Julian The Apostate

of
IHMwj^
2000
DG 317 .N4 1905 v.

Negri, Gaetano, 1838-1902.
Julian the Apostate
Digitized by the Internet Archive

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JULIAN THE APOSTATE
Froiitispi>iece to
Vol. II.
JULIAN
THE APOSTATE
BY
GAETANO NEGRI
TRANSLATED
FROM THE SECOND ITALIAN EDITION
BY THE
DUCHESS LITTA-VISCONTI-ARESE
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
By Professor PASQUALE VILLARI
ILLUS rRATED
VOL. IL
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
153-157 FIFTH AVENUE
OF iîNCr5>.^
1905
FEB
All Rights Reserved
CONTENTS
Julian's Action against Christianity
Religious
Tolerance and
The Episode
of the
-321
Administrative
Severity
Bishop George
Popular
Tumults and the Persecutions of the Christians
The Destruction by Fire of the Temple of Apollo

The Exiled Christians recalled
Persecution
of Athanasius
The Bishop of Bostra The
"School Law"
Julian's Disillusion
The
Analysis
The General Indifference

The Misopogon
.421
" Case " of Pegasius
of
the
Satire
Importance of the Misopogon.
The Sovereign and the Man
-471
Judgment of GregoryThe
Writings of Julian The Panegyrics of Con The Banquet of
Ccesars The
Epistle
Themistius The Exhortation
Sallustius The Letters
lamblichus Letters
Friends The Books of George AdminiReforms Julian and Eusebia Julian
Judgment of Ammianus
stantius
the
to
to
to
to
strative
and Helena.
CONTENTS
VI
PAGE
Conclusion
Retrospective
Glance
The
591
Two
Principles
of
Absence of Doctrinal Apparatus
Religion and Philosophy The

Gnosticism
Position of Julian Puritan Polytheism Julian
Christianity
did not understand the Principle of Redemption
Lack of
Progressive
Scientific Spirit in him, as in Chris-
tianity
The
Condemnation
Civilisation
of
Julian
and Science
Extenuating
Circumstances.
Index
.......
633
ILLUSTRATIONS
Gaetano Negri
Frontispiece
Coin of Constantine the Great
Coin of Gratian
Coin of Valens
Facing page 321

.
....
Coin of Theodosius
Julian
From
a Sardonyx Intaglio.
421
Great.
Coin of Constantine the
Coin of Valens.
Coin of Gratian.
To face page
321.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST
CHRISTIANITY
While
Julian
felt his
life
in jeopardy,
because of
the suspicion and jealousy of Constantius, or even
during the time
when he represented him
in
the
government of Gaul, he naturally concealed his

ideas, his faith, and those intentions which he
could only accomplish
supreme power.
sary
if
During
dissimulation,
the
he should ever attain

all
these years of neces-
young
enthusiast,
who
amidst the cares of war and administration never

neglected his studies and meditations, became ever
more fervently zealous in his love of Hellenism,

and in his desire to save it from the danger of
invading Christianity, his ardour necessarily be-
coming more intense because of his inability to

But ever remembering his
express it openly.
strained relations with Constantius, he took pains
not to compromise himself by any act that might
some day
seen,
create insuperable difficulties.
on the contrary,
VOL. IL
that,
after
We
have
he had been
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
322
proclaimed Emperor by his soldiers, and before
he had decided on
understanding with
the
in
solemn
be considered
But when
hoping
still
of
Epiphany,
the
prudence
excess of
for
an
he participated
Constantius,
festival
an
manifesting
war,
civil
that
thus
might
deceit.
of a possible reconcilia-
all illusions
were dissipated, and Julian decided on the

desperate venture of marching against Constantius,
tion
he dropped
thing,
mask, and, resolving to risk every-
his
himself
revealed
ancient religion.
It
is
as
the
not quite
before
faith
he
voyage from Gaul
the
Gaul
left
to
the
whether
clear
he made any public demonstration of

theistic
of
restorer
his poly-
but,
during
Sirmium, he openly
and somewhat ostentatiously gave his expedition

the character of an enterprise, placed under the
protection of the gods.
This Julian
tells
us,
in
a letter addressed to his venerated master, the

philosopher
Maximus, and written while he was
on the march towards the Balkans.
In the midst
of the urgent affairs that claim his attention, Julian

is
grateful to the
gods that he
is
able to write to
Maximus, and hopes that he may be permitted

He protests, and calls
to see him once more.
the gods to witness, that he became emperor
against his will.^ Then, with the facility and grace
of description
^
Julian., op.
61 6eoi.
cif.,
so
536.
natural
to
him, he relates his
Trptorov avTOKparcop cckcov eyevofirjv 'laaaiv
JULIANA ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 323

meeting
himself,
with
and
messenger
expresses
he had
anxiety
the
all
Maximus
by
sent
experienced at the thought of the peril to which

the
and master of the
friend
might be exposed.
speaks
which
favour
signal
the
of
Caesar
rebellious
concluding the
In
vouchsafed to his enterprise, so that
it
he
letter,
gods
the
was being
accomplished without violence and with great ease,
''We adore the gods openly,

greater part of the army accompanying
and he thus
and the
me
is
all,
and
finishes:
my
enterprise,
only
if
be
me
bright
and
sufficient
to
cause him
to
of great
sanctify
my
all
benefits from
Here we recog-
persist."^
when everything appears
efforts,
first
to
many
and enthusiasm of the reformer
nise the confidence
him
sacrifices of
obey them with
and they assure
his
sacrifice in face of
The gods command me
every action, and
soul,
in
gods the
offer to the
hecatombs.
my
We
devoted to them.
hopeful.
dispel
write
few months
Julian's
that
effusion
delusions
of
to
will
and
bitterness,
the Misopogon.
His cousin being dead, and Julian by common

consent proclaimed Emperor, he made his solemn
entry into Constantinople, and gave to his youthful
dream the sanction of

disappeared
"
"
writes
law.
"
Every danger having
Ammianus
Marcellinus
and having acquired the faculty of doing
he
willed,
all
that
Julian revealed the secrets of his soul,

^
Julian., op.
cit.^
536, 19 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
324
and precise decrees, ordained that

the temples should be thrown open, the victims
and, with clear
presented at the
restored."
and the
altars,
gods
cult of the
That Julian should take
this resolution as
soon
as he possessed absolute liberty of action was, of
But what was
course, only natural.
his
conduct
with regard to Christianity, in which he recognised
a hateful
in
enemy with whom he was about
a mortal duel
This
point in the study
we
person and actions

first
movements
the
is
most
engage
to
interestinor
o
making concerning the

of the Emperor Julian.
His
are
which
clearly indicate the course
While providing for the

reopening of the temples and the restoration of
the Pagan worship, he invited to the palace the
he intends to pursue.
heads of
the
Church,
Christian
divided,
as
we
know, into two parties who cordially hated each

and,
other,
who
also
before
the
congregations,
Christian
were admitted into the presence of the
Emperor, he courteously admonished them

their discords
and
each one follow his
let
religion without fear of interference

consopitis,
quique,
serviret intrepidus."
nullo
^
to quell
vetante,
With
own
ut discordiis
religioni
suae
this discourse to the
Christians of Constantinople, Julian re-established

that
principle
of religious
by Constantine with the

^
Amm.
2 Ibid.^
Marcell., op.
op.
cit.^
i.
tolerance,
inaugurated
Edict of
Milan,
cit.^
271, 15.
i.
271, 8 sq.
and,
JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 325

subsequently, forgotten by him
a principle doomed
to be extinguished with Julian, only to rise again

after fifteen centuries of
remained
whole of
complete obscurity.
principle throughout the
faithful to this
The
his brief career.
Christian disputants
Gregory of Nazianzus,
Sozomenes, and Rufinus who did
and
all in
light,
fail
Emperor's actions
most signally
in the
in their
him appear as a persecutor.
their
power
worst possible
make
some acts
attempt to
Certainly
violence occurred during his
of
Socrates,
historians
to place the
Julian
brief reign, but
were the inevitable consequences of party
they
passions and
habits of the
the
bitterly insinuates that Julian
Gregory
times.
was pleased
to allow
a free hand to the rabble, reserving to himself the

glory of him
who
affirms that the
the
converts by persuasion, and he
Emperor's intention was to injure
Christians, without
leaving them
the oppor-
tunity of assuming the noble attitude of martyrs.^
This, in reality,
is
equivalent to an acknowledgment,
on the part of the disputant, that there were no

acts of violence
Emperor.
more
committed by the orders of the
Rufinus was forced to admit that Julian,
astute than his predecessors, instead of useless
cruelty, resorted to flattery, rewards,

tions.
And
Socrates,
tion," declares
any
act that
that
may
who
and exhorta-
uses the word ''persecu-
he understands by
this
interfere in the slightest
word
degree
with the well-being of timorous persons.^

^
Greg. Naz., Orat.
ii.
72-74.
Socrat., op.
cit.^
151,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
326
It is
true that the ecclesiastical historians narrate
a few episodes that might justify the imputation of

persecution attributed to Julian
these
forget that
when any number
death,
Julian's
arisen, all equally
the
devoid of
more acceptable
we must
not
legendary character
of legends had
critical
foundation, and
to these writers
Of
exaggerated.
some
of
too
is
these
when most
the
stories
evident for us to give
them any serious consideration
may
but
historians wrote a century after
of others, which
possibly contain certain elements of truth, the
responsibility
should
That
Emperor.
not
attributed
the
to
having the power
Julian,
hands, naturally used
be
in his
to
advance the cause that
his
judgments between the
it
he defended,
that,
two
he employed different weights and
parties,
in
measures, and was, of course, biassed in favour of

the pagans,
we
easily understand,
because Julian was a
determined aim, and

efforts
to
attain
this
and
man working
was evident
it
aim,
he was
also excuse,
to achieve a
that, in
his
occasionally
induced to swerve from the most rigid impartiality.
But
this
cannot be called persecution.
consists in the seeking out
Persecution
and punishing adversaries
simply because they are adversaries, in taking the

initiative in acts
tending to destroy them,
in
using
violence as a natural and legitimate weapon.

this
there
conduct.
is
If
not the slightest trace in
we hear
Of
Julian's
of a few rigorous measures
instituted during his reign, they are almost always
who
acts of prefects,
interpreted after their
own
the Emperor's intentions, and, what is

more important, they were consequences of
tumults and disorders of which the Christians were
principally guilty.
Thus, admitting that there was
fashion
still
any truth
in the account,
evidently in the greater
part legendary, related by Socrates, concerning the
martyrdom of Theodulus and Tatian by order of

the Prefect of the province of Phrygia, we must
recall that these two,
inflamed by religious zeal, put
themselves at the head of a Christian insurrection

and,
penetrating
into
the
of
interior
a temple
recently reopened in the city of Merus, broke to
pieces
all
To
the statues of the gods.^
that Julian's
suppose
government should remain impassive
before acts of this kind, and to
call
it
a persecution
because a magistrate naturally punished the authors

of the outrage,
worthy of wranglers, but not of
is
historians.
Julian, like all other reformers,
was under the
delusion that the day he expressed his ideas and
inaugurated a
his feet.
he
new
era, all the
But, instead,
world would
when he came
encountered
an
unexpected
discovered that
the
enterprise
difficult
than he had imagined.
fall
at
into power,
resistance,
and
was much more
From
this arose
a perplexity of mind and a feeling of irritation

which, during the latter part of his reign, gave an
appearance of harshness to his actions.

^
Socrat., op.
cit.^
153.
He cannot,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
328
however,
be
accused
rational principles
having
of
abjured
by which he was
or of having participated
that caused the cruel
in
the
those
inspired,
first
blind
prejudice
and senseless persecutions of
the preceding emperors.
In
modera-
fact, Julian's
we have observed, is explicitly recognised

by Socrates, who says that Julian, having seen how
much the victims of Diocletian's persecution were
honoured by the Christians, and how their example
tion, as
incited
others
another
to
martyrdom, decided to pursue
He
course.
put aside the cruelties of
not for this did he abstain
Diocletian, but
persecution, because, Socrates adds, "
cution that which in
Now, according
call
any way disturbs quiet

to Socrates,
Julian's
from
perse-
folk."^
mode
of
disturbing quiet people and exercising his persecution,
the
(of
was the famous prohibition that prevented

Christians from teaching Greek literature
which we
shall
speak
later),
his objection to
having Christian soldiers around his person
in the
Imperial palace, his refusal to entrust to Christians

the government of the provinces, his seeking to
persuade the wavering Christians,

gifts
and blandishments,
of the gods, and,
finally,
from
fines
inflicted
refused to be converted.
*
Socrat., op.
rjavxaCovTas.
cit.^
153.
of
to return to the worship
the
procured a war fund for his

i.e.,
by means
manner by which he
Persian expedition,
on those Christians who
Of
Siwyyxoi/
these acts of persecu-
hi Xiyoa oTrwaovv
rapamiv
rovs
JULIANAS ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 329

tion,
clear that only the last could
it is
although
reprehensible,
far
be considered
removed
from
the
those
emperors who had
really resorted to persecution.
But of the aforesaid
habitual
measure we have no contemporaneous
tyrannical
proof,
of
atrocities
even
not
Libanius,
in
an
allusion
Ammianus
to
either
it
Marcellinus,
or
in
in
the
works of Julian himself. That there might have

been some acts of excessive taxation is most
probable, but a regular and decided law, that placed
the Christians under a difficult financial condition,
imagination of the historians
only existed in the
who came
after.
Sozomenes, as
usual,
enhances and
intensifies
the legendary colouring in the narration of Socrates,
from
whom
he obtains his information.
of martyrdom he relates, even
if
The
scenes
they were true,
could not be attributed to the responsibility of the
Emperor, without making Socrates and Gregory

contradict themselves, as they both recognise the
tolerance of Julian, although, of course, attributing

it
to
base motives.
We
find
in
Sozomenes an
interesting account of the abolition of the privileges
enjoyed by the Christian clergy

certainly
bitter
must have been considered as a most
persecution.
right of
livings
an abolition that
Julian
exemption from
with
deprived them of the

taxes,
which they had
and
been
also
of the
invested
by
Constantine and Constantius, and obliged them to

re-enter,
if
called, into the
Communal
Councils, which
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
330
was always considered a heavy grievance, because

of the individual responsibility of the councillors in
payment of taxes and municipal expenses
the
burden from which
all
citizens anxiously
sought to
This administrative persecution
escape.
deplored by Sozomenes as being
little
much
is
less
severe
than the cruelties practised by the former emperors.
But impartial historians must recognise that the

least Julian could require in the
he was
to
anxious
so
deprive the
they
and
place
might
their religion
restore
to
Christians
enjoyed,
be,
moment
of the
all
in
paganism
special
which
was
rights
whatever
citizens,
on a footing of absolute
equality/
The
tolerance of Julian
is
demonstrated and
commented on by Libanius in his Necrological

Discourse in a manner that leaves no doubt that,
for the
Emperor,
really constituted a
it
principle of conduct.
fundamental
After narrating that Julian
rendered the customary honours to the body of his
enemy
Constantius, Libanius says that he inaugur-
ated the worship of the gods, "rejoicing over those
who
followed him, contemptuous towards his op-
ponents, striving
to
persuade (them), but never
allowing himself to stoop to
acts of violence."^
"Nevertheless," continues Libanius, "he did not

lack inducements to renew the bloody persecutions
of other times
1
Sozom., op.
"
;
cit.^
but Julian stood firm, convinced that

488.
Liban,, op.
cit.^
i.
562, 10.

"
not through
is
it
and sword that he could
fire
impose renunciation of a
since even
gods,
there
is
t)
êlp
the con-
sacrifices,
6vr), fxificperat
77
and
yvco/XTj),
shadow of a conversion, and not
therefore a
a change of opinion
(ecrrt
And
fierdaTao-L^ 8o|7??).
hand
the
if
science reproves [kuv
conception of the
false
aKLaypacpia rt? fieraôXTjf; ou
then
it
happens that these,
later on, obtain pardon, while those
who are killed
honoured as
Being convinced
they were gods.
if
are
of all this, and seeing that through persecution the
cause of the Christians has benefited, he abstained
from
"Those who loved
it.
truth, but
loved
he led to the
virtue,
he used no violence against those
evil.-^
He
loved to
visit
who
the cities in
which the temples had been preserved, and he con-
them deserving his favour those which

in part had become alienated from the
worship of the gods he held as impure, but gave
sidered
wholly or
them, as his other subjects, that which they needed,
but certainly not without displeasure."
According
to the opinion of
Ammianus,
Julian
only committed one act of excessive rigour during

the whole of his career
to the hatred
that
once only he gave
had accumulated
full
formed a
spoils
abuses,
^
Imperial
of the courtiers of Constantius.
class
vent
in his heart.
Entering Constantinople, he found the

palace
full
They
which had become opulent from the
of the temples, and with every variety of
and gave a
Liban., op.
a'/.,
i.
frightful
562, 23 sq.
example of corruption,
^ /^/^.^
op. cit,
1.
565,
3.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
332
them with a
violence that, according to the honest Ammianus,
deprived him of all serenity of judgment and possiBut, amongst these, Julian
bility of discrimination.
found the hiorh officials and counsellors of Constantius
above all, that despicable eunuch,
Eusebius, who had instigated the assassination of
Gallus, and was the most implacable enemy he had
near his cousin.
Julian was unable to overcome his
desire for vengeance, and instituted a Commission of
Inquiry and Judgment, to whose decision they were
referred, and this body, believing that they were
luxury,
and vice/
Julian
expelled
carrying out the intentions of the Emperor, treated

the accused with the greatest cruelty, and stained
with blood, not always justly shed, the beginning

of his reign.2
The Court
of Constantius
of Christians, because
Christian,
likewise,
entirely
who would not have permitted
and
still
and
it
or tolerated
faithful to the ancient
his intimate counsellors
his vengeance.
composed
Constantius was a bigoted
the presence of a courtier

religion,
was
were Christians
was upon these that Julian wreaked

But it certainly requires the blind
partisanship of Gregory to insinuate that Julian, in

inflicting these
so
condemnations, was prompted, not
much by hatred
of the courtiers of Constantius
as by his ire against the Christians, as

possible that the
^
Emperor would
Amm.
2 Ibid..,
Marcell., op.
op.
cit.^
i.
cit..^
i.
267, 7 sq.
initiate
269, 13.
if
it
was
a bloody
moment
persecution precisely at the
in
which he
them to
come to an accord among themselves, and to announce to them the full and secure liberty of their
That the courtiers of Constantius were
worship.
Christians, and that from this circumstance Julian
called the Christians to his Court, inviting
another
found
Christianity
not alter
reason
and
clear
is
the
fact
his
for
that,
condemnation of
But
natural.
his
in
this
conduct,
does
he was
actuated by sentiments in which religious partisan-
This we see
ship had not the slightest influence.
most
a letter addressed to his
clearly in
Hermogenes
the
at
very
moment
in
nominated the Commission of Inquiry

to exclaim, as
if
who had no hopes
which he
Allow
were a poetic speaker
of being saved,
friend
'
Oh
me
!
had no hope of
hearing that thou hadst escaped from the three-
headed Hydra!'
By
speak of Constantius
was.
Jove! do not believe that
That man was what he
would speak of those wild beasts who were
around him, who spied on every one, and rendered
more cruel although, no doubt, even left

alone, he was by no means merciful, notwithstanding to many he appeared so.
But for him, since
him
he
still
is
dead,
saying
is.
may
As
the earth
to
on him, as the
knows
to suffer unjustly.
accusers have presented themselves,
instituted a tribunal.
friend,
lightly
the others, Jove
would not wish them
many
lie
Thou,
in the
that
But as
I
have
meantime,
my
come, and try and arrive as soon as possible.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
334
For a long time I have prayed the gods that I

might see thee, and now that thou art saved, with
the greatest joy
And
quoted
in
exhort thee to come."^
another
in the
on those who, "barbarous
responsibility
judgment, impious
whom
hurling
I,
them
which we have already
by the Jews, Julian throws the
injustices suffered
and
letter,
previous chapter, deploring certain
their
in
in their souls, sat at his table,
taking them in hand, have annihilated,

to Erebus, so that
should no longer
be obliged to be annoyed even with the memory

of their wickedness."^
It
is
therefore indubitable that even
only harsh and
by any means, be considered an
instance of persecution.
from his
letters,
the
reprehensible act committed by
Julian, could not,
he proclaimed
this,
Julian,
remained
as
we
shall
see
faithful to the principle
at the inauguration of his reign
the
This harmonised
principle of religious tolerance.
with the tendencies of his calm and well-balanced
mind, to which
all
He
violence was repugnant.
loved discussion and logical debate, and, above
must have understood, even without
all,
recalling the
recent failure of Diocletian, that persecution
would
necessarily be inefficacious against a religion already
spread over more than half the empire.

believe, however, that
clear-sighted
Ammianus
and earnest
in his
But we
Marcellinus was
judgment when he
attributed a part of Julian's religious tolerance to a

1
Julian., op. ciL, 503.
/^/^.^ op. cit.y 503, 10 sq.

calculation of skilful opportunism.^
The
intestine
discords in Christianity were a powerful leaven of
and a formidable obstacle to the formaof a Church whose rule might be accepted with
dissolution,
tion
an absolute and unquestioned authority.
was a
Tolerance
virtue which Christianity absolutely ignored,
a virtue that was, in contradiction with

a
tendencies,
virtue
that
it
its
considered
essential
vice.
Dogmatic intolerance was a phenomenon new to

the world it was the necessary consequence of the
;
fact
that around the monotheistic nucleus of the
new
faith there
had formed a complex of metaphyended by becoming an integral
sical doctrine that
part of the religion, as
if it
were a manifestation of
Because of
divine truth.
this,
heresy became a
crime, internal discussions in Christianity could not
be
tolerated,
and the Christians of opposite parties
regarded, hated, and fought each other with

greater hatred
much
than they exhibited towards the
Now, all being fair in war, Julian decided

and knew how to take advantage of this condition
pagans.
of affairs to
by
its
weaken
his
And
enemy.
alliance with Constantius,
as Arianism,
had become most
powerful, being in fact the religion of the State,
and had persecuted and exiled
in
great numbers
the bishops of the Athanasian party,
Julian
did
not hesitate an instant as to publishing a decree
permitting the exiles to return to their homes,^ not

^
Ammian.
Julian., op.
Marcell., op.
cit.^
cit.^
559, 18 sq.
i,
271, 17 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
336
doubting, and with reason, that, as soon as the two

parties
were again
anger would be
in contact, their
rekindled and their disputes renewed.
exhibited great acuteness.

torious from his Persian
If
In this lay
And
the great danger for Christianity.
Julian here
he had returned
vic-
campaign and had enjoyed
a long reign, Christianity,
left to itself,
and consumed
by discord, would have wasted away, or perhaps

entirely transformed
Christianity,
itself.
well as Athanasian, at
that
succour of the Imperial arm.
departed from
its
Christianity,
be
And
intolerance,
efficacious, requires the assistance of material
Julian's
force.
for
the
having
pure origin, could only exist under
the condition of being intolerant.

to
Arian as
moment needed
premature death rendered
Ambrose, a few years
later,
it
possible
with the assistance
of Gratianus and Theodosius, to assign the final

victory to Catholic dogmatism.
We find among Julian's

letters.
friendly
and confidential
Imperial decrees and manifestoes that furnish
us with the best and surest means of discovering

his intentions
to
the
and judging
Christians.
his actions in relation
That,
cordial hatred of them,
notwithstanding
his
Julian decided to abstain
from any violence against their persons, and did

not hesitate to condemn
place in spite of his
those
orders,
and
of popular outbursts of passion,
most
explicit
documents.
To
is
acts
which took
in
consequence
demonstrated by
Artabius he writes
By
the gods,
have no wish that the GaHleans
should be unjustly murdered or maltreated, or that
they should suffer any
worshippers of
loss.
gods
the
only insist that the
shall
be held
in
the
greatest esteem, since the stupidity of the Galileans
would send us
to destruction,
if
we were
not saved
And
therefrom by the mercy of the gods."^
in a
manifesto directed to the inhabitants of Bostra, on

the occasion of threatened riots between Christians
and pagans, he concludes

and
selves,
Agree among your-
no one commit violence or
let
The misguided
injustice.
who adore
should not offend those
the gods loyally and justly, according to the law
given us from
gods, on their side, should not assail the
of the
of those
dwellings
men by means
or by
who
We
than conviction.
past,
and the worshippers
eternity,
all
more from ignorance

must persuade and instruct
sin
of reason, not with blows or violence,
tormenting the body.

exhort
all
those
who
Now,
as
in
times
follow the teachings
of true piety not to do any hurt to the crowd of
the Galileans, not to insult them, and not to attack
them
violently.
passionate those
We
should not hate
who
act perversely in matters of
supreme importance
but
com-
because the greatest good
and impiety the greatest evil. Those who,

abandoning the worship of the gods, have given
themselves up to the adoration of the dead and
is
piety,
relics
will
find
their
^
VOL.
II.
punishment
Julian., op.
cit.^
485, 14 sq.
in
themselves.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
338
We
we
should pity them, as
afflicted
with
the gods."
It
some
who
and we should
disease,
who have been
over those
pity those
liberated
are
rejoice
and saved by
would, certainly, be impossible to be more
more reasonable and temperate, and, we

may also say, more modern than Julian, in this
declaration
more modern, because the principle
of religious tolerance, promulgated by the restorer
of polytheism, could not be renewed except by the
downfall of dogmatic infallibility.
But Julian must
have found some difficulty in fully applying this
explicit,
principle in the midst of the inflamed passions of
the people.
The
Christians having become, after
Constantine, the masters of the situation, in their
and destroyed and sacked
turn, acted as persecutors,

in
many
places the ancient temples.
fore, inevitable that
when
power they should desire
It
was, there-
the pagans returned to

to
make
reprisals.
But
the situation, then already sufficiently complicated,
became even more

which, as
we have
Julian, but
on
difficult
among
internal discords
account of
the Christians
the
discords,
observed, were advantageous to
which he could not possibly countenance
without wounding that principle of obedience and

reciprocal respect
which formed the basis of
We shall
religious policy.
see
how
his
Julian got over
the difficulty, by examining his conduct in the epi-
sode of the murder of George, Bishop of Alexandria.

1
Julian., op.
cit.^
562, 5 sq.
JULIAVS ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 339

During the reign of Constantius, Artemius,
his
was the Governor of Alexandria,

and the Arian George was Bishop. These two
men, because of the tyranny of their government
and their accusations to the suspicious Emperor,
trusty counsellor,
were detested by the population of Alexandria

a
Ammianus
according to
city that,
Marcellinus,
the faithful narrator of this episode,^
ready to
itself.
to be
riot
On
soon as an occasion presented
as
Julian's accession,
he ordered Artemius
brought to Constantinople, where, being found
guilty of great crimes, he
The
was always
was condemned
to death.
Alexandrians, who, for some time, lived in fear
of Artemius' possible return and a repetition of his

arbitrary cruelties,
on receiving the news of
his
death, rose up against
Bishop George, who was
especially odious to the
pagan part of the popula-
tion of Alexandria, because
he incited the Christians
George and
to the destruction of the temples.
two companions
and
in faith
his
Dracontius
intrigue,
and Deodorus, were ruthlessly massacred by the

infuriated
And
mob.
fearing that
might become sacred places,
like
tombs
their
those
of
the
martyrs, their bodies were burnt, and their ashes
thrown into the

the
Christians
sea.
had
Ammianus observes
they could
willed
so
averted the catastrophe,
but
that,
remained indifferent spectators.

Christians
indifferent
^
Amm.
were
Marcell, op.
cit.^
the
i.
that
instead,
if
have
they
Probably these
partisans
289, 28 sq.
of
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
340
Athanasius,
whom
to
death
the
of
the
Arian
George was by no means unwelcome.

JuHan,
who
reunited, in a
common
hatred and
under the contemptuous name of GaHleans, Arians
and Athanasians, could
not,
from
his point of view,
as restorer of paganism, have been displeased
by
such a decided proof of zeal on the part of the
But he was Emperor, and aspired
Alexandrians.
be a just and impartial
to
so he could not
ruler,
And
possibly allow this crime to pass unpunished.
Ammianus
merited
the
but
the
to inflict
who
friends
more
being, as always happens,
Emperor, persuaded Julian

content himself with sending an edict of reproof
than
Imperialist
to
he had decided
chastisement,
surrounded him
to
that
relates
the
the
Alexandrians, so that, to
all
purposes, they remained unpunished.
preserved
in
its
entirety,
account of the insight
and
his
method
it
is
of great
intents
This
and
edict,
interest
on
gives into Julian's character
of governing.
*'The Emperor C^sar Julian Maximus

Augustus to the People of Alexandrlv
Even
if
you do not respect your founder,
Alexander, and,
god
Serapis,
still
how
is
more, the great and most holy

it
possible,
ask of you, that
you forget to consider your duty towards the

Empire and towards humanity? And I will also
add the thought of us, whom all the gods, and
JULIANAS ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY
?>41
the great Serapis especially, considered worthy to
govern the earth
of
us
proceedings
instituting
offended you
who had
against
the
right
But, perhaps, you were deluded
anger and passion, which
of
who had
those
by
always dangerous and
is
disturbing to the judgment, so that, notwithstanding
your impulse, which,

you, you
counselled
the law, and
rightly
were induced to transgress
shamelessly to commit, as a body,
those crimes you so justly
name
the
''In
had
in the beginning,
of
condemned
Serapis,
in others.
me,
tell
on
what account did you become infuriated against
George
You
will certainly reply that
he incited
Constantius against you, and introduced an army
and induced the Governor of
into the sacred city,
Egypt
most venerated temple of the
to seize the
god, violating the images, the votive offerings, and

the
ornaments.
sacred
Against you,
naturally
burning with indignation and attempting to defend

the god, or rather,
we should
say, the property of
the god, the Governor iniquitously, illegally, and
impiously
sent
Constantius,
his
George,
how he behaved,
who watched
not out of fear
tyrannical, but rather that
temperance
and
civility.
against this George,
gods,
you
have
fearing
soldiers,
lest
more than
him to see
he might be
he might treat you with
Thereupon,
enraged
who was an enemy
defiled
the
sacred
city,
of the
when,
you might have consigned him to the

judgment of the magistrates.
And thus there
instead,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
842
would have been neither murder nor crime,

perfect justice, that
only-
would have protected you, the
innocent ones, and punished this sacrilegious wretch,
same time given a lesson to others,

however numerous they may be, who do not respect
and
at the
the gods, have no regard for cities such as yours
and
prosperous populations, and consider cruelty
for
as a necessary adjunct
letter
with the
last
note the difference
you
What
And even now
Compare this
some time ago, and
power.
to
sent you
did
praise
would
render
like to praise you,
but cannot because of your transgressions.

citizens
have dared,
man, and
uplift
their blood
But George, you

Certainly,
say.
will
hands unto the gods.
stained
deserved this punishment.
more severe
and one even
Because of his actions against you,
and harsh.
you
they were not ashamed to
say,
reply,
to tear in pieces a
like dogs,
that
after
Your
your hands,
admit
it.
But
if
you say by
will reply, no, since there are
laws
that
each one of you should respect and love.
And
if
it
so happen
that
some one
transgresses
them, the majority of you should follow and obey
them, and not turn away from that which,

ancient
It is
times,
has been providentially instituted.
lucky for you,
committed
this
from
Alexandrians, that you have
crime
under
my
government,
because, out of respect for the divinity and regard

for
my
uncle and namesake,
and your
city,
feel
who governed Egypt
towards you a fraternal

But a pure and rigorous government
benevolence.
would have treated the culpable audacity of your

citizens as a
grave
illness
which must be cured by a
However,
drastic medicine.
in place of this,
will
above, that which
offer you, for the reasons stated
be more acceptable to you, exhortation and
will
reasoning, by which
persuaded,
you
if
feel
are, as
of the old stock, and
assured you will be
you are said
to be,
Greeks
there remain traces of that
if
admirable and noble origin
your souls and
in
customs.
This
Alexandria."
be
to
is
notified
to
my
citizens
of
When we
consider that this edict was written
by the most decided enemy Christianity ever had,

it
is
impossible
not to pronounce
intolerant Christian,
to
as
Julian,
an
and as the friend and confidant
The
of Constantius.
an example
Bishop George
of moderation and self-restraint.
must have been doubly odious
it
insurrection
of Alexandria
might, therefore, have been considered by him as a
proof of zeal and devotion, as the most solemn
demonstration of the favour with which the restoration
he had
capital of
initiated
in
Eastern commerce and thought.
the
But
programme, does not allow either
Julian, true to his
bloodshed,
had been received
violence,
or
disorder.
He,
certainly,
does not allow the violence of the Christians

1
Julian., op.
cit.,
488.
who
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
344
rushed to persecute those
who
did not believe as
they believed, but neither did he countenance the
when attempting to take the

own hands. His programme was one
violence of the pagans
law into their
of reciprocal tolerance, and he
delusion that paganism had in
on
attraction that,
natural
the
itself
it
might
under the
such a power of
attract to
still
its
crowds that had strayed away.
it
was not easy
to
was
Alexandrians
Sozomenes,^ by other
tolerance
in
The example
of
exercise
midst of excited passions.
the
still
return to liberty of action and
its
development,
folds the
But
was
followed,
cities
according
to
of Syria, in Gaza, in
Arethusa, where scenes of bloodshed and violence
took place, promoted by the pagans to revenge
themselves on the Christians, while, in other parts,

the Christians,
as
it
appears,
who were not alarmed, but rather,

very much irritated by this un-
expected restoration of paganism, devoted themselves, with
renewed energy,
the temples.
of
The most
Csesarea-Mazaca,
in
to the destruction of
serious tumults were those
where the
Cappadocia,
population, in great majority Christian, after having
demolished the temples of Jupiter and of Apollo,
when Julian was Emperor,

Fortune.^ The Emperor replied to
destroyed,
the temple
of
this act of
defiance with a chastisement decidedly severe, but
of a purely administrative character.

1
Sozom., op.
2 Il?id.,
op.
cit.,
cif.^
492
487.
He
sq.
Greg. Naz., op.
cif.,
91.
removed

from
Prefect of Cappadocia, confiscated
office the
the property of the Christian churches, imposed a
heavy
leges.
fine,
But
and deprived the town of
privi-
its
would be unjust to consider these
it
Taking
proceedings as acts of persecution.
into
consideration the principle he had imposed upon
could leave his enemies in peace,
himself, Julian
but he could not, with impunity, permit them to
him
him, and offend
rebel against
was nearest and dearest
Those who,
for
Julian of violence
in that
which
to his heart.
these acts of defence, accuse
and persecution, forget that as
soon as the Christians, with the help of Constantine,

obtained the victory, they, in their turn, became
not
persecutors,
influence
being
able
and customs of the time.
of the intolerance of the
we have only
first
the
As an example
Christian emperors,
to consult the decree of Constantius
and Constans, promulgated

decree that
withstand
to
in
in
every place
temples be closed,
that
the year 353.
and every
no one be
city
We
the
allowed to
enter them, and that the liberty of doing evil be
denied to the impious.
We
one abstain from offering
sacrifice.
command
petrates anything of the kind, he
with the avenging sword.

property of the condemned
is
We
If
to
that every
any one per-
be slaughtered
decree that
the
be assigned to the
and we order that the governors of

provinces, who might be negligent in repressing
public treasury,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
346
these crimes, be also severely punished."
Certainly
neither Decius nor Diocletian would have acted any
But the most interesting document, as
better.
giving us an account of the manner in which the

Christians oppressed the pagans,
the discourse
is
About Temples," directed by him to
of Libanius
Emperor Theodosius. Although this discourse

was written some years after the reign of Julian, it
the
depicts a condition of things that
a long time,
and
displayed
the
rival
in
is
The Emperor
and
between
conflict
is
the
the
origin
two
still
of
the
Theodosius, with
especially
with
Cinegius, Prefect of the
East
decrees,
for
symptomatic of the animus
This
religions.
discourse.
had existed
one
in
many
directed
to
385, confirmed
the enactments of the preceding emperors which
forbade
sacrifices.
He
tolerated,
however,
the
continuation of such other rites as perfuming with
incense and offering prayer, and did not order, or
even encourage, the destruction of the temples.
But the Christians seem
encouragement
fore,
to
have found
in the logic of things,
sufficient
and, there-
without waiting for Imperial laws and orders,
they devoted themselves to the work of overturning

the temples,
beautiful
among which were some
monuments,
of the most
concealing, under an appear-
ance of religious fanaticism, private interest and

^ See together with this one, the laws of the Codex Theodosianus^
under the title of " De paganis, sacrificiis et templis." See also
Liban., op.
cit.^ ii.
148.

