would seem to have been a "feudal revolution"
in a comparatively precise sense of the words. Poitou may have
experienced something similar. Elsewhere we know less about
the tenures of knights and castellans, it is true, and some of our
information points to more deliberate and less complete feudalizing. In Provence, for example, manse-holding knights were surely
less like vassalic lords than the garrison knights of Catalonia. In
58 Duby, Trois ordres, pp. 183-6 (Three Orders, pp. 147-50); Moyen lige, pp. 89-90
(France, pp. 55-6).
59 Records cited in nn. 44, 50.
60 Duby, Trois ordres, p. 189 (Three Orders, p. 153).
61 Bonnassie, Catalogne, i, pp. 209-11, and ii, chs. 13, 14.
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Picardy the proliferation of castles and fiefs was delayed until the
twelfth century. But knights multiplied with castles and their
masters in other regions, perhaps first on the model of episcopal
lordships in old Frankish lands. 62
The changes here in question have a further and more considerable feudal dimension which has been little noticed by historians
of the millennium. Imagine the plight of castellans trying to
secure the fidelity of their knights. None too faithful themselves
to traditional obligations, these lords on the take were vulnerable
to every temptation and liability of betrayal. What were the
garrison knights in the king's castle at Melun to make of their
castellan who in 991 was so easily talked out of his fealty to
Bouchard of Vendome by the aggressive Count Odo of Blois?
They fought for their unfaithful lord against Bouchard's Norman,
Angevin and royal allies in 991 - and had to plead for the king's
mercy when they lost. The castellan and his wife, the latter with
cruel ostentation, were hanged. 63
It is an astonishing story of suborned vassalage and betrayal,
notorious in its day and long remembered. Richer of Reims told
it in a set piece on treachery, filled with duplicitous speeches and
oaths; and if he invented words, he seems to have well understood
the settlement. The recaptured garrison claimed they were not
traitors to the king (rei majestatis regiae) but fideles of their lordcastellan. Richer further represented Count Odo as pleading that
he too was no traitor, for he had quarrelled not with the king
but with a "fellow knight" (commilito, meaning Bouchard).64
Here the tension between old public order and the new vassalic
regime flares into visible conflict. This was no constitutional issue,
being governed by ideas (including the Roman concept of treason)
not by laws. Steeped in Carolingian theocratic ideology, Richer
may well have exaggerated the distinction between fidelities
public and personal. What cannot be doubted is that permissible
options for solemnly commended men at all levels of society were
62 Poly, Provence, pp. 137-8; Robert Fossier, La terre et les hommes en Picardie
jusqu'ti lafin du Xl/le siecle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1968), ii pt 3; Poly and Bournazel, Mutation
feodale, 2nd edn., p. 132 (Feudal Transformation, pp. 64-5).
63 Richer, Histoire de France, iv.74-8, 80 (ed. Latouche, ii, pp. 266-75, 276-8);
Historia Francorum Senonensis (ed. Georg Waitz, M.G.H., SS, ix, Hanover, 1851,
p. 369); Eudes de Saint-Maur, Vie de Bouchard, ed. Bourel de La Ronciere, pp. 18-19.
MRicher, Histoire de France, iv.78, 80 (ed. Latouche, ii, pp. 272, 276-8); Lot,
Hugues Capet, pp. 159-63. One is reminded of the case of Ganelon in the (Oxford)
Roland,l1. 3765-75 (ed. F. Whitehead, La Chanson de Roland, Oxford, 1970, p. 110).
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v
Violence - violence in deed and word - , the accelerated
diffusion of powers of command among more and more lords
dispensing knights' fiefs, institutional reaction: the Peace of God,
newly realistic vocabulary, the regulation of knightly and vassalic
fidelity. Once only these events and signs coincided: at the end
of the tenth century and for a few years thereafter. Some (besides
knights) may have thought the Peace an over-reaction, but during
the 1020s the king's authority itself was reduced to seigneurial
means of expression; security and public justice collapsed in
explosive violence in Catalonia and Provence; and new efforts to
pacify and discipline the strong in Francia and Aquitaine betray
desperation. By the middle of the eleventh century people had
ceased to think of the king and the princes as guarantors of
social order.
This may be likened to a revolution (as well as a revelation)
because it confirmed, rewarded and institutionalized the subvers7S Briefsammlung Gerberts von Reims (ed. Weigle, no. 125); Gerbert of Reims, "Acta
concilii Remensis" (P.L., cxxxix, col. 310).
76 Gerbert of Reims, "Acta concilii Remensis" (P.L., cxxxix, cols. 289-96).
77 Elisabeth Magnou-Nortier, "Fidelite et feodalite meridionales d'apres les serments de fidelite, Xe - debut du XIIe siec1e", Annales du Midi, lxxx (1968),
pp. 464-5.