Against
avidity of gain.
this
abuse Libanius raised
him
his voice in a discourse, adch'essed by
to the
Emperor, the date of which must be ascribed
to the
years between 385 and 391.^
From
degradation
and
moral
Christianity
had
been
became
from
proof of
find
corruption
plunged
as
into
the
which
soon
as
it
This impression that we have
powerful.
gained
we
discourse
this
documents
contemporary
all
strongly confirmed by the
is
discourse of Libanius.
That he could address himself to an Emperor of

and such an Emperor! thus acChristian faith
cusing implicitly the Christians and,
more
especially,
the clergy and the monks, of every kind of violence,
because of their
thirst for lucre, forces us to
admit
that the truth of the accusation, at least in part,
was so thoroughly clear that no one could run

any risk from exposing it. We see in Libanius
how polytheism
country,
where
peasants,
by
retired
from the
cities
into the
was jealously preserved by the
it
the
agriculturists,
who,
with
the
tenacity of simple-minded people
living far from
the social
old ceremonies,
turmoil, practised
and appealed to
divinities
was
that
accustomed
their work.
to protect
against those
clergy
their
the
the
exercised,
It is especially
violence of the Christian

as
those priests enriched
themselves by the spoliations effected

of a divine principle.
^
and beloved
in
the
name
These revelations are most
Liban., op. dt.^
ii.
153-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
348
as
we must bear
of Julian
that
movement
Rightly to understand such a
valuable.
having
Christianity,
retributive justice
lost
in
mind
that
characteristic
its
of
and sublime heroism, had abased
and had
whose protecting shadow
germinated all those passions and vices which it
ought to have radically destroyed, if it had
the
itself to
become a
of
level
religion
its
surroundinors,
in
thoroughly regenerated society.
We
will
choose
few
examples
from the
mass of accusations and sneers which Libanius

offers
to
"Thou"
us.
Theodosius
he
says, addressing himself
thou hast not ordered that the
temples should be closed, or that no one should

them,
enter
or
that
fire
and
incense and the
honour of other perfumes should be removed from
But that crew, wearing black clothes,

more than elephants, and who, because of
the altars.
who
eat
their repeated drinking-bouts, give a great deal of
work
to those
and conceal
sing,
they,
Emperor,
temples,
and
who
serve them with wine
all
under an
this
artificial pallor,
in defiance of the law, rush to the
some bearing
clubs and stones and irons,
others, without these, bent
Then
and their hands.
when they
on using
they pull
down
their feet
the roofs,
sap the walls, wrench the statues from their places,
and hack the

must keep
altars
silent,
to
or die.
pieces.
And
the priests
Having destroyed one
temple, they go on to the second, and then to the

third,
in
spite
of the
law, accumulating trophies

trophies.
after
much more
This
done
is
in the country.
the
in
.
cities,
but
There they pass

their
wake,
under the pretext of destroying the temples.
And
Hke a
torrent, leaving devastation
when
in a field
they have laid low
of the
and they were the

have
that
increased
generations to their present state.

are centred
all
all
women,
and of reaping.
damage
this
is
nucleus of
first
many
through
In the temples
the hopes of the agriculturists for
the prosperity of men,

of sowing
soul
its
Emperor, the temples are the souls
fields,
buildings
temple, they
its
and murdered
have also extinguished

because,
in
children,
field that
and has
ruined,
lost,
and
cattle,
has suffered
together with
They
hopes, the confidence of the labourers.
believe their
work
of the gods
who
useless
cause
it
when they
are deprived
... So
to be fruitful.
the audacity of this crew, so maliciously exercised

in the country, leads to the
They say
that they are
most deplorable
results.
making war on the temples
but the war resolves
itself into
away from the poor
that which belongs to
robbery, in snatching
them
their provisions, the fruits of the soil, their nutriment
and when they

were
leave, they take away, as
victors, the spoils
this is
not enough
if
they
And
of the vanquished.
they appropriate the land of
any poor unfortunate creature, saying
it
is
sacred
ground, and thus many, under these false pretences,

are deprived of their paternal heritage.
men who,
It is
these
pretending, as they say, to serve their
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
350
god with
And
the poor victims, going to the
if
plain
the
to
who
on the misery of
feast
fasting,
'
Shepherd
anything
is
sufferings, the
but
they
(so
'
and
good),
others.
city,
com-
man
call
expose
their
Shepherd praises the offenders and
'
sends away the offended, saying that they must

consider
more.
themselves lucky not to have suffered
Nevertheless,
unhappy ones are
Emperor,
number
in the
even
these
of thy subjects,
and are more
useful than their oppressors, as the
labourers are
than
first
who do
of which they could despoil him, they
immediately affirm that
him with
(6t (TCD(f)povL<TTaL)
violence,
enter
name now given

for thieves
little,
to
acts,
sacrifices to the
and that they must
and here the
upon the
thieves
if
are ignorant of
bring
together
arms, and
call
is
the
seek to conceal and to deny that

do,
are called thieves.
moralists
do not say too
and
But
boast of what they have done, and
of praise.
scene, as this
which they have dared to
when they
one
this
gods and commits unlawful

treat
some one possesses
as they find out that
little field
who
The
nothing.
are like the bees, the others like the drones.
As soon
a
those
And
so
it,
and affirm
why,
many
it
feel
offended
these, instead,
tell
it
to those
to be
worthy
Emperor, dost thou

troops,
and
prepare
thy generals to council, and send
them where the need is greatest, and to these thou

And why
writest, and to those thou respondest ?
To
these new walls and all this summer work
.-^

what purpose,
country
the
To Hve
not
tranquilly,
what end
to
and
of enemies,
having
in
any one
if
damage
more
therefore,
if
than
they
while thou art keeping
check the enemy from without, certain of thy
subjects maltreat others
and refuse
common
to permit
to
all, is
foresight, thy
it
by the threats
they will be driven away,
us,
suffered
And
inflicted.
disturbed
and
repose
to
fear,
be certain that
to
comes suddenly upon

after
without
be
to
this to the cities
is
them
are also thy subjects,
to enjoy the happiness
not true that they offend thy
wisdom, and thy administration?
by
not true that
against thy
it
who
will ? "
their
actions they
and reasoning,
eloquent and of great

in the
sarcasm
is
united to
Libanius appears truly
And we
ability.
recognise
words of the orator an accent of
^Liban., op.
Libanius'
wage war
In this appeal, in which

invective
cit.^
ii.
Is
164,
sq.
It
is
truth,
interesting to
see that
judgment concerning the rapacious actions of the clergy
and of the monks talHes fully with that of Zosimus, who says that
" these under the pretext of giving all to the poor, have impoverished
all" (Zos., op. cif., 449).
Who were the acocppovlo-Tai is clear
from a law of Theodosius of the year 392.
They are those
"defensores" and "curiales" to whom the Emperor delegated the
duty of watching that his interdict against all pagan worship
was observed, and that the transgressors were referred to the
judges.
The discourse of Libanius had no effect in fact, it had a
result entirely opposite to that which he had expected.
For while,
from his discourse, it appears that, although the sacrifices were
forbidden, the rite of incense was still permitted, by the law of 392,
enacted after this discourse, it was explicitly forbidden, with the
threat of confiscation of all places where the incense had been
burnt " omnia loca quae turis consisterit vapore fumasse fisco nostro
;
adsocianda censemus."
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
352
sentiment of righteous indignation, and the despairing cry of the vanquished, unjustly trampled upon.
The
men never
passions of
achieved
the
victory,
When
they
followed
the
change.
Christians
example of those who had formerly been
name
masters, and they revived, in the
had previously been committed

an opposite
And
principle.
persecuted pagan,
which
name
the
in
new
of a
those proceedings and excesses
principle,
their
being
Libanius,
energetically resists the
they
forced
pagans
the
ix., that
With such proceedings, says
converted.
Libanius, one only
shadows of conversions.
obtains
in
by these means
become
to
argu-
ments that the Christian persecutors presented

defence of their violence,
of
And
then, ex-
claims Libanius, what advantage would accrue to

the
Christians,
the
if
such in words and

matters
it
is
not
deeds?
in
these
''In
necessary to persuade, not to con-
Those
strain.
newly converted are only
who,
failing
to
persuade,
use
may
believe
that
they have succeeded,
reality,
their
efforts
have been useless."^
violence,
but,
in
The
cause of this sad condition of things cannot,
however, be attributed to Theodosius,
for
whom
the able and prudent Libanius has only words of

praise, but rather to his perfidious counsellors.
this
By
Libanius seems to indicate Cinegius, the Pre-
fect of the Orient,
and the husband of Acantia, a
matron who enjoyed the fame of

^
Liban., op.
cit.^ ii.
178.
sanctity.
"This
man
deceiver, a
gods,
avaricious,
cruel,
bore
that
him,
an enemy of the
impious, and
and
immense fortune
governed by his wife, to
is
whom
everything, and to
She, in her turn,
subordinate.
who
those
in
dictate
her,
to
and even,
deceive,
and
mourning garb,
the stuff of which
in
This herd
act
cheat,
falsehoods."^
tell
How
curious
sketch of a Prefect of the East,
by
who,
his wife,
And how
in
her turn,
passion
of
viewed
scoundrels
is
manner,
this
who
ruled
is
guided
colour
among
of
the
through which the objects are
Libanius
the
little
by monks
strange this diversity of judgment
men, depending entirely on

lens
of
underhand
an
in
all is
and make a show of
for greater effect, in
weavers make sacks.
whom
obliged to obey
is
by clothing themselves
virtue
earth
an
possessing
which he misuses,
he defers
the
to
fatal
sees
perfidy
and
ridicule
where a Gregory or an Athanasius would have

seen the most perfect expression of holiness in
and action
intention
But Theodosius, Libanius continues, has never
any law
issued
Thou
human
"
hast
that could sanction these excesses.
never
soul.
worship of thy
of
And
God
thou
others,
imposed
is
just
to
thou
is
preferable to the worship
hast
prohibit
^
VOL.
II.
yoke on the
if
Liban., op.
believest
never
worship of others than thine

it
this
it."
cit., ii.
declared
is
On
that
that
the
the
impious, and that

the
194, 10 sq.
contrary,
he
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
354
calls to
men
not
him
mistrust
hope
image
exclaims
And
he
does
has put his
recalling Julian,
whose
never distant from his thoughts, Libanius
Thou
dost
not persecute us, follow-
who
ing the example of him
by
the gods, and
to
because
friend
in these gods.
is
and boon-companions
as counsellors
notoriously devoted
defeated the Persians
never persecuted
his arms, but, with these arms,
who were
those of his subjects
During
occurred
inimical to him."
Julian's sojourn in Antioch,
that
most
particularly
Nothing was more repugnant

veneration
exhibited
by the
him.
irritated
him than the
to
for
it,
the
men.
illustrious
This adoration of the dead, as he called

his aesthetic sense as
an incident
Christians
sepulchres of their martyrs and
offended
an ancient Greek, seemed to
him absurd, and probably was

because it was one of the most
odious
him
means
to
efficacious
of exalting souls to a
high pitch of devotional
Whenever he
alluded to this ''worship
fervour.
of
the
dead,"
his
remarks
were
replete
with
sarcasm and contempt, and, even more than the

destruction of the
churches, he
desired
the
dis-
appearance or the abandonment of those tombs
Such was the

which had become sacred spots.
tomb of the martyr Babylas, in the suburb of
Daphne, near Antioch. This suburb was a place
of delight on account of the
1
Liban., op.
cit.,
ii.
beauty of the trees
202, 10 sq.

and
flowers, for
The
legend was
Daphne, when
into a
bay
tree,
its
view and
in
that,
nymph
the
spot,
this
from Apollo, was changed
flying
and
balmy breezes.
its
this association,
added
suggestive beauty of the surroundings,
grove of Daphne the resort of
walked through Daphne
"
made
the
''He who
Sozomenes ^
lovers.
writes
by
without being accompanied
to the
his
sweetheart,
was considered a stupid and uncouth
individual."
And
the
in
known
midst of the grove was the
finest-
statue of Apollo, and, hard by, a splendid
marble temple dedicated to the god.
But when Gallus, the brother of
named
Caesar by Constantius, and
Julian,
was
invested with
the government of the East, he established himself in
Antioch, and, being a fervent
Christian,
was struck with the idea of destroying the prestige

of this celebrated sanctuary of Hellenism, and, in
order to succeed, he
temple
the
of
decided to build, opposite

a tabernacle wherein
Apollo,
place the relics of Babylas the Martyr.

that
this
of the
The
aim was accomplished.
martyr's
relics
attracted
It
to
to
appears
presence
the perfumed
grove of Daphne a crowd of Christian devotees,

and put the lovers to flight, by diffusing a veil
of sadness
obscured
that
the
brilliancy
of
the
rays of Apollo.
The
^
religious
Sozom., op.
cit.^
revolution
508,
<u
(Tvyâvev, 7]\l6i6i re koi aâpis
yap
7;
eSo/cet.
having taken place,
diarpi^r} enTos epcopeuT]s iv Adcj^vrj
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
356
upon entering Antioch, wished
Julian,
ancient splendour the temple
its
to restore to
and worship of
Apollo, and this was impossible without removing

to
some other
place the relics of the martyr, which
And
defiled the sacred spot.
Julian ordered that
This order
they should be transported elsewhere.
was the occasion of a great demonstration on the

part of the Christians of Antioch, who, according to
Sozomenes,
accompanied,
was
greatly irritated by
it
forty
stadia,
chanting psalms.
remains of the martyr,
had
for
the
Julian
demonstration, and
this
not been for the wise counsel of Sallustius
the Prefect, he would certainly have ordered re-
prisals.
few days
later,
however, a terrible
destroyed the temple of Apollo.
The
fire
Christians
affirmed that a stroke of lightning, sent by God,
had
temple on
the
set
but Julian did not
fire,
doubt, for an instant, that the Christians had com-
In
mitted the crime.
the
Misopogon he
with great bitterness, and compares the
this fact
conduct of the Antiochians with that of other

in
recalls
which they
tombs of the
and destroyed the
rebuilt the temples
atheists
cities,
namely, the Christians even
committing excesses
he
which
deplored.
The
Antiochians, on the contrary, were destroying the
soon as they were
altars as
rebuilt,
and the kind-
ness with which he admonished them had no

In
when we ordered the

those of you, who do
fact,
ported,
things, consigned the temple
effect.
corpse to be transnot respect divine

to those
who were

indignant because of the transportation of the
and
not whether secretly or not,
lit
which horrified strangers, gave pleasure
to
these,
this fire,
know
relics,
your people, and to which your senate was, and

still
"
remains, indifferent
consequence of
And
it
was perhaps
in
outrage that Julian gave orders,
this
by a decree quoted by Sozomenes,
to destroy
two
sanctuaries of martyrs which were being erected in

Miletus, in the
neighbourhood of the temple of
Apollo.'
All these partial acts of violence, having simply
an episodic character, and being the consequence

of the reciprocal
reprisals
of two parties having
almost the same strength, are not sufficient to alter

the substantial fact of the religious tolerance that
Julian believed to be the most efficacious instrument
the
for
We
restoration
he
had
intended
have already spoken of the
characteristic foresight displayed

calling
to
the
sees
their
to
begîn.
intelligent
by Julian
bishops
and
in re-
exiled
by
Constantius on account of theological dissensions.
we
In Julian's letters
find
the most curious and
interesting particulars about this decision.
The
ruling party at
the court of Constantius
were not the pure Arians, but rather the "opportunist" section of that party, which, while not
admitting the consubstantiality of the Father and

the Son,
^
as
Julian., op.
maintained
cit.^
466,
sq.
by Athanasius and the

-
Sozom., op.
cit.^
511.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
358
Council of Niccea, did not affirm the distinction
and subordination of the Son
to the Father, as
maintained by the pure Arians.
we know, had accepted
Constantius, as
the so-called "
formula, which declared that the
Son
is
homoian
equal to the
Father, according to the Scriptures, and forbade

analysis
determination
or
Constantius imposed
on
formula
this
such
of
all
likeness.
two
the
Councils of Rimini and Seleucia, in the year 359,

and then he exiled all the bishops who did not
adhere to
"
extreme right
''extreme
"
left."
as well
those of the Arian
as
Julian recalled
However,
distinction.
those of the Athanasian
decision,
this
all
without
singular
rather
is
it
them
to
observe the diversity of treatment of the two heroes

of these great theological battles, the deacon Aetius,
who
represented uncompromising Arianism, and
lawmaker of the Nicsean
the great Athanasius, the
To
Council.
short note
I
may
the former Julian sent the following
^
:
recalled from exile
be,
who were
those,
all
exiled by Constantius on account
of the foolishness of the Galileans.
only do
recall
thee,
but,
To
journey to
mayst employ one of the
As
to thee, not
remembering our old
acquaintance and intercourse,
and see me.
whoever they
come
invite thee to
my encampment
thou
and
also
state carriages
an extra horse."
Who
was
this
Aetius
^
whom
Julian., op.
cit.^
the
522.
Emperor
treats

with such
He
favour?
special
was one of the
We
Emperor's old acquaintances.
will first
give
a cursory glance at his character, and then compare
him with the great Athanasius, and thus we shall

have before us two characteristic portraits of the
Aetius was a
Christian type in the fourth century.
Syrian by
to
and
birth,
the most
different
pursuits.
First,
he was a
then a physician, and,
caster of metals,
little,
youth devoted himself
in his
he became known on account of the
little
by
restless-
ness of his spirit and his singular ability in theodiscussions,
logical
passion of the age.
which
were
we
If
the
in
Origen/
dialectics
of
knowledge of the Christian
and professed contempt
writers,
intellectual
are to believe Socrates,
he was much better versed

Aristotle than in the
the
Having been
sent
for
Clement and
away from Antioch
as
a disturber of religious peace, Aetius took up his
abode
in
especially
Cilicia,
in
Tarsus, where he
became an intimate friend of the followers of the

Lucianist ideas, and one of their most ardent
apostles.
Later on, when he returned to Antioch,
he made a friend of the presbyter Leontius,

also belonged to the Lucianist school.
who
Again he
rushes to Cilicia, and travels to Alexandria to dispute
with Gnostics and Manichseans

is
made Bishop
is
consecrated deacon.
but when Leontius
of Antioch, he returns there, and
He
raises,
however, such a
storm of discord and dispute around the bishop,

^
Socrat., op.
cit.^
io8.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
360
that Leontius
sacred
is
though
functions,
position of teacher.
assisted at the
away from the

retaining him in his
obliged to keep him
It
Synod
appears
that,
in 351,
he
of Sirmium, where he fiercely
These seem to have

attempted to influence against him Gallus, Julian's
brother, who, as we know, had been elected by
opposed the Athanasians.
Constantius to the office of Caesar.
On
not succeed.
But they did
much
the contrary, Aetius was so
master of the situation, and so thoroughly
in the
confidence of Gallus, that he often sent him as his

confidential
messenger
this arose the
to his brother Julian.
From
acquaintance between the prince and
was the cause of the

special favour which he accorded him when he
ascended the throne. Gregory of Nyssa accuses
the Arian deacon,
and
it
Aetius of having been the counsellor of Gallus

in
the
murders of the Prefect Domitianus and
the Quaestor Montius

Gallus'
what
death was
faith
horrible
the
fatal
crimes,
of which
consequence.
But
can be placed in the affirmation of the
Athanasian bishop, when Athanasians and Arians
were both most unscrupulous

tions
in their
mutual accusa-
In 356, Aetius went to Alexandria, the great
centre of theological disputes, and took his stand as
an uncompromising Arian of the
extreme
and there spoke and wrote as one of the

of a
"young" Arianism.
left,"
chiefs
Recalled to Antioch by
Bishop Eudoxius, he compromised him so much by

his exasperating attitude, that the
Semi- Arians easily

and obtained
in influencing Constantius,
succeeded
the removal of the Bishop, and Aetius
In 360, a year afterwards, Constantius
to Phrygia.
having
was exiled
decided for the " homoian
finally
"
formula,
with which he imagined he could impose peace on
who were rending
those
cords,
the Church with their dis-
became even more severe
in his
treatment
of Aetius, who, deprived of his position of deacon
by the Synod of Constantinople, was confined, by

When Julian came to the
his orders, in Pisidia.
throne, Aetius found his condition
Recalled from exile,
was reconsecrated
he, together with other Arians,
by a synod
much improved.
deposition declared null,
his
convened
The
Antioch.
at
fiery
disputant probably died shortly afterwards, because
we
find
no further trace of him.
We
do
know
not
Emperor, who,
invitation of the
he asked him to
as
a folly
if
accepted
at the
same time
he accepted
it,
indifferent
And
an exception
that the Arians were
proved by a
is
Julian
and impartial regarding
him they were
the Christian sects, as to

odious.
letter,
all
equally
by no means
written on the
Edessa by the
occasion of tumults instigated
in
Arians, which
inspiration as
merciless in
To
with so
its
is
as just in
its
it
is
irony.
Hecebolius,
much
as
he did not
succeed in making Julian favour Arianism.
was absolutely
the
him, denounced Christianity
visit
but,
Aetius
if
treat
all
the
Galileans
consideration and benevolence that
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
362
none of them have ever suffered violence, and
do not wish that any of them should be dragged

to the temples, or forced to
to
But
convictions.
their
do anything contrary
those
Arian
the
of
Church, puffed up with pride on account of their

wealth, have assailed the Valentinians,
Edessa that should
mitted disorders in
permitted in any well-conducted
admirable
that
kingdom
of
command
that
of the
to
be
heaven
now
Christians
poor to
enter the
assist
to
them,
the
we
Church
Edessians be confiscated and distributed
the soldiers, and
domain.
Thus,
the lands form part
being
impoverished,
become wise, and will

kingdom of heaven."^
We
most
the
property of
the
all
not be
city.
teaches
necessary to
is
it
however,
law,
and com-
obtain
the
of our
they
will
hoped-for
must, therefore, be convinced that Julian's
courtesy towards Aetius was entirely caused by a
sentiment of personal sympathy, and that he had

not the slightest tendency towards Arianism, for
this
would
been
have
sidering
that,
stantius,
he had
the
in
truly
Semi-Arian court of
found
his
Nevertheless, the personage
con-
inexplicable,
fiercest
who
Con-
adversaries.
aroused
in
the
most implacable antipathy was to

the opposite faction, and it was none
Emperor
the
be found
in
other than the great Athanasius, the

Catholic Orthodoxy.
^
founder of
These two men, both highly
Julian., op,
cit.,
547.

one representing the past and the other
gifted, the
the future, the one reviving Hellenism, the other
must
dominant Christianity,
The
patible with each other.
so
been
incom-
fact that Julian
was
who was one
Athanasius,
against
bitter
have
of
the victims of Constantius, proves that, notwith-
standing his youth, he had a profound knowledge
and saw where the
of men,
peril
was not
that the strength of Christianity
notwithstanding
Arianism,
the
sovereign
but rather
who had
in
He
lay.
the
corrupt
in
that
fact
felt
was
it
of half the Christian world,
ruler
the enthusiastic energy of the party
banner of the sacred mystery
uplifted the
of the Trinity, and gathered around the imposing

personality
of
Bishop
the
of
Alexandria.
If
Athanasius had disappeared. Catholic Orthodoxy
would never have been founded, and Christianity
would never have

has caused
it
had
lose
to
which was necessary,
To
fully
appreciate
that
its
in
the
ororanisation
which
character, but
original
order to keep
it
alive.
importance of the duel
between Julian and Athanasius,
is
it
necessary
to study the personality of the latter.
No
existence
vivid
was more tempestuous or more
than that of
heroic
imagination,
around him an epic
Athanasius.
tale.
There
novelist
might
Sienkiewicz,
is
of
weave
nothing that
gives so clear an idea of the atmosphere
of the
fourth century as a study of this great personality
and of
his
adventurous career.
The man was
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
364
born
truly great, a
an inflexible adversary,
ruler,
a mighty
soul,
There
undoubtedly a great analogy between
is
capable
Athanasius and Ambrose.
was much
less
Except
authority
the
disputed,
but,
even
empress as
With
victory.
his
the
with
the final
to
of
were
passing
this
Ambrose was
two
absolute,
in
of Athanasius,
incessant
empire
at the
and
against
moment
The
on the contrary, was one of
gigantic
him.
He
struggles.
If
had the
we except Constantine
of the Council of Nicaea, and the
was persecuted by
transient reign of Jovian, he
the emperors
all
his
establishing
in
Catholic Orthodoxy as the religion of state.

life
at his
Gratianus
instruments
which he succeeded
the
of the
war against Arianism, he had
Theodosius
hands,
of
that
disposal the aid of the Imperial power.
and
never
influence
stronger than
exception
the
regency of
Ambrose was
of
encounter, the influence of

and, in
the
no question as
to leave
flights.
than that
difficult
during
then,
much
bishop was so
highest
But Ambrose's position
dangerous and
of Athanasius.
Justina,
the
of
who
reigned
Constantinople during his
life
on the throne of
Constantius,
Julian,
and Valens.
Born
in
the last
Athanasius passed
in
years of the third century,
the
first
years
of his
youth
Alexandria, by the side of Bishop Alexander,
and
to his influence
are due the
first
dissensions
between the bishop and the presbyter Arius, which

afterwards
led
Even
Christianity.
great
the
to
Council
the
at
war of
civil
Athanasius was an imposing
figure,
his
Arian
But
was
clergy
accusations against
numerous,
and Arianism
when
afterwards,
before
him,
convened
Council
accused
his innocence
and
enemies were
lived near the
another
judgment
future
334.
himself,
his
But
favour.
educator
his
Eusebius
ruin.
of
of
who
Julian,
Emperor, persuaded him to convoke
synod,
on
on
in
persuade Constantine of
to regain his
bent
Nicomedia, the
to
and,
were renewed,
Athanasius, however, delayed presenting
and managed privately
lean
to
to justify
Caesaraea
at
so
failure
Nicomedia,
at
accusations
the
the
of
the
bishop
seeing
the
called
328,
and
energetic,
and beginning
policy,
before
first
in
opposition
newly-elected
the
towards Arianism,
himself,
so
enemies.
its
elected,
the
Constantine,
that
Orthodox
of his
was
he
death
Bishop of Alexandria.
Nicsea,
of
recognised in him the most powerful of
At Alexander's
Early
in
the
335,
at
Bishop
Tyre,
of
which
sat
in
He
Alexandria.
presented himself at the Council with a powerful

following of
his
fifty
bishops, but being convinced that
condemnation was a foregone conclusion, he did
not wait for the decree of destitution, and
embarked
for Constantinople, trusting to his personal influence
on the mind of Constantine.
wrong
for
Council and
the
Emperor,
Athanasius,
Nor was he
placed
inclined
in the
between
the
more towards
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
366
the
And now
latter.
and
tion,
this
Eusebius made another accusa-
time of a non-theological nature, and
make a profound impression upon

the Emperor
he accused Athanasius
so grave as to
mind of
the
of having
threatened
vision of grain that
stop
to
annual
the
pro-
was usually sent from Alex-
andria to Constantinople.
Constantine refused to
hold any further communication with Athanasius,
and immediately exiled him
Germany,
to Treves, in
where he received a most courteous reception from

the Emperor's son, and found an ardent upholder
of his theological opinions in Bishop Maximinus.
Constantine having died
in
Athanasius
337,
returned in triumph to Alexandria, and reassumed
This was the signal
his office.
the
who was
Athanasius,
trouble.
for a
renewal of
certainly not
a tolerant man, deposed from their ecclesiastical

offices
those
all
who had been

places his own
his adversaries,
and put
in
exciting,
more and more, the anger of the Arians.
On
a
their
the throne of Constantinople sat Constantius,
Semi-Arian who
Eusebius.
new
only saw with
He, therefore, sent
bishop,
to
surrounded
Gregory,
military escort, so as
to
arrival
Alexandria a
by
strong
overcome by force any

Gregory's
was the cause of insurrections and scenes
violence.
resistance
for the
eyes of
the
resistance which might be encountered.
of
thereby
friends,
was
Athanasius,
useless, in
recognising
March
340,
went
second time, and took up his abode
that
all
into exile
in
Rome

Bishop JuHus.
with
In
West, Athanasius
the
among whom the

Emperor Constans, who,
found friends and supporters,
most important were the
unhke
his brother Constantius,
Orthodoxy.
was on the
side of
In the next five years, the indefatig-
able Athanasius devoted himself, under the pro-
Emperor,
tection of the
to the defence
and glory of
the faith which he professed with a conviction that
was truly heroic. In Milan, in Gaul, at Aquileia,

he was the religious lawgiver. In the meanwhile,
even in the East, circumstances were becoming
favourable
to
Constantius considerinQf
him.
better policy not to
it
have any open rupture with
become more friendly in

his opinions, so that, when Bishop Gregory died
in 345, Athanasius was allowed to present himself
before Constantius in Antioch, and even to be
reinstated by him in his see of Alexandria.
In
his brother,
affected to
346 he re-entered Alexandria amidst the rejoicings

But the peace was of short duration.
of the people.
Constans dying
any
necessity
Arianism.
As
in 350,
for
Constantius no longer
concealing
his
a consequence,
partiality
the
felt
for
war against
Athanasius was renewed, and he was accused of

being the disturber of the peace of the Church.
Various attempts to get possession of the person

of
the
Bishop were unsuccessful,
owning
to
the
threatening attitude of the population of Alexandria.

But, finally, on the night of February the 9th, 356,
the
governor,
Syrianus,
with
a strong force of
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
368
soldiers,
succeeded
in effecting
an entrance into the
church, where the Bishop was celebrating divine

service.
scene of
and bloodshed ensued,
riot
during which Athanasius disappeared.
The
torious Arians
of which
regained
the offices
all
vic-
they had been deprived, and George, with whose
we
unfortunate end
was
are already acquainted,
appointed to the episcopal see.
During
this third exile,
361, Athanasius lived
to
which lasted from 356

the
in
hermitages of
Upper Egypt, returning secretly, from time to time,

to Alexandria, and kept up the spirits of his party
by the writings which he composed in his fruitful
however, we put
solitude.
If,
the
Bishop passed
fiery
more
persecution
of
in
home
Sozomenes,
period of renewed
this
The
pleasantly.
rates that Athanasius
cealed in the
faith in
remained
in
historian nar-
Alexandria con-
of a virgin of singular beauty
woman
a beauty unrivalled by that of any
But we
Alexandria.
shall
reproduce the words
of Sozomenes, which offer us a peculiar ragout of

sanctity
and
romance,
and which
proved very tasty to the

"
fourth century.
to
all
who saw
The
of
supreme
who wished
keep
to
and
fled
might be suspected.
in the flower of
dignity
palates of the
temperance and wisdom
for fear that they
Because she was
appear
account
virgin appeared as a marvel
her, but those
their reputation for
from her,
literary
us
this
to
most heterogeneous, though no doubt
her youth, and
modesty.
Now,

himself by a divine
Athanasius, induced to save

vision,
investigate this event,
of God,
who,
seem
to see in
wishing
not
them
should question
to take oath, led
if
friends
of
ever any one
concerning him,
him
the hand
it
the
that
Athanasius should suffer harm,
them
And when
took refuge with this virgin.
or force
to conceal himself near
one whose excessive beauty would not permit the

suspicion that a priest could be found near her/
She received him with courage, and kept him in

safety by her prudence, and was such a faithful
guardian and thoughtful handmaiden that she even
washed his feet, prepared his food, and all other
things that are demanded by the necessities of
nature.^
She also procured from others the
books that were necessary
a very
to him.
long
And
for
citizens of
Alexandria were aware of
time,
although
none of
this lasted
the
it."^
Now, whether Athanasius found refuge
in the
midst of the desert, or remained concealed in the
innermost recesses of the virginal

beautiful maiden, his actions
spiritually
felt
Alexandria,
so
in
the
that
and
know was a headstrong man,
were
atmosphere of
George,
who we
had, by no means,
every
moment exposed
the violence of a population
incensed against
a quiet
to
of this
his presence
emotional
Bishop
home
and was
life,
at
TO fiev KoXXos 6v (rvv^6)pL vTrovoeladat ev6a.de didyeiv rbv Icpia.
rjs
KOL ocra (fyCais vnofxeveiv /Sidêrai ev rais
Sozom., op.
VOL.
II.
cit.^
489.
Karen eiyovcrais
\pelaii.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
370
him, so that as soon as Julian ascended the throne,

their long-pent-up fury burst forth in
and
them
led
that
to
terrible
all
its force,
which
act
the
Athanasians regarded with indifference, and most

probably connived
As soon
at.
was published,
authorising those bishops who had been exiled
by his Arian predecessor to return home, Athanasius
as
Julian's decision
not only re-entered Alexandria, but, without any

hesitation,
re-occupied
the
episcopal
throne,
and
resumed, with renewed energy, his work of propa-
gandism and opposition.
Now,
the conduct of Athanasius interfered with
Julian's policy, as
parties
he wished to place the Christian
on a footing of equality and reciprocal
tolerance, expecting that,
by
this
means, they would
But nothing was
mutually we'aken each other.
further from his thoughts than to assist
Orthodoxy
overcoming Arianism, and, therefore, there was
in
no one more suspected and more odious

than the over-zealous Athanasius.
this
reason,
much
very
reappearance of the
felt
in
himself,
Bishop of Alexandria, and
He
foresaw,
enemy much more powerful than
and had an
fruitless the task to
intuition that
he would render
which he had dedicated his
so he decided to silence him at once.

his persecution
him
incensed at the brilliant
that he could not tolerate him.
Athanasius, an
to
Julian was, for
He
life,
began
under the pretence that Athanasius
had transgressed the
law.
As
it
was, the Emperor,
JULIANAS ACTIOxN AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 371

in his edict,
had conceded
to the exiled Christians
the right of returning to their homes, but nothing
had
been
about
said
assume the government of
re-
did not hesitate
this,
of
place
the
murdered
Julian at once sent the following decree
George.
to the
the
to
their respective churches.
Athanasius, notwithstanding
an instant to take
them
permitting
Alexandrians: ''A
man
by so many
exiled
by so many emperors, should certainly
decrees,
have awaited a special authorisation before re-entering the country, and should not immediately offend
the laws, by his audacity and
to
as
folly,
We
have no importance to him.
have allowed
the Galileans exiled by Constantius

their
I
they seemed
if
to return
to
And now
homes, but not to their churches.
hear that this most audacious Athanasius, puffed
up by
his habitual
which they
decidedly
call
impudence, has resumed that
the episcopal throne, which
disagreeable
Alexandria.
We,
the
to
him
very day on which he receives this
and
he
But
if
may
of
to leave the
city the
this
most
people
pious
therefore, order
is
letter,
consider as a proof of our leniency.
he remain, we
will
condemn him
and more vexatious chastisements."-^
to greater
It
appears
that Athanasius,
notwithstanding this threat,
mained
and furthermore, not content with
in the city,
fighting the Arians, carried
re-
on a very successful
propaganda among the pagans, making many converts to Christianity, especially

^
Julian., op.
cit.,
among
514.
the
women.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
372
Julian, infuriated at this, sends to Êdychius, the
Governor of Egypt, the following note

If thou didst not want to write to me on other
subjects, thou shouldst at least have informed me
:
about Athanasius, that enemy of the gods, as thou

wast well aware of what
time ago.
had wisely decided some
swear by the mighty Serapis that
before the Kalends of December, this
gods, Athanasius, has not
Egypt,
but also
will
pounds
city,
impose on the province

of
one hundred
Thou knowest how slow I am

am much slower in
I
gold.
in
of the
not only the
left,
administered by thee the fine
to
enemy
if,
condemn, but also that
pardoning, once that

It
have condemned."
appears that thus far the decree was dictated
by Julian to a secretary. But suddenly overcome

by an outburst of indignation, he seizes a stilus
and writes
With my own hand.
nothing could give
me more
To
By
a great grief to be disobeyed.
all
pleasure
me
it
is
the gods,
than that
thou shouldst expel from every corner of Egypt,

Athanasius, that criminal
my
reign,
to
He
citizens.
In his
baptize
who has
Greek wives of
must be persecuted."
first
dared, during
decree to
the
illustrious
Alexandrians, the
Emperor had commanded Athanasius to be exiled

from the city. This is now no longer sufficient,
he must be exiled from the whole of Egypt.
this
new
order, transmitted to the

^
Julian., op.
cit.^
484.
Governor
And
in that
JULIAN^S xVCTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 373

note composed of a few angry phrases,
is
afterwards
broadly explained in the following proclamation to

the inhabitants of Alexandria
''Julian to the Alexandrians

"
Even admitting
would have
that your founder
been one of those who, by disobeying the paternal

law,
had the merited punishment, and preferred
live
illegally
and
to
to
a revelation and
introduce
new doctrine, you would not have the right to

demand of me Athanasius.
But having had,
instead, as
your founder, Alexander, and, as your
protector, the
god
Queen
of
virgin
wanting]
city
Serapis, together with
Egypt
[here
part of
infected
dare to appropriate to yourselves

"
if
only one
The
being a Galilean.
were the slaves

you,
of
the
its
by
ashamed,
be
should
Alexandrians,
the
text
is
you do not wish the welfare of the
you are only the
the
I sis,
of
who
it,
name.
the
gods,
you confessed
forefathers
of the
O
to
Jews
And now
Egyptians.
Alexandrians, after having subjected the
Egyptians (since your founder conquered Egypt),
you
offer to those
who
scorn your country's laws,
you kept
to those who, in olden times,
your voluntary servitude.
member your
all
and
do you
ancient glory and prosperity,
Egypt was united

enjoyed
Neither
in chains,
every
re-
when
in the worship of the gods,
blessing.
But
those
who
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
374
introduced
among you
advantage,
city
what
revelation,
me, have they promoted
tell
Your
new
this
your
in
founder, Alexander of Macedonia, was
way
much
a pious man, who, by Jupiter, did not in any
who
resemble them, nor even the Jews,
more worthy than they

founder,
treat
your
make
city as a favourite
successors of the
they not
daughter
paternally
Did they
the town prosper with the sermons of Jesus,
were
or
did
Ptolemies,
the
The
are.
are
teachings
the
Galileans the
means
now
Finally,
enjoys
masters of the
who
of
Augustus,
presenting
himself before you, said to the citizens
what
god Serapis.'
it
expelling the Ptolemies,
unwisely,
ants of Alexandria,
wicked
when we Romans became
city, after
governed
most
those
of procuring the opulence
hold
the
'
:
Inhabit-
city guiltless
of
has happened, out of respect for the great
Of
your
all
city
the
favours particularly bestowed on
by the gods
of
Olympus
will
nothing, not wishing to go into particulars.

is
it
say
But
possible that you can ignore the favours that
the gods bestow every day, not on a few men, nor
even one race or

Is
it
city,
but on the
entire world
possible that you alone are not aware of the
rays
know
that
emanate from the sun
that spring
Do
you not
and winter proceed from him
and that from him all animals and plants derive

Do you not realise for how many
their life?
benefits
you are indebted
to the
moon, who was

born from him, and who represents him
thing
And
And you beheve
gods?
these
necessary the
Logos
that
before
you
for
of God, that Jesus,
'
neither you nor your fathers have ever seen
whom
that sun
human
the
all
race from
beneficent,
say, the great sun-god,
is
whom
And
eternity
all
when
contemplate and venerate, and who,

is
every-
in
bow down
you dare not to
venerated,
the living
and animated and rational and active image of the

intellectual All
Here
."
and we lose the close of

But
later
.
path
continues
it
But you
you
if
gods, have
that
is,
it
is
interrupted,
hymn.
enthusiastic
this
not relinquish the
will
right
to me, who, by the help of the
listen
followed
since
it
my
twentieth year,
for twelve years.
you would be willing
If
me,
the text
afford
will
wish to remain
teachings
among
of
to
be persuaded by
you great happiness.
If
and the
faithful to the foolishness
men,
evil-minded
but
yourselves,
do
arrange
not
you
things
me
ask
for
There are already too many of his

ready to tickle your ears, if you enjoy,
Athanasius.
disciples
or are in need
of,
impious words.
Would
that the
wickedness of these impious teachings were limited

to
Athanasius alone
able persons, and there
Any one
far as the
that
You have an abundance

is
no
you may pick out
in
the crowd, as
teaching of the Scriptures
would not be
inferior
to
of
difficulty in choosing.
him
whom
is
concerned,
you
desire.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
376
And
if
you
Athanasius for
prefer
some other
(they tell me that the man is a great

intriguer), and because of this, make your petition
to me, know ye that it is precisely for this reason
quality
that
have banished him from the
man who
the
by nature
so
wishes to interfere in everything
and so much the more

not even a man, but a miserable
is
for one, as
imagines that his
your great teacher, who always

life
is
in
danger, and
always the cause of continual disorder.

to
is
unfit to govern,
when he
apology
because
city,
who
is
Therefore,
prevent any disturbance from taking place,
we
decreed that he should be banished from the
first
city,
and now from the whole of Egypt.

This order be communicated
of Alexandria
"
to our citizens
Athanasius opposed no resistance to the order
man
experience and
of Julian.
This
shrewdness,
who had passed through
other perils and
of
great
many
so
adventures, understood the folly
of Julian's attempt.
When
on the point of leaving
Alexandria, he said to the weeping multitude
surrounded him
Be
of
good
heart, this
is
a passing cloud, and will soon disappear."^
who
only
wonderful prophecy, pronounced when Julian was

at
the apogee
reveals,
youth and power,
of his
by the calm
^
Julian., op.
Socrat., op.
ctt.^
cit.,
which
and serene confidence of
556.
152.
Sozom., op. df., 500.

its
words,
of this
and
dignity
the
greatness
man, much more
illustrious
mind
of
efficaciously
than the hyperbolical invectives of a Gregory or a

Cyril.
Julian's proclamation
interesting, as
and
ideas
is
singularly valuable
and
enables us to penetrate into his
it
intentions.
certainly
It
possesses
amount of polemical skill, by means of

which the writer seeks to shame the Alexandrians
who are willing to submit to the yoke of the
descendants of those Hebrews whom they anciently
certain
had as
their
possible
that
Julian
slaves.
the
such a state
wonders how
Alexandrians have
of intellectual
it
fallen
is
into
impotence, that they
seriously take into consideration a figure, like that
of Jesus,
who
absolutely devoid of
is
whom
importance, and
all
historical
they and their fathers have
never seen, while they daily contemplate the sun
the
origin of
life,
and the
As
supreme God!
of the
invulnerable to
visible representation
Julian
was absolutely
the fascinations that emanated
all
from the Gospel, to him the story of Jesus was

only a
composed of elements unskilfully

together, and essentially irrational.
He
fable
woven
was thus astonished
it
in
a different
convictions,
to
and
him
the
that
light.
which
he
Sun with words
sincerity,
from
Julian
his
any one could consider

But, notwithstanding his
reveals
in
his
so replete with
allows
Hymn
feeling
nothing to dissuade
predetermined
tolerance.
He
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
378
deplores the blindness of the Alexandrians, and,
because of his personal antipathy, does not wish

that Athanasius should exercise
any influence over
But he does not prevent the Christians of
them.
Alexandria from being instructed
in their doctrine,
and following the many masters placed

posal.
It
seems
at their dis-
him inconceivable and most
to
unfortunate that the Alexandrians could experience

the
desire
of
listening
Christians, but,
to
do
so,
teachings
the
to
of the
such be the case, they are free
if
only they are forbidden to listen to
This
Athanasius.
antipathy
fierce
that
Julian
cherishes against the Bishop of Alexandria speaks
highly in favour of the
and
latter,
is
an evident
proof of the sterling merits of this truly great

In
personality.
there
Julian
certainly
detected the anger of the partisan
who
him an enemy much stronger than

he cannot succeed
as
an
indication
wished to return to
to
reinstate
whom
The murder
might have been con-
of Bishop George, which
sidered
the
that
Alexandrians
Hellenism, had only served
Athanasius
his
in
ancient position,
more
therefore rendering his Christian propaganda

efficacious.
Thus
it
that Julian, irritated
should depart for

moderation.
But
was only natural and human

by
neither
condition of
from
by giving
character of a personal
that
this
a while
failure
be
sees before
himself,
overcoming.
in
can
to
contest,
nor
his
his
affairs,
customary
anger
the
he demonstrated
disappointment
could
him
induce
be guilty of
to
and
systematic
general persecution.
argument
Julian's
in
Alexandrians gives us a
Ancient
mind.
and
traditions
with
all
its
memories, appears
its
into
his
glory,
its
to
him a
he cannot comprehend
that
they can welcome a doctrine that does not
recognise
has an origin
it,
victorious,
if
insight
clear
civilisation,
heritage so precious
how
proclamation to the
this
destroying
end
But
how
it.
and
interrupted
glories
would
of
the
by
be
it,
and,
overturning
and
Will
closed
history
past
extraneous to
Will
effaced
cancelled by the intrusion
tradition
for
all
ever,
be
the
and
of a foreign element
But who would dare to compare the value of
this
foreign element with the grandeur of the historical
And
memories of the nation?

his
contempt
the
for
humble
Julian, to express
of the
origin
new
doctrine, only speaks of the Christians as Galileans.

Is
it
possible that, from a small,
unknown, barbarous
corner of the Empire, there should
capable
of combating and
brilliant
and powerful
that the
vanquishing the most
traditions
Galileans were wiser and
the Greeks
Is
arise a force
Is
it
possible
stronorer than
possible that the Alexandrians
it
should forget Alexander, the
Ptolemies, and
Romans, and Serapis and
structure
of men,
religion,
which was erected their
and
Isis
their prosperity
in truth,
that
laws and history, on
civilisation,
Why
all
the
their wealth,
should they abandon
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
380
all
these cherished, grand, and glorious memories
to follow the
of Jesus?
call
of
to the Greek and

and unknown, of whom
Galilee,
an absolute stranger
Roman
world, untutored
there
existed
reports
only
man
so
a man, born in
and
uncertain
weak and
contradictory-
nerveless
that
allowed himself to be ignominiously killed

not this a supreme folly
he
Is
This argument of Julian might have appealed

to those
who
did not believe in Christianity, but had
not the slightest importance for those

Belief
believed.
not a thing of reason, convenience, or
is
opportunity.
Faith
impulse of the
human
of satisfying certain
no reason
All
who
which
soul
feels the necessity
aspirations, and,
the world
in
Julian's
born from the spontaneous
is
able
is
and
reminders
when
reminiscences
and
born,
to extinguish
of
it.
glorious
past were vain
failed to
touch the soul that had experienced the
charm
of
Christianity,
and,
ineffectual,
as
they
being attracted
by
other ideals, hastened towards that source where
they could be realised.

late.
If a
Then,
discourse such
pronounced two centuries

Aurelius,
splendour,
when paganism
and
as
also,
it
Julian's
earlier
by a Marcus
flourished
Christianity
was
was too
had been
in
just
all
born,
its
it
might have been understood, and have exercised

a certain influence.
fourth century,
when
But
in
the
Christianity
middle of the
had been
officially
recognised, and ruled over half the world, this dis-
JULIANS ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY
381
course must have had the same results as that of
a faint voice coming from a long
distance,
and
powerless to awaken an echo in the souls of those
who heard
it.
In his duel with Athanasius, Julian's conduct,
though
lacked moderation, and
in part excusable,
assumed the aspect of a personal persecution.

Another case in which Julian allowed his hate
to
betray him
We
Bishop of Bostra.
first
was
acts
an
into
to
the
Athanasian
observed
know
recall
by Constantius, who,
to
injustice
all
for the
that one of Julian's
those bishops, exiled
most
in
itself
kindle
new
which
decree,
this
which would
when
that,
Christianity
into contact, their discord
flame
also
an act of tolerance, there
the heads of the parties into which
was divided came
belonged
part,
was
was probably the desire and the hope
certainly
of the
that
And we have
party.
underlying
that,
is
would
consume the
The previsions of this

power of the Church.
acute emperor were soon verified.
The return
of
the
was
exiles
Now
of the storm.
wished
to
profit
Christianity, his
of
influence
conquered,
people.
to
him an
it
And
the
the
object
bishops.
would
these
artifice,
In
it.
be
his
was
to
renewal
the
his aims,
war
against
destroy
Once
easier
internal
for
further
Julian, to
by
first
signal
to
discords
these
master
the
were
the
suggested
of which his letter to the citizens
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
382
Bostra
of
furnishes
Emperor addresses himself
The
example.
singular
to the Christian popula-
them
tion of that city, to assure
that he will not
hold them responsible for the disorders that have
taken place there.
It
who
bishops
the
is
are
responsible, because they inflame the souls of the
deceived and ignorant.

that
religious
so,
bishops
the
But they must not believe

exclusively
are
influenced
Quite the contrary.
zeal.
If
by
were
it
they would be pleased with the clemency and
by
impartiality exercised
Julian,
who has
But the truth
peace to the Church.
restored
that this
is
them and the rest of the

higher clergy from making bad use of their positions,
clemency prevented
by appropriating
and enriching themselves

which belonged
their
to
congregations should
fall
into the
traps
rivals.
open
that
their
that
The
Christian
eyes,
and not
bishops had set for
the
them, making them the instruments of their base
But the
covetousness.
of
artifice
Imperial
the
disputant could hardly apply to Titus, the Bishop
who used
of Bostra,
peace,
influence
to
make
and who, honestly believing that he had
acted in
manner
approbation, and,
the
his
all
Christians
population,
had,
to
him
entitle
notwithstanding
constituted
by means
Julian's
fact
majority of
the
of
to
the
his
that
the
exhortations,
prevented them from doing harm to any one.
This
imprudent phrase gave the Emperor an opportunity

of attempting, with perfidious
skill,
to ruin the poor
He quotes
Bishop.
and pretends
all
to infer
in his letter this isolated phrase,
from
that the Bishop claimed
it
the merit of having kept peace
who
of Bostra,
among
the citizens
otherwise would have caused
and who unwillingly obeyed his injunctions.

concludes by saying that Titus
Julian
a calumniator,
is
and that the people of Bostra must expel

the
riots,
him from
city.
But we
curious
reproduce
will
letter,
in
we have
of which
entirety
its
already
this
noted
the exhortations to religious tolerance.
To THE
I
should
believed
feel
Inhabitants of Bostra
that the chiefs of the Galileans
a greater thankfulness to
me
than to
him who preceded me in the government of the

For while he reigned many of them
Empire.
exiled,
persecuted, and imprisoned, and whole
were
multitudes
so
that,
in
Bithynia,
of so-called
heretics
were murdered,
Samosata,
Cyzicus,
in
Paphlagonia,
many
other places,
and
entire villages
tions.
Galatia,
and
were destroyed from
Now, under my
rule,
just
has happened.
The exiled have been
by means of a
law, those
confiscated,
the
opposite
recalled, and,
whose goods had been

received them back again.
However,
they have arrived at such a pitch

stupidity,
their founda-
that
of fury
and
from the moment they were no

^
See pp. 337-8.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
384
longer allowed to tyrannise, nor to continue the
among
strife
worshippers
themselves,
gods,
the
of
and
oppressed
inflamed with
they begin to hurl stones, and dare to

rabble,
and make
riots,
impious
stir
the
anger,
up the
their actions
in
towards the gods and rebellious to our decrees,
We
notwithstanding their extreme benevolence.
do not permit any one against

dragged
if
to the altars,
any one desires
wê
first
us
for
to
be
openly declare that
and
themselves and
purify
supplicate the punishing divinities.
thus impossible
to
to participate in our rites
they must
libations,
and
their will
would be
It
any of those
permit
unbelievers, because they desire or pretend to be
present
at
purified
their
and
our sacred
with
souls
their bodies
rites,
by
prayers
lustration,
have
they
before
the gods,
to
according to the
law.
Now,
by the
it
is
manifest that the crowd, deceived
clergy, break out in riots just because the
clergy are permitted to act with impunity.
who
for those
exercised tyranny,
that they are not obliged to

evil that
not sufficient
is
pay the penalty of the
now
that the law no longer permits
to be judges, to write wills, to
the inheritance of others and to take

selves, they
throwing,
greater
fact,
they have done, but, desiring to re-acquire
the old power,
them
it
In
all
for
them-
encourage every kind of disorder, and by
if I
ills
appropriate
may
so say, fuel on the
to the ancient troubles,
fire,
they add
and drag on the

multitude to discord.
have, therefore, decided to
proclaim, and render manifest to

this
in
to
the
all
by means of
decree, the duty of not assisting the clergy
causing
and not permitting themselves
riots,
persuaded
be
throw
to
Otherwise,
magistrates.
and disobey
stones
are allowed
all
to
assemble together as often as they wish, and to
make such
must not
prayers as
they think
themselves be led
let
actions, unless they wish to
believe
it
But they
fit.
disorderly
into
be punished.
opportune to make
this declaration,
and especially to thecitizensof Bostra, because Bishop

Titus and the priests around him, in a memorial
they have sent me, accuse the population of being

inclined to disorder, in spite of their exhortations.
Here
is
in this
the phrase of the memorial which
my decree
they
tions,
will in
no way disturb any
You
Bishop speaks of you.

conduct
rather
is
not the
due
fruit
So the
good
of your inclination, but
Therefore you should, of your

city as
one.'
see he says your
power
the
to
him from your
quote
Although the Christians equal

numbers, restrained by our exhorta:
the Greeks in
of
his
own
is
exhortations.
free will, banish
your accuser, and come to an
agreement among yourselves, so that there should

be neither disputes nor violence."
Julian
finishes
tions to mutual
^
VOL.
letter
with those admoni-
tolerance which
Julian., op.
II.
his
cit.^
559 sq.
we have
Sozom., op.
cit.,
501.
already
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
386
heard (pp. 337, 338).

But the wisdom of this
advice does not excuse JuHan's conduct towards
Titus,
which was yet more grave and reprehensible
With
than his treatment of Athanasius.

there was open war, and, from
view,
war was
the
against
that
it
the latter
Julian's
of
point
But the ruse he used
justifiable.
Bishop of Bostra
is
so hypocritical
leaves a stain on Julian's character.
In this
letter the description of the habits of the Christian
clergy
intensely
is
interesting
and
instructive
become completely corrupted by

the high position they had attained. The thirst for
rapidly acquired wealth, the thirst for power, and the
tendency to intrigue was so clear and universal that
the pagan disputant could derive from it argument,
support, and justification in the war he was waging
evidently they had
against
Christianity.
Julian
*'You see," he
question.
very ably puts the
says,
"I have rendered
the Church of the Galileans incontestable services.

I
have recalled the
exiled,
have given back the
property that had been confiscated, and sought

put an end to the violence by which
was rent
And, instead of finding gratitude,
asunder.
reaped the result of being hated by

distinction,
and more than
fiercely persecuted
that peace
and
my
all,
But
have
without
predecessor,
one half of the Church
benefit of the other.
the
it
this arises
who
for the
from the
fact
reciprocal respect are not desired
heads of the Church, as they only care
impunity
in their
to
abuse of power and deceit.
by
for
My

system of government, which imposes order and
and
of opinions
toleration
obedience to the laws,
hands
thus find their

arbitrary
power and
and
beliefs,
absolute
who
distasteful to those
is
and they would prefer
tied,
violence, because, with these,
they would be able to secure their
own
interests."
Scarcely sixty years had passed since the persecution of Diocletian,
when
broken, oâthered to
its
and
Christianity, bleeding
bosom
all
the heroism of
which human nature was capable, and behold
few decades of security and prosperity had reduced

it
to
an institution so
full
of vices, so given to fraud,
and so intensely dominated by the

and power, as
wealth
lust for
who opposed
to permit those
it
to
assume the character of defenders of the weak and

vindicators
of outraged
ting that, in Julian's words,
volent
based upon the
of
proved wholly
If this
truth.
argument
the
the
to material forms,
same
vices
admit-
perceive a maleare
undoubtedly
had not been
so,
disputant
would
have
The
divine
ideals
inefficacious.
of primitive Christianity,
Christianity
we
words
these
intention,
Even
morality.
by adapting themselves
were miserably dissipated, and
become inoculated with those

which it was its mission to extirpate.
had
think that
have
clearly demonstrated,
assistance of documentary evidence, that
persecutions
those authors
only
existed
who opposed
in
the
by the
Julian's
imagination
of
him, or were, at least.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
388
acts of defence, not always,
to excess
by the
But there
untimely zeal of certain prefects.

of Julian's acts, one that
blameless and
true,
it is
and sometimes carried
sincere,
one
is
authentic, that aroused
is
the greatest indignation on the part of his Christian
contemporaries, and
many
even now considered by
is
historians to be the proof of the aggressive
intolerance of the Imperial apostate.
This act
is
the promulgation of the law by which he sought to
Greek literature in the

public schools. The immense importance attributed
to this act, which, after all, had only an administrative character, proves how little they must have
been preoccupied by the supposed violence of
forbid Christians teaching
new
the
action
persecutor.
manifests
But, at
direction
of thought
tendency that had arisen for the

ancient world, and
is
it
this
how
Julian
and a
time in the
that afterwards
We
have already
advised his priests not to read
Now, by
Epicurus.
first
same
developed into literary censure.

seen
events, Julian's
all
this
he wishes to
decree,
prevent the sacred books of polytheism from being

read and explained by masters, according to his
ideas, incapable of
and
comprehending
their inspiration
significance.
But just because

of a
new
examine
it
Julian's act
attitude of the
in
its
origin
was symptomatic
human
and
mind,
in its
we must
essence, and
seek to form a precise judgment concerning
based on
the
objective
knowledge of
the
it,
con-

which
ditions in the midst of

first
of
all,
we should
had taken
religion
consider the position

the
in
that
Grseco- Roman society
century, after
of the fourth
And,
appeared.
it
promulgation of
the
the Edict of Constantine.
The
edict with
which Constantine and
his col-
league Licinius recognised the legal existence of
Milan
Christianity, published in
document that would

on the philosophical
in the
year 313,
is
the greatest honour
reflect
spirit of the
Emperor,
if
subsequent actions had not demonstrated that
his
this
decree was not the effect of careful reflection, but
simply a manoeuvre of
The Roman Empire,

of
whose
acts
of
existence.
it
its
affirmed
object
to
the
national
their
external
rules
religion,
and consecration
But polytheism, just because

the gods, did not
multiplicity of
admit,
foreign
those
were the sanction
gods,
to
like all the other states
had
world,
ancient
the
''opportunism."
political
side
by side with the national

only
divinities,
acts
requiring
which were necessarily recognised
by the authorities of the State.
Christianity
opposed, just because
its
perform these
an
acts,
forbade
it
and,
decree
is
appeared as
therefore,
most singular and original
is
in
was
adherents to
institution politically revolutionary.
which
in
they conformed
worship,
of
that,
Now,
that
Constantine's
not the proclamation of the principle of
tolerance for
all religions,
but the
explicit, declared,
and absolute abandonment of any State
religion.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
390
The
according to
State,
satisfied
with
Constantine, should
pure theism
be
theism so rational
as to be absolutely indifferent as to the modality
men rendered
of the worship that

it
is
just because
Constantine, in the interest of
the empire and the Emperor, wished
be prayed to by
And
God.
to
all
this
God
to
men, that the law affirmed
the
complete liberty of worship, and abandoned
all
claims
to
determined
might
the
of
fulfilment
Whatever the
rites.
and
official
external
forms
God.
The
own
be, all prayers are acceptable to
State has no right to prefer or choose for
its
The supreme
one form rather than another.
portance to the State and the Emperor
is
im-
not the
manner in which men pray, but that they actually

do pray. Every link between the State and a
determined
religion
stantine's
decree
principle
of
Constantine
is
evidently
''libera
writes
provinces: "We
inspired
in
Cliiesa
by
the
statoT
libera
governors
the
to
Con-
severed.
entirely
is
of
give to the Christian and to
the
all
others free choice of following that worship which
they prefer, so that the divinity
who
is
in
heaven
may be propitious to us and to all those under our

By a wise and most just process of reasonrule.
ing, we are induced to decree that no one shall
be refused the right of following the doctrine and
worship of the Christians
we
should be free to follow the

to
him most
suitable, so
desire that every one

relioîon
that
the
that
seems
divinity may,
JULIANAS ACTIOxV AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 391

with
benevolence, assist us
usual
his
undertakings.
We" continues
addressing
peror,
governor ''warmly
himself
our
is
it
our
all
Em-
the
each
to
individual
recommend our
thy especial attention, so
prehend that
in
decree
to
thou mayst com-
that
desire
give
to
the
to
Christians absolute freedom to follow their worship.
But
by us
such absolute freedom be given
if
to
them, thou must see that the same liberty must
be given to
who wish
others
all
the acts
of their
particular
manifest
sign
the
every one
whom
And
desire
that
any
worship
or
slightest
impediment.
we
has on so
many
continue
will
propitious."
the
times
that
on account of
of any special
exercise
should
.
not
Following
divine
this
the
suffer
this course,
which
providence,
to
be
always
and
unchangeably
decree
it
one
is
of
and
the
the
most
principle
that
rational
acts
ever emanated from a legislative authority
that
we may almost
and
our
is
occasions been favourable to us,
Constantine's
inspired
is
it
the
that
It
and worship the divinity
religion
obtain
shall
peace of
free to select
he prefers.
we
that
is
of
to participate in
religion.
all
never
say that the legislation of
whence
Constantine
times
We
shall
received
the
nations has never gone further.
know
all
inspiration of his remarkable decree, which, while
permitting Christianity the

^
right
Euseb.j op. at., 375.
to
live
and
to
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
392
exercise
the sanction of that which constituted
it
essential principle
its
and dogmatic
if
Ammianus
rightly
theological
says
historian
These two
simplicemr^
refer
without
mation
the
in this
to
of
Constantius,
mistook
on the
Stoic
"
in
Constantine
its
purely theistic
Christianity, of
expression in the
s
dogmas and
without
which we
readiness with which
religion,
and therefore
formed
But the
Constantine abandoned this
enlightened
the decree was
find
decree was probably conceived
atmosphere of rational
serene and
affir-
Octavius" of Minucius
opposed to the invasion of dogmatism.
viction
stupid
absolutam
epithets, which,
Christianity
tolerant
rites,
first
Felix.
under
a polytheist, sounded like praise, appeared
lips of
to
of
Christianity.
superstition for the Christian religion

et
have
words
the
theistic
craze
and
idolatry
possibly
party fighting
he
that
metaphysical
new
interpret
Marcellinus,
the
the pagans
their
must
there
banner of a rationally
Ridiculing
our
we
with
to create a
superstition,
existed,
the
But between
who
were about
new
sanction of an absolute
and superstitions of paganism,
Christians,
religion
the
truth.
true to the idolatry
and the
same time
particular worship, at the
its
refused
rationalism
not the
proved that
manifestation of a
con-
in his conscience, but the effect of
the counsel of others.
Therefore, as
soon as
it
occurred to Constantine that Christianity might, in

^
Amm.
Marcell., op.
cit.^
i.
263.
JULIANAS ACTIOxN AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 393

his hands,
become a powerful instrument, he hastened
to supersede his admirable decree, and, descending
from the
lofty position of rational theism, conferred
on Christianity, now Orthodox and now Arian, the

importance of a real and absolute State religion,
and
to
Christianity, just because
a dogmatic
rather
truth,
than
Constantine had written
ligions.
matter in what manner

pray."
In
the
men
its
efficacy
political
to
excluded and persecuted
necessity,
do
owed
it
other re-
all
"It does not
pray, so long as they
which
Christianity
had
he
manner became immediately the
recognised, the
condition of the
He who
prayer.
not pray
did
manner must not pray at all.

The sons of Constantine hastened this movement,
which received its solemn and final sanction from
in
the
prescribed
Theodosius.
Now
Julian,
with
the
all
toleration
he had
declared in religious matters, could not consider the

subject from Constantine's point of view, because
he also desired a religion of State, and such
him was paganism,

value,
and
in
this
to
for
which he gave a dogmatic
consisted
the
was a man of
novelty of his
and he
attempt.
Julian
could not
be expected to revive a decree which
his
was only a theoretic declaration of
time,
principles,
not a practically applied rule of conduct.
attempted to oppose to
Christianity,
and
Julian
recognised
as a religion essentially dogmatic, another religion

that
would not be
less
so.
From
this arose the
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
394
him
was
necessity of preventing a diffusion of what to
was an
error, and,
above
when
all,
this error
to be propagated
by means furnished by the
The School Law
that he promulgated
by
he wished
We
if,
to
use
the
in
now examine
shall
it
religious
we can
really
conflict.
and decide,
attentively,
by which he was
considering the convictions
prompted,
was inspired
and was one of the instruments
this trend of ideas,
that
State.
accuse him
of having
been intolerant and tyrannical.

order clearly to define the terms of this
In
dispute,
we
begin by reproducing
shall
the
literally
famous law which was promulgated by Julian

year
the
362,
Constantinople
months
before
he
left
Antioch to prepare
for
that
few
for
The law
heroically.
is
as follows
should be most perfect,
first
those
to
be present
who wish
to
in
as
every
it
after
nec
city,
being
Curiales
Town
'
approved
[we
Council],
order that
be teachers must not suddenly
temere prosiliat
Government, they
and
impossible
is
and without preparation assume that

repente
perish
in their morals,
Now,
then in their eloquence.
me
to
necessary that the masters of the schools
It is
for
he was
expedition in which
Persian
in
hoc
munus
but,
by the
authority of
the
obtain
a decree of
the
nowadays
the
shall
should
which
ad
non
office
say
must
not
the approbation of the best citizens.
fail
to
meet
This decree

to me, for examination,
must afterwards be referred
so that the one elected should present himself to

the school of the city deserving, because of our
judgment, a higher
hoc decretum
of honour
title
ad me tractandum referhtr ut altiore qtiodam honore

nostro judicio shtdiis civitattmi accedat.''
We
must,
of
first
remark that
all,
Julian's law
referred exclusively to the municipal schools, which
were none other than the public schools.

fourth century, official teaching
assigned
to
the
In the
was almost
entirely
and they maintained the
cities,
schools at their expense, nominating the teachers
by means of the
numberless proofs,^ but

"
the
Of
Council.
Autobiography
"
it
is
fully
we have
this
demonstrated
of Libanius,
in
famous Professor of Rhetoric narrates
in
which the
his continual
peregrinations between the schools of Constantinople, Nicomedia,
and Antioch, and
his Discourses,
which he speaks so frequently of the disputes
in
incessantly arising between the city authorities and
the
teachers,
always
whom
to
of affairs by no
these
authorities
with their stipends
in arrears
means
were
condition
peculiar to the fourth century.
Furthermore, every one knows that the high-minded
and
intelligent
youth who afterwards was known
as St. Augustine,
city
authorities
came
to Milan, just because the
having
to
elect
Professor
Rhetoric, and not finding any one in the city
they considered worthy to

^
Sievers,
fill
Das Leben des Libanius.
of
whom
the position, addressed
Boissier, La Fin du Paganisme.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
396
themselves to Symmachus, the

" ut
rhetoricse
civitati
illi
Prefect of
Rome,
magister provideretur,"
and Symmachus sent them Augustine.
However,
in the fourth century, there did not
competency that
exist those subtle distinctions of
so greatly complicate the organism of our society

likewise, the circumstance that the schools
tained at the expense of the
made by
were main-
and the
cities,
elections
the municipal authorities, did not prevent
them from being,
in theory
and de jure,
at the
same
time both the City Schools and the State Schools
and the election of the masters descended, so

schematically,"
to speak,
by the authority of the Emperor.
But such rights had
fallen into disuse
and
oblivion,
so that the emperors no longer occupied themselves
with the schools, save on extraordinary occasions,
Now
or for absolutely exceptional reasons.
the
most cultured man of
his
time,
Julian,
wishing to
resume
the
guardianship
recalled
the
City Councils to a rigorous exercise
of
public
instruction,
of their duties, and not only reaffirmed his right,
but also exercised

revision of
all
it,
the
by reserving
to himself the
elections of masters
made by
the Councils.
Thus
nary,
and
far,
if,
therefore, there
in this law,
we
is
for interfering in everything,
one of
his defects, in itself
laudable
was
interest
truly a case
in public
nothing extraordi-
recognise Julian's mania
it
which was decidedly

only reveals a very
instruction.
where the sting
lies
in
But
this
the
tail.
The Emperor
all
reserved to himself the revision of
nominations of teachers,
in order,
according to
the law, to invest the teachers with a higher
But the reason of
of honour.
Under
not so innocent.
this was, in reality,
the appearance of a general
existed
there
disposition,
title
precise
and
well-
Julian wished to attain an end
determined intention.
that was very much more important to him than

the general management of scholastic administration.
The revision of these nominations, which he
explicitly arrogated to himself,
would enable him
exclude Christians from the teaching

truly,
When
of
this.
he promulgated the law, he accompanied
by a
sort of circular
intact,
and
it
And,
staff.
make any mystery
not
did
Julian
in
it
we
But
tended.
comments, and
it
which has been preserved
clearly discern the

at
to
same time he
the
justifies
ends to which
it,
explains,
with a succession
of
ingenious and subtle reasons which are well worthy

of being
examined and discussed, because they
preserve,
as
we
say
nowadays,
the
still
charm of
actuality."
But before we enter

Julian's reasons,
into
we must
conditions which caused the

that law.
little
see
an examination of
first
what were the
Emperor
more than
to
promulgate
had
half a century
passed since Christianity had been subjected to the

terrible persecution of Diocletian,
emperor,
more
bitter
bitter
than
enemy
of
Diocletian,
and behold
Christianity,
an
even
because his hatred
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
398
was
by
also
philosophical
new
eradicate the
do than
the public
And
Christians
convictions,
the
desiring
to
schools against
the
men most conspicuous among

up
rise
State, but
nothing better to
religion, finds
to close
Christians
the
by reasons of
inspired, not simply
a violent and
in
fierce
indignation against a decree that must have seemed
most innocent
who
to those
and condemnations resorted
The
persecutors.
truth
is
methods
recalled the
by the preceding
to
that Christianity, in the
years that intervened between the decree of Milan
and
Julian's accession to the throne, protected
by
the influence of Constantine and of his sons, had
become
most of the
made
and
all-powerful,
civilised world.
master of
itself
If the rural portions
and tenaciously preserved the worship of

the ancient divinities which was so closely united
resisted
with the cultivation of the

all
the
in
East,
were
fields,
the
greater
the
for
above
cities,
part
and the struggles between Christians

and pagans were succeeded by intestine contests
Christianised,
between Athanasians and Arians,

of Christianity
as
Hellenic
phere
of
falling into
and
It
recognised
had
civilisation,
Hellenised.
the
bosom
But Christianity, proclaimed
itself.
dominant
the
in
was
decadence,
which,
still
in
the
though
lived in the
of
become
necessarily
inevitable
society
religion
atmosrapidly
memories
and habits of ancient thought, and were unable

to
use other forms
excepting those
transmitted

to
by
them
the
Palestine, with
divine
and
should
be
should
adopt
writers
whom, from a
lost,
of
Evangelical simplicity,
Christian
that
Hellenic garb
the
flower
the
that
ancients,
its
religious
propaganda
those very
of
point of view,
it
This process of evolution, by which
opposed.
Christianity adapted itself to Hellenic culture, in
the
midst of which
became,
had to
it
live
and spread,
The
a short time, rapid and intense.
in
schools of rhetoric were
with Christian pupils
Christian masters occupied the chairs of eloquence
filled
on the benches of the School of Athens
among
the most renowned
belles-
century were seated, side by
lettres in the fourth
side with
the faculties of
itself,
Prince Julian, a Gregory and a Basil
the Councils that followed one another rapidly in
the vain attempt to adjust the terrible dissensions

that rent the Church, were great arenas in which
eloquence was the one powerful weapon

Christianity
become
had
in short,
Hellenised
with
an
impetuosity and celerity which explains how, in this

literary revolution,
that
it
was a struggle
furthermore,
new
life
was guided by the
it
from
say that
it,
as
into
culture
awakened a
fresh
will,
received
impulse
in the decrepit civilisation of
Greek literature
decadence more slowly than was the case
the ancient world.

fell
And we
life.
Hellenic
it
no longer to be found
for
instinct
It
is
true that
with Latin literature, and, even in the fourth century,

emitted some few flashes of light.
In the Discourses
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
400
of Libanius, and above
his
all in
the writings of Julian
and certain Orations
Satires,
Letters,
occasionally encounter admirable passages
we
but in
the literature of Hellenised Christianity there are
bolder
flights,
and the
vitality is far
If
we compare one
in
which he exalts the virtues of
more
intense.
of the discourses of Libanius,
beloved Julian
his
which
Gregory of Nazianzus inveighs against the Emperor
he hated, it is undeniable that, even from a literary
with
either
of
scathing
the
orations
in
point of view, the victory must be assigned to the
disputant
Christian
rhetorician.
company
And
than
rather
if
we
to
the
that
recall
pagan
numerous
of ecclesiastical orators and writers from
Athanasius to Augustine, who have
filled
century with their fiery eloquence,
we immediately
the fourth
recognise that Hellenism, entering as the constituent
element of their work, became the indispensable

instrument of Christian preaching.
Julian, therefore,
religion
found himself confronted with a
most powerfully constituted,
just because
it
had become Hellenised by recasting its elements in

Even if he had so wished, he
the ancient moulds.
could not have opposed
Roman
persecution, from
been naught else but a

tion,
by means of persecution.
it
Nero
to Diocletian,
coercitio,
had
a police persecu-
a measure of public safety against a sect that
they believed to be dangerous.
But such a proceed-
ing could only be instituted by a majority against a

minority.
The day
in
which the minority became
JULIAN'S ACTION AGALNST CHRISTIAxMTY 401

in its turn the majority, the positions
were reversed,
and the persecuted became the persecutors, and

this had already taken place under the sons of
Inasmuch as Julian could no longer
Constantine.
persecute the Christians, who,
not the majority,
if
at least formed half of his subjects, he conceived
them by kindness, of
example and arguments,
the thought of converting
persuading them, by his
With
to return to the ancient customs.
he
attempted
would, by
to
and
and
prayers,
"pastorals"
vealing
call
necessary
and
prove
treatises,
issued,
if
itself
superior
composed fervent
may
good
with
replete
use
word,
the
and
advice,
re-
which nowadays we might
tendency
bigoted.
zeal,
and he himself wrote theo-
to the Christian clergy,

logical discourses
a pagan clergy that
organise
virtues
its
this idea
actually
Julian
of
requisites
possessed
Christian.
all
the
But
the
terrible vicissitudes of his childhood, the continual
menace of death
to
which he was subjected
in his
early youth, the Hellenic education which he
received in Constantinople from his

the
influence
he lived
in
masters with
of the
Nicomedia
the
first
had
teacher,
whom,
later,
disgraceful spectacle
presented by the court of Constantius, a court

exclusively Christian
his cousin,
in
whom
father, his brother,
the natural antagonism to
he saw the murderer of his
and
his other relatives
the cor-
ruption of the Arian clergy that surrounded him

and, finally, his deep-seated passion for
VOL.
II.
Greek
art
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
402
and
made him
culture,
insensible to the attractions
have exercised over a
that Christianity might
spirit
so noble and sincere as that of the young Emperor.
Unequalled
knowledge of Christian
in his
literature,
which he scrutinised with an unfriendly eye, Julian

set himself the task of
persuading the world that
was founded on a
Christianity
he intended to lead
it
back
false basis,
and that
to polytheism, but to a
polytheism metaphysically reformed by means of the
symbolic doctrines of Neo-Platonism, and governed,
morals and discipline,
in respect of its
in
accord-
ance with those rules which he drew from the source

of the very religion which he wished to demolish.
Carried away by the theurgic metaphysics which
had been
instituted
by lamblichus and
his pupils,
Julian believed in the truth of polytheism trans-
formed into a mystical symbolism, and thus the
him a series
Homer and Hesiod were to
of sacred symbols.
Bible
was to the Christians. He
him what the
was therefore convinced that those books, read and
studied with good-will and without adverse premythology were
tales of Hellenic
judice,
must exercise the most
for
irresistible influence,
and prove the most powerful instruments of reconversion to the ancient beliefs.
he was forced
books
to
did
the
appear
invasion
possibly be the
Because
admit that the reading of these
to
not
in
But, in spite of this,
of
any obstacle
oppose
What
Christianity.
reason
the
to
of this
public
could
Julian replied
schools
the
sacred
JULIANS ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 403

books of polytheism are placed
Christian teachers,
who
the hands of
in
do not comprehend
either
them, or contradict them by their conduct outside
make them
the school, or
He
and abuse.
most
the subject of derision
therefore thought that one of the
most necessary precau-
efficacious as well as
would be
tions that he could take
to protect
the
and
children from the effects of this perversion,
he,
therefore, decided to prevent the Christian teachers
from holding professorships
arrive at this end, he promulgated his law,
no one could become a teacher

unless they were
first
the Emperor, which
To
the schools.
in
in the
confirmed
in
by which
public schools
by
their offices
was as much as
to say that
no
Christian would receive the necessary approbation.
The
natural
consequence
of
decree,
Julian's
if
rigorously applied, would have been to rebarbarise

Christianity,
by wresting
adornments with w^hich

civilised world, and,
converts to
its
it
it
those
presented
It
is
literary
itself to
by means of which,
doctrines.
understand how,
from
it
easy, therefore, to
in the fourth century, Christianity
rose up in arms against this law, considering

deadliest offence
and the gravest blow
had ever been subjected.