29
ive inroads of lordship on public power, while sanctioning patrimonial claims to service, fidelity and dependence. There were no
revolutionaries, the ideologues being content to justify or
deplore; 78 only unwitting agents, the banal lords and knights who,
lacking experience in accountable official service, were swept
forward in a tidal wave of self-promoting opportunism. The
resultant regimes, in greater Francia, Burgundy and much of
Aquitaine, were more or less "feudal", and by no means unconstructively so. The reorienting of fidelities coincided with discussions of tenurial right whence arose customary law in many
regions. But seigneurial brutality was itself a new custom of the
millennium. It persisted where, as in the early oaths of peace, it
is first attested; it spread where it had been unknown.
In persisting and spreading, it perpetuated a "revolution"
which, like other ideological upheavals, was incomplete at its
fiashpoint. Its later history is an unwritten story framed in a
familiar chronology: a story of relentless seigneurial aggrandizement held in check by old theocratic regimes only to burst into
violence in the end. In Normandy the viscounts were beyond
ducal domination in the 1040s and there was chronic violence
again from about 1090; in England assaults on church lands and
dispossessions were common from about 1070, were repressed
under Henry I, then exploded in notorious troubles under Stephen
(1137-45); while in Germany and Le6n-Castile the kings preserved traditional structures of elite power until (respectively)
1075 and 1110, when for different reasons militant lordships
multiplied together with accelerated castle-building, enfeoffments
and impositions. Everywhere there was defiance of royal or
princely authority, not in principle, but on the definition of peace:
that is, on the control of castles. Moreover it was characteristic
that societies reorganized under lord-princes who exploited the
new order of fidelity/homage (Normandy, England, Catalonia,
France) relapsed into aggregates of oppressive castellan lordships
before giving way to new regimes of judicial and fiscal
accountability. 79
These disruptions and relapses only intensified a routinely
harsh experience of power. Not even old elite and ecclesiastical
Duby, Trois ordres (Three Orders), chs. 2-13.
The nearest approach to this problem of frontiers and chronology may be found
in Bonnassie, From Slavery to Feudalism, ch. 3. See also Poly and Bournazel, Mutation
feodale, 2nd edn. (Feudal Transformation), ch. 1.
78
79
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84
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the good and gentle but also to the wicked ones"?85 An unsure
line marked off the perversity acceptable to the clergy in the
name of order from that they denounced in the name of peace.
Lords at Laon must have learned gratefully of the archbishop's
sermon on the Petrine text in 1114, dwelling as it did on the
sufferance of "hard and greedy" masters; perhaps not accidentally
one of those lords, Thomas de Marle himself, carried on a singularly ferocious reign of rural terror in the next few years. 86 Such
ideas were widely held in these generations when new forms of
servility were becoming customary. In bitterly ironic hyperbole
King Henry IV denounced Pope Gregory VII for having "trod
under foot" anointed prelates and priests "like slaves who know
not what their lords may do". 87
This was a normative as well as a vituperative remark. Slaves,
even those of the newly customary sort (to whom the same word,
servus, was applied), might suffer oppression from which the free
were exempt. But it was in the economic dynamic of lordship to
limit liberties at whatever level of society: just as free peasants
had been reduced to common subservience with bondsmen and
customary tenants within the castle's districtus, so towards 1100
swelling urban populations were financially pressed without
regard to prior status by princes and prelates. All lay lordship
expressed the arbitrariness of social-functional superiority.
Knightly values, not excepting the penchant to violence, pervaded
the aristocracy. William the Conqueror's death-bed renunciations, as recorded by Orderic Vitalis, are as damaging a confession as (in its way) any oath exacted from a knight, merely on a
larger scale. 88 What mattered for the common experience of
1 Pet. 2:18.
Guibert de Nogent, Autobiographie, iii.10 (ed. E.-R. Labande, Paris, 1981,
pp. 358, 360; trans. J. F. Benton, Self and Society in Medieval France: The Memoirs
of Abbot Guibert of Nogent, New York, 1970, pp. 183-4). On Thomas de Marle, see
Guibert, iii.l1, 14 (ed. Labande, pp. 362-72, 396-412; Self and Society, pp. 184-90,
198-207); Suger, Vie de Louis VI, ch. 24 (ed. Waquet). Cf. n. 84. I am aware that
Jacques Chaurand attempted to exonerate Thomas, but have never been able to locate
a copy of his book.
87 Quellen zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites, ed. Emst Bemheim, 2nd edn., 2 vols.
(Leipzig, 1913-14), i, no. 31 (27 March 1076), trans. T. E. Mommsen and K. F.
Morrison, Imperial Lives and Letters of the Eleventh Century (New York, 1962), p. 150.