Diocletian's
persecution,
fearlessly confronted
found
in
Julian's
them
the
gained
it,
persecution
If Julian
the
which
it
had renewed
Christianity would have
knowing
a
to
it
that
it
would have
renewed strength.
move, by which he attempted
their great instrument of
to wrest
propaganda,
But
from
filled
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
404
them with indignation and dismay. Certainly St.

Paul, for whom the whole wisdom of the world was
naught
would have smiled
else but foolishness,
at
But Christianity, as we have seen,
such a law.
had transformed
itself;
had become a worldly
it
power, and was obliged to adopt worldly weapons,
and of these Hellenic culture was one of the most

" Whence "
indispensable.
exclaims Gregory
"
whence,
most stupid and wicked of men, came
thought of depriving the Christians of
to thee the
the use of eloquence

thyself hast said,
it
the evil
we
who
demons
Was
put
.
it
We
it
Mercury, as thou
into thy
and
who adore
encompassed
in the
Was
we who speak
To you ignorance
whom all wisdom is
the gods.
you
for
word,
churlishness, to
only, thou hast said,
only have the right to eloquence,
Greek, we
head
believe
"
Socrates,
the ecclesiastical historian, a measured and judicious

writer,
although recognising that Julian did not
indulge in any violent and bloody persecutions, yet

considers him
this
a persecutor, because, he says, by
law he wished to prevent the Christians from
sharpening their tongues so as to be able to reply

to the
arguments of
Ammianus
He, who was no Christian, who felt
most symptomatic judgment

Marcellinus.
is
that of
the greatest admiration for Julian, with
had fought, considered

reprehensible
^
Greg. Naz,, op.
But the
their adversaries.^
things
cit.^
Orat.
this
decree
committed by
iii.
97.
whom
among
his
he
the few
emperor,
Socrat., op.
cit..,
151.

and judges
as
it
consigned
be
perenni
an
to
silentio!'
inclement decree, that should
perennial
Ammianus
expert soldier, an honest and

but a
no
man
Marcellinus was an
impartial
of mediocre intelligence,
interest
in
obruendtim
silence
narrator,
who
could take
He
was not a
religious disputes.
Christian, but neither was he a decided and zealous
He was
pagan.
common
practical
sense, deplored that a
accomplished and brave as
descend to embroil himself
and
dissipate,
and, with his
perfectly neutral,
should
Julian
con-
these extravagant superstitions,
in
is
so
in theological disputes,
was endowed.
the wonderful talents with which he
His judgment
man
most
interesting, as
it
cannot be
the fruit of personal reflection, but rather the echo
of public opinion, which was, to a great extent,

influenced by the Christians,
and numerous as
who were
to obtain the
so energetic
adherence even of
a lukewarm pagan.
The condemnation
hurled by the contemporary
Christians against Julian's decree

the
following
verdict,
and
centuries,
even
to
became
and
this
was confirmed
a
in
settled
day constitutes
the
principal accusation against that Imperial Utopian.
But can
this
condemnation
certainly
justifiable
from the point of view of Christian apologetics

sustained,
if
be
considered with the serene impartiality
of the critic from a purely objective point of view
This
is
question
the
^
Amm.
wish
Marcell., op.
cit.,
to
i.
examine.
289.
We
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
40 G
should put ourselves
Julian's
in
place,
and not
forget that, he being convinced of the perfection of
polytheism, wished to lead the world back to
its
was therefore only natural that he

should seek the most efficacious means to resist
worship.
It
As
the invasion of his enemy.

one,
it
seems
to me, could
demnation would not be
no
far as this goes,
condemn him.
justified
unless
The
it
con-
could
be proved that the means chosen were unjust, or

that while employing the legitimate
his control,
he
means within
due consideration
failed to give
to
the opinion of others, or exceeded the limits of his

authority.
Julian has anticipated this accusation,
written his circular to refute
displayed
by
his
it.
and has
The temperance
words and reasoning has only
served to gain him the reputation of a hypocrite.
This unhappy Julian never succeeded
any one.
If
he gave vent to his natural indigna-
he was a tyrant
tion,
was a hypocrite.
man
in satisfying
The
if
he reasoned tranquilly, he
truth
is
that Julian
was a
possessed with a passion for reasoning, one of
those
men who examine and
re-examine themselves
to discover the reasons that
prompt
their actions,
and are only content when they have convinced,

not
only
others,
but
rationality of their conduct.
now under
him
to
themselves,
also
In the case
consideration, there
be a hypocrite.
of
the
we have
was no necessity
for
Nothing could be opposed

which he was not
to the execution of his law, of
obliged
render
to
besides, his reasons,
no value
account
any one.
to
whatever they might
be,
had
the eyes of the Christians, and were
in
unnecessary
for
But
pagans.
the
he
earnestly
law on a rational
desired to establish his
which he gives the outline
in his
famous
basis, of
circular.
fundamental affirmation, from which he
Julian's
develops the thread of his argument,
no
be
should
And,
that there
is
between
contradiction
man's
teaching and his faith and conduct, and, therefore,

that
was not possible
it
who were
those
permit these masters
to
not pagans to adopt in their teachings
books
paganism.
that
This, in
were
the
sacred
opinion,
Julian's
of
texts
constituted
an absolute moral monstrosity.
The
teachers
with an
who were
admiration
for
to inspire their pupils
Homer, Hesiod, and the
other authors of antiquity, should demonstrate in

their
daily
lives
wisdom of these
their
belief
authors.
If
in
the
piety
and
they did not possess
such convictions, they must recognise
that, in their
anxiety to obtain their salaries, they were teaching

that
which they believed
false.
step by step, Julian's argument.
But
let
We
us follow,
believe
"
good teaching does not consist in

the harmony of words and speech, but rather in a
he writes
''that
disposition of the
of
good and
therefore,
evil,
who
mind
that has a true conception
of honesty
and dishonesty.
teaches in one
way and
He,
thinks in
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
408
another,
but
is
is
not only far from being a good teacher,
also
from being an honest man.
far
In
small things this disagreement between one's con-
and one's words
victions
tolerated, but
merchants
not the
similar
is
whom
praise those to
namely,
here
and alluring by
their
they wish to give over that
puts
the
that
antiquity, could
like
deceive
merchandise
principle,
having convictions
from those of the authors of

honestly attempt
not
them, because, in good

their pupils to
fundamental
his
Christians,
absolutely diverse
faith,
to
discuss
they could not exhort
admire and follow their doctrines
the
dishonest merchants,
they seek
the
buyers
and
them one
affairs,
necessary that
all
to
sell
In order to avoid this
for another.
deplorable state of
is
that of the
to
spoiled."
is
Julian
"It
thinks
highly as possible the wares
that are the worse, deceiving
to
in
honest, but the depraved ones
who recommend as
unless,
But
and teaches exactly the contrary of what
he thinks, his conduct
which
may be
when a man
matters of supreme importance,
one way
evil that
nevertheless, an evil.
is,
it
an
is
Julian
then continues
who devote them-
those
selves to teaching should
have good morals [and
by "good
means
morals"
he
the
fession of paganism]
and experience
sentiments that do
not
express
This
point in
in
public."
Julian's
differ
is
argument.
public
pro-
in their souls
from those they
the most important
He
affirms,
as
ab-

solutely admissible, the principle that the teacher
of a school has no right to teach that which does
not accord with
from
this the
public
personal convictions,
in his
into contradiction with himself.
Julian
continues
who
those
and deduces
feeling,
consequence that the teacher should
conduct and
not, in his
fall
the
"
And
this"
more important
" is still far
for
are entrusted with the teaching of the
young and with explaining the writings of the

ancients,
whether they be rhetoricians, grammarians,
more than the others
as these
or, still better, sophists,
are masters not only of eloquence, but of morals.
Certainly"
continues
give them
all
with a bitter irony
Julian,
praise for this their aspiration
I would
them more if they did not contradict and
condemn themselves, thinking one thing and
teaching the other.
But how is it? For Homer,
towards these the highest teachings, but

praise
Demosthenes,
Hesiod,
Lysias, the gods are
And
education.
did
Thucydides,
Isocrates,
power of
the
directing
not
some of these
all
believe
themselves to be ministers of Mercury, and others

of the
that
Muses?
who
those
It,
seems
therefore,
explain
their
absurd to
me,
do
me
absurd
works should not
worship the gods they worshipped.
seems
to
not
But
say
if
on
this
this
account that they should dissimulate before their

scholars.
leave them free not to teach that which
they cannot believe right, but,

they must
first
if
they wish to teach,
teach by example, and then con-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
410
Homer
vince their pupils that neither
nor any of those others
whom
nor Hesiod,
they have commented
upon, and of whom, outside the school, they condemn

the impiety, the stupidity, and the errors against
God, were not such as they represented them
to be."
on the necessity of an accord
Julian insists
between the external conduct of the teacher and
The
his teachings in the school.
teacher,
by
his
exercises of devotion, should demonstrate that his
the gods
belief in
authors from
do
to
fail
whom
as
that
of the
to his pupils.
If
he
he should teach his pupils to admire, and

continues
subtly
case,
money earned from

must
admit
Imperial
the
means
since the teachers live by
logician,
they
same
he reads
he implicitly condemns the authors
this,
this
in
the
is
whom
of the
the writings of these authors,

that
they
immoderately
are
greedy of a shameful gain, and ready to do anything for the sake of a few drachmas."
But Julian does not allude exclusively to the

teachers
that
who were
there
are
He
really Christian.
some who, pagans
at
supposes
heart,
but
fearing the emperors who preceded him on the

throne, and for reasons of opportunism," neglected
the
worship of
" Certainly,
reasons
and the
until
why one
evil
the
the
gods.
To
present
these
time
he says
there
were
did not care to enter the temples,
by which we were from
all
parts
threatened rendered pardonable the concealment

of our honest opinion concerning the gods.
But
now
that
gods have given us Hberty,
the
men
absurd that
it
is
should give proofs of that which
they do not consider good.
therefore, they are
If,
convinced of the wisdom of those of

are the expounders, let
votion to the gods.
But
them
whom
they
these in de-
rival
instead, they are con-
if,
vinced that they have erred
their conception
in
them enter into the

and explain Matthew
of divinity, in such a case, let
churches of the Galileans,
and Luke, who have made
who
believe
in
a law that those
it
them should
abstain
from our
sacred ceremonies."
We
must here pause a moment before we give

It is most curious,
the final words of the document.
and a decided proof of the prejudice that taints
all
judgments
and
clear
in
regard to Julian, that, after such
explicit
declaration,
be accused of religious intolerance.
have been considered intolerant
if
his
It
law should
could only
he had prohibited
Christian propaganda, or put obstacles in the
way
of their preaching and in the diffusion of Christian

literature.
But he says just the opposite.
said that the
He
Christian churches were open, and
exhorts their teachers to enter them and read with

the faithful the books of their doctrines.
When we
think that Julian was most ardent in his devotion

to
the
that
he was an
all-
emperor and opposed
Christianity
for
cause of paganism,
powerful
dogmatic reasons, we are forced to recognise, not

only that he was not intolerant, but that he gave
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
412
a truly marvellous example of tolerance, and in this
modern world,
respect he clasps hands with the
reaching over the Middle Ages and the intervening
This affirmation of absolute tolerance
centuries.
is
**
the last words of his circular.
also evident in
exclaims
would
the Christians
my
For
self to
part"
Julian, addressing him-
"
and your tongues
ears
would
say,
that
myself,
desire that your
be regenerated, as you
through that doctrine
and
all
accord with me,
is
a general law for
who
those
may
in
which
hope
think and
work
in
always participate.
all
teachers and
But none of the youths who wish

schools will
be excluded, since
it
This
educators.
enter the
to
would not be
reasonable to close the right path to children,
do not yet know

also
would not be
it
and against
although
against
it
might
their
appear
as
will,
is
lawful
to
by
as
fear
for
all
and the ignorant
but not punish."
cure them
done with the
established
is
this disease,
struct,
turn,
right to lead them,
their will, to follow the national customs,
But tolerance
from
which direction to
in
who
insane.
who suffer
we must in-
Such words naturally confute the accusation

that the ecclesiastical historians have advanced
against
Julian,
youths from
Greek
i.e.,
that he
frequenting
literature
prohibited Christian
the
was taught.
schools
Julian., 06.
cit.,
which
Julian explicitly says
that the law only refers to the teachers,

^
in
544 sq.
and that

the youths are free to
after
all,
And,
please.
would appear absolutely inconceivable
it
man
that a
go where they
who had such
like Julian,
faith in the
persuasive eloquence of the ancient writers, would
youths from that
willingly preclude the Christian
which seemed
to
him the most
direct
and sure way
of obtaining their conversion.
Having
cleared the question from these accusa-
based upon equivocation,
tions
examine
Julian's fundamental
to analyse
its
value.
there should
that
He
let
us proceed to
argument,
starts
in
order
from the premise
be a perfect accord between
the convictions and teachings of a man, and such
a premise must be absolutely approved by any one
who
From
reasonable and conscientious.
is
deduces
premise
he
teachers
who
Homer and
did
not
shipped by
the
conclusion
believe in
this
those
that
gods wor-
the
the other ancient writers,
should not read and explain these authors to their
Nowadays we
pupils.
deduced
would
of
art
from
be
smile
rightful
impossible
to
at
this
because
principle,
take
Homer seriously. We admire

of Homer and Virgil, and are
conclusion,
the
the
it
mythology
style
affected
and
by the
human part of their poems, but to the mythological

part we never give a thought, except so far as it
interests the critic as a literary or historical docu-
ment.
But we must not forget that Julian found
himself in very different conditions.
was
still
possible to believe,
In his time
and men did
it
effectively
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
414
believe,
in
the truth of polytheism
between polytheism and Christianity

tensely,
and he had taken
from the wish
ism,
in
the struggle
still
raged
in-
hand the cause of pagan-
to restore the ancient worship.
For him the books of polytheistic culture were really

sacred texts, and it was quite natural that he should
Now, two
wish them to be respected.

present themselves
cases might
either the Christians, explain-
ing in the schools the texts of the ancient writers,
might use them as an argument and an oppor-
was the fundand thus offend
tunity to oppose polytheism, which
amental doctrine of these
texts,
the religion that the State and the cities recognise,
with the arms that this very State and

placed in their hands
cities
have
or the Christians, in order
to retain their position as teachers, for greed of gain
(through being, as Julian says, alaxpoKepSiaTaroi),
might profess one doctrine
in
the
schools
and
practise another outside, thus presenting a spectacle
seemed to Julian inconsistent and immoral.

Here we will note a curious circumstance
that
the
regulations
tion
in
the
the
which
Italian
work of the
govern
religious
instruc-
elementary schools, and are
subtle
and well-balanced mind of
same
time by
Aristide Gabelli,^ were actually inspired by that
was enunciated
principle which
for the first
He
said that from
the moment the Catechism was taught
in the schools,
Julian.
What
did Gabelli say
Aristide Gabelli
(i
830-1 891), celebrated pedagogue and lawyer.
Translator's Note.

its
teaching ought to be entrusted to persons
they
doctrines
the
believed
the absence of these,
to
who
and
interpreted,
in
the only teacher really
competent, the priests, although
it
is
decidedly a
subject of discussion whether the Catechism should

in the schools,
be permitted
would be repugnant
permit
it
it
but once admitted,
every honest conscience to
to
be taught by those who might make
to
a subject of confutation or derision.
said exactly the
same
thing.
said, *'that the
books
in
"
into the
civilised world,
more
find a persecutor
which
in
I,
believe, should fall
hands of teachers interested
to
Julian
do not wish," he
Rome,
still
ing the faith in these gods."

difficult
Now,
which every page speaks
of the gods of Greece and of
and half the
it
It
in
demolish-
seems, in truth,
more reasonable or
considerate.
Undoubtedly, for the Christians of the fourth

century, the true question
serious,
was more complicated and
from the circumstance that the books that
Julian wished to take out of their hands were the only

texts
which could serve
The
ancient world did not
modern sense of the

the
employ those
it
how
literary
political, legal,
make
know what science, in the

word, was.
The teaching in
consisted only of rhetoric, by which
schools
the pupils learnt
to
for educational purposes.
to
become
orators,
to
it
or religious, should be clothed so as
acceptable and comprehensible.
art could only
how
forms by which thought, be
This
be acquired by studying the examples
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
416
of ancient literature, and the prohibition to Christian
teachers to use this literature was tantamount to
excluding them,
in the
most absolute manner, from
public teaching.
And
thus teachers of great fame,
as Prseresius in Athens and Simplicianus in
Rome,
not wishing to commit apostasy, had been obliged
from their
to retire
Now,
chairs.
it
certain that
must have been greatly pleased by
Julian
circumstance,
that enabled
him
event
fortunate
had
for
the
him,
right
weapon, that from the
which
honesty
he
and
as
this
at
his
was a most
which
a
he
lawful
of
intellectual
propounded,
should be
principle
had
It
one
use
to
arrive
to
aim of barbarising Christianity.

fully
is
derived consequences of such a substantial importance.
He
confined the Christians to the study of
the true texts of Christianity, and reserved for the
pagans
the
books that were
truly
pagan.
Christian emperor would not have permitted the
Gospels to be explained and held up to derision
by a pagan teacher; Julian could not allow the
Homer and Hesiod in

all
this,
religious tolerance
manner.
In
same
the
had not been wounded in the slightest manner.
Christian teachers to treat
But
if
Julian did not offend religious tolerance
with his law, as
it
was interpreted by him, can
it
be said that he did not interfere with the liberty of

instruction
The
question
is
a most delicate one,
and cannot be settled by overwhelming him with

eloquent denunciations, after the manner of the

ancient disputants,
because the problem involves
the great question of the rights and duties of the
State
cussion,
problem that
and
social order
remember
is
We
exists.
must,
directly
place,
first
the
to
city-
and, therefore,
cities,
and administrative organisation of
financial
was
it
dis-
represented public teaching main-
tained at the expense of the
the State,
the
in
that Julian's law referred
schools, v^hich
by the
a subject of
still
continue to be such as long as
vîll
really State teaching,
proceeding
from the authority of the Emperor.
There-
fore Julian affirmed that the teachers should not
have opinions
He
in opposition to those of the State.
who taught
did not interfere with those
Christian
schools,
he
but
did
in the
admit
not
that
Christian teachers should enter the schools of a
might attempt
polytheistic State, as they
mine
Julian reasons thus
its basis.
"
to under-
The
State
is
an organism created to exercise certain functions.

It
would therefore be absurd that the State should
be willing to permit these functions to be exercised
by those whose aim
amount
to suicide."
vital that,
even
in
is
to
injure
it
this
would
This process of reasoning
is
so
our days, with the modifications
necessitated by the different conditions of culture,

it still
It is
exists,
and arguments are found
modern thought,
true that
of scientific civilisation
of our
century
has
II.
it.
living in the milieu
that glorious achievement
promulgated, as one of
fundamental canons, that intelligence

VOL.
to sustain
is
its
absolute
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
418
mistress of
cannot impose
the
its
open
field
and, therefore, in science, the State
itself,
opinion on others, and should leave
to the discussion
There cannot
doctrines.
and
is
all
exist a State science of
But
physics, astronomy, or philology.

said, this is all right
diffusion of
and true as
might be
it
far as positive science
concerned, but the aspect changes
when we
con-
sider those doctrines that directly influence the moral
tendencies of the individual and determine his actions.
The
State, just because
it
is
to exercise certain functions,
combatant into the contest of
to enter as a
cannot be asked to open
duty,
organisation.
its
hand
and confide
own,
its
functions to those
All
these
Julian's law,
it
enemy and
doors to an
possibly, while leaving a free

fetter
ideas,
it
has in
State has not only the right, but the
defend
to
its
the arms of defence which
it
The
hand.
likewise based on a
Therefore, being also constrained
moral doctrine.
consign to
an organism destined
is
who wish
reasons
the
And
could
to
enemies,
tacitly
it
of
its
understood
in
exercise
to destroy
are
its
it ?
and give more prominence and power
to the action of the
State
in
matters pertaining
to public instruction,
and are even to-day of such
importance
France they suggest a law
that
by
proposed
in
Minister
the
to close the
Government
who have
not
received
schools, and, better
French
still,
Parliament,
Waldeck- Rousseau,
Civil Service against those
instruction
in
the State
the law just voted by the
which
denies
the
right
of

teaching to those religious corporations which have
Even
not obtained a special authorisation.
once more we see demonstrated,
case,
luminous manner,
reactionaries
and
irony
the
when
in the
human
most
things
radicals mutually reproach each
other as to their choice in their
ment,
of
in this
methods of govern-
these methods turn to their detriment,
but they do not hesitate to
methods when they tend
make use
of the
to their advantage.
same
Julian
was loath that the youths who frequented the public

schools of his time should be educated by teachers
necessarily inimical to the
The French Premier does
wished to preserve.
not
wish
the
Civil
pagan State that he
Service
of
the
Republican
State he governs to be accessible to youths edu-
schools where they are taught to
cated in those
hate and plot against the Republic.
French law there
Against
this
arises a cry of protest similar to
that raised against Julian's law, seventeen centuries
ago.
However, each of these laws has a
basis.
They may be
considered inopportune, but
they do not seem to us tyrannical.
law that sought to
rational
stifle
Such would be a
the free expansion of ideas
but this cannot be said of a law by which the State
seeks to prevent
itself
those adverse ideas
pagated
at its
from being destroyed by
which are even being pro-
expense.
The
teacher or
official
in the school or the office,
who, by word or deed,
acts against the State from
which he receives his
employment and
his salary, presents a
most immoral
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
420
The
spectacle.
end
But
to this.
by
recognised
State has the right of putting an

right
this
those
who
is
never, of course,
themselves
consider
offended, because, in questions of the moral order,
judgment
there
is
is
necessarily obscured by passion, and
nothing like playing the victim to persuade
others and ourselves that

this
is
we
are in the right.
And
a consideration that should prevent those
who have
the responsibility of
power from making
provisions which, although rational and justifiable

in themselves,
may
often bring about results exactly
opposite to those expected.
The Emperor
Julian
making victims,
but, like many others after him, he had the misfortune of appearing to do so, and that has given
to those who wish to defame him, the opportunity
of making a great noise about his persecutions.
His decree, therefore, was most unfortunate, and
much more injurious to himself than to his enemies
had not the
slightest intention of
for the
appearance of being persecuted
world, a tower of strength to those
who
is,
in this
are desirous
of wielding a moral influence over humanity.
Julian.
Enlarged Photo of
Sardonyx Intaglio
Cabinet des Medailles, Paris.
a
(By permission of M. E. Bahelon.)
The
same.
(Actual size.)
To face page
421.
in
the
JULIAN'S DISILLUSION
The
unfortunate Julian, during his brief career, was
doomed
be the victim of a sad
to
disillusion,
He
which he had only himself to blame.
for
must
very soon have understood that his most care-
had
fully laid plans
accomplish the aim so
failed to
The
dear to his heart.
polytheistic propaganda,
although promulgated and directed by the Emperor

himself,
had met but with

of enthusiasm
those devoid
Even
success.
little
Christianity
for
ex-
hibited an absolute indifference to the restoration of
the ancient cults.
were
void
of
Julian's
most strenuous
On
results.
sides
all
appreciate
in
understanding
acute
his
their
Cappadocia, he writes
Cappadocia a single
because, so
care
to
clined to
far,
offer
do
the
" Point
man who
sacrifices,
his letter to the
is
affairs,
him
To a
me out
to
friend
in all
truly a Hellenist,
have only met those who do not
so,
enabled
bitter significance.
was
he
confronted with the proof of this state of
and
efforts
and those who are
do not know how."^
High
instructions
closing
Priest of Galatia, containing
relative
^
And
in-
Julian., op.
421
to
cit.^
the
484.
oroânisation
of
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
422
we are already acquainted,

am ready to come to the assistance of
priesthood, with which
he says
the inhabitants of Pesinus,
Mother of the Gods
propitiate the
her, not only will

is
unpleasant for
To me
it
me
my
anger.
not permitted either to receive or load with
is
myself
me
they desire
if
they must
welfare,
their
in
gifts
ire.
Convince them, therefore, that

interest
it
to say so, they will experience
mortal under the ban of the divine
to
they neglect
if
reprove them, but, although
the consequences of
they endeavour to
if
unanimously devote themselves to the Mother of

the Gods."
It is
'
a strange and a symptomatic fact that in
the very city that harboured the sanctuary of the

the most important
goddess,
figure
of reformed
polytheism, Julian was obliged to resort to threats

to spur
and
on the exhausted
incite
them
zeal of the inhabitants,
honour the gods
to
But particularly
interesting,
even
in this respect,
is
the graceful letter written by Julian to Libanius,
in
which he describes the march from Antioch
to Hierapolis.^
Arriving at
Litharbos, the
first
overtaken by the
post of his journey,
Julian
is
Senate of Antioch, to
whom
he gives audience
his
lodgings.
Antiochians
It
desired
is
to
most
probable
appease
emperor, who, on leaving their

1
Julian., op.
cit.^
555.
the
city,
2
that
in
the
indignant
had declared
jbid.^ op. cit.^ 515.
that he never intended to return to
423
He
it.
does
not give the result of the conference, preferring to
Libanius with
acquaint
meet again,
if
one day
viva
when they
voce^
he has not already heard
Litharbos he goes to
for
it
to
where he remains
Beroe,
Acropolis,
the
visit
a white bull to Jupiter,
and
From
it.
to
sacrifice
confer
to
with
its
"
But
Senate concerning the worship of the gods.
alack!" exclaims Julian, with a smile both ironic
and
sad,
''all
my
warmly praised
very few were convinced,
and those
already convinced before hearing
From
but
discourse,
few were
"
!
Beroe, Julian travels to Batne, a spot of
surpassing
beauty,
only
to
be
compared
with
Daphne, the suburb of Antioch, before the Temple
had been destroyed by
of Apollo
ness of the plain, the
groves of green
it
less splendid
than those of Alcinous,
but similar to those of Laertes, the beds

vegetables and the trees laden with
truth,
charm and delight him.
pomp which
fruit
attended
air,
the
full
And, added
the perfume of incense that filled the
solemn
loveli-
modest Imperial palace, the gardens that
Cyprus, the
surround
exquisite
The
fire.
all,
of
in
to this,
and the
offering
of
But even here the insatiable Emperor
sacrifice.
was not wholly content the excess of his religious

zeal left him no peace, and he seemed to find a
;
pleasure
in
tormenting himself.
The
great
ex-
citement and display of luxury appear to him unnecessary.
According to his
ideas, the
worship of
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
424
the gods should be conducted with tranquil dignity,
and
he decides
everything as
saw
Julian
it
he
that
excessive
desire to throw dust in his eyes,
He
sincere devotion.
where he
is
arrange
on,
Perhaps the suspicious
should be.
these
in
later
will,
manifestations a
and not a proof of
finally arrives at Hierapolis,
received by Sopater, the pupil and son-
in-law of lamblichus, the philosopher, Julian's
on
His joy
earth.
cause Sopater
when he had
is
is
immense, the more
so,
god
be-
personally dear to him, and because
entertained Constantius and Gallus
and they pressed him
to forsake the
worship of the
gods, he valiantly resisted, and kept himself free
from the prevailing disease (ouk
He
does not write
and military
political
sible to discuss so
in
Libanius
to
affairs,
many
as
voatp).
iXri(f)6r} rfj
it
concerning
would be impos-
things in one
order to give him an idea of what he
letter.
is
But
doing, he
notes that he has sent a mission to the Saracens

to secure
them as
allies,
has organised a service
of information, presided over military tribunals, has

collected
transport,
quantity
of
horses
and
and brought together a
fleet
boats laden with flour and biscuits.
must add
follows
which
is
mules
To
for
of river
this
we
his great epistolary correspondence that
him wherever he
goes,
never interrupted.
and
his reading,
Certainly no
man was
ever so thoroughly occupied.
However, the most evident proof of Julian's lack

of success is furnished by Ammianus Marcellinus.
JULIANAS DISILLUSION
He was
not a Christian.
supposed
425
would therefore be
It
that, in writing the history of the
Emperor,
would
he
express
himself
apostate
with
greatest enthusiasm concerning the attempt he
and welcome
initiated,
But such was
expected restorer.
Ammianus on
makes some
who
this subject
ferocious beasts
interest
fad,
him
is
had
long
the
not the case.
He
icily indifferent.
sarcastic allusions to the Christians,
each other
hate
person
his
in
the
much more
than
fiercely
but Julian's enterprise does not
in the slightest, as
he only sees
in
it
a philosopher's day-dream, unworthy of serious
As we have
consideration.
previously seen, he
considers the decree which deprived the Christian
teachers of the use of pagan books as excessive
and does not hesitate
to express his
of the ritualistic mania
of the over-
(" inclem.ens ")
disapproval
zealous Emperor.
Now,
if
this
was the case with
Ammianus, a man who, judging from
his culture,
ought to have been particularly devoted to the

ancient
cult,
it
in the social
truth
hostility,
body
to
that Julian
is
the narrow Neo- Platonic coterie.
the ideals
who belonged
If we want
work appreciated, we must
Necrologia
Julian's
whom
Julian
was only understood by
the rhetoricians and philosophers
see his
that
had become absolutely extraneous.
of Hellenism
The
easy to imagine the profound
we might say
indifference,
encountered
is
"
many
of Libanius,
glories
and
which,
refer
while
to
to
to
the
noting
merits, also attributes to
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
426
him the re-establishment of the religious sentiment

which had been so long banished from the world.^
But
Julian, nevertheless,
had a few consolations,
many disillusions. Great must

when some conspicuous personage
midst of his
in the
have been
his joy
of the Christian Church returned to the
polytheism.
The complete
extremely rare occasions.
vanity
attempt and the exhaustion of paganism
of his
were evident to
all.
we
is
is
of
only on
happened
however,
This,
bosom
are acquainted
The
only case with which
that of Bishop Pegasius,
narrated by Julian himself, in a letter that
and
it
one
is
of the most precious in his collection of Epistles,

especially because
atmosphere
in
such a living picture of the
it is
which he
lived.
Julian,
had promoted the apostate bishop
appears,
it
some high
wounded
to
sacerdotal dignity, and, by so doing, had
the
susceptibility of
some
Hellenist.
strict
The
Emperor thus answers:^

"
We should certainly not have received Pegasius
so readily
we had
not averse
gods.
heard
not been assured that even
when he was Bishop
before,
was
if
And
it
to
either
and
love
because
acknowledge
do not assert
from those who are
when moved
of the Galileans, he
this
in the habit of
by love or
the
have
speaking
hate, as even, in
my
hearing, there has been a great deal of idle talk
concerning him, so
that,
by the gods,
believe
ought to have hated him more than any other

1
Liban., op.
cit.^
249.
Julian., op. ciL, 603.
among
individual
I
was
those wicked people.
by Constantius
called
my journey
from the Troad
and arrived
at Ilium at the
came
meet me, and on
to
spoke
me
as
in
began
morning,
in the early
He
hour of the market.
my
saying that
which served
enter the temples he offered
me
when
But,
army,
to the
to visit the city
accompanied
427
me
as a pretext to
be
to
And
everywhere.
wished
my
guide,
and
he acted and
such a manner as to awaken doubts
whether he was
to
in
really ignorant of his
duties towards the gods.
There
Hector, and
is
Ilium a sanctuary dedicated to
in
Opposite to his statue
statue in bronze.
the great Achilles sub
...
discovered
still
say burning brightly, the
alight,
fire
to Pegasius,
this
in
Do
asked,
on the
What
is
the worship of the gods
appearing to put the question,
manner of
thinking.
And he
describ-
might almost
altar,
and the
Turning
the meaning of
the inhabitants of Ilium

'
that of
is
am
statue of Hector shining with ointment.

*
his
you ever visited
If
ccelo.
remember what
the spot, you will

ing.
you see
there, in a little temple,
persevere
still
wished, without
to
find
replied,
'
out
Why
his
is
it
strange that they should honour a brave man, their
we honour our martyrs ?
fellow-citizen, as
'
The
comparison was by no means opportune, but the
in-
moment, was praiseworthy.

Let us go to the temple of the
tention, considering the
After this
said,
Ilian Minerva.'
'
And he,
full
of good-will, conducted
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
428
me
thither,
opening the temple with
and he pointed out
me
to
were of importance
if it
images were
his
own
hands,
with great concern, as
to him, that all the sacred
and did not make any of the
safe,
which the impious ones indulge, neither did
acts in
he make the sign of the cross on
his forehead, nor
mumble unto himself, as they are wont to

For the acme of all theology among these
did he
do.
people
lies
two
these
in
things,
precation against the demons, and

of the cross
"
Of
upon
these
their foreheads.
two
But
with thee.
me
showed me
I
the
to
others
mind.
He
sanctuary of Achilles,
and
to
my
was he who had discovered
it
All this
it
in
his
And
enemies
faith
in
private
towards the gods,
gods themselves
Pegasius priest
Of
who
if
as yet
through the
heard from
he secretly
Did he not
only professed
our individual
my
disposition
are better judges than the
And
we have named
should
we knew
that,
he had sinned against the gods

either
that
prayed and knelt to the sun-god.
me when
it.
an attitude of the deepest
saw myself.
who were
thus receive
And
the sepulchre was intact.
that
stood before
respect.
have already spoken
now comes
found out that
And he
facts
must not keep silence concerning
a third that just

followed
murmuring immaking the sign
desire
of
in
any manner,
If in that time,
power,
or,
as
he
himself often told me, to save the temples of the

gods,
he clothed
himself with
those
rags,
and
429
pretended, in words only, to practise their impiety

(he in fact did no other
than to
in
order to save the
this
in
damage
knock down a few
rest), shall
Should we not
such a manner as
Galileans,
who
feel
to
the temples
to
stones from their roofs,
we blame him
ashamed
give
for
to treat
him
pleasure to
the
only desire to see him suffer?
If
thou hast any regard for me, thou wilt honour not
who become converted

thus they will more easily hearken to us who invite
them to follow that which is best. If we repulse
those who spontaneously come to us, no one will
one alone, but
this
heed our
all
others
."
call.
This Pegasius must have been a cunning rogue.

Probably he had some information about Julian's
secret
Hellenistic
tendencies.
eventuality of Julian, the
Constantinian
at
family,
sole
Foreseeing
the
male heir of the
being called to the throne
no distant day, notwithstanding the jealousy
of Constantius, the
astute
Bishop was preparing
the ground for a future volte-face, and that without
compromising himself with the then ruling powers.
The
art
with
which he knew how to insinuate
himself into the good graces of Julian, apparently

so candid and yet so non-committal, gives evidence
of great subtlety and shrewdness, and Julian, in-
genuous, like
all
over-zealous apostles,
let
himself
be hoodwinked, and mistook a sharp intriguer and

a bit of clever acting for a serious man and the
proof of a profound conviction.
The
converts that
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
430
he made from among the deserters from Christianity

could only be
friends
men
His
as despicable as Pegasius.
and followers protested against the honours

but the unhappy Emperor, for
accorded to these
lack of better results,
was obliged
to content himself
with even the appearance of success, and to find in
imposture a reason for recompense.
But the
full
Misopogon
his
sarcasms of the Misopogon.
[Mcaoircoycov) is Julian's masterpiece.
other writings, excepting of course
much of the
who writes
species
In
the
we
The Banquet of
models.
see
shall
later,
and sentiment, but
Misopogon,
cordis,
and
picture of the
end of
this
art,
seems
really
corruption
is
of
man and
And
forced,
inspiration.
speaks
ex
being a
a great city
a perfect revelation
and of the embarrassing position

little
a satire not
his satire, besides
of the character of the
become entangled.
it
genuine
Julian
during the Lower Empire,
of no
too
on the restricted
essays
of
spontaneity and
abundantia
vivid
as
is,
spirit
and lacks
is
pedantic litterateur, of the rhetorician,
lines of predetermined
the CcEsars
In
some of
the Letters, which are most beautiful, there
without
we
The
confession of Julian's disillusion
find in the bitter
in
the sovereign,
which he had
the writer gives
proof
because, from the beginning to the
long pamphlet against the inhabitants
of Antioch, he never
fails
to
maintain the irony
with which he accuses himself and assumes the
of
part
sayings
What
And how many
slanderers.
his
cutting
The
and
what
all,
it
disillusion
following circumstance gave birth to this
Emperor.
spirited philippic of the offended
having remained
after
witty
how many
repartees,
amusing episodes, and, underlying

bitterness
431
nearly
Julian,
year
Con-
at
summer of 362, for

Antioch, which he decided to make his head-
stantinople, left there, in the
quarters,
preparation
the
for
against the king of Persia.
He
where he had passed a part of

greatly
distressed
suffered
taken
from
place
the
then
expedition
visited
Nicomedia,
and was
his youth,
how much
seeing
at
the
of
had
which
earthquake
passing through
it
Nicaea,
had
just
he
stopped at Pesinus to worship at the shrine of

the
goddess
Cybele,
the
Mother of the Gods,
and during the night he writes
By way
his mystical dis-
Ancyra and Tarsus, Julian

arrives at Antioch, and is there received by an
immense multitude, who welcome him as the new
But the popular enthusiasm
Star in the East.^
was not of long duration, and it soon became
evident that, between the
Emperor and the
Antiochians, there was a radical discord.
Julian,
sertation.
even
in
the
of
midst of his great preparations for
his Persian expedition, did not forget the principal
object of his reign, that
is
to say, the re-establish-
ment of a moralised paganism.

^
Amm.
Marcell., op.
cit.,
i.
Now
287, 3 sq.
Antioch,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
432
a city in which
had taken root ever
Christianity
was almost
since apostoHc times,
This, however, did not prevent
most
corrupt, luxurious,
East.
Julian, with the
pervaded
their side,
great
the
and abuses which
The
city.
were indignant
pretended to revive
cities of
and preacher, unflinchingly
habits, prejudices,
this
being one of the
its
and depraved
imprudent over-zealousness
of the religious reformer

assailed the
entirely Christian.
this
at
and
rites
inhabitants,
on
who
disturber,
ceremonies long
since fallen into disuse, openly disapproved of their
and expressed the greatest disdain
licentious habits,
and
for theatrical pageants, horse- races,
amusements so dear
all
the other
to their effeminate souls.
In
repressing these abuses, he wôunded the interests

of those highly-placed and the jobbers, of
seemed
there
In
of
place
be a great number
to
the
religious
burned so ardently
the
enthusiasm
hostile
which
he found among
in his heart,
Antiochians a
whom
in the city.
indifference,
and was
obliged to recognise that his moralising tendencies
were
habits
spirit.
absolute
in
and
This,
of
strident discord,
trust
and
course,
rise
to
the
most
dis-
between the Emperor and the
But the Antiochians lacked either
the energy or the
They possessed
and
gave
and an increasing feeling of
dislike
Antiochians.
subtlety,
confirmed
contradiction to the
the irreparable decadence of the public
inclination
all
they
the
used
for
Greek
them
open
rebellion.
acuteness
and
deride
the
to
Emperor.
Julian's severe
433
harsh and
aspect, his
unpolished manners, his untidy clothes, and above
beard
his
all
most unusual sight among the
clean-shaven and effeminate -looking faces of the

Antiochians
were
jeer.
The
city
was
verse
ridiculing
the
filled
formed the greatest

pre
population,
this
frondeuse.
If
Julian
only a harsh and

easily
sources of jest and
unfailing
with
libels written
Emperor, and
subject
these
libels
amusement
of
in
for
eminently
worthless
and
had been a
tyrant, or
even
violent
ruler,
he would very
have avenged himself on those who scoffed

and thus have put an end
at him,
to their dis-
For not only a tyrant of ancient
respectful jests.
times, but probably a sovereign of to-day,
have acted
in this
manner.
But
Julian,
might
by nature
kindly and long-suffering, decided to avenge himself in a
as
it
their
way
was unusual.
own
coin,
reply to
in
that, for
He
If
repaid the Antiochians in
and composed a
satire against
them
those they had written against him.
And who would have

would be
an emperor, was as peculiar
really
more
said then that his revenge

efficacious than
any other
he had followed a contrary course, and punished
the
offenders with
prison
or death, his insulters
would either have been forgotten or

martyrs
wit
he
on the contrary, by the power of

has
kept
their
down
Ammianus
has handed them

posterity.
VOL.
glorified as
II.
memory
to the
alive,
his
and
lasting ridicule of
Marcellinus,
conscientious
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
434
narrator, faithful
whom
soldier,
and devoted
to
Julian,
he admires for his virtue and intelligence,
did not approve of the publication of the Misopogon,

as
seemed to him an exaggerated and imprudent

But the good Ammianus was an Antiochian
it
satire.
and therefore inclined
himself,
to excuse his fellow-
moreover, as he was a pedantic writer,
citizens, and,
he did not possess a taste
beauty.
literary
for
He, most probably, admired those works of
Emperor
which the
in
latter followed the scholastic
methods of the rhetoric of

not appreciate the elegance
which
liberated
Julian,
school, gives us a
his
true
his
of this
from
the
insight
but could
time,
discourse, in
bonds of
his
his wit
and
into
his poetic talent.
Believing
it
may be
we
appreciative readers,
agreeable to our few but

will offer
them the
tion of a great part of the Misopogon.
transla-
Like
all
the rest of Julian's writings, this pamphlet lacks

the arduus limce labor,
But
composition.
it
and
is
irregular
in
its
has the great merit of being
absolutely living, the natural outpouring of his in-
most
original
its
The
heart.
personality of the author, with
and passionate emotion, shines
forth in
the pages of this bitter and brilliant satire, which

is
also
the
a speaking picture of public
fourth
century.
The
curse
of
life
the
during
Church
has put under ban and condemned to unmerited

oblivion this
little
volume, for
worthy of consideration.
many
reasons well
435
In order fully to understand the satire,
never forget
and
bitter
that,
we must
from beginning to end,
and
ironic jest,
that
Julian
it
is
assumes
against himself the part of his slanderers, reproducing

their
words as
they were his own, and certainly
if
exaggerating their expressions.^
thus he begins
The poet Anacreon "

posed many graceful odes
"
com-
the fates allowed
him
But neither
to enjoy himself.
to Alcaeus nor to
Archilocus did the gods permit
should
reasons,
and
sing of joy
constrained
that
be sad,
to
their
Muse
For many
pleasure.
made use
they
of poetry to render more bearable to themselves

the
which
with
invectives
familiar
their
spirit
them against the wicked. The law forbids me to accuse by name those whom I have
inspired
who
not offended, but
notwithstanding, evilly
are,
disposed towards me, and
the
rules the education of free
men
writing songs, as
it is
to write poetry than
But
dishonestly.
possible,
the
and
for
all
this,
from
having
it
is
heard
the
be distinguished from
yet they
pleasure in their songs, for
long as
banks of the Rhine,
their voices could hardly

;
as
myself of the help of
remember
the croaking of crows
me
once was to enrich oneself
it
along the
sing
debars
now
considered more shameful
intend to avail
Muses.
barbarians
now
fashion that
it
seemed
to take
appears that the fact
of their being disagreeable to others does not prevent

1
Julian., op,
cit,^
433 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
436
bad musicians from taking pleasure

.
And
Muses and myself
My
performance.
truth,
be
will
and
possibly venture,
the law forbids
if
man
the
tell
the
much
how could
but rather
it ?
And
against the poet and singer himself.

forbids a
for
contain
will
contumely not against others, by Jove!

I
own
song, however, to
prose,
in
their
sing
too,
I,
in
no law
writing praises of or insults to himself
however great may be my desire, I have no

reason to praise myself, and on the contrary I
But,
many
have
reasons
beginning with
on
my
this
face,
pleasing,
beautiful,
and
my
find
to
which
this
myself,
Because
made
Nature
nor graceful,
have grown
disgust,
with
fault
personal appearance.^
contempt
in
I,
thick
neither
beard, as
if
to revenge myself
on Nature because she has not
made me
And
riot
pretty.
my
through
And
am
lice
to run
beard, like wild beasts in a forest.

eat immoderately, nor to
not able to
drink in great gulps, for

not to swallow
permit the
my
must be overcautious
hair with
my
food.
As
to not
being able to receive or give kisses, that does
me
not worry
as in others,
permitting
very much, though
my
me
to
beard
press
is
in this respect,
most inconvenient, not
'pure
lips
to sweet lips,
which makes the kiss sweeter,' according to one

of the poets who, together with
sing of Daphne.
^
It
But you say that of
must not be forgotten that
repeats, as
if
Pan and
Calliope,
my
hair
Julian, for purposes of sarcasm,

confirming them, the jeers of his slanderers.
And
one might easily twine ropes.

willingly offer
be
if
437
would most
would
to you, only the question
it
you could pluck
being so tough,
for,
off,
it
might injure your nerveless and delicate hands.
it
am not satisfied with the roughness of

my chin, my head also is all dishevelled, and very
seldom do I trim my hair or cut my nails, and
my fingers are often black with ink. And if you
.
But
wish to hear something that
acknowledged,
my
hairs as that of a
is
lion
who
But
soft
body,
most disagreeable
so great that
and
that unwillingly, as
of bad habits.
I
But to
am
New
one who pays a
This should
this
satisfied
churlishness
permit
the
at
hate horse-racing as
the market.
My
palace
ungracefully hands over what
more.
Not
keep away from the
representation,
taskmaster.
tender
have undoubtedly
habits.
Imperial
the
in
theatrical
it
than any other part of the body.
with having such

the
of
my roughness and negligence,
us speak of other things.
let
full
over the wild
rules
have never taken the trouble to render
and more
is
rugged and as
chest
beasts, and, because of

I
have never before
theatres,
one
only
Year, and
tribute,
and
he has to a hard
be
proof
sufficient
can add somethino-
much
rarely present, only
as debtors
on the
do
feasts
of the gods, and never spend the whole day there,

as
was the usual habit of
brother.
my
cousin, uncle,
and
After having witnessed six races at the
utmost, and
by Jove
certainly not with
the air
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
438
of one enjoying the amusement, but rather as one
thoroughly bored,
But who can
away.
you
The
me
churlish
amusements.
no
fault of yours.
But
fill it
my
on
grave
Antiochians,
Romans.
my
in his
me
And
to
much
life
have
make war
food."
only happened
it
up
to vomit
his dinner
among
had once been among
it
his sojourn in Paris
took
incident
this
is
it
appears, was usual
it
as
habits,
which
error, into
Julian here relates that
a habit which,
rude couch, and
have never accustomed my-
with too
him once
have offended
to a city that only cares
such be
if
childhood, induced
stomach, and
And
to
and inimical
my
fallen since
self to
how much
not sufficient to surfeit me, makes
is
for
my
tell
only too happy to get
sleepless nights
the food which
on
am
place
his dear Lutetia, as
he
the
the
during
calls
it.
was not brought about by eating too much food,

Having warmed
but from causes quite different.
It
with live embers the room in which he was sleeping,
this
imprudence produced giddiness, fainting
and nausea.
This digression
is
charming, with
its
description of the Gallic winter, the frozen Seine,
and the barbaric vigour of the inhabitants.
"Thus"
continues Julian "in

^
the Celts, like the
'
Rough Man
accustomed myself to rough
was
to the taste of the
able that
it
should
^
'
habits.
uncouth Celts,
elicit
Julian., op.
the midst of
of Menander,
But
it
is
if
this
reason-
the scorn of a beautiful,

cif.,
440, 10 sq.
happy, and populous
439
where there are many

mimes more numerous than
city,
dancers and
flutists,
the citizens,
and not the sHghtest respect
Weak men
sovereign.
blush
for its
for certain habits
but brave men, like you, go to bed in the morning

after
having spent the night
In this
orgies.
in
manner you show your contempt for the law, not

And dost thou
in words, but by deeds.
imagine" Julian makes the Antiochians reply
to him
" that it was possible for thy roughness,
.
misanthropy,
and
these customs
of men,
harshness
that which the ignorant call thy sapient
is
apology for a soul so
imagine
couldst
embellish
because,
is
first
of
as
careful
to see that
and
to
not giving
as
is
add
to
this,
public from
does.
their
superiority,
this,
to
submit, as
it
disdain, anger,
be
has often
and abuse,
and without
irritation,
to temper, but controlling
that
If
knowing
doest, in the
this serenely
to be
fitting,
it
the poor are not offended by
for all
way
adorn and
to
tolerate
thee,
even
thou
the gods and the laws, treat
equals,
happened
suffer
possible
what thou
we must obey
the rich,
inept, that
Thou art mistaken,

we do not know what wisdom
all,
equals
and
was
it
and
name, but ignore what
its
this consists in
that
silly
with wisdom
it
we hear
harmonise with
to
thou most stupid and hateful
prudent
it
is
also
any pleasure
that
it,
and,
and some one might
wisdom
to abstain in
would be compromis-
ing and not commendable, in the persuasion that he
440
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
who cannot
restrain himself,
and delights
in theatre-
home
going, cannot act wisely in the privacy of his

if
this
be wisdom, thou
and wouldst take us with thee

do not
name
tolerate the
And what
art not the master,
and
Liberty in
irony
and
we who, above
Thou
it is
it
should be
most
who had
obey the commands of the
free,
?
But
law.
call
thy-
and purposes,
man of gentle words and of acts
and that we,
harsh
the
to discontinue doing so,
not be better that thou shouldst
self master,
name,
odious to the sovereign, and then thou
obligest us to
would
it
is
sayest that thou
art so indignant as to force those
because
things
all
wilt not tolerate that
ancient habit of using
all,
of servitude, neither to
the gods nor the laws.

sweet.
on the road to perdition,
art
And
to
all
this
is
intents
not
enough
thou
tormentest the rich by forcing them to be moderate

the
in
tribunals,
and
becoming informers.
mimes and
restrainest
the
By sending away
poor from
the actors,
musicians, thou hast ruined our
city,
so
because of thee, there remains nothing good,
that,
we have tolerated for

seven months, and of which we hope to be liberated
excepting thy pedantry that
by uniting
in
prayer with the processions of
women who wander around among
We
have sought,
same
^
effect
in the
silly
old
the sepulchres.^
meanwhile, to obtain the
by means of our good humour, and
Here Julian derides the cult of the tombs of the martyrs, so

by the Christians, and by him considered as
fervently practised
a ridiculous superstition.
have wounded thee with our
And
thou,
valorous
jeers, as with arrows.
how
one,
shalt thou with-
stand the arrows of the Persians,

before our raillery
Here
follows
441
if
thou quailest
"
?
most curious passage, which
gives us a good insight into Julian's soul and inten-
The
tions.
Antiochians were not badly disposed
towards him, nor did they deny him their applause.
But the
fact was, that
between the Antiochians and
They
himself there existed a profound dissension.
did not in the least appreciate the spirit of religious
reform that was so dear to him and constituted the
supreme aim of
his
When
government.
he entered
the temples, the crowds accompanied and saluted
him with shouts and applause.
much more
But Julian was
struck by the lack of respect for the
holy places than by the flattering
reception they
accorded him, and, instead of thanking the
he chided them.
The
citizens,
sceptical Antiochians, true
children of an expiring civilisation, did not under-
stand this strange emperor, and laughed at him.

"
Thou
enterest the
them say to him,^

in all respects,
"
temples,"
so
Julian
makes
thou rough, awkward, and,
The
odious man.
crowd, especially
the magistrates, rush into the temples because of

thee,
and receive thee
there,
with shouts and applause.

pleased,
to
Julian., op.
in
the theatres,
And, instead of being
and praising them
done, thou, wishing
as
for
what they have
be more wise than

cit.,
443, 15 sq.
God
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
442
speakest
himself,
who
severely those
and
crowds
the
to
shout, saying
'
:
rebukest
You seldom
come into the temples to adore the gods, but you

come because of me, and fill the holy places with
disorder.
and
,
to pray sedately
to ask in silence for the favour of the gods.
But you, instead of praising the gods, praise
men
behoves wise
It
men,
express
or, to
it
more
of praising
truly, instead
And
the gods, you flatter men.
think
would
it
be best not even to praise the gods excessively,

but rather to serve them with wisdom.
must accustom thyself

in private
and
to be hated
received
in
the temples.
which thou wert
It
evident that thou
is
thou sleepest
all
the
the
to
con-
And
of men.
life
But who would be able
that
condemn
with
venances, the habits or the

it.
Thou
and vituperated
unable to adapt thyself either
be
public, since thou dost
in
as adulation the applause
art
even
to stand
night alone,
so
this,
refusing
everything that might soften thy harsh and ugly

soul
ness.
Thou
And
enjoyest
boldest thyself aloof from
kind of
this
that which
in
worst
the
all
the
of
life,
who,
Thou
out
from
who
those
all
tender-
that
is
takest
thou
pleasure
And, moreover,
who
tell
thee
shouldst, on the contrary, thank those
of
exhort thee,
thy
and
others detest.
thou becomest angry with

so
evil
kindness and with

in
face,
great
anxiety,
their verses, to pluck out the hair
and
love to laugh,
to
some
offer
to
this
population,
spectacle that would be
443
agreeable to them, beginning by thyself, and after
mimes,
that,
women
musicians,
without
shame,
boys so beautiful that they can be mistaken for
women, men who are so
entirely without hair, not
only on their cheeks, but also on their whole bodies,
more smooth-skinned than women

themselves, festivals, processions, but by Jove not
that they are
the sacred ones in which
it
is
necessary to comport
Of this sort we have had enough

we are thoroughly surfeited with them. The
Emperor has sacrificed once in the temple of Jove,
oneself gravely.
in fact,
then in the temple of Fortune

in succession to the
not
temple of Ceres, and
know how many times
that temple betrayed
he went three times
we do
that of Apollo
to
by the neglect of
its
guardians
and destroyed by the audacity of the impious.
The
Syrian festival arrives, and the Emperor immedipresents
ately
himself
the
at
then comes the general
festival,
temple of Jove
again goes to the temple of Fortune
on a day of bad omen,

offers
up
makes such frequent
he abstains
and then immediately
his prayers again in the
But who then could
and the Emperor
tolerate
visits to
temple of Jove.
an
the
emperor who
temples,
when
he should be free to disturb the gods only from

time to time and to celebrate, instead, those festivals
that
may be common
to the
whole population, and
which even those who do not know the gods,

and of whom the city is full, may take their part ?
in
These, forsooth, would give us pleasure and enjoy-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
444
and be accessible
ment,
think of this
Antiochians
"
so
abuse
am
not dissatisfied with my-
my manner
On
of living.
upon myself, and
it
books as
man
have
unstintingly shower
it
should be
so,
And
my
of
for all this
am
con-
age has read as many
"
!
who became enamoured
mother, and infers

of a city that
less
from
had been
of his step-
this that the inhabitants
called after Antiochus
must
devoted to pleasure than he was.
impossible
"
he
to reprove posterity for
and
name-giver,
since
so
resemble, in every respect, the

so,
too,
"
it is
impossible
endeavouring to
transmit their peculiarities,
they spring,
It
then continues in a bantering
tone, but not without bitterness
founder
then Julian relates the well-known tale
of Antiochus,
be no
add, as far as
did not, in the beginning, understand the
vinced that no
And
the contrary, to
right that
is
habits of this town.
is
which
able, these insults
because
my
However, as you well

do not become angry with those who
the witticisms they hurl at me,
am
When
Julian pretends to answer the
dear to me.
are
know,
the
through the grace of some god,
since,
habits
looking at
all,
congratulate myself on your happy
frame of mind, but

self,
to
many boys and women.'
dancing men, the
even
that
rival its
the
trees
the branches
stem from which
with men, the habits of the
ancestors are transmitted to their descendants."

1
Julian,,
oJ>. cit.^
449, 3 sq.
And
this
superior
among
if
to
all
why
the reason
is
the Greeks
are
and the Athenians
nations,
Thus
the Greeks.
445
Julian continues
first
"
But
they maintain in their customs the ancient ideas
of virtue,
it is
natural that this should also be the
the Arabs,
case with the Syrians,
Thracians,
the Peonians,
the Celts, the
who
the Mcesians,
live
between the Peonians and the Thracians, on the
Now, from
banks of the Danube.
my
race has sprung,
and
the last-named
inherit
from them
my
harsh, severe, intractable character, so refractory to
and so immovable
love,
by asking pardon
begin
Therefore
in its purposes.
and
myself,
for
pardon may be of some use even
who
to you,
so attached to the habits of your forefathers.
not with the intention of giving offence that
you the
to
the contrary,
also,
praise
to
dancers at the balls
mean
delight
regulating
affected
it
my
with
said
that
my
affairs
by tumults
But,
you
for
And
he surpassed
churlishness,
not being
who pray me
those
apply
with the same purpose, and wishing
Autolicus,
in
is
as praise,
it
others as a thief and a perjurer.

infatuated
It
I
preserve the love of your national traditions
Homer
are
Homer
line of
Liars, but excellent
On
this
if I
And
my
also
all
am
roughness.
easily influenced,
in
not
according to the desires of
or deceive me, in never being

;
yea, all this disgrace,
think of
it,
find in
myself
love
many
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
446
other
Arriving
faults.
in
a city which, though
does not tolerate any disorder

of the hair,
my
beard as long as
if
there was a lack of barbers.
it
my
arrangement
and
entered
in the
free,
with
hair uncut
wished to appear as an old grumbler and a rough

soldier,
when, with a few
have passed
youthful,
if
might
a handsome boy, and appear quite
for
not in age, at least on account of the
freshness and softness of
not
artistic touches,
know how
to
my
face.
mix with men, and
Thou
dost
to imitate the
polypus that assumes the colour of the stones to
which
is
it
clings.
Hast thou forgotten
that there
a difference between ourselves and the Celts, the
Thracians and the Illyrians
how many shops
there
Dost thou not see
are
in
this
city
Thou
renderest thyself hateful to the shopkeepers, not
permitting them to
sell their
wares, at the price they
desire, to the inhabitants as well as to strangers.
The merchants
accuse the proprietors of lands of
being responsible for the high prices.
Thou makest
these also thy enemies by compelling them to act
according to justice.
city,
goaded
by the
And
the magistrates of the
double
reproof (as
before
they enjoyed double gains, being at the same time
merchants and land-owners), are

pleased at seeing the
wrested from them.

Syrian rabble
drunk
them
And
is
angry, as
present dis-
gains from both sides
illicit
And,
at
in
it
the meanwhile, this
cannot dance and get
thou thinkest that thou canst feed
sufficiently
by providing them with
all
the
they need
grain
know
thou not
town?
the
thousand thanks, but dost
that one cannot find an oyster in
Would
not
it
through the market perfuming

conducting
our midst
To
be better to pass
with incense, and
it
thy suite a bevy of graceful
in
who would attract the notice

choirs of women whom we are
in
447
girls,
of the citizens, and

in the habit of
seeing
"
?
these questions, which the pungent writer
attributes
to
adversaries, he replies with the
his
we
account of his education with which
are already
acquainted (see " Life of Julian," pp. 28-32). Even

here the words of Julian must be taken as they are
meant, ironically
and
eunuch Mardonius,
to
during his boyhood,
is
ration
to
his apparent reproof to the
whose care he was confided

but an expression of the admi-
and respect that Julian nourished
whom
for this
man,
he owed the peculiar bent of his mind.
Julian, after
having given an account of
his
education, goes on to say that by the study of the

ancients,
and especially of
Plato, he learnt that the
sovereign has the duty of leading his subjects by

his
example and wisdom

"But,"
tial
to the practice of virtue.
the Antiochians
reply,^
*'for
pruden-
reasons, thou shouldst desist from constraining
men
to act justly,
according to his
of our city
thou,
not
is
and permit each one to act
will or his ability.
The
peculiarity
to desire unrestricted liberty.
comprehending
^
Julian., op.
cit.,
this,
And
wouldst govern
458, 10 sq.
it
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
448
with wisdom?
But dost thou not observe that
amongst us there
asses and camels ?
the
porticoes as
is
absolute liberty even for the
Their drivers lead them under

they were tender young
if
The uncovered streets and the squares seem

have been made to be used by pack-saddled
girls.
not to
asses
these wish to pass under the porticoes, and no one

forbids
how
it,
so that liberty should be respected
free our city
is
And
See
thou wouldst have our
youths quiet and think about subjects pleasing to

thee, or at least say that
But they are accustomed
which you
like to hear
to the greatest
amusements, and they indulge
freedom
in
them without any
in
restraint."
thus
"received condign punishment

continues
''The inhabitants of Tarentum
"
Julian
for their
made
jeers
at the
expense of the Romans, when,
being drunk at the feast of Bacchus, they insulted
an embassy of the
latter.
But you are much more
lucky than the Tarentinians, for you amuse yourself,

not
for a
offending,
few days, but the whole year round,

instead
Emperor, and
and of
of
foreign
your
ambassadors,
this because of the beard on his chin,
his effigy
on the
coins.
Well done,
wise
and both ye who are the authors of the

jeers and ye who hear them and are amused by
citizens,
them
Because
pleasure to those
who
listen
concord
it is
who
to them.
evident that
it
gives as
much
crack the jokes as to those

I
congratulate you on your
you are indeed an united
city,
so
that
JULIANS DISILLUSION
it
would not be either convenient or desirable
repress that which

It
would
really
irrepressible
is
Therefore,
please.
in
to say
to
the youths.
be a decapitation of liberty
were not to be allowed
all
449
if
men
and do what they
being well understood that in
it
things there must be liberty, you have allowed the
women
to act according to their pleasure, so that,
with
relationship
their
in
Then you
restraint.
the children,
you,
know no
they
them the education of
left to
being submitted to a
fearing that,
more severe discipline, they would become similar

to slaves, and would learn while young to respect
the old, and, by adopting this bad habit, end by
respecting even the magistrate, finally becoming
perfect not as men, but as slaves, wise, temperate,
and educated, and thus be wholly ruined.

do the women do
altars
They
Now, what
lead their sons to their
through the seductions of pleasure,^ which
is
the most powerful and acceptable instrument, not
men, but with wild animals.
only with
happy
who
ones,
against
all
in
this
servitude,
first
towards the laws, and
manner have
on our
part,
as
ye
rebelled
towards the gods, then

towards those
thirdly,
are the custodians of the laws

foolish
But
the gods do
it
who
would be
not concern
themselves with this city of the free and do not

punish
it,
to
be angry or
displeased about
For, as you know, the insults of the city

1
The
Christian
insinuation.
VOL.
II.
altars
are
here
indicated.
it.
wound
Note
the
us
awful
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
450
as the gods.
as well
*
Ch
city.
'
nor the
'
This wise
crack,
'
informed that
said that neither the
is
have ever done injury
letters
were the
names, and stood one for Christ

for Constantius (KovaTavnos).
Now
you openly and without reserve.
me
not having murdered
May
the other
me
let
speak
Constantius
one wrong against you, and that
guilty of
of
initials
(X/3to-T09,)
to
me
after creating
to
we were
found interpreters,
those
to the
was a hard nut
riddle of yours
having
but,
It
is
is
of
Caesar.
the gods concede to you, and to you alone
among
all
the
Romans, the enjoyment of many men

above all, the insatiability of
like Constantius, and,
...
friends!
his
however,
have,
greater part of you,
should say
all
the
The
the merchants, and the people.
angry against me, because being

part, if not entirely, atheistic,^
offended the
Senate,
people are
for the greater
they see
am
wholly
to the traditional rites of divine worship
devoted
those in power because

selling their
wares
discontented to a
at usurious prices,
man
for,
they are prevented from
and
although
all
are
have not
deprived them of their dancers and their theatres,

still I
show
less interest in
frogs of the marshes.

that
Is
them than
it
should scold myself as
reasons for disliking
And
me
not,
I
do
in the
therefore, natural
offer
you so many
"
?
here Julian relates with
much
wit
and
subtle irony the episode of Cato's visit to Antioch,

^
By
atheism, Julian intends here Christianity.
and the
that to-day
for,
him by the
insults offered
"It
then continues:^
I
and
citizens,
not to be wondered
is
receive from
at
you the same treatment,
compared with him,
as
451
am much more
rough,
hard, and uncivilised than the Celts are as compared
with the Romans.
Because
Rome,
all
lived there
his
having been born
he,
But
life.
I,
in
as soon as
reached the years of manhood, was consigned to the

Celts, the
there
Germans, and the Hercynian Forest, and
passed a long time, living as a hunter in
the midst of wild beasts, finding
around
me knew
live
with
So my
how
fawn and
to
but
flatter,
simply and freely on an equal footing
wished to
all.
not
that the people
and the knowledge
early education
attained in early youth of the ideas of Plato and
Aristotle rendered
to look
for
me
unfit to
mix with
happiness in diversion.
moments of my
myself
in
warlike
among
the
manly
midst of
In
independence
the nations of the earth,
of
necessities
first
found
who
ignore
Potator, except for
propagating
slaking their thirst with wine.
the
and
most valorous and
the
Venus Copulatrix and Bacchus

the
people,
the
.
species
and
The Celts became
so devoted to me, because of the similarity of our

habits, that they
arms exclusively
were not only willing

for
me, but gave
me
to take
up
their property
and forced me to accept it, however little it was my

wont to ask, and in all things were ready to obey
me.
And, what is more important, the fame of my
^
Julian., op.
cit.^
463, 15 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
452
deeds extended from there even to you, and
me
acclaimed
and
as valorous, prudent,
all
not
just,
only strong in war, but capable of governing in

times of peace,
reply to this
In
everything in
the
my
say that with

I
'
May
K.'
The
'
and that you
Ch,'
the protecting gods of this

"
!
indifference of the Antiochians
conquerable, and a proof of
temple of Apollo
an
it
act said to
by the Christians.
characterise
this
which he
to ridicule
indifference,
us
tells
is
by the excess of
month
In the tenth
national god,
Daphne.
and
I
it is
have been
The
little
his zeal
the
story,
in
^
:
the
customary
to
exposing himself
is
falls
better
author of
the
following
the
not aware that he
was un-
was the burning of
perpetrated
Misopogon
you
Again,
concede you a pair of the last-named
the
on the
I,
beard one can make ropes, and
wage war against the
regret the
city
at
or unintentionally.
intentionally
that
place, thou hast turned
first
world topsy-turvy
the
But you
merciful.
have the conviction of never having done
contrary,
so,
and
affable,
feast of
for all to
also went, starting
your
assemble
from the temple
of Jupiter Casius, with the expectation of enjoying
the spectacle
And
of
your wealth and magnificence.
pictured to myself, as in a dream, the
and the
sacrifices,
pomp
the libations, the sacred dances
and incense, and young men around the temple

magnificently attired in white vestments, prepared
1
Julian., op.
cit.^
467,
sq.
the temple,
entered
did not see either incense or offerings
of fruit or victims.
was profoundly astonished
at
and supposed that you were outside waiting for
this,
me
But when
adore the god.
in their souls to
453
and give the
to appear
But when
Hierophant.
great
as
signal,
was supposed
on the occasion of the annual
replied
'
:
Well,
bring from
my
the
questioned the
priest about the sacrifice the city

offer
am
to
festival,
he
house a goose
for
the god, but the city has not prepared anything.'
Then, overcome by indignation,
addressed to the
Council this severe reprimand, which

advisable that
said,
'
worship of the gods
happened
in
the
owns
city
standing
the
It is
'
:
think,
shameful,'
that such a great city should be so niggardly
in the
The
should record
it is,
would not have
this
poorest village of the
Pontus.
large tracts of land,
and notwith-
the annual feast of
national god,
this, at
its
time since the clouds of atheism have been
first
dispersed,
does not even offer a
it
should offer an ox for each of
were too much,
common one
its
wards,
when
it
or, if this
should combine to offer in
all
In spite of
bull.
bird,
every one of
this,
own homes is lavish in his banquets

and entertainments I know of many who dissipate
all their property in orgies
but when it is a matter
you
in
your
of your salvation, and that of your

sacrifice
on
his
own
account, and
municipality for the benefit of

left
all.
no one
city,
not
The
severely alone to offer his sacrifice,
will
even the
priest
when
in
is
my
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
454
opinion, instead, he
would have the right
to return
home, carrying with him a part of the great
to his
quantity of offerings that you should have presented
The gods command
to the god.
that the priests
should honour them by their good conduct, the practice of virtue,
and divine
But
service.
it is
on the
city that falls the obligation of offering sacrifices,
Now, every one of
individually and as a whole.
you permits your wives to carry everything to the

Galileans, so that, with your
money, they feed the
making atheism appear most admirable
poor, thus
And
to those in want.
And you
number.
form the greatest
these
imagine that you do no
No
omitting to honour the gods.
evil in
poor people
present themselves at the temples, for there they
would
find
you celebrate a birthday, behold
sumptuous dinner
friends
to
But
nothing to feed them.
and
supper,
a well-spread
table.
if
one of
he prepares a
and
invites
his
But when the
annual festival comes round, no one brings
oil for
the candelabra of the god, neither libations, victims,
nor incense.
do not know how a wise man
would judge you

at
least
gods.'
am
sure
if
he saw your conduct, but
that
it
is
displeasing
to
the
"
by Julian and the

discourse that he made are among the most curious
and instructive episodes in the small pamphlet that
This
is,
in
How
little
history narrated
Poor enthusiast
entirely must he have been disillusioned by
every respect, so interesting.
and the luminous proofs of
the evidence of facts
complete
the
attempted
nobility of
it.
of
failure
Polytheism
and
had, on
neither
same time
much
lost
without which
the
to
itself
no
depraved
its
demonstrated
of
It
the faculty of
atmosphere,
prevailing
institution
that
sacredness.
its
other hand, acquired
the
adapting
he had
and
dead,
of soul could reanimate
Christianity,
had
Christianity
restoration
corruption of a great city that was
able to maintain at the
customs
the
was
mind nor strength
The very
455
can
Julian
live.
wished to render the world moral by means of a

reformed
polytheism,
virtues that even,
transfusing
into
when taught by
had not been able
to
it
those
the Christians,
put a stop to the
social
This, from an intellectual point of
demoralisation.
view, was quite an impossible enterprise, because
exhausted
polytheism,
as
we have
repeatedly
explained, did not offer sufficient basis for a religious

reconstruction,
view,
it
"Ch"
and likewise, from the moral point of
was impossible, because

K," as Julian
with the
this alliance of the
it of Christ
calls
and Constantius, of God with depraved

which
seemed monstrous responded to

of the time, and was the formula
to Julian
the necessities
that expressed
society,
its
exigencies.
But how amusing
in its comicality is the encounter, in the
deserted
temple of Apollo, between Julian and the poor

priest
Muses
who
!
is
bringing his goose to the god of the
And how symptomatic
is
the naivete of
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
456
Julian
making
in
episode
this
the
speech before the Council of Antioch
much
light
is
imbued with
that
fact
this
And how
thrown on the character of
by the
intentions
of
text
Julian's
speech
so
is
by simply altering
Christianity, that,
a few names and certain secondary particulars,
it
could have served, and might even at present serve,
a bishop
who wishes
to reprove his flock for their
lack of zeal in the divine ministry

"
Julian
These,"
remember, were
my
angry with you,
many
worried
words.
if
myself
with
scolded
"I
And by becoming
had held
nor
mistake.
who came
of those
continues,^
ironically
made a
been much better
would have
It
my
tongue, like
me, and neither
you.
But
was
influenced by ill-humour and foolish vanity, since

it
incredible
is
inspired
me
benevolence
that
with those words
the truth
have
could
is,
was
pretending to appear devoted to the gods, and
And
benevolent towards you.

vanity.
less
I,
yourselves
And you were
right
god, at the foot of his statue.
abused
about
me
themselves.
this
to
defend
altar
of the
You, on the con-
citizens
Therefore
ugly beard, and about him

^
in the market-place, before the
whole population, among the
amuse
ridiculous
and exchange positions with me.
abused you before a few, near the
trary,
is
overwhelmed you with use-
therefore,
reproofs.
this
Julian., op.
cit.,
469, 12 sq.
disposed to
your
jokes
who never
457
did and never will adopt your pretty manners or

the style of
imitate
which you desire
life
adopted by your sovereign, were heard

the
and
me
city.
But as regards the
your stanzas,
them as you
like,
give you
liberty to use
full
considering that
do you any harm, and
am
the
will
nor
On
the
Since the wisdom exhibited
contrary, listen to me.
my
by myself and
friends has
been considered by
you as ignoble and displeasing, and as
go
in
taste,
first
never
will neither kill you,
flog you, nor imprison you, nor fine you.
your
over
all
insults which, privately
to accuse myself, so that, on this head,
succeeded
be
you have showered on me, deriding
publicly,
in
to
have not
presenting you with a spectacle to
have decided
elsewhere.
Not
to leave the city
that
for
I,
and
moment,
among whom I
will go, but I consider it best, even though I may
not be acceptable to them, and may not seem to
them just and good, to distribute among all the
suppose that
blighting
shall please those
shadow of
much
too
this
city
my
presence, and not torment
with
the
temperance and the wisdom of

all,
none of us have bought
bad odour of
my
friends.
fields or
my
After
gardens, nor
houses, nor taken wives, nor have become

enamoured of your beauty, nor envied your Assyrian
wealth, nor have we distributed amono; ourselves
built
the prefectures,
nor permitted the abuses of the
magistrates, nor have

to
incur great
we induced
the population
and lavish expenses
for
banquets
458
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
and theatres
whom we
this population
have made
so prosperous, and so entirely free from
want
they have
that
who
against those
increased
we have condoned,
the contrary,
demand
did not
we
or silver, nor have
arrears,
time for writing
fifth
of the
worthy, and praiseworthy
your
of
this,
On
taxes.
together with the
... As
all this
was
seemed
it
it
praise-
also the moderation
sovereign,
because of
that,
the
either gold,
impost.
usual
appeared, therefore, to us that
wisdom
stanzas
are the criminal authors of their
And we
prosperity.
fear of
all
and
natural
we should have gained
However, since you are disrough cheeks and my unkempt
your good graces.
my
pleased with
hair,
my
absence from the theatres,
on
serious
all,
my
behaviour
repressed the greed of gain
so prevalent in the markets,
leave the
city.
now
that
For
am
it
It
most willingly
that
happened
fable,
the
kite
it
colt.
And
found
itself
to
the
its
mind,
having forgotten
so,
and not being able
to sing,
neigh,
me,
having a voice
similar to that of other birds, decided, in

to neigh like
for
nearing mature age, to avoid that
said
is
shall
would not be easy
according to the
which,
how
insistence
vigilance concerning the tribunals, and the
severity with which
kite.
my
temples, and, above
in the
to learn
how
to
unable to do either, and finished
by having a voice worse than that of any other

bird.
happen
And
to
same
believe that the
me, that
is
to say,
thino;
would
should be neither
rough nor gentle, because
moment
as you see, the
Theos
sings,
But by
'
am, please God, nearing,
at which, as the poet of
the white hairs
mix with the
black.'
the gods, and by Jove, protector of
all
you expose yourself
this city,
459
Were you
being ungrateful.
to the accusation of
ever offended by
Or
either in private or in public?
shall
we say
unable to obtain justice, you have used your
that,
make our name a by-word
verses to
and Hercules?
abstained
in the public
revile us as the actors do Bacchus
and
squares,
Is
it
not
perhaps true that
now
is
the cause of your insults
When
see
that
have not
What,
and your anger?
forced to defend myself against you
then,
from doing harm to you, but did not
prevent you from speaking evil of me, so
am
me
in
any way
diminished the popular expenditure which was at

the charge of the Imperial treasury, and have, on
the contrary, to no small extent, diminished taxation,

is
not natural that your actions should appear
it
me ? But of all I have awarded

common with my other subjects, it is best
enigmatical to
you
in
that
should say nothing, as
be singing
my own
might appear to
praises, while
had promised
to cover myself with the vilest vituperation.
us
rather
although
examine
not
my
personal
deserving
your
Let
which
conduct,
ingratitude,
was,
perhaps, inconsiderate and thoughtless, and because

I
was
guilty of
aforementioned,
many more
i.e.,
serious faults than those
the untidiness of
my
appear-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
460
my
ance and
reserve
in
which, being more true,

First
all
concerns love,
that
more
naturally
is
began with great tenderness
culpable.
to sing your
praises, without waiting for experience, and without
taking the necessary steps towards a mutual under-
only remembering that you were sons
standing,
and that
of Greece,
by
am
birth,
myself, though a Thracian
a Greek by education,
naturally
supposed that our affection would be reciprocal.
This was the
first error,
entirely
due
to
my thought-
lessness."
Julian then mentions certain facts of his administration in

will,
which he had given evidence of
good-
his
but which, notwithstanding, were taken in bad
He
part by the Antiochians.