88 Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, vii. 15 (ed. Chibnall, iv, p. 94): "Naturales
regni filios plus aequo exosos habui, nobiles et uulgares crudeliter uexaui, iniuste
multos exhereditaui, innumeros maxime in pago Eborachensi fame seu ferro mortificaui (I treated natives of the realm with unreasonable severity, cruelly afllicted
nobler and lesser people, unjustly disinherited many men, and caused countless people
8S
86
(con,. on p. 33)
33
to die by starvation and violence, especially in Yorkshire)". See also iii (ii, p. 90),
and v.19 (iii, p. 194).
89 Eadmeri historia novorum in Anglia, ed. Martin Rule (London, 1884), pp. 192-3,
trans. Geoffrey Bosanquet, Eadmer's History of Recent Events in England (London,
1964), p. 205.
90 See generally Carl Stephenson, "The Origin and Nature of the taille", Revue
beige de philologie et d'histoire, v (1926), pp. 801-70, repr. in B. D. Lyon (ed.),
Mediaeval Institutions: Selected Essays (Ithaca, 1954), pp. 41-103; La chronique de
Morigny, 1095-1152, ed. Leon Mirot (Paris, 1912), pp. 5-6; See, Classes rurales et le
regime domanial, pp. 479-82.
91 Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi, ou Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin, ch. 11 (ed.
C. Meredith lones, Paris, 1936, p. 121); Gualbertus, De miraculis S. Rictrudis, ii.1
(Acta sanctorum, ed. Bollandus, Maii, iii, p. 133).
92 Fiscal Accounts of Catalonia under the Early Count-Kings, 1151-1213, ed. T. N.
Bisson, 2 vols. (Berkeley, 1984), ii, no. 144.
93 My translation from the source quoted by Bloch, Societe /iodale, ii, p. 199 (Feudal
Society, p. 411).
94 Cartes de los antiguos reinos de Aragcln y de Valencia y principado de Cataluna, 26
vols. (Madrid, 1896-1922), i, p. 86. See also Paul Freedman, The Origins of Peasant
Servitude in Medieval Catalonia (Cambridge, 1991), chs. 3,4.
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35
the count exclaims: "I thought I was keeping peace - and behold,
such disturbance [turbatio]!" The provosts confess, are ordered
to make restitution, and the good count directs his ministers to
swear to restore illicit collections before giving up their posts. 95
This fable, fictional though it may be, is no caricature. It is
symptomatic, indeed informative, on three critical points: (1) the
continuity of arbitrary lordship; (2) the identity of those who
served lord-princes in their domains and the nature of their
service; and (3) the nature of their accountability. And when the
matter is put in this way, it can be seen at once that the first and
second points are in reality the same. The provosts charged with
malfeasance are the very "bad lords" whose earlier history has
occupied us. Their abuses and deceits are almost exactly the same
as those attested of knights from the earliest statutes and oaths
of the Peace down to Thomas de Marle or the "devils" of King
Stephen's castles.
But the argument hardly depends on Jean de Marmoutier. As
early as we begin to hear of ministri, provosts, bailiffs and advocates, they are not only careless of their commissions but acting
like lords. Already about 995 Abbo of Fleury had seen through
them, referring to the violence of men charged to defend churches
"who think themselves not so much advocates as lords". 96 In the
time of Henry I (1031-60) a steward of Fleury's domain at
Germigny-des-Pres found it easier to impose an annual
"demand" (guaestum) on his tenants than to keep track of their
due renders; and although a peasant himself he "was an assiduous
hunter".97 The first certain reference to a (Capetian) royal provost
is found in a diploma of Henry I enfranchising the people of
Orleans from exactions by his ministri on the vintage; but if
provosts were instituted to do better, the initiative failed. 98 The
king's records are filled with complaints against their encroach95 Historia Gaufredi, i (in Chroniques des comtes d'Anjou et des seigneurs d'Amboise, i,
ed. Louis Halphen and Rene Poupardin, Paris, 1913, pp. 183-91).
96 Abbo of Fleury, Collectio canonum, ii (P.L., cxxxix, col. 477): "qui se putant
non jam advocatos sed dominos". See also Historia miraculorum [S. Rictrudisj, iii.3
(Acta sanctorum, ed. Bollandus, Maii, p. 93E): "Sed erat miles ex adverso, cui nomen
Osbertus, qui villae ipsius advocationem sibi usurpaverat, non tamen advocatus sed
tyrannus (But there was opposed a knight named Osbert who had usurped the
advocacy of that village for himself, yet not an advocate but a tyrant)".
97 Miracles de Saint Benoft, viii.2 (ed. de Certain, pp. 278-9).
98 Catalogue des actes d'Henri fer, roi de France, 1031-1060, ed. Frederic Soehnee
(Paris, 1907), no. 109; Lemarignier, Gouvernement royal, p. 157.
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T. N. Bisson