*'
But
not have
come
all this
made
was of
little
then continues
importance, and could
which gave birth
Almost immediately
bitter hatred.
We
the city inimical to me.
to the principal fact
:^
after
now
to this
my arrival,
the people, oppressed by the rich, began to shout

at
me
in
the theatres
but everything
is
'
:
Everything
too dear
The
'
is
following day,
held a conference with the elders of the
sought to persuade them that
renounce
gains,
illicit
it
order
in
plenty,
in
city,
promised
me
had studied
it
so
^
little
months of
that
Julian., op.
The
they would study the
that
question, but, after three
to
improve the
condition of the citizens and the stranoêrs.

elders
and
was necessary
to
cit.^
it
waiting, they
seemed as
476,
sq.
if
nothing
would come of
When
it.
saw
461
that the people's
complaint was well-founded, and that the market
was
suffering, not for lack of merchandise, but
account
of
established
the
rapacity
of
the
and
decreed
just
There was abundance of
things.
proprietors,
price
for
on
I
all
of wine, of
all,
and of the rest but grain was lacking, on

oil,
account of the drought which had caused a very
For this I sent to Chalcis, to
short crop.
;
Hierapolis,
and had
sumed,
All
ordered,
first
and,
lastly,
measures called
that
myriads
here.
had come
other surrounding
the
to
forty
imported
thousand
and
measures [of grain]
of
thousand
ten
me from Egypt
to
con-
then seven
thousand
modia,' and besides,
'
been
having
this
five
cities,
of
all
those
the grain
handed over
to
making the same price for fifteen modia

as had at first been demanded for ten. ... In the
meanwhile, what were the rich people doing ?
the
city,
They
had
secretly sold at a high price the grain they
and by
in their fields,
their private
consumption
aggravated the general condition.^ ...

fore, fell
from your good graces, because
not permit that wine,
fruit,
I,
there-
would
and vegetables should be
sold to you for their weight
in
gold, or that, at
your expense, the grain stored away
in the granaries
of the rich should be turned into gold and silver.

.
See
587, 10,
well
knew
that,
in
so doing,
would not
for this episode of the price of provisions, Liban., 'ETrtrd^.
and Autobiog.,
85,
5.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
462
please
all,
but that was not of the slightest import-
ance to me, since
considered
it
my
duty to come
and of the strangers who

the love of me, and of the magis-
to the aid of the people,
had come here
for
who were
trates
But now that
with me.
it is
best
go away, and as the city is of one opinion

concerning me,
some hate me, and others, though
fed by me, are ungrateful,
I
also will go and
establish myself among another race and another
nationality.
But why are we hateful to you ?
for us to
we have
Because, perhaps,
fed you with our money,
happened
that which, until now, has never

city
And
punish
Allow
that
it
fed you splendidly
the
me
existed
cultivated lands,
When
and found
land
it
away from
possession of
it,
them.
to
be
those
so
rhetoric
was asserted
lots
and you were asking
did not need
vestigation,
this
not
facts,
mere
It
thousand
three
we
un-
of
for them.
you got them, they were apportioned
who
those
all this is
my imagination.
any
red-handed
caught
might not be said that
there
did
remind you of one or two
and the figment of

that
when
thieves
to
And
to
to
started an in-
So, by taking
true.
who
unjustly
had
and not troubling myself about
the unpaid taxes (although they ought to have paid
them, even more than the others),

to the
devoted the land
most important and urgent needs of the
city.
In this way, the breeders of race-horses have, free
from taxes, three thousand

through me.
And
yet you
lots of land,
seem
and
this
to believe that
by
punishing thieves and evil-doers
for
had
it
started.
my many
my
occasioned by
be more prudent
And
to
blame
my favours
And this
them.
thoughtlessness, not by your
In the future
free-mindedness.
returns to
bestowed
on those who did not appreciate

is
turning the
have only myself
because
ills,
am
Thus my speech
world upside down.
where
463
my
in
will
manage
to
actions regarding you.
you may the gods grant the same benevolence as you have shown towards me, and the
to
same honour as
offered
me
With
this
last
satire.
literary
value
is
it
is
seems
his
bitter
to us that the
weakened, and that anger has
taken the place of irony

it
closes
Julian
shot,
In the last part
But
you have publicly
which
that
in the
hand of the
writer.
always extremely interesting, because
examples
reveals with practical
and administrative
overstepped the
zeal
a
of
limits
zeal
it
Julian's foresight
that
prudence,
sometimes
and
trans-
gressed the laws of public economy.
From
this,
it
clusively religious
does not appear that
and moral reasons
or,
we had
which
is
economic
to
There was
better say,
be
We
that produced
also a misunderstanding,
a disillusion, the fault of
attributed
to
the ignorance
of
was universal during the

must here recognise that the
laws which
reign of Julian.
was ex-
between Julian and the
the profound dissension
Antiochians.
it
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
464
administrative prudence and unerring insight into
the true state of things which had guided JuHan so
government of Gaul, failed him

perhaps owing to his excessive desire to
well during his

entirely,
curry favour with the Antiochians and open a

to obtain a greater influence over their souls.
soon as he arrives
way
As
Antioch, Julian hears the
in
populace loudly complaining of the high price of
He
provisions.
feels
convinced
examines the circumstances, and

the
that
cause
principal
the
is
greed of gain on the part of the proprietors and

merchants, so he invites the municipal authorities
But three months
to arrange the matter.
elapse,
and
these do not arrive at any conclusion on the subject.
So
Julian steps
is
crop has
been
provisions a
very deficient,
he imports from
enormous quantities of
other places
which
fixes the price,
necessitated
moment.
fixes for all
not to be exceeded, and, as the corn
price that
is
and
in,
is
much
grain,
inferior to that
and
which
by the commercial conditions of the
This economic violence of the Emperor
had the inevitable

which he wished
result
to
of augmenting the
diminish.
The market
ills
of
Antioch was, of course, very soon cleared of those

provisions which were obliged to be sold at a price
which did not
suit
the
vendors.
The
rich pro-
prietors sold their grain at exorbitant prices outside
Antioch, and bought for their use in Antioch that
which the Emperor ordered

low
prices.
to be sold at absurdly
This caused an immense immigration
from the country to the
which upset
disorder,
and, in
city,
fact,
much
things,
all
465
a general
to the dis-
gust and anger of the highest class of proprietors
and merchants, thus rendering the Emperor highly

unpopular, while he, in his turn, attributed to party
prejudice and perversity of spirit that which actually
was only the necessary consequence of a great

blunder.
Julians intentions were undoubtedly
and inspired by a profound sentiment of
kind,
equity.
And we
can well understand
in his discourse to the Antiochians,
to persuade
them
the Emperor,
is
to repent of their
able to say
"
Libanius,
by which he
conduct towards
initiative of the
Emperor, however great might be the
difficulties,
because he was giving proof of a generous
and wished
to succour poverty,
painful condition of affairs that
others
whilst
plenty,
in
necessaries of
tries
could have wished
you would have admired the
that
how
and thought
some should
absolutely
soul,
it
revel
lacked the
so that, in a flourishing market,
life,
the poor should have no
better consolation than
But
that of witnessing the pleasures of the rich."^
good
this
intention, applied in complete ignorance
of economic
own
laws,
simply ended by baulking
its
ends.
In the circles
by which Julian was surrounded,
the Christians were held responsible for the

culties
in
diffi-
and opposition that the Emperor had found
Antioch.
The
1
VOL.
II.
10
discourse of Libanius, which
Liban., op.
cit.^
i.
492, 15.
we
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
466
have mentioned above,

esting.
It
is
is,
on
most
this head,
inter-
on the premise that
entirely based
the true authors of the opposition of the Antiochians

to
JuHan are the Christians, and that the
possible
way
to effect a reconciliation
conversion to paganism.
the Christians, as
Libanius never names
were repugnant
to
continual.
is
an open
is
him to call
so odious and wicked but the
if it
attention to a sect
allusion
only-
It
the
is
who
Christians
secretly instigated the Antiochians to revolt against
the economic arrangements of the

Christians
who prevent
Emperor
the
the citizens from expressing
their repentance by abandoning the theatres, the
public games,
in Antioch,
inspired
selves
"
and the habit of
and returning
by true
exclaims
to the exercise of acts
Do
piety.
Libanius^
strating yourselves
olive branches, nor
loafing, so general
not
''it
deceive youris
not by pro-
on the ground, nor by waving
by crowning yourselves with
by shouts, nor by embassies, nor by

sending a most eloquent orator, that you will be
able to calm his indignation, but rather by renouncing your bad habits, and by consecrating the city
garlands, nor
Jove and the other gods, with whom, long before

you saw the Emperor, you were well acquainted,
to
even when children
at school,
by studying Homer
Now you acknowledge that these

and Hesiod.
poets play a most important part in education, and
you make the children learn by heart and
1
Liban., op.
cit.,
i.
502,
sq.
recite
However,
their verses.
in things
467
of greater import-
you seek other teachers, and now that the

temples are opened, you run away from them,
ance,
when they were
although you so greatly grieved
And
closed.
to you,
if
any one quotes Plato or Pythagoras
you bring forward, as your
mother and your
wife,
authorities,
your
and the cellarman and the
and you prate of your 'now ancient faith,' yet

you are not ashamed of all this, but allow yourself to
cook,
be taken
to
tow by those who should be subservient
in
your orders, and you seem to see
in the circum-
stance of having thought evil from the beginning

the necessity to think evil unto the end.
person
the
who has
disease
Just as
his
all
life.
The
But why should
choice
is
yours
pro-
either con-
tinue to be hated, or obtain a double advantage,
the
favour of the
recognising the gods
You
the measles as a child should keep
long this speech
acquiring
if
who
truly
sovereign,
govern
in
by
and by
heaven.
are in a position to help yourselves while giving
pleasure
reality
to
others.
In appearance you give, in
you receive."
Libanius wishes to see Antioch reconverted to
paganism and
hopes to obtain pardon

they have been
Christianity
is,
culpable
At
this
price he
for the insults
of which
truly penitent.
towards the Emperor.
for Libanius, the greatest obstacle,
not only to a return to the ancient
faith,
but also to
the expurgation of evil habits and the purification

of the morals of the
city.
And we
can see
that,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
468
even
in
the fourth
Christianity
was most widely
new
of the
century,
society
and
istic
this contrast
is
lay
religion
in
in
city
which
in
diffused, the strength
lower strata of
the
in
How
feminine influence.
between the
characterculture of
hiofh
the intellectual aristocracy and the humility of the

forces
opposed to
Christianity
goras,
is
it
In this the history of nascent
Plato and Pytha-
truly betrayed.
invoked by the partisans of the ancient
them the women of
creeds, found arrayed against
To
the house, the cellarman and the cook.
rhetoricians, to these philosophers, wholly
with Hellenic art and thought,

ous, absurd,
and
it
appeared scandal-
ridiculous, this
contrast between
the highest manifestations of
and the
fantastic
ignorant old
these
imbued
human
intelligence
and worthless lucubrations of
women and most
How-
abject slaves.
ever, Libanius and Julian, blinded by the glorious
rays
of expiring Hellenism, were
sighted.
terribly short-
Four centuries of Christianity had taught
them nothing.
They
believed
religion
to
be a
matter of reason, and they were aghast at the
thought that the affirmations of the cellarman and
more than those of Plato,

and they did not perceive that the former, however
rude they might be, came through the cognisance
of a living God, and the latter, however sublime,
were only the presentment of phantoms exhausted
of the cook were worth
and
lifeless.
The Misopogon
is
one of the most important
469
documents, and the best adapted to help us to

penetrate the intimate signification of the attempt
initiated
Although the truth has been
by JuHan.
concealed and purposely misconstrued by Christian
though apparently paradoxical,

true that Julian was moved by
polemics, the fact

is,
nevertheless,
an essentially moral intention.

in
Christianity had,
no way, changed or improved the moral con-
dition
of men.
with
pagan
Christian
Antioch,
Antioch was on a par

Corrupt
worse.
not
if
customs, orgies, theatres, dancers and
mimes
this
was the spectacle offered by Christian Antioch.

And Julian awakened in them an intense aversion,
because the pagan
severe morality
Emperor opposed
and virtue
the
to
most
the
vices
of his
The Misopogon makes
Christian subjects.
clear
wished to save Hellenism
to us the fact that Julian
which was being destroyed by Christianity together

with
traditions of religion
its
Julian
also
hoped
find
to
moral force which would be

evil habits,
mankind
and
effect
force that
had not been able
and patriotism
in
Hellenism
sufficient
to
but
that
reform
a complete regeneration of
the Christians themselves
to develop
which they had proposed.
from the principles
The
reception that the
corrupt Antiochians gave to the exhortations of the
Emperor a reception most vividly described by

the Emperor himself is the strongest proof of the
Utopian
character
of
the
attempt.
Moralised
polytheism would have failed in the effort to
re-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
470
generate mankind, just as Christianity had
Man
failed.
remained what he was, according to the
intellectual
condition of the times.
Religion has
neither the force nor the possibility of controlling
human
passions
bend and adapt
but
it is
religion,
their invincible exigencies.
rather the passions that
whatever
it
may
be, to
THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN

In the course of our study the singular nature
of this enthusiastic prince has already appeared to
us in
all
This prince, who on the
brilliancy.
its
throne of the Caesars, by attempting to realise an

impossible
mind and
soul which,
truly great
emperor.
to the defence
powers
of
had they been liberated from

might have made him a
religious preoccupations,
a long one, and
dissipated
foolishly
ideal,
Julian's reign
If
had been
he had devoted himself entirely
if
and organisation of the empire, he
certainly could not
have arrested, but might have
retarded, the fatal decadence of the ancient world,
and perhaps prevented that

which it was overwhelmed
terrible catastrophe
the
by
invasion of the
barbarians.
Julian's apparition
on the Imperial throne may
be compared with that of a

meteor.
He
did
not,
brilliant
therefore,
and evanescent
have
time
to
leave on things and facts, the lasting imprint of

his personality.
If his
caricatures sketched
memory
only lived in the
by the Christian
writers,
and
he were exclusively to be judged from these, one

would suppose that his life-work was restricted
if
471
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
472
to
against
Christianity
in
he was a hateful and infamous man.
that
short,
he waged
war
the
Fortunately,
which
remain,
writings
his
are
genuine reflection of his intentions, his character,
and of the
spirit.
It
true
that
also
furnished
excited
Julian
But Libanius
poraries.
much
was
powerful
Marcellinus
Nazianzus,
his
contem-
restoration,
So
down
and
Gregory of
to
to
all
Julian's genial figure
bearing the
posterity,
to
in
sufficiently
Sozomenes, and
the Catholic traditions.
has been handed
not
opposed
Socrates,
to
of the
and compromised
is
be
to
noble
prejudiced, because he
is
interested
writer
his
Ammianus
proofs
in
the enterprise of the polytheistic
Ammianus
of
defects
Libanius and
that
have both
Marcellinus
admiration
and
qualities
is
brand of apostasy, and, from a psychological and

historical
sight
of,
point
of
fact
of
view,
most curious and

lost
namely, that this accursed apostate,
who
seems
all
attempted to suffocate
respects,
the
have been
interesting:
an
The good Ammianus
virtuous
man,
in
all
and
far
men who appeared on
superior to any of those

life
was,
Christianity,
essentially
horizon of public
to
the
during the Lower Empire.

Marcellinus, in
the course
of his panegyric on Julian, after having narrated
says that
his heroic death,

for the
his
chastity
prudence
quam
aetate,
he was always noted
and temperance of
in
every
studiosus
his
life,
"virtute
action
cognitionum
and
senior
omnium,

moribus
censor
opum
regendis
contemptor,
was
Perfect
most admirable
he governed his
which
despiciens."
tempered by clemency,
the
authority with which
he fought,
troops
among
always
the
first,
reconducting them
and
midst of the fray at the
sign of hesi-
first
His administration was most wise
tation.
soldiers, unequalled the valour
encouraging his
in the
placidus,
his acquaintance with everything
pertaining to war and
with
omnia
mortalia
justice
his
acerrimus,
473
and
moderate, so that he was able to lighten the taxes
and
amicably the litigation between private
settle
and the Imperial
individuals
miserable
finally,
treasury, restore the
conditions of the
financial
cities,
and,
stop the frightful disorder that reigned in
the extortionate and
But
empire.
honest
the
they
comparison with
in
are,
his
in
our opinion,
of
an
easily
are
the
must have been

impressionable
detected
genuine
Julians gravest
among
fault,
the
reflection
temperament,
those writings which
expression
of his philosophical
of
his
soul.
But
the inevitable consequence
system, was his tendency to
This caused him to attribute to the
superstition.
exterior
however,
virtues.
and abundance of words, which,
excessively
also
not
and an ex-
too great hastiness in his decisions,

cessive facility
does
historian
conceal the failings of his hero
very light
government of the
parasitic
forms
^
Amm.
of
the
religion
Marcell.j op.
cit.^
ii.
he
40, 29 sq.
wished
to
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
474
restore an importance that often bordered on the
and
ridiculous,
This
propaganda.
Ammianus
seriously
militated
moral
the
is
sketches of
against
picture
that
whom
emperor,
his
his
he
furthermore describes as having a figure at once

strong and agile, a face that had a most singular
aspect on account of the shaggy beard that finished
in
a point,
an object of
ridicule to the Antiochians,
yet whose beauty was enhanced by sparkling

from which beamed the geniality of
mind
venustate oculorum micantium
qui
his
his
eyes,
fiagrans,
**
mentis ejus argutias indicabant."
But before studying Julian from

which are undoubtedly the most
source,
we must examine once more
given of him by his
tions
Libanius
and
his writings,
trustworthy
the descrip-
two contemporaries,
Gregory of Nazianzus
the
first
with the idea of exalting his memory, the second

with the intention of reviling him and bespattering
him with mud. In the course of this study we

have largely borrowed from these writers, but we
may still be able to gather some more interesting
items of information.
We
begin by observing
tions of Libanius over
impossible not to
true
if
the
that,
in the
recognise
the
consider
Monodia were
attempt to
that
written
restore
the
is
paganism
all
is
intensified
Necrologia
when
it
expression of a
and profound sentiment, which
we
lamenta-
death of Julian,
traces
had
and
the
of
the
disappeared,
more held sovereign sway

the Court and among the people, and when the
when
in
475
Christianity once
of such
expression
danorer
o
to
How
can
the
we
might
grief
prove a great
exclaims:^
Libanius
writer.
reconcile ourselves to the thought
that the infamous Constantius, after having ruled
over the
that
he contaminated
was only carried
years,
who
earth
off
illness
And
he
renewed the sacred laws, reorganised good
principles,
company
of the
hiding in darkness, restored the
sheep and oxen, now
statues, sacrificed herds of
Imperial
the
of the gods, re-
the
recalled
altars,
who were
priests
dwellings
the
rebuilt
placed the
in
by
forty
for
palace,
and
again
outside
it,
sometimes by day and sometimes by night, leaving

his
entirely
life
in
the hands of the
after filling for a short
the empire, and for a
who
gods,
time a minor position in
still
shorter time the highest
was taken away, so that the earth which had

begun to appreciate such great virtue was
office,^
just
left unsatisfied.
... At
multitude of
least, if this
had not so suddenly overwhelmed us
evils
good fortune had no sooner appeared

rapidly vanished as
is
if
in flight.
too cruel, and must be the
Then
the
Libanius, after
army
Julian,
cit.^
5.
Liban., op.
The minor
Augustus.
510,
position
is
that
mortally
of
to us than
C^sar
it
Hercules, this
work of the demons
recalling the
when
By
But
desolation
wounded
the highest,
"
!
of
but
that of
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
476
was transported from the battlefield to

Muses were weeping for the
death of their pupil, and that misfortune had
encompassed the earth, the sea, and the air, and
alive,
still
his tent, says that the
exclaims: ''And
of us weep, each one the loss
all
of his particular hopes
man who
the philosopher, over the
the
rhetorician, over the orator eloquent of speech
and
explained
pleaders, a
the
judge wiser than Rhadamanthus.
unfortunate
who
peasants
whose
those
Plato
of
the discourses of others
in criticising
skilful
the doctrines
object
sole
be
will
despoil
to
is
prey of
the
you
power of justice already weakened, and of which

soon
magistrates,
names be
have
lost
remain
only
there will
how much
reviled!
war provided
in
of your
dignity
battalions of soldiers,
an emperor who
your necessities
the
will
shadow
the
you
for all
laws, with reason believed to
have been dictated by Apollo, now trodden under

foot
moment
Alas
reason, thou
acquired and lost thy sway and vigour
for the earth's absolute ruin
This explosion of grief

to
almost in the same
hast
the
of
recital
the
which Julian had aroused.

says, attributed a
in
is
hopes
"
natural contrast
and
expectations
The Emperor,
supreme importance
Libanius
to education
he believed that the doctrine and the worship of

the
gods should
(^vojjLtôov
be
united
by
fraternal
re teal Oeoiv lephy
dBek(j)a
^
Liban., op. dt.^ 516, 15.
To
bonds
restore
477
which was entirely neglected,
instruction,
to
its
former position of honour, he himself wrote discourses and

desired
men
the
also
man
soon as he found a
he immediately invested him
of ruling,
There
office.
He
philosophy.
should be governed by
cities
of culture, and as
capable
with
that
on
treatises
indeed a breath of poetic
is
inspiration in the enthusiastic picture that Libanius
gives of Julian's journey from
Antioch.
The Emperor
Constantinople to
moved by one domi-
is
nant thought, the restoration of Hellenism
much more than he does
enjoys discourses
he
gifts
prodigious activity
consumed by his
of mind and of body, and he
never neglects a
temple,
he weeps with emotion, and
philosopher,
"
exclaims
Libanius
the chances of preferment lay in the ac-
quisition of knowledge.
to revive the love of the

''
**The garden
poet.
wisdom blossomed again
of
''and
a
nor leaves unheard a
or
rhetorician,
is
He made
Muses
!"
It
all
efforts
was
truly
Primavera Ellenica,"^ a reflowering of Greek
thought, customs, and ideas, that reanimated
spirits,
discouraged and broken by incipient barbarism, and
by the predominating tendencies that were in open

contradiction to these ideas and customs.
In order
comprehend,
to
the
restoration
in
its
bearing and significance,
attempted
Liban., op. cit., 575, 15.

" Primavera Ellenica"
is
poem. Translator's Note.
by
an allusion
Julian,
we must
to Carducci's
well-known
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
478
endeavour to
surviving
rapidly
appreciate
devotees of a
approaching
emotion of
the
civilisation
which was
but which they
sunset,
its
imagined could be restored to
these
ancient splendour
its
by creating a retrograde movement
in its
predomi-
nant circumstances.
Endowed
with the faculty of concentrating his
thoughts, and with prodigious activity, Julian was

able to
respond to the excessive demands made
on him
in his task of religious reformer, general,
''When obliged
and statesman.
races," Libanius relates, ''Julian
be present at
to
gazed abstractedly
around, honouring at the same time the festival by

his presence,
sorbed
in
and
his
own thoughts by being
ab-
Neither wrestling, competitions,
them.
nor applause could divert him from his meditations.
When
he gave a banquet, he remained just long
enough, so that
Of
tion
his activity
:
"
it
could not be said he was absent."
he gives us
this interesting descrip-
Having always been most abstemious, and
never having overloaded his stomach with excessive

food,
he was,
if
may
from one occupation
same day respond
express
so
to
the
it,
other,
able to
fly
and on the
to several ambassadors, despatch
commanders of his armies,

who were absent and to friends who
letters to the cities, to the
to friends
the
arrived, listen to
examine requests, so
unable
to
reading of despatches, and

that
keep pace with

^
Liban., op.
cit.,
his
secretaries
the
579,
5.
rapidity
were
of
his
...
dictation.
rest,
to
His
luncheon, he
he had
was absolutely necessary,
affairs,
then
frugal than his
his books, until,
And
first
And
repast,
and
his hours of
amount of
who had
then came other amanuenses,
passed their day sleeping, because

of service and this resting
He
sable.
was even
his supper
sleep were few, considering the small

food.
sang
he was once more called to the
business of the State.
more
official
never ate more
and
most melodiously, resting amidst

in the afternoon,
to
occupation
After he had transacted his
another.
than
were obliged
secretaries
who passed from one
but not he,
479
this succession
by turns was indispen-
changed the form of
never ceased working, renewing
he
his work, but
in his actions the
transformations of Proteus, alternately appearing

in
character of priest, writer,
the
general,
The
and
cares
soldier,
of
state
augur, judge,
but always as a saviour

did
not
prevent
continuing his favourite studies.
"
him from
In another part,
Libanius, addressing himself to Julian, thus exclaims:

"
Thy
great and beautiful and varied culture
exclusively due to the studies that thou hast
before thou didst
become Emperor!
made
But thou con-
tinuest to study simply for the love of wisdom.
Empire did not
The
night
awaking
is
force
not
is
The
thee to neglect thy books.
young and thou already singest,

than the birds, composing thy dis-
still
earlier
courses, and reading the compositions of others

^
Liban., op.
cit..,
580, 10 sq.
"
!
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
480
another part, Libanius breaks out in the
In
the gods, and
following apostrophe to
because
interesting
most
is
how many and
reveals
it
it
deep-seated were the illusions cherished by the
because
we seem
when
by means
Libanius,
the
give,
of
the
the
Persians,
must have taken
the
was
former
hoped-for
his
definite
and
Julian,
the echo of the
it
that
between
Antioch
at
hear in
to
conversations
enthusiastic
place
who surrounded
party
Hellenistic
seal
Emperor
and
preparing
to
over
victory
and sanction
to
the reconstruction of ancient civilisation.
"O
gods,
your promises
demons, why did ye not
Why
who knew you ?

him
Did he not
ratify
make him happy
With what could ye reproach
What was
not praiseworthy
did ye not
there
in
his
actions
that
was
Did he not restore the altars ?

temples ? Did he not honour
build
with the greatest solemnity the gods, the heroes,

the
air,
fountains,
his
heavens,
the
the
enemies?
rivers
Was
the
earth,
Were
the
sea,
the
not your enemies
he not wiser than Hippolytus
More thoughtful than

Rhadamanthus?
Themistocles ? More courageous than Brasidas ?
Did he not truly save humanity, which was on the
Wâs he not the enemy of
point of perishing?
Adverse
Merciful
to the righteous ?
wicked
?
the
Just
as
to the overbearing
How
grand were
conquests!
A friend to the simple-minded

his
enterprises!
How many
trophies!
How many
end un-
We
worthy of the beginning!
481
believed that the
Roman
whole of Persia would form part of the
Empire, governed by our laws, receiving from us
paying
us
language, altering
its
the flowing
In our
its
rulers,
Susa
hair.
sophists
brought from
there,
magnitude
the
of
admiring
enterprise,
of
with
the
praised
and not making
this,
the
conquered
the
who
those
spoils
posterity
to
and
victory,
themselves
congratulating
that,
with
narrating
emulating
themselves
educating
in
sons of the Persians,
the
ornamented
temples
our
we saw
mind's eye
rhetoricians,
its
and cutting
style of dress,
discourses
their great
and
and
changing
tributes,
its
the
light
because
of
some things, and not disdainful of others, and

wisdom honoured as it formerly had been, and
the tombs of the martyrs
and
give place to temples,
with one accord crowd around the
all
altars,
by those who had destroyed them, and the

very same who ran away in horror at the sight of
rebuilt
blood,
offer
up
sacrifices,
many
families revived through
of taxes, because
duction
the
that
midst of dangers,
the
if
rendered
the
war
public
taxes.
crown
is
VOL.
the
athlete
causes
II
by the
re-
that,
in
he had prayed the gods

in
Ah
all
the
manner
that
crowd of adverse
our expectations, and
about to receive the laurel
brought to us on his bier

II.
reported
is
he would reduce to nothing
demons rendered vain

behold
it
terminated
possible,
it
and the prosperity of
Happy
those
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
482
who
unhappy those who live

Before him there was night, and after him there
his reign was a pure ray of sunHght
is night
died
him,
after
that
cities
thou
hast
exalted
to
thou hast founded
rebuilt
wisdom
that
honour!
the highest
was thy strength!
that
cities
thou hast
virtue
that
descended anew
justice
from heaven to earth, thence to return immediately
heaven
to
We
to his lips
as
suffer like a
sooner
thirsty
it
it
appeared
made
to rule,
those
who knew
not wish
did
realised
than
man who
raises
snatched away
Libanius thus narrates Julian
As
a cup of fresh and limpid water, but,
touches them, he sees
it
revolution
radical
no
happiness,
universal
ended
and
that, in
this
"
conversion
every respect, he was
being the general opinion of
Emperor Constantius)
fame should become too
him, he (the
that
his
widespread among the population of a city wherein

were many restless spirits. He, therefore, sent
him
to
Hve
in
Nicomedia, a more quiet
was the beginning of every good

all
for
This
city.
him and
for
the world, for in that city there yet remained a
breath of divine science, which with difficulty had
escaped the hands of the impious ones.

ing by means of
Scrutinis-
this the occult questions,"
here
Libanius addresses himself directly to Julian,

thou, ennobled
by
study, hast divested thyself of
thy fierce hatred of the gods.

^
Liban., op.
cit.^
617,
When,
5 sq.
later,
thou

didst
go
of a
man who
to Ionia,
483
and didst make the acquaintance
and wise/ hearing that
credible
is
which he taught concerning those
spirits
who have
created and preserved the universe, and admiring
the beauty of philosophy, thou didst taste the most
pure of
all
beverages, and shaking thyself free from
Hke a
error, and,
breaking thy chains, thou
lion,
didst liberate thyself from the mist of ignorance,
preferring
divinities
that
truth
to
to
the
one who,
one,
false
some time
insinuated himself.
the
falsehood,
the
ago,
legitimate
ancient gods
to
has perfidiously
Uniting to the companionship
men
more wise (and

even here we see the hand of the gods, who, by
means of Plato, expanded thy intelligence, so that
of the rhetoricians that of
still
with high conceptions thou wert able to attain to
by thy flow
greatness of action), already strong
of words and by the science of things, even before
thou couldst promote the interests of religion, thou

didst let
it
be understood that thou wouldst not
them when the occasion presented itself,

lamenting over that which had been destroyed,
neglect
grieving over that which had been contaminated,
commiserating that which
making evident
tion in the present grief."
After
had
been oppressed,
to those near thee,
describing
Julian's
Libanius thus exclaims
"
future salva-
action
in
Certainly thou
Probably Libanius here alludes to Maximus.
Liban., op.
cit.,
40S,
sq.
Gaul,
couldst
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
484
not have done
all this
without the help of Minerva.
But from the time that thou didst leave Athens,

the goddess assisting thee in counsel and action
as she had once assisted Hercules to overcome the
monstrous dog, thou wert able to comprehend

things by
means of
reason,
and
make
didst
all
the
best use of thy arms, not remaining seated in thy
Thou
tent to await the reports of the battle.
be found
instead, ever to
wert,
van of the army,
in the
inciting thy troops to follow thee, flourishing thy

lance, brandishing thy sword, calling
them on by
the gesture of thy uplifted arm, and encouraging
enemy
thy soldiers with the blood of the
a king in
council, a leader in all enterprises, a hero in battle!"^
The pages
of Libanius present to us a figure
both attractive and genial.

courage,
ideals,
full
of enthusiasm for
man
of spirit
and
the most noble
all
generous and heroic, the young Emperor
appears truly worthy of the admiration and love

with which his teachers, his friends, and his soldiers
But certainly Julian lacked

His fervid and disordered imagination
encompassed
balance.
was combined,
with
all
formalist.
so
the
him.
in the
most extraordinary manner,
pedantry
On
of
the
rhetorician
and
the other hand, however, there
much heroism
in his heart,
he
is
is
so overflowing
with the vigour and boldness of youth, he embodies

so thoroughly the living spirit of Hellenic civilisation,
that
his
personality seems
1
Liban., op.
cit.^
to
413, 10 sq.
be liberated

from
all
its
errors
and
concealed by the
defects, or, at least, they are
pure
of a
rays
dazzling light.
But one of these blemishes remains, and

evident,
485
and dominates even
is
in the portrait
but too
sketched
by Libanius. This blemish was superstition. We

have already noticed this in our remarks concerning Neo-Platonism
antiquity was, above all,
;
it
to have been otherwise,
must have followed the direction
For
superstitious.
human
thougrht
indicated by Democritus, Epicurus,
On
the contrary,
and, by
means
it
and Lucretius.
chose the opposite direction,
of Neo-Platonism,
it
ended by placing
the superrational and the supernatural above reason
and nature, that
is
to say,
logical causes of effects,
it
refused to seek the
and saw
in all things the
No
continual intervention of an absolute arbiter.
one more than Julian pressed onward
in this fatal
more ardent than he
direction, none, therefore,
promoting those exercises of the
cult
in
which he
believed would give him the favour of the gods.

"
On
all
altars,
sides
and
"
exclaims
Libanius
" there were
and blood, and reek of
fires,
sacrifices,
and incense and expiations, and soothsayers

from
free
There were pilgrimages and

singing on the summits of the mountains, and oxen
that
all
he
restraint.
(Julian),
sacrificing with
his
own
hands,
offered to the gods,
and with the meat of which he
afterwards fed the
people.
venient for the
Emperor
to
But as
it
was incon-
go every day from the
Imperial palace to visit the temples, and as at the
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
486
same time there
is
nothing more profitable than
constant intercourse with the gods, he had erected,

inside
the
a sanctuary to the god
palace,
who
made
brings the day, and he participated and
the
others participate in those Mysteries in which he
had been
and he raised separate
initiated,
And
each of the gods.
soon as he arose from
by
the
thing he did as
bed was
his
sacrifice to the gods."
first
And
altars to
to unite himself
in the
Monodia,
deploring the death of his hero, he thus asks
''Which
of
the
gods should we accuse?
equally, because they
many
prayers
All
have neglected the care of
that beloved head, a care due to
the
it,
and the many
in return for
offerings,
the
continual perfumes, the quantity of blood shed by
night and by day.
He
was not devoted
negligent of the others, but to
been made known
to us
all
by the poets
to
those
:
one and
who have
the generators
and the generated, gods and goddesses, superior
and
inferior,
were
filled
he offered
libations,
to overflowing with
and
their altars
oxen and sheep." ^
Furthermore, he was especially devoted to the

science of augury, and Libanius
relates that
he
was so expert in it that when he was present, the

augurs were obliged to adhere strictly to the truth,
because his eyes were able to scrutinise and
And we have already seen that,
discover all."
in all his undertakings, he was accompanied by
1
Liban., op.
3 Ibid.j
op.
564, 15 sq.
582, 10.
cit.^
cit.^
^ /^^/^.^
op.
cit.y
508, 10.

numbers of augurs, and
anything without having
he never attempted
that
first
487
examined the
of the victims, and the birds in their
entrails
flight.
And
honest Ammianus, with his good sense, recognises
Emperor was addicted to an excessive use

omens, and was more a superstitious than a
that the
of
observer of the cult
legitimate
sciscitationi nimiae deditus
quam sacrorum
To
us
would
appear
sanguinary
superstitiosus magis
^
seems perfectly odious, and
sacrifices,
and
he was
One
himself a reactionary.
is
really
of
proving
of the most evident
especially that of having
and of having freed the
purified worship
it
attempt to revive
in his
rites,
merits of Christianity
re-establishment
the
in
that,
and absurd
puerile
prsesagiorum
legitimus observator."
this
all
altars
from the repulsive spectacle of victims with their

throats cut.
But
this question,
we
sacrifice,
if
we examine
the inwardness of
shall find that the conception of
redeeming the
sins
and obtaining the
pardon of the god, exists on both sides, collective

and symbolical in Christianity, real and uninterrupted
in
paganism.
Christianity
we do not mean
that of the Gospel, which simply posed the sublime
idea of
paternal
dogmatic Christianity
God, but metaphysical and
has introduced
offered to the divinity

ones, but
it
new
forms,
has not originated any
and much better
new
principle, essentially superstitious, of

1
Amm.
MarcelL, op.
cit.^
ii.
into the cult
ideas.
The
an omnipotent
42, 30.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
488
be appeased by dint of victims, had not
arbiter, to
been eradicated.
neither
Julian,
nor
reactionary
this score,
was
He
did
progressive.
but live and act according to the
nothing else
intellectual
even on
environment of his times.
Notwithstanding that he was deeply tainted

with superstition and bigotry, Julian, as depicted by
Ammianus and
the enthusiastic Libanius, presents
a most attractive figure, both as
man and
sovereign.
We are
drawn to lament his errors and misfortunes,

and feel for him that sympathy and admiration which
is always inspired by men of genius.
Gregory of
Nazianzus presents a figure absolutely the reverse,
and were we
we
credence to his description,
to give
should believe Julian to have been a wicked
man, and one deficient

of the
enterprises
in intelligence.
The hero
Gaul and
Persia, the
against
man
of severe habits
and
versatile writer,
and
artful
enemy and
on the earth
his ire
of
even up to heaven
and
Dis-
that dragon, that apostate,
schemer, that Assyrian, that

corrupter
brilliant
the
transformed, in
is
courses of Gregory, into

that
principles, the
all,
common
who has poured
his threats,
out
and has hurled
his iniquitous words."
And
the writings of Julian are ''malicious discourses and

jests, their
ness,
and
^
only strength being found in their profane-
in
the wisdom,
Gregor., op.
^ Ibid.^
op.
cit.^
cit..^
50.
if I
may
so say, of a fool."^
49.
d(To(})os
ii/'
avTMS ovoixxaco,
aocfiia.

So great was Gregory's hatred
the pious writer,
the
to
against
him,
not
did
we have an
hesitate
that
persecutor
fierce
Emperor
Constantius.
and
intentional
the
deplorable
truth.
of
Orthodoxy, so that
bear the
dares
to
to
exalt
excuse
him,
brothers in
but
pagans,
the
the
Christ,
Julian's
asserting
was only influenced by
had
But Gregory
enemy, that he
persecutor
the
of
also
Athanasius
great
brunt of his anger.
so anxious
is
become
to
For we must remember

the Arian Constantius had been not only a
concealment of the
to
he brought
of perfidy which
enthusiastic apologist of the
Here
of Julian that
order to give greater force
in
accusations
489
the
that
of
his
Emperor
desire to bring back
his
unity into the divided Church, and in saying
this,
he forgets that union with the Arian errors was

detestable
and
fatal. ^
And
he lessens the import-
ance of the heresy of Constantius, by attributing

it
to the influence of others.
It
seemed, he says,
that Constantius inflicted a Q^reat shock on Ortho-
doxy.^
to those
But
appearance must be accredited
this
around him, who had deceived a simple
soul overflowing with virtue.
And,
after
we cannot forget
Emperor who gave
polemist exclaims,
the son of the
of Imperial
tion
^
Gregor., op.
Ibid.^ op. cit.
Ibid.^ op. cit.
vi(r^(o
cit.^
power
the
he
that
the
the
is
founda-
Christian
faith.
64.
TTjv 6p6i)v
boâv napaKivfiv e8o^v.
TOP âXX6fjLvov
dwaareias Koi
to
all,
nicTTeccs.
ttjv
Kpy^nida
Trjs
QaaiKiKrjs tco
xP'-^t'-o.-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
490
And we
cannot
he died,
left
forget
when
Constantius,
that
Christianity
There
powerful.^
all
no greater proof of the blindness of passion,
is
and
also of the moral distortion into
had
tianity
than this praise and exaltation
fallen,
of a tyrannical,
which Chris-
heretical,
and
emperor by
cruel
one of the princes of the Church.

Gregory's
In
sort of infernal
and
dark
Discourses,
demon, around
stupid
whom
have
legends
he was
Once, while
becomes a
Julian
all
accumulated.
the
sacrificing,
sorts of
viscera
the victim took the form of a crowned cross
of
the
spectators were terrified, but the wicked apostate
explained the
apparition,
saying
symbol of the discomfiture of
that
it
was a
On
Christianity.^
another occasion, Julian, guided by a master of

the
sacred
And
behold
Mysteries,
!
descends
he hears the most awful
most horrible phantoms appear
overcome
into
by
fear,
almost
cavern.
noises,
to him.
and
Julian,
involuntarily,
as
defence against those foul demons, recurs to that
exorcism to which he has been accustomed since
makes the sign of the cross.

Immediately the noises cease, and the demons
disappear.
Twice is this strange experience
repeated, and each time Julian proves the power
his
childhood, and
of the Christian exorcism.
but the master of iniquity,

to
him
^
He is deeply
who
''What dost thou fear?
Gregor., op.
cit.^
119.
is
impressed,
near him, says
The demons
^ Ibid.^
op.
cit.^
70 sq.
dis-
491
appear, not because they are afraid of the cross,
but because they
suaded by
him
despise
descends with
because they reveal the bent of popular
same time the
imagination, and at the
and cunning of the Christian

Utopian
transformed the
Homer and
naught but
figure,
Julian, per-
Legends absurd but sympto-
into the cavern.
matic,
again
affirmation,
this
And
it."
credulity
controversialists,
Hellenist,
who
devoted to
Plato, into a demoniacal
destined to inspire with a nameless terror
the timorous Christians of the lower classes.
Gregory's greatest
effort
to
is
appear as a ferocious persecutor.

of
were
Christianity
and
moderation
especially
tolerance
make Julian
The defenders
by the
irritated
with
which
Julian
imagined he could lead the world back to ancient
To
Hellenism.
sible
to
these apologists
in
this
serious peril.
And
discourses
to
is
appearances,
in
attempt an infamy and a
thus the real aim of Gregory's
demonstrate
Julian
And
proves himself a
He
seemed impos-
oppose Christianity except by violence,
and they saw
tians.
it
had
this
that,
spite
in
persecuted
the
of
Chris-
Gregory
demonstration
disputant
of
singular
ability.
employs, with great efficacy, the weapons of
sarcasm and irony, and often arrives at the truth.
That
with
Julian's
hypocrisy
affirm, without
the
tolerance
clemency was undoubtedly tainted

is
very
We
natural.
doing the Emperor

of which
he
so
may
also
injustice,
that
often
boasts
in
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
492
was not so much due to an impartial

judgment and a true respect for the opinions of
his letters
others, as to the conviction
that tolerance
was a
means than persecution to attain the aim

so dear to his heart.
But Gregory does not, in
surer
the slightest, appreciate the advantage that accrued

to the Christians
Emperor.
in
from the attitude of the pagan
''Julian"
he
says
"arranged
things
such a way that he persecuted, without appearing
and we suffered without receiving the

honour that would have been due to us, if we had
been seen to suffer for the sake of Christ." ^ The
to
do
so,
difference
between Julian and the other emperors
who were
persecutors,
that the latter persecuted
is,
openly, and in a spirit manifestly tyrannical, so that
they gloried in the violence they exercised.

instead,
and
in
his
persecutions
despicable.^
''
Julian
"
is
Julian,
miserably astute
affirms
Gregory, with
an acuteness which, though poisoned with hate,

at
least
succeeds
partially
truth ''divided
his
power
in
into
reproducing
two
persuasion and that of violence.

the most
cities,
inhuman, he
whose audacity
left
is
this
This
last,
being
without bounds, because
without public decrees,

riots.
parts, that of
the rabble of the
to
unreasonable and most fierce in
preventing the
the
The
its
violence.
And
but simply by not

office,
more benign
and more worthy of a prince, that of persuasion,

But he did not succeed in
he kept for himself.
1
Gregor., op.
cit.,
72.
/^/^.^ op. cit., 73.

maintaining this to the end, since
the laws of nature, for the
impossible
or the Ethiopian his dusky skin.
humanity was inhuman,^
his
violence
an
courtesy,
his
it
is
spots,
its
... So he was
towards the Christians
everything but merciful
even
that
change
to
against
is
it
same reason
leopard
the
for
493
his exhortations,
excuse
for
cruelty,
because he wished to appear to have the right

with
dCt
to
was
impossible
suasion."
from the moment that
violence,
him
for
by
succeed
to
per-
In these words of Gregory there
is
unquestion-
by
ably a foundation of truth, cleverly employed
who,
disputant,
the
it
exaggerated the
facts,
with an acute opportunism,
and described as a deliberate
stratagem, and as premeditated actions, that which
was the natural outcome of the
situation.
Followinof
the thread of this necessarily hostile interpretation,
Gregory reviews nearly
all
those actions of Julian
which we are already acquainted,
with
and
for
which we have proved that the Emperor was not

directly responsible, or,
justified
these
so
enemy.
But
in
if
by provocation
many
causes
All this
is,
responsible, that he
was
and he naturally makes
of accusation
against his
of course, artificial and partisan.
this is not the case
with the admirable invective
which the orator compares the positive Christian
virtues with the fallacious

^
Gregor., op.
Ih'd.y Op. cit.^ 74.
a'f.,
73.
Ka\
rjv
and apparent virtues
of
Xlav aTrdvOpconov dvTM ro (j)iXdvdpa)irov.

3
c>p. cit.,
76
sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
494
the pagans, and breaks out in a paean of victory.
Here
speaks
man
inflamed
with
enthusiasm for the truth of the cause he
When
is
zeal
and
defending.
he alludes to the martyrs and their glory,
Gregory
finds
words of the greatest power.
But
more interesting still is that part of the speech

where Gregory, with an originality of thought and
no longer possessed by the
exhausted orators of Athens and Antioch, announces
intensity of feeling
the essential antitheses of Christianity, which are

the
natural
effect
of
the
contrast
between the
and the
pessimistic conception of the present world
conception of
optimistic
antitheses,
the
one
future
by which the true Christian
those
glories
in his earthly sufferings as a process of initiation
into the felicity of heaven.

their
most sublime expression
These antitheses had

in the divine
of the beatitudes of the Gospels.
paradox
Gregory marvels
that Julian did not yield to the fascination of such
a profound and novel doctrine, and attributes the

resistance
of
the
hardened pagan
to
obstinacy,
Gregory was
and perfidious designs.
He should rather have sought the
mistaken.
stupidity,
cause of Julian's inexplicable resistance in the fact

that these beautiful antitheses no longer represented
the true conditions of Christianity, by
which, at
means of
that time, men no longer hoped
to arrive
exclusively at a future celestial felicity, but rather

at
an earthly
felicity,
and besides, that
it
presented
a deplorable display of discord and covetousness.
495
was the moral conception, culminating

in the apotheosis of the humble and the unfortunate,
that gave to Christianity its strength and its victory.
Certainly,
But,
it
become a simple
natural
ancient
that
it
rhetorical expression, to
in
the worship
in
of
fmd these most

and that
virtue should
comparison
which the
was, therefore,
It
a soul educated
wisdom and
luminous
conception had
this
no way responded.
in
reality
century,
the fourth
in
with the others,
should see in a return to the ancient faith the
salvation of the world.
The
Christian disputant
when he
says that
politician
to
is
certainly in the right
was not the
it
attempt to lead the world back to
because at that
polytheism,
act of a wise
time
the
Christian
movement was already too widely
diffused,
there was no possibility of arresting
Constantine's
it.
successors could do nothing but follow
even
return,
in
empire,
by rendering
citizens inimical to
ates
it.
when he speaks
by Julian
direction.
a more moderate form, to the
policy of Diocletian would have
the
its
and
still
the
more weakened
majority of
the
Gregory, however, exaggerof the opposition encountered
in his attempt.
As we have
already seen,
the rural districts had remained, for the most part,

faithful to
time
paganism, and continued so for a long
for full thirty years after the
Libanius,
in
his
great
death of Julian,
discourse,
"About
the
Temples," could appeal to the Emperor Theodosius,

supplicating
him
to protect the rural temples from
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
496
The army
the destructive fury of the Christians.^
ever remained wholly and securely
Gregory
Julian, although
in
the hands of
affirms that
he abolished
the standard that bore the sign of the cross.^

is
Gregory
true that
relates a great
took place in the camp.
It
scandal that
According
to him, the
Christian soldiers presented themselves before the
Emperor, and asked to be allowed

gifts
they had received from him on the occasion
of his
because they found that by
anniversary,
burning a grain of
receiving the
gifts,
pagan worship.
with
incense
But,
intention.^
certainly
moment
the
Julian only punished
not wishing, says
exile,
at
the rebels
Gregory, to make
who were
already such
in
this
account,
Gregory
has
some
isolated
episodes
into
in
magnified
of
they had committed an act of
martyrs of those
real
to return the
proportions of a solemn scene, because the truth

that, in Julian's
army, there was never the slightest
tendency to breach of
trait
above
all
is
discipline.
If there is
one
others that proves the extent of the
power of attraction possessed by the young Emperor,

devotion that his
it is the ardent and boundless
During the arduous and
soldiers had for him.
exhausting campaigns of Gaul and
Germany,
in
the darinor and hazardous adventures of his rebellion
against Constantius, in his grand and

^
Liban., op.
Gregor., op.
dvTois fidprvpas.
cit.^ \\.
cit.^
desperate
- Gregor., op. ctf.,

164, 5 sq.
75.
Iva fit] fxdprvpas epyaaerai tovs oaov to en'
85.

campaign against
with
him
Persia, the soldiers followed
enthusiasm and unswerving
has never been said that the
But
fidelity.
Christian
soldiers,
army, ever hesitated to obey orders.
the
it
have been many of them
although there must

in
497
If
even the suspicions of Libanius and Sozomenes
were
was
true, that Julian
by a javelin hurled
killed
by the hand of a Christian, the mystery

the matter was
in
which
shrouded and the secrecy of the
no plans of rebellion
plot are the strongest proof that
could have had the slightest possibility of success
among Julian's devoted troops.

One of the acts of persecution attributed to the
Emperor by Gregory was the famous School Law.
But we have elsewhere gauged the value of his
judgment on
moment
Julian,
Let us rather stop
this score.
to consider the
manner
because he imitated
in
for
which he attacks
in the institutions of his
reformed polytheism the institutions of Christianity.
Gregory
Julian's
forced
is
to
recognise
but he
initiative,
honesty of his intentions.
the
humanity of
admit
refuses
to
Julian,
says Gregory,
the
desired to imitate that Assyrian general who, being
unsuccessful
attempted
in
to
treat
speaking Hebrew,
harmony
attempt
his
with
in
of his words.
the
to
take
Jerusalem,
Hebrews, sweetly
order to seduce them by the
So
Julian founded schools,
and even monasteries, and wished
hospitals,
to
establish a priestly hierarchy similar to that of the
Christians,
VOL.
II.
and exhorted them
12
to exercise charity
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
498
towards the
poor.
remarks,
acutely
Christianity that
do not know," Gregory
'*if
was a good
it
of the Emperor,
at
because
would have revealed
for
attempt to Christianise
Julian's
paganism was cut short
thing
birth,
its
if
by the death
had continued
it
it
The
his ape-like tendencies.
apes, in trying to imitate men, let themselves be
caught, and
for
such would also have been his
he would have become entangled
nets, since Christian virtues are
an
fate,
own
in his
intrinsic part of
the nature of Christianity, and not such as can be

imitated by any of those
us,
they being
who wish
to follow after
not through
triumphant,
human
wisdom, but by divine power, and by the consistency that comes with time."^
The whole
of Gregory's
discourse
first
is
attempt to prove that Julian was a persecutor.

this is
one of the most interesting points
personality of this enigmatical
examine
it
an
As
in
the
Emperor, we
will
once again.
That Julian ever abandoned
this
principle of
moderation, that rule of conduct which prevented
him from having recourse
to violence in order to
obtain the triumph of his cause, no impartial writer
The most
has ever been able to affirm.

efforts will
never succeed
in
strenuous
transforming the Neo-
Platonic dreamer into a persecuting sovereign.

all that,
a thesis sustained by that acute
critic.
For
Rode,
and recently revived by the writer (Allard) who

^
Gregor., op.
cit.^
102 sq.
499
has published the latest study on Julian, attempts
was a
to prove that, in Julian's actions, there
ten-
dency to a sort of evolution, so that although he

began under the inspiration of great moderation
and equanimity of mind, he would,
little
by
have become so exasperated that he would

have arrived
at the point of
little,
finally
committing acts of
severity which, although not exactly proceedings of
persecution, were very near akin to them.

It
appears to us that this thesis
artificial,
First of
and
all,
is
absolutely
responds to a preconceived
was so short as
Julian s reign
idea.
to pre-
clude a fundamental evolution of his mind, and,

besides, his actions cannot possibly
that chronological order
be arranged
in
which would have been
necessary in order to deduce the conclusion that

Julian
was rapidly
inclining towards persecution.
Thus, one of the acts of the Emperor
an
error,
according to our opinion, but which only a partisan

writer
like
Gregory could colour with a
light so as to
i.e.,
make
it
sinister
appear a religious persecution
the condemnation of the courtiers of Con-
stantius,
took place quite at the beginning of his
reign, while his edict of disapproval of the
Alex-
andrians for the murder of their Bishop George
was written from Antioch.

were many during
As
to the riots, there
his short reign,
now
Christians
against pagans, and again the latter against the

former.
But
it
is
impossible
fomented these insurrections
to
say that
he
in order to repress the
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
500
We
Christians with the greatest severity.

seen, on
have
the contrary, that, even in grave cases,
he contented himself with
punishments
inflicting
of a purely administrative order.
We
must, on the other hand, recognise that
would have been impossible

renewed the
proved
the
that
happened by
not,
that
of the
to
is
degree,
slightest
now
is
it
Christians
say,
through
The Romans
de simple policed
the
in
already said,
persecutions
cocercitio,
proceedings
Julian to have
for
persecution of the preceding
classic
As we have
emperors.
it
did
themselves
concern
with the doctrines of the Christians, because dog-
matic
persecution
was
unknown
absolutely
to
them, and they did not even inquire into the crimes
of which the Christians were imagined to be guilty.
The
Christians were considered as forming a sect
dangerous
to
occasions
the
nowadays
is
the
Imperial
called a
on
therefore
State,
authorities
"raid,"
and
certain
ordered what
if
the arrested
refused to perform the required act of adoration

before the image of the Emperor, they were con-
demned
police
to
suffer capital
proceedings
slender minority.
becomes
are
punishment.
But these
only possible
against a
The day
in
which the minority
in its turn the majority,
employ against
their
ancient
they rebel, and
adversaries
those
systems of persecution of which they were for such

a long time the victims.
way
in
And
this is exactly the
which the Christians acted from the moment

had given Christianity a
that Constantine
501
legal
and
recognised status.
even
Julian, therefore,
he had wished, could
if
not have persecuted the Christians by
And
ancient systems.
But
so.
it
is
useless
to
He
protector of Christianity.
in
ask from Julian more
Julian could not
than he could give.
attempted to stop
its
wished
programme, and we
should
have been
to
become a
oppose
and desired
diffusion,
place Hellenic polytheism.
its
means of the
he never attempted to do
it,
to put
This was his
cannot expect that his actions

contradiction
in
to
He
it.
could neither favour the Christians nor leave them

possession of the
in
that they
had managed
to acquire
The
century of their dominion.
have seen
in
and prerogatives
privileges
during the
half-
Christians, as
we
Sozomenes and Socrates, protested

Considering the
against this return to antiquity.
question from their point of view, they were right
but Julian's conduct because of this was neither

that of a persecutor nor even condemnable.
It
is
with such criteria that the administrative rigour of

Julian, of
which we have already spoken, must be
judged.
The
truth
is,
established the ancient

equality between
that
all
was necessary
had
Julian
modes
citizens
simply
re-
of government, and
course of action
to accomplish his
programme.
In the administration of justice, he was so impartial

that
in
it
was
said that Justice,
which had taken refuge
heaven, returned, while he
was Emperor,
to
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
502
earth.
that
And
good Ammianus
the
explicitly tells us
''although Julian sometimes indulged in
in-
opportune questions regarding the religion of each

of the litigants, none of his
were found
statements
be contrary to the
to
truth,
of cases
nor could
he ever be upbraided with the reproof of having

deviated, either on account of religious questions or
of any other considerations, from the narrow path of
equity
vel
unquam
nec argui
qtwdaimque aliud ab
This
deviasseT^
his hero,
question
all
religionevi,
recto
tramite
from
the
concealed the faults
and who, furthermore,
is
religious fanaticism, decides
the most
in
ob
declaration
who never
quite impervious to
the
csquitatis
explicit
impartial historian,
and blemishes of
potiiit
unmistakable manner.
Julian, except in the case of his personal antagonism
to
Athanasius, never assumed the part of a perthe
All
secutor.
acts
ecclesiastical writers,
that his enemies
and the
Gregory, Socrates, Sozomenes,
Rufinus, point out as proofs
of persecution,
are
only measures intended to deprive the Christian
Church, without violence, of the privileges which
had arrogated
to
itself.
Now,
it
the idea of giving to
these actions the logical sequence of the aim which

Julian wished to attain, the appearance of a per-
by which Christianity could be
secution,
eradicated
us
the
and
effect
judgment
replaced
of
totally
most
lacking
Amm.
by
in
MarcelL, op.
paganism,
partial
i.
288.
has
judgment
objectivity,
cit.^
forcibly
to
seeking

a
with
fault
finding
of
intention
it.
The second
courses
The
pre-estabHshed
the
503
is
cry
two virulent
Gregory's
of
of joy
for
dis-
Julian's catastrophe.
orator heaps on the head of the
terrible
the
insults
suggested
to
him by
his
fallen
all
fertile
imagination, and those which he culls from
In
of Biblical literature.
the inexhaustible store
order to express the magnitude of Julian's wickedness,
he must be called
Ahab,
Pharaoh,
at the
And
evil.^
which he
No
Nebuchadnezzar.
was more ready than

devising
same time Jeroboam,
his
this is
nature
discovering
in
and
proved by the favours
bestowed on the Jews, and the
liberally
promise that he made to them of rebuilding the
Temple
of Jerusalem
promise rendered vain by
The
the miraculous interposition of God.

tion he gives of the
is
narra-
campaign against the Persians
most exasperating, because of the unjust and
partisan spirit with
admirable
ability
which
preparations
it
and
is
written.
extraordinary
the
by means of which the Emperor triumphantly
led his
army
as far as Ctesiphon, are persistently
denied by Gregory, who attributes

stratagem of the Persians
lure the
enemy
Gregor., op.
cit.,
this success to a
a stratagem designed
to the interior of the country,
they could more easily be defeated

^
All the
III.
t:a<ov evpeaLV Ka\ errivoiav.
he
is
to
where
perfectly
dv yap eyevero nopiixwrcpa (pvais <eivj]s
els
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
504
concerning Julian's heroism, and he depicts
silent
him as a raging lunatic. As to Julian's death,

Gregory does not know to whom to attribute the
merit of the killing.
He makes no allusion to the
possibility of its having been the work of a
But he glories
Christian.
Emperor, as
and he
his
if it
relates that
had given orders that
Julian
thrown
secretly
into a river, so
might be believed that he had disappeared
it
and
death of the
the
were the salvation of the world,
body should be
that
in
ascended
among
heaven,
to
gods
the
How
numbered
was
and
does
greatly
party
prejudice obscure the judgment and travesty truth
Behold the transformation wrought
in the affecting
and sublime scene described by Ammianus and

But if critical
Libanius by the hand of an enemy
!
sentiment rises in arms against this tempest of

unmerited, or at least excessive, abuse, and against
this intentional caricature of the historical personality,
still,
resist the
the
Give
it
is
impossible to
overpowering eloquence of the triumphant
The
orator.
like
on the other hand,
peroration of Gregory's discourse
clang
me"
sophistical
he
of
cries
We
**give
thy
discourses,
thy meditations.
saluting
clarion
will
me
prophet commands
thy songs, the sound
Divest
thyself,
me
victory.
thy Imperial and
irresistible
syllogisms,
compare them with that
which untutored fishermen have said
my
is
to silence the
of thine
But
to us.
echo of
instruments
hierophant, of thine infamous

stole
robe
priests,
yourselves
505
with justice,
the glorious stole, the immaculate tunic of Christ
Let thy message of dishonour be silenced, and
message of divine
the
resound
truth
let
Closed
must be thy books of falsehood and magic, let us

open the books of the prophets and of the apostles
!
What
great
accrue to thee from the
benefit did
armaments thou
prepare,
didst
from the
numberless war-machines that were invented, from
many myriads of men, the numerous

Much stronger were our prayers and
God "
Gregory exults in the idea
the
battalions
the will of
of
all
the
torments of the Hellenic Tartarus and of others

still
worse, applied to Julian, and then exclaims
These things we tell thee, we to whom thy great

and admirable law would have forbidden the rio^ht
Thou seest, that though condemned by

decrees, we do not remain silent, but raise
to speak.
thy
freely
No
on high our voice which curses thy
one dare attempt
to
folly
stem the cataracts of the
Nile falling from Ethiopia into Egypt, nor stop

the rays of the sun, even
obscured by passing
tongues of the
conduct
if,
for a
nor to silence the
clouds,
Christians
moment, they are
publicly
reviling
This Basil and Gregory say unto thee,
the enemies and opposers of thine attempt,

thou,
thy
knowing
to
whole of Greece,
be renowned and famous

for their
life,
whom
in
their doctrine,
the
and
their union, thou didst reserve for the final battle,

^
Gregor., op.
cit.^
126.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
506
as a splendid and triumphal offering to the demons,
had we been obliged
to receive thee
on thy return
from Persia, and perhaps thou didst hope,

perverse thoughts, to drag
to
Hades.
"
invective
tremendous
together with thee,
us,
dedicate to thee
thus
Gregory
column,
" this
closes his
more
lofty
The
and splendid than the Columns of Hercules.

latter
remained fixed
those
who
may be
thy
in
them.
visit
one
in
spot, visible only to
This one, being movable,
seen by every one and from everywhere.

believe me, transmitted even to posterity,
It will be,
branding thee and thy enterprise, and
be a
will
warning to others, never to attempt so great a
God,
against
rebellion
because
the
same crime
would meet with the same punishment
"
Before such diverse, or rather, contradictory

statements regarding Julian's personality presented
to us
by contemporary
he
a sort of demi-god
is
of
whom
endowed with every
virtue,
writers, for
naught
some
and
while for others he
is
unclean monster,
would be a hopeless task
discover
the
it
truth,
writings of Julian
difficult to
if
we
else but a vile
did
not possess the
from which
himself,
to
it
is
not
form an exact idea of the character and
talents of the
man.
We
have already examined a
great part of these writings in the course of our

study,
and we have found

^
Gregor., op.
in
czt.,
them the necessary
132 sq.

mode
indications to appreciate his
and
philosophical
of considering
and
religious problems,
plain his conduct
in
the
But now we
try to penetrate into the soul of the
him as he
see
really
to ex-
complex conditions by
which he found himself surrounded.
must
507
For
is.
man, and
we
purpose,
this
cannot look for assistance from the two tiresome

declamations composed
Constantius,
by
when he had
Julian
honour of
in
good
re-entered into the
These are two compositions

written under the pressure of political prudence, by
no means the echo of his convictions, and, there-
graces of his cousin.
only
fore,
readable
as
the
cadence into which Greek

the schools of the
proof
letters
rhetoricians,
writing was reduced to the
mined formulas, and
to
of
had
the
where the
application
an exercise of
de-
fallen
in
art of
of deterartificial
imitations of examples taken from ancient history
and
literature.
But we must admit,
for the sake of truth, that
these discourses reflect anything but honour upon

Julian.
It
is
easy to understand the reasons of
opportunism that
Caesar
the
may have suggested
idea
of
composing
to the
these
new
eulogies.
Raised suddenly to the pinnacle of power, invested

with an authority
that
rendered
him almost a
colleague of the Emperor, sustained, as he

was,
by the vigilant
and powerful influence of
Eusebia, he could easily imagine that a
had opened
for him.
knew he
Because of
all
new
this,
era
he did
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
508
not wish to compromise either his present or his
and was obHged
future,
to curry favour with the
suspicious and vain-glorious Constantius, by dedi-
cating to
him the
studies.
But, admitting
of his intellect
first-fruits
and
his
and attributing a
this,
all
great part to the emphatic and scholastic formulary

of the rhetorical school to which he belonged,
find in these eulogies such
that
it
produces a painful
recall that
we
an excessive adulation
above
effect,
all
when we
which Julian himself related a few years
later to the Athenians,
i.e.,
that he
was immediately
impressed by the duplicity of Constantius, even
him the name and the power

because he found himself surrounded by
when he assigned
of Caesar,
spies,
to
looked upon with suspicion by his generals,
and considered by them almost
in the light of
prisoner.^
We
must needs
attribute
Julian an extra-
to
ordinary power of dissimulation,
if
he was able,
notwithstanding the most precarious circumstances
by which he was surrounded,
to
send these hymns
of admiration and gratitude to his wicked cousin,
the murderer of
all
his family
feeling of relief that,
these declamations,
It is
on arriving
we
with a positive
at the
end of
hear the author excusing
himself from giving proofs of the virtues with which
he has decorated the personality of Constantius, on

the plea that this would
take too long, and that
he has no time to devote to the Muses, as the

1
Julian., op.
cif.,
277 sq.

necessities of the
moment
him
call
509
to action/
and
was possibly the great campaign against

the German coalition headed by Conodomarius
the campaign that was closed by the glorious
this action
battle of Strasburg.
The
Essay of
the writings of Julian, with which
acquainted after publishing the

book,
is,
D'Alfonso,
R.
Professor
on
we only became
first
edition of this
for the trustworthiness of its information
and the impartiality of

contribution
Professor
the
to
its
judgment, an excellent
concerning
studies
Julian.
D'Alfonso sustains a thesis that to us
appears rather bold, namely, that Julian's panegyrics
on Constantius were written with an
ironical in-
tention, so that, instead of being the expressions of
they were effectively
opportunism,
a deplorable
bitter, but veiled, attacks against his
Now^
perfidious protector.
that Julian, in his
the
take
seriously
upon
his cousin.
his
discourse
this
it
there can be no doubt
most secret thoughts, did not

fulsome flattery he
But
the
this
is
would be necessary,
if
such a manner that
might be able
his
to guess them,
lavished
not sufficient to give
characteristics
to reveal his true thoughts, for

in
new but ever
of irony.
For
he had some reason
him
to
have written
hearers and readers
although hidden by
words conveying a contrary meaning.
Now, these
panegyrics were written during the lune de miel

^
Julian.,
op.
cit.^
130.
e/xoi'
ov
(ryoki]
ras novaas cVi toctovtov
dfpaneveiv, aXX' (opa Xolttov npos epyov rpeneaOai.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
510
of Julian's reconciliation with Constantius
the
first,
probably, during his sojourn in Milan, the second

in
Gaul, on the eve of one of his
Julian
had accepted
new
this
first
campaigns.
position, that
made
him the second person in the Empire. This being

the case, it was only reasonable for him to desire
to strengthen his claims and to gain as much as
possible the favour of the Emperor, or at least to
dissipate
those suspicions which yet lingered in
his soul.
What
very
moment
folly
it
would have been
if,
in the
which he received from Constantius
in
the office of Caesar and
held
in his
it
name, he
should have offended him by the thrusts of a too

transparent
irony
written with the
The two
aim of eradicating the
that the consciousness of his
aroused
in
The most
justifiable.
relationship between
own
and
Constantius,
were
panegyrics
distrust
perverse actions
are
thus
delicate point in the
part
in
renewed
cousins must have
the two
been the memory of the murders of the father and
by Constantius
relatives of Julian, perpetrated
the time of Constantine's death.

this, in his first
and
excuses
with
which
extenuate his
crimes.
the
Notwithstanding
discourse, Julian clearly takes his
position,
provisions
at
repeats,
in
own name,
his
Constantius
those
attempted
to
Julian speaks of the wise
made by Constantius when he assumed
Empire, and then
adds
this
phrase
"
however, forced by circumstances, against thy

thou didst not prevent
others
But
will,
from committing

As we have shown
excesses."^
excuse does not
tion, this
it
our demonstra-
in
sHghtest exculpate
in the
Constantius, but, at any rate,
511
gave him the loop-
hole by which he might escape
blame, that of
all
throwing the responsibility on the shoulders of
This explanation was
others.
and
at the court of Constantius
closed
Julian, as
did
as
eyes,
he says
if
in his
not put the
the
moment
the
was accepted with
an
of faith.
article
faith
in
that
fact
which
in
admitted,
manifesto to the Athenians,
slightest
does not change

at
were
it
officially
But
it.
his
declaration,
made
he
this
it,
must
have been considered as a proof and a guarantee
had forgotten the
that he
past, that
thoughts of vengeance, and
all
must have been

repugnant,
it
all
Having taken
horror and anger.

for
he had resigned
sentiments of
this step,
which
the most painful and
Julian
was easy work, with the hypocritical
recognition of the virtues of Constantius, to enter
on the 7nare
of his epoch,
official
some
to
magnum
and
to
of the rhetorical adulation

fill
up the ordinary
lines of
panegyrics with that stuff (excepting, perhaps,

panegyric) which was
points in the second
be found ''ready-made
"
in the rhetorical stores
of the school.
But
if
appear
to
he was not sincere, he at least wished

so,
and, in
our manner of seeing, the
idea of an ironical intention in his discourses ought

^
Julian., op.
cit.^ 19.
77X7)1/
et
iripovs â[xapTdveiv ov 8ieKa>\vaas.
ttov
^Laadds
vtto tcou
Kaipcov aiccov
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
512
to be excluded.
Until after the battle of Strasburg,
Julian believed he would be able to live on
And on
terms with Constantius.
by word and
have
faith in
deed,
to
him and
persuade
in his
from the very
his
work.
his later writings, Julian wishes to

that,
his side
he
good
tried,
cousin
to
Certainly, in
make
us believe,
day when he was passing
first
triumphantly through the streets of Milan
in
the
Imperial coach, he had a presentiment of the truth,
and the certainty of being betrayed by Constantius.

But we must not blindly accept all that the able
disputant says in his own defence.
And, on the
other hand,
we must
and
gives
events which, in
reality,
We,
believe
is
therefore,
fore-shortened
view
to
happened
at long intervals.
the
only conclusion
that
by Julian
making himself
panegyrics were written
these
that
with the
deal for the
''perspective," that diminishes
effects of historical
distances
allow a great
intention
positive
of
agreeable to Constantius, and that they are a true

reflection
of a
determined moment
in the life of
our hero.
In
the
same
the panegyric on the
official discourses, is
Eusebia,
familiar.
with
In
of undoubted
of
part
this,
and on the same
style,
which
we
are
line of
Empress
already
however, we detect an accent
respect
and an expression of
real
gratitude, and, perhaps, of a secret tenderness for this
noble lady,
tion,
who had
brought, as her marriage por-
a correct education, an harmonic intelligence,
513
a flower and breath of beauty such as to eclipse

that of
the
virgins, as
other
all
rays of the
full
and obscure the light of the stars." ^

Concerning this panegyric on Eusebia, we shall
speak more fully later on, and we shall attempt to
moon
eclipse
discover the nature of the relationship between the
young
and
prince
and
beautiful
his
powerful
cousin.
We
and
have already spoken of the philosophical

being
which,
discourses
religious
decidedly
doctrinal in their intent, are, therefore, useless in
But, in the other writings
our present researches.

that
have reached
already revealed
ality,
appears in
its
of the
Themistius and
we
us
to
CcBsars,
above
man
pedantic
and
writer,
scholastic
all,
as he really
the
to
in his
is,
the
who, by means
of a genuine inspiration, succeeds
the
In
Discourses
the
in
and acute
witty, vivacious,
Misopogon,
brilliancy.
Sallustius, and,
recognise the
the
in
untrammelled
Banquet
Epistles,
spontaneous origin-
us, Julian's
in
overcoming
formalities in
which
he had been reared.
The Banquet of
wit and wisdom,
writer, a
them
this is
their
all,
all
failings,
and
their
a satire
full
of
to Julian as a
In this satire he
his predecessors,
exposing their
vices.
Among
one alone finds grace with him, and
Marcus Aurelius.
^
VOL.
is
and does honour
man, and an emperor.
passes in review
errors,
the CcEsars
II.
13
Julian., op.
Most admirable indeed

cit.^
109.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
514
young man of
this
thirty, ruler
who
among all
of the world,
chooses as his model the most wise

the emperors.
All
harmony with
his
other judgments are
this preference,
and
if
in
the severity
sometimes excessive, they are always
of these
is
inspired
by a
high
and
sentiment of morality,
expressed with extreme elegance.

Julian at the feast
of the
Saturnalia,
during
was a duty to laugh and divert oneself,

not being able to do either, proposes to a friend
to narrate to him an interesting myth.
The
which
it
friend agrees,
him,
tells
nalia,
to
in
and Julian begins.
Romulus," he
order to celebrate those same Satur-
decided to invite the gods and the emperors
The
Olympus.
a banquet on
are
accepted the invitation,
the
and occupy magnificent thrones

Silenus
order.
greatly
is
amuses with
the gods are
next to
his jokes
first
and
to
having
arrive,
in the prescribed
whom
Bacchus,
seated, the
all
gods,
witticisms.
he
After
emperors enter one
by one, and Silenus greets each of them with a

satirical allusion.
Julius Caesar comes first, and
Beware of this man, O Jupiter,
Silenus exclaims
'
as,
on account of
his
love of power,
he might
attempt to rob thee of thy sovereignty.
how
if
in
tall
and handsome he
naught
else,
in
his
is.
He
baldness
resembles me,
!
grey.
now yellow, now

Then Tiberius,
After him
'
comes Octavius, who changes colour

leon,
Mark
red,
now
full
of sores
like a
black,
chame-
and again
and
ulcers

whom
then Caligula,
he
Then
seeing Claudius, exclaims
Silenus,
wrong,
Romulus,
cessor, without his
Summon them
thee
And
'
'
:
imitator
all
'
:
Silenus
to
imitate
will
deprive
And
wreath
'
Nero,
swallowed by Cocytus."
is
excepting Nerva, Marcus
at,
Silenus
towards
chides
and
Diocletian
his
over-
child,
the
for
and
wife
his
but his excessive severity.
quartette of
lyre
And
tries
And
second Claudius, and Probus,

fault
Mes-
pass in succession, each one being
whom
indulgence
This one
of his
wreath,
accused and scoffed

Aurelius,
Pallas.
only a ''super" in
is
laurel wreath.
Apollo replies
bereft of his
Thus they
Thou
here, together with his wife
Apollo
to
vile
this
and
thy suc-
this,
freedmen Narcissus and
and crowned with a

!
'
Here comes Nero, with the
tragedy.'
turning
invite
to
without them he
for
salina,
the
the gods refuse to see,
chased away and hurled back into Tartarus.
is
art
515
who has no other

Then arrives the
three
his
associates
most excellent and harmonious combination,
were
it
not
Maximianus.
for the
Finally,
to
this
a strident discord, and behold

his rivals.
Constantine
Magnentius
and
note sounded by
discordant
being
alone
harmony succeeds
Constantine with
remains,
chased
away
Licinius
by
the
gods.
The banquet being
thus
arranged.
Mercury
proposes to open a competition to decide which

of the
emperors
is
worthy of winning a prize
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
516
This proposal
awarded by the gods.

ceived,
as
especially
Romulus
has,
time, desired to be permitted to
a long
have some one
But Hercules
of his successors near him.

that
well re-
is
for
Alexander should also be
and
called,
The gods decide

among the emperors
insists
this is
granted him.
that
most noted
should be per-
only the
Caesar,
and they choose Alexander,

Octavius, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, and,
finally,
on the recommendation of Bacchus, also
mitted
to
compete,
who
Constantine,
however, only allowed to stand
is,
on the threshold of the

one of the
in
six rivals
is
order to glorify his
hall
own
Each
of the gods.
called on to
make
a speech,
These
undertakings.
speeches are written by our poet with a subtle

acuteness.
each other as to which

Caesar
and Alexander vie with
Julius Caesar
is
due the greatest glory.
endeavours to prove that his enterprises
were much more
difficult
of Alexander, while the
arguments
of
the
and heroic than those
latter tries to refute the
former,
attention to the fact that
by
calling
particular
Caesar's triumphs
were
mainly due to the inexpertness and lack of talent

of his adversary,
certainly not
Pompey.
one of
This last-named was
Julian's favourites.
pleads his wise administration of the
ending of the
civil
Octavius
Empire, the
war, the giving to the
Roman
Empire well-defined boundaries, the Danube and

the Euphrates, and healing the wounds that conIt seems
tinual wars had inflicted on the State.

to
517
Octavius that he has governed better than the
warHke
two
besides
that,
mihtary
his
reminds them
Trajan
emperors.
he
enterprises,
can
boast of the kindness with which he treated the
and the mildness of
citizens,
that,
by
his words,
government, so
his
he gains the sympathy of the
After him comes Marcus Aurelius, and at
gods.
once Silenus whispers to Bacchus
'
:
Let us
listen
to this Stoic
Who knows how many paradoxes
But
and marvellous maxims he will reveal to us
!
'
Marcus Aurelius, looking

gods, says
'It
is
not for me,
to
make
If
you were ignorant of
and the other
at Jupiter
Jupiter,
gods,
discourses and take part in competitions.
advisable that
my
But as from the gods nothing
me
course, give
it
would be
acquaint you with them.
should
actions,
is
hidden, you
the prize which
Marcus Aurelius appeared
to
will,
deserve.'
the
knew when
of
And
gods as one
was useful
to speak, and also when it was commendable to
remain silent. " ^ Finally, Constantine, who had
remained on the threshold of the hall, is unwilling
marvellously wise, for he
to speak, well
to
those
of
knowing how
the
character
fought,
superior to the
is
of
for,
citizens, as
inferior are his actions
But
feeling
obliged
he awkwardly attempts to prove
to say something,
that he
others.
it
the
others
enemies with
instead of waging
because of the
whom
he
had
war against honest
Caesar and Octavius had done, he had

^
Julian., op.
ci/.,
421, 19.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
518
overcome perverse
he foolishly adds,
that he
'
'
Marcus
Aurelius,'
has demonstrated by his silence
inferior to us
is
"
tyrants.
Constantine, thou
And
all.
dost
Silenus rejoins
present to
us as thy
work the garden of Adonis.'

And what dost thou
?
mean by gardens of Adonis
They are those
which the women, in honour of the lover of Venus
Aphrodite, make up with small flower-pots, in
which they have planted sweet herbs. For a short
while they are green, and then rapidly fade away.'
*
'
'
And
Constantine blushes, well understanding the
allusion to his work."^

It
is
easy to perceive that Julian entertained
a profound antipathy to his uncle, and sought to

diminish his fame.
This antipathy had
its
origin in the privileged position bestowed
stantine
upon
But
Christianity.
it
natural
by Con-
must seem
strange that in this sort of examination to which

the emperors are submitted by the gods, no other
be made to that which,
allusion should
eyes,
in their
must have been Constantine's greatest crime.
However, perhaps Julian did not wish to attribute

to this event, which for him was nothing more
than a passing episode, a greater importance than
it
seemed
to
him
to deserve
and, besides, he did
not wish to diminish the effect of the parting shot
which, as
we
shall see later,
he discharges at the
apostasy of Constantine.
The
speeches having ended, the competition

^
Julian., op. df., 423, 10 sq.
been closed, but the gods are not
should have
yet
519
thoroughly
because,
satisfied,
determine the merits of each one,
it is
to be acquainted with their acts, in
may have played
a great part
also to scrutinise the intentions that
order
in
to
not sufficient
which Fortune
it
necessary
is
have influenced
Hereupon Mercury begins a new

''What was the aim," he says,
these actions.
interrogatory.
addressing himself to Alexander, " for which thou

hast
worked and
"To
with
conquer
a
able
the
greatly
he
all,"
recognise
to
that
conquer himself.
to
object
of
"To
Caesar.
but also not
thy
life ? "
be the
exerted
first,
thyself
"
?
And
Silenus,
address,
induces
replies.
humorous
and
lone
Alexander
so
he had not been
"And
w^hat has
been
demands Mercury
and not only not
of
be,
be considered, second to any one."
"Certainly," Silenus remarks, "thou wert the most
powerful of thy fellow-citizens, but thou didst not
succeed
in
making
thyself loved
standing thy pretence
of
by them, notwith-
philanthropy and
adulations you showered upon them."
the
Augustus,
who says that his aim in life was to govern wisely,

and Trajan, who admits having had the same
aspirations as Alexander,
tion, are
but in greater modera-
both subjected to the taunts of Silenus.
Marcus Aurelius
alone,
by the simplicity of
his
answers, vanquishes the sarcasms of that satirical

god.
"What seems
Marcus Aurelius,
"
to
thee,"
the noblest aim
Mercury
in life ? "
asks
"
To
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
520
imitate
gods
"by
And Marcus AureHus
? "
But what dost
he repHes.
gods,"
the
thou mean," Silenus inquires,
wants as possible, and to do

is
in thy
power
''And thou,
of
And
very
embarrass
this
my
poor
his resources, seeks
all
wise emperor by accusing him
who
would
son."
who
the jeers of Silenus
is
who once
Then comes
the turn
and the gods
finish
by voting
Then Mercury,
commissioned by Jupiter, announces to the

through divine bounty,
all
whom
near
Hercules
Octavius,
Aurelius, between Jupiter
received by
self
strange finale^ which
this,
in
and Saturn
;
Marcus
Caesar
is
is
Trajan places him-
And now we come

it
safety.
places himself
near Apollo
Mars and Venus
near Alexander.
to choose each a
they can live
Alexander, as soon as he hears
rivals
of them, the victor
and the vanquished, are allowed

tutelar god, near
said
absolutely annihilated by
a majority for Marcus Aurelius.
that,
we
my thunderbolts
strike thee with
my
thou wert not
of Constantine,
in
by
his actions
taught that
should be tolerant with wives, and
if
and
wife
his
Homer, and invoking the examples of
indulgence given by Jupiter,
to Mars,
body."
miserable
But Marcus Aurelius defends
quoting
"
need anything
much indulgence towards
of too
son.
then Silenus adds
myself had need of nothing,
little
Silenus, having exhausted

to
the
as few
the good that
all
therefore, didst not
And Marcus
and
to do."
imitating
To have
to the
necessary to reproduce

own
in Julian's
among
521
Constantine, not finding
words.
gods an archetype to his taste, and

Incontinence in his neighbourhood,
the
perceiving
She received him most kindly,

embraced him, arrayed him in a glittering peplum,
and led him to Dissoluteness, near whom was
runs to meet her.
Jesus,
who
crable
and criminal men, come
out fear
cried
By washing
drops of water,
and
will
unto
your heads and your
with his sons
left
me
exewith-
render ye clean in an instant,

I
will
to cleanse yourselves anew,
most happy
felt
murderers,
yourselves with these few
ye should sin again,
if
means
strike
Corrupters,
'
to
again give ye
only ye will
if
breasts.'
be with him,
Constantine
and together
the assembly of the gods.
But
the demons, avengers of this impiety, tormented
him and those belonging

pay dearly
for the
and made them
to him,
blood of their relations which
they had shed."
At
the close of the scene, Julian presents him-
self as the last of the
to
him
''I
emperors, and Mercury says
permit thee to become acquainted
Father Mithras.
Submit thyself to his
commands, and thou wilt find a wise instruction
and a safe path for thy life, and the good hope of
with
having as a
guide a
moment comes
This
is
merciful
deity
when the
for thee to depart."^
indeed a most shameful mockery and a
supremely iniquitous interpretation of the inspiration

^
Julian.,
oj^,
a'L, 431, 8 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
522
But here we must observe that the name
of Jesus.
"Jesus" does not refer to the personaHty of the

Evangehcal
Christ, but to a personification of the
Christian reHgion as
it
it
was
Now,
appeared to him.
in
JuHan's time, and as
the truth
as
is,
we have
previously pointed out, that Christianity had, in no
moralised the customs of mankind.
respect,
from the
Julian's text this appears evident
In
fact that
was possible for the writer to accuse Jesus of

having been the demoraliser of the world. Chrisit
had taken root because
had been able to

satisfy certain aspirations of the human mind at the
moment in which it appeared. But Christianity
tianity
could not
make man
it
moral, because
man
cannot be
moralised by means of a doctrine imparted from

without
he
is,
on the contrary, only made better
by the conditions of the medium

lives,
and
this
wholly relative
medium
is
which he
in
the direct cause of that
conception,
morality.
pagans or Christians, men were equally
Whether
endowed
with a certain amount of good and evil qualities,
harmonising with the character of existing customs
morals do not create customs, but, on the contrary,

morals are the outcome of prevailing customs.
the early days of Christianity,
when
it
In
was most
dangerous to become a Christian, only those professed

tions,
it
who were
and were capable of heroically
themselves, so that
when
susceptible of exalted convic-
Christianity
all
appear to us as
sacrificing
saints.
was recognised as a
But
religion, at

first
all
tolerated and, later on, dominant,
it
523
became, like
other religions, a mere cloak, that leaves un-
changed
Among
man whom it envelops.
no less than among pagans, there were
the
Christians,
good and bad,
selfish
and generous,
cruel
and
Ambrose might have been a better man

Simmachus and Libanius, who remained
pagans but Julian, as a pagan, was as much to be
merciful.
than
admired
for his
morals as Constantine and Con-
converts
stantius,
Now, Constantine's
despised.
Christian,
were
Christianity,
to
was a hotbed
abomination fermented.
in
to
be
although
Court,
which every rotten
Julian recognised, in his
uncle and his cousin, the assassins of his family,

and, at the
same
time,
saw them exalted by the
Christians and freed from
all
stain,
by the simple
effects of a purely formal conversion.
From
this
arose his feeling of abhorrence, and, considering

the special conditions in which he lived, one must
acknowledge that
error
an
error truly
imagine
to
the
was most
it
to
Julian s
most men
was
some one was responsible
that
inevitable,
common
explicable.
and
thus, with sacrilegious
for
levity,
he attributed to the Founder of Christianity the

responsibility of that
human
nature,
in
which was the consequence of
a determined
moment
of
its
evolution.^
We
have said above {îde vol. i. p. 145) that the report was current
and was repeated by Zosimus, that Constantine
had inclined to Christianity because he believed that this religion
had the power of washing away the sins committed by a man. And
^
among
the pagans,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
524
This Dialogue of Julian,
like
other
his
all
works, only lacks the arduiis limes labor to be most
He
excellent.
of a
duties
ideas, that
ogives
us his ideas concernins: the
And
sovereign.
so
lofty are these
he has naught but disapproval
for the
emperors who preceded him, with the one excep-
Marcus Aurelius.
tion of
gained
glory
eyes,
It
appears that even the
war found
in
little
and did not constitute a merit
had attained
it.
grace
in
his
for those
who
Julian, therefore, should
have been
a most peace-loving emperor, entirely devoted to

that religious
propaganda which was
most
lively
But, once again, nature vanquished
preoccupation.
reason,
his
and he proved
beautiful theories,
that Alexander
that,
notwithstanding his
he resembled,
in
many
respects,
whom he did not spare with his taunts
through the medium of the sarcastic Silenus.
This
crowned Neo-Platonic philosopher was, in reality,

above all a warrior, and the attractions of glory
possessed
for
him
an
irresistible
although he was unwilling to confess

that, as
it.
fascination,
So we
soon as he reached the throne, his
see
first
more than any other man, had
the need of being cleansed.

could only have had a legendary origin.
Constantine perpetrated his most atrocious domestic crimes, i.e.^
the murders of his wife Fausta, of his son Crispus, of his infant
grandchild Licinianus, many years after the promulgation of the Edict
Constantine,
We also added that
this report
little did he crave the purifying

baptism on his death-bed. It is
impossible, however, not to recognise in Julian's words an allusion to
this report, and we must therefore conclude that, among the pagans
who were his contemporaries, this was the current explanation of
of Milan, and, on the other hand, so

waters,
that he only asked
Constantine's conversion.
for
525
thoueht was to throw himself into that insane

Persian war, which was only undertaken to satisfy
his
adventurous
such a colossal
spirit
and
to astonish the world
alludes to his great anxiety

in
his
Libanius
enterprise.
especially
and impatience, and
Discourse
Necrological
by
describes
the
ardour with which Julian rushed into this hazard-
He
ous attempt.
with difficulty acquiesced in the
short delay indispensable to

all
the while
drill
men and
horses,
shaking with suppressed fear
lest
some one should mockingly say of him that he

was of the same family as the cowardly Constantius.
The King of Persia sent him a letter proposing
that they should submit
the
differences
between
Empire to a Court of Arbitration.

Every one implored him to accept this proposition.
But he, throwing the letter angrily aside,
Persia and the
declared
it
would be dishonourable
to a discussion
cities,
with
and he replied
were unnecessary,
was coming
to the king that
as,
been
emperors from
whom
it
in
to visit him.
probably have
but
to
condescend
many
the destroyers of so
ambassadors
a short time, he himself
Such a response would
natural
to
many
of those
Julian withheld his approval,
would never have issued from the
lips of
wise
Marcus Aurelius, who, in making war, was only

guided by conscientious motives, as in all other acts
pertaining to his office, and who fought sadly and
passionlessly, much preferring to have passed his
time immersed in his melancholy meditations
But
!
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
526
in
philosophy
Julian,
and
even
pedantry
are
strangely blended with youthful ardour and a strong
longing for action, and this makes him a highly

original figure, exceedingly rich in striking contrasts,
and one of the most interesting
The
we have
long study
work and writings of
in all history.
already
made
Julian has given us a clear
insight into the nature of his personality
ray of
brilliant
was about
bad
which ancient
civilisa-
indications of his merits
and
among
the most interGreek literature. Unfortueven the small number that remain are in a
Julian's letters are
documents
nately,
in
But we do not wish

we have sought in his Epistles
him until
some more precise
esting-
cast a
to be engulfed.
to leave
foibles.
it
of a passing meteor,
light, as that
upon the growing darkness

tion
a person-
and paradoxical that
ality so fascinating
of the
in
state of preservation, doubtful as to the text,
and
with
disfigured
often
interpolations
and
omissions, so that for these, as well as for the rest

of his writings,
light of
them,
it
modern
in
is
greatly to be desired that the
criticism should
order that an edition might be published,
them in
and, above
illustrating
all
literary,
all,
letters
edicts
be directed towards
their bearings, philological,

historical.
are merely rhetorical
and manifestoes
with these
we
short, witty,
to cities
Some
exercises,
of these
others are
and magistrates, and
are already acquainted.
Many
are
and emotional expressions of the im-

pressions of the moment, and
find
it
is in
527
we
him who
these that
most genuinely portrayed the soul of
composed them.
But before reading some of Julian's letters, we
must glance at two of his other works, which are
most interesting, and possess the characteristics
These are the
of his treatises and letters.
Epistle to Themistius and the Exhortation to
Sallustius.
Themistius was one of the most celebrated
of his times.
men
famous writer and rhetorician, he
had a school at Constantinople, and enjoyed the

protection of
all
the emperors from Constantine to
Theodosius, having even held the high
Although he was not
Prefect of Constantinople.
member
of the
Neo-Platonic
most fervent Hellenist.

generous
spirit,
office of
he was a
clique,
But being of a
he recommended, above
of thought and religious tolerance.
lofty
all,
The
and
liberty
discourse
by him, a pagan, before the Emperor
delivered
Valens, in order to persuade
him
to desist
from his
persecution of the Orthodox Christians, has remained

In this
famous.^
discourse, Themistius considers
things from the point of view of rational theism,
which
for a
moment
inspired Constantine in his
Edict of Milan, and remains wholly indifferent to
must have
exercised a very salutary influence on the soul
the
forms
of
worship.
Themistius
of Julian.
1
Socrat., op.
cit.^
205,
Sozom., op.
cit..,
565.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
528
The
Epistle to Themistius
is
a genuine indica-
young Emperor and

mind.
It seems that no
tion of the character of the
of the tendencies of his
sooner had Julian ascended the throne than he wrote
and confided
him
to
his anxieties, the difficulties
that beset him, and, at the
same
time, his regrets at
being obliged to renounce for ever his peaceful
and
life
Themistius must have replied to him
studies.
him of the magnitude of

and upbraiding him almost as if
of longing for idleness and peace.
rather harshly, reminding

his
new
duties,
he were guilty
Julian did not willingly accept the reproof of his
philosophic friend, and addressed to him the follow-
ing Epistle, as subtle as
it
is
dignified,
one of
his
best efforts, and a living testimony to his honesty and
good
There is nothing more characteristic

familiar and friendly discussion between
sense.
than this
master and
disciple,
which the
in
latter gives the
reasons for his anxieties and doubts, and reveals the

aspirations nurtured in his heart
fate did not
man who
permit him to
pray
**that
with
I
in his
all
Colonna Infame."
earnestness"
may be
to substantiate those
at-
thus
begins
able to confirm the hopes
of which thou hast written me, but

fail
Certainly the
monster that Gregory
infernal
tempted to depict
Julian
realise.
that
could feel and write in such a manner
was not the

''I
aspirations
fear that
may
exaggerated expectations
The author here and elsewhere alkides to the well-known book

La Colonna Jnfajne. Translator's Note.
of A. Manzoni,

concerning
more
yet
me
that thou hast aroused in others,
Having convinced
in thyself.
long time ago, that
my
was
it
others, celebrated for their virtues,
and agitation
fear
and
myself, a
duty to emulate
Alexander and Marcus Aurelius, not
by a great
529
lest
mention
to
am overcome
should appear
entirely to lack the courage of the former,
and be
incapable of emulating, in the slightest degree, the

perfect virtue of the latter.
Thinking of
felt
myself inclined to praise a
and
it
was
and
tions at Athens,
O my
me
delightful to
without cares,
life
to recall our conversa-
only desired to sing to you,
friend, similar to those
who, carrying great
weights, sing to lessen their suffering.
by thy recent
hast greatly
But thou,
augmented
my
and rendered the struggle more arduous,
fears,
by
letter,
all this, I
me
telling
God
that
same mission as
has entrusted
me
with the
that through which Hercules
and
Dionysus, at the same time sages and kings, cleansed

the land and the sea of the foulness by which they
were
Thou
defiled.
wilt that
self of all
ideas of quiet
endeavour
to
act
in
And
expectations.
should divest my-
and repose, and should
a manner worthy of these
then thou callest to mind the
lawgivers, Solon, Pittacus, Lycurgus,
add
that
am
expected to be,
impeccable
these,
words,
am
in
my
justice.
astounded, since
and thou dost
even more than
Reading these
well
know
that
thou wouldst never stoop either to flattery or deceit,

and, as to myself,
VOL.
II.
14
am
well
aware that nature has
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
530
me
not endowed
with any special quality, except
And
one, the love of philosophy.
mention the adverse circumstances
have rendered
fruitless this
therefore, did not
know what
when God suggested
my
here
will
that, until
not
now,
one devotion.
I,
to think of thy words,
hadst desired to
me that thou, perhaps,

encourage me with praise, and by
me
the extent of the difficulties with
exposing to
which the
this
of the statesman
discourse, far
manner
If
it.
life
of
life,
to
is
rather dissuades
But
surrounded.
from encouraging
me
me
in
this
from adopting
one accustomed to navigate the Bosphorus,
and even that with
difficulty
and not
willingly,
should hear predicted by some expert in the art of

divination,
that he
yEgean and
Ionian
destined soon
is
Seas,
to cross the
and venture
afar
on
the high ocean, and the soothsayer should add

'
Now
thou dost not lose sight of the walls and
the harbours, but there thou shalt see neither light-
house nor rock, and consider thyself fortunate
if
thou canst sight a distant ship, and be able to
speak with the navigators, and again and again thou

shalt pray
God
to let thee touch land, to permit
thee to enter the harbour before thy
life is
ended,
so that thou mayst give over the ship intact, restore
the sailors safe and sound to their families, and
give thy body to thy native earth, and even admitting that
of
it
all this will
happen, thou wilt not be sure
until the last day,'
who would hear
dost
this discourse
thou believe that he
would choose
for his

abode a
near the sea, or would he not rather
city
the advantages of com-
bid adieu to wealth and
men, of foreign
illustrious
cities,
who
it
teaches us
looks as
wished
well
if,
live
to
knowing
warn me by including
to
of nations and
friends,
most wise, the saying of
and adopt, as
Epicurus,
And
naught the acquaintance of
as
consider
merce,
531
in
me
obscurity
this,
all
thou hast
likewise in the
and
reproofs that thou hast addressed to Epicurus,
by combating,
in him,
my own
And
convictions."^
Julian goes on to affirm that he does not deserve
these indirect reproofs, because no

lazy existence
natural
should
he
that
hesitation in
many
more than he
one
And
does.
experience
assuming an
special gifts,
one abhors a
which, after
And
has a greater influence than virtue.

presents
adverse
a double
when
brings us low, and
it
And
corrupts us.
it
is
even more
all,
so
luck
Fortune
when
because
danger,
only
requires
office that
in
it is
the greatest
is
it
favourable,
it
difficult to issue
unscathed from the second danger than from the

first.
the
Julian
ruin
donians,
demonstrates that prosperity caused
of Alexander,
the
Athenians,
the
Persians, the
the
Mace-
Syracusians,
the
Rome, and
Here Julian
magistrates of Sparta, the generals of
thousands of emperors and kings.

invokes
the
marvellous
"
testimony
Laws,"
of
who,
in
his
demonstrates the power of
fortune in the government

^
Plato,
Julian., op.
cit.,
human
of
328,
sq.
affairs,
and
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
532
what
is
for
Julian
far
more
teaches,
serious,
by-
means of a myth, that a man chosen to rule over

nations must strive to emulate the virtues of a god.
After quoting the text of Plato, Julian exclaims
"This text that I have here integrally reproduced,

what does it mean? It tells us that a king, even
though by nature he be a man, should become, byforce of will, a divine being, a daemon, casting aside
everything that
of his
coarse
is
except that which
is
Now
body.
and mortal
in his
soul,
necessary for the preservation

if
a man,
considering
this,
trembles to see himself dragged into such a
may be
life,
him
that he only desires the idleness of Epicurus, and
the gardens and suburbs of Athens, and the myrtle
does
it
appear to thee that
it
groves and tiny house of Socrates

accent
of
resentment
just
Julian exclaims
"
preferring ease to
to
remind him of
letters
youth
"
against
Never have
hard work
his
full
"
said of
With an
teacher,
his
given evidence of
and
he goes on
of dangers, and the
he had sent to Themistius when at Milan,
before leaving for Greece, when, on account of the

suspicions of Constantius, he
deadly
perils,
letters
was exposed
"that were neither
to
filled
most
with
complaints, nor gave evidence of littleness of soul,
nor cowardice, nor lack of dignity."
But
it is
not
the authority of Plato alone that renders the young
Emperor timorous and
hesitating.
Aristotle also
agrees with Plato in explaining the great and

^
Julian., op. at., 335, 12 sq.
in-
533
superable difficulties to be found in the government

of nations, which he also considers a task beyond
the strength of
man/
commented on the
tinues
"
of this
with
rests
proposed to
my
me
Julian con-
text of Aristotle,
Because of
myself to regret
After having quoted and
this great fear,
often permit
The
previous existence.
because thou hast
not
thee,
illustrious
fault
men
models, Solon,
as
Lycurgus, Pittacus, but because thou hast advised
me
carry forth
to
my
philosophy outside of
my
That
would be exactly as if thou didst say to some one
in infirm health, who with great difficulty was able
domestic walls, and demonstrate
it
sitb ccelo.
own house
to take very little exercise inside his

*
Now
thou
art arrived at
pass from thy domestic
Olympia, and thou must
gymnasium
stadium
to the
of Jupiter, where thou shalt have as spectators the
Greeks here gathered together from

above
all,
thy fellow-citizens, of whom thou art chosen
as the champion,
fill
most
terrible to them.'
of
Certainly such words would
and
courage,
all
tremble even before the ordeal.
words thou hast put
am
if
in
me
in
the
cause him
same
to
by thy
Well,
condition.
have judged rightly concerning
all this,
my
duty, or
some
respects
fall
short of
a complete failure, thou wilt very soon
now.
1
if
thou
may appear
with awe, so that thy country
deprive him
And
whom
and some barbarians
must
and
and
all parts,
let
me
"
Julian., op.
cit.,
337,
1 1
sq.
/^/^^
^^y.,
340, 20 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
534
having
After
modesty
thus
the
to
accused him
with
replied
reproofs
who
Themistius,
of
lukewarmness,
JuHan does not

without refuting one of the state-
of
close his letter
ments by which the master sought
to recall the
and
disciple to a sense of his duty,
awake
dignified
more to
he had
still
work
Themistius, it appears, had written to
a life of action is more desirable and
enthusiasm
his
initiated.
the
for
him that
more worthy of praise than a life of contemplation,
and that he should, therefore, be happy to find
himself
a position that required continual action.
in
note
the
of
lost
master, worthy of
all
to thee of another
me
rendered
as
life
my
veneration,
life
is
Then
the text of Aristotle does

that
Aristotle
political
must speak
Thou
perturbed.
more worthy of
praise
of the philosopher, quoting Aristotle
thy authority."^
idea
beloved
thy letter that has
in
and
uncertain
recognise
my
*'Oh,
ideal:
subject
sayest that an active
than the
we
a tone in which
Julian answers in
not express at
Themistius wishes
speaks,
it
the
all
convey,
to
of
true,
is
maintains that
Julian
since
and
legislators
philosophers generally, and of those
who
are exclusively addicted to mental work, but not in
the least of practical men, and
still
less of kings.
Yes, says Julian, thinkers are the most happy and

useful of men,
that
of
and
their glory
conquerors.
is
say
much
greater than
that
the
^Julian., op. at., 240, 21 sq.
son
of

has
Sophroniscus
accomplished
greater than Alexander.
the victories of Alexander
wisely governed
better
much
things
Who
was saved by
What city was more
because of
him
Thou wouldst
through him were made more
became
535
find
What man
many who
rich, none who

on
and
prudent
the contrary,
more
wise
became
they grew more vain-glorious and haughty. But all
those who are now saved through the power of
philosophy, can be said to be saved by Socrates."^
The philosopher, Julian concludes by invoking
;
with
filial
an example, the
reverence, as
life
of
Themistius, by confirming his teachings by means

of
his
actions,
and
by
demonstrating
this
in
manner how he would wish others to act, is a

much more powerful and efficient counsellor of
noble acts, than he who prescribes them by
decrees and laws.
To appreciate all the peculiarity and interest of
these considerations, and these aspirations towards
the tranquil and serene life of the philosopher, we
must remember that they were expressed by a
man who had just undertaken the most hazardous
enterprise, a
man who had come from the
extremities
men, as
of distant
far
as
the
the Imperial crown
How
could such a
having
attained
^
his
Gaul, with
Balkans, in
a handful of
order to wrest
from his cousin Constantius.
man,
ends,
Julian., op.
ci/.,
on
the
morrow
abandon
342, 7 sq.
after
himself
to
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
536
discouragement, and express a desire for studious

solitude?
passing
neither
Certainly,
Rubicon,
the
Caesar
Julius
Bonaparte
nor
after
the
after
i8 Brumaire," would have expressed themselves

as Julian did.
cannot be denied that, in the
It
Epistle to Themistius, as in
of Julian, there
than a scholastic exercise.
any one
reading this
sustains
thesis Julian
that
of his mind.
Julian
nothing more
is
But, notwithstanding,
letter
must
not wholly
is
that
the
artificial,
and
feel
expression of the
the true
is
it
the other writings
all
a part which
is
was
endowed with
essentially
He
a contemplative soul.
condition
was not ambitious
it
power that plunged him into his

perilous enterprise.
If there had not been a
motive that strongly impelled him in this direcwas not
lust for
tion, Julian
would probably never have
Gaul,
left
and would not have accepted the Imperial purple

from
his
not that of a
wished
His conduct
soldiers.
man
Antioch was
in
wild for applause, or of one
and
to curry popular favour,
to
extend and
consolidate his position, but rather that of a
possessed by one single idea.
he considered
to
it
was
his
assume a part not
This
duty to
at
all
realise,
who
idea,
man
which
caused him
consonant with the
aspirations of his soul, in which the ideal of true
happiness was a
fantastic
The
life
absorbed
hallucinations
secret of
it
all
to be the necessary
was
of
his
in
study and the
mystical
dreams.
that he believed himself
instrument of a predestined

enterprise, that
which
to
virtue.
537
restoration of Hellenism,
of the
him meant the restoration of wisdom and

We have seen in the allegory of *'The
Discourse against Heraclius" that this enterprise
was
for
him the expression of a divine
and
order,
that he attributed to the will of the gods his safety
and
his designation to the Imperial throne.
he,
most
certainly,
wrapt up
group
of
and intelligence
illustrious
lamblichus,
men
was
to its ends.
Maximus,
Sallustius,
Libanius ^discerned
Themistius,
him the only hope
And
Julian
this.
and willingly dedicated
idea,
this
in
his strength
all
believed
from the ever-
of salvation
growing tide of Christianity
in
and barbarism that
sweep away everything, and

they stimulated him and spurred him on, fearing
not prove himself sufficiently
that he might
was threatening
to
enthusiastic in his action,
and did not hesitate
to
accuse of faint-heartedness the hero of Strassburg,

this indefatigable
And
it is
general and wise administrator.
not without a slight feeling of bitterness
towards his friends,
and
modest and high-minded
at
the
dignity, that Julian thus
closes his Epistle to Themistius

letter,
which has
intended
I
it
to
fear fatigue,
The
gist of
longer
my
than
is
not because
and desire pleasure and
idleness, or
love ease, that

as
"
already grown
have been,
same time of
is
that
complain of
said from the beginning,
education necessary for
it,
it
political
I
life.
But,
have neither the
nor the natural aptitude,
JULIAN TOE APOSTATE
538
do harm to philosophy,
and, moreover,
fear to
which although
dearly love,
have not acquired,
and, furthermore, in these days,
our contemporaries.
about
all
and
this,
my
now
being helped
am
of
first
by you,
you
to
repel your accusations with
and a wisdom equal to

also
have already written
May God
strength.
not honoured by
is
it
all
me good
grant
But
feel
fortune
the need of
by the Omnipotent, and
students of philosophy,
now
that
whose sakes I run

God through me means to
called to guide you, for
many
these
If
risks.
bestow some benefits on mankind greater than

those to be expected from
education and the
have of myself, ye must not become
opinion
irritated
on account of
that
my
my
words.
am
conscious
do not possess any other good quality except
that,
not being a great man,
fact,
and,
therefore,
am
aware of the
beg and entreat you not
to ask great things from me, but to leave
hands of God.
Thus
failures, and, in
my good moments,
shall not
and temperate, not attributing
work of
success to God,
to him,
and
The
highly
Attributing,
others.
shall
the
all in
be responsible
as
shall
to
my
is
acknowledge
be wise
merit the
just,
my
for
the
all
gratitude
advise you to acknowledge yours."
Epistle
Themistius
to
creditable
to
Julian,
is
and
document
an
eloquent
proof of the serene tranquillity of the mind and
judgment
of
the
young
Emperor.
Not
less

interesting or less adapted to
of Julian's character
to
reveal the nobility
Exhortation, directed
the
is
which he expresses
Sallustius, in
539
him
to
his
great grief at seeing him depart, and endeavours
some reasons for courage and comfort.

Sallustius was the most renowned and the most
to
find
wise
amone
men
those
whom
with
Constantius
surrounded the young Caesar, when he sent him
and was the only
as his representative to Gaul,
one
he
his
in
whom
felt
had entire confidence, because
Julian
that he
was the only one who was
truly
But when Constantius heard of the
friend.
rapid and signal successes obtained by Julian, the
Emperor decided
perfidious
because,
the
to
as
to
he
suspected
Zosimus aggravates
his
havinor
o
counsellor.^
the fact
is
by
gained
laurels
cousin
on
the historian
this accusation, affirming that
prompted by
was
his
And
account of his very virtues.^
military
Sallustius,
Julian himself says in his manifesto
Athenians,
Constantius
recall
followed
the
Whatever
his
his
teachincrs
o
the cause
envy of the
due to
cousin,
of
this
may have
wise
been,
that Julian felt the separation bitterly,
and the intercourse with
his
distant
was
friend
never interrupted, and when he was on the point

leaving
of
Gaul
Constantius, he
to
hasten
summoned
to
the
Julian., op. a'L^ 28
Zosim., op.
cit..,
that
great
îh ti)v aperrjv evOecos dvT<^ yeyovev vttotttos.
1.
206,
of
him, and confided to
him the government and defence of
attack
6.
540
eTULIAN
province.
The
Sallustius'
we
wisdom and perspicuity of

judgment appear most wonderful when
the
consider
hended the
he
that
fact
compre-
alone
and the danger of the Persian
folly
and that he wrote
expedition,
who was
THE APOSTATE
preparing
for
him
taking, imploring
to
the Emperor,
under-
unfortunate
this
and not
to desist,
to rush
to his ruin.^
his
In the letter
in
which Julian takes leave of
who,
in
obedience
friend,
Constantius,
to
the orders
about to leave him, there
is
in his other writings, a large
of
as
is,
dose of that rhetorical
scholasticism which
is
sable element of
the literature of the Hellenic
all
the tiresome but indispen-
same time, there is the

expression of a deep and sincere affection, and
a refinement of sentiment and culture that
decadence.
demonstrates
sorteria
rounding
the
the
But, at
us
to
to
society
of
the
represented
the
and
Hellenistic
fourth
we
can
the
select
sur-
few
in
already half
century,
find,
con-
an ugly modern word
use
Julian
barbarised,
how
in
condition of aristocratic intellectualism,
very
this
its
raison
detre,
Julian
greatest
begins
affection,
misfortunes,
^
his
and
letter
with words
expresses
when supported with
Amm. Marcell., op. cif., i. 316.

" Consorteria," in Italian politics,
the
of the
idea
that
courage,
find
is the union of a few men,

mostly of ultra-conservative views, aiming at retaining power.
2
Translator's Note.

remedy
their
strengthen
themselves,
in
character
the
who
say that to those
541
because
they
The
sages
"
of man.
are possessed of intellect,
bring more good

Thus
the bee from the
in their train.
most bitter herbs that grow on Mount Hymettus
distils
sweet juices, from which it makes its
honey.
And we see that in persons naturally
most
the
misfortunes
terrible
than evil
robust and healthy, accustomed
and
everything,
not
only
while
strengthening,
by nature and from

whole
of
most
the
their
even
lives,
who
and
habit,
are
become
delicate
simplest
the
food
Now, those
the development of
to
and have not permitted them
their characters
is
even
sickly during the
produces the most serious disorders.
who have given thought
food
sometimes
is
those
in
anything
indigestible
but
innocuous,
eat
to
to
have remained even
entirely corrupt, but
may
moderately healthy, though they
not be able
and Socrates,
to rival the strength of Antisthenes
the courage
of Callisthenes, or the impassibility
of Polemon,
will
and
path,
find comfort
circumstances."
To
Now
the
this
the
even
to choose a middle
in
the most adverse
point
friend
the
has spoken.
rhetorician
and,
appears,
to
support thine absence,

1
how
ascertain
Julian., op.
cit.^
feel
212, 7 sq.
accents
in
most sincere emotion, exclaims
examine myself
will
know how
**
:
But
of
if
support and
that
am
as
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
542
deeply grieved as
obliged
my
with
part
to
was the
time
first
teacher.
was
For in a
back to my
everything comes
memory, the dangers we have incurred together,
our simple and guileless intimacy, our frank and
second,
behold,
wise conversations, our partnership
our equal
enterprises,
each other, with

united
friends
this,
the
of mind,
same condition
he
as
am now in
now that God
Since
he was,
as
away,
has taken thee
And in
Homer
recall the line of
Forsaken was Ulysses.'
near
lived
same inclination
habits and desires.
the
in
connection with
we
all,
noble
all
detestation
inflexible
through
wicked, and,
of the
and
in
once did
Hector,
from the shower of darts that calumniators have
me
hurled against thee, or rather, against
wound me through
they wished to
knowing
that
succeeded
was
only
vulnerable
me
depriving
in
ship of a faithful friend,
thee,
of
am
because,
participate in
a valorous comrade-at-
But
peril.
my
thy affairs
is
fatigues
my
and
perils,
With me,
safety.
much
thou art
not less than interest in
interest
my
own,
I
am aware that thou comfortest thyself
And, therefore,
manner with me.
same
the
and
am much
all
not being able at present to
more anxious about

in
they
if
sure that thou dost suffer no less than
just
do,
well
companion-
the
arms, and a sure colleague in times of

I
for
grieved, because
circumstances, couldst say,
thee,
to
*
who,
in
I
under
have no thoughts,

all
going
is
well,'
and
quotes one of
then
upon the
insists
he
But
around
him.
not alone for the
it is
gave each other

machinations
will
govern without
Then he continues
help that we mutually
of
fate
it
easy for us to
and our
but also for the threatened lack of
and pleasure, that
To what
which he
matters pertaining to govern-
in
ment, and which rendered

the
in
to
is,
sayings,
Plato's
difficulties
find himself, forced, as
any friends
the cause of grief
and inquietude."
Julian
am
alone
543
feel
my
adversaries,
consolation
all
heart
is
breaking.
other kindly disposed friend can
With whom can
turn
and
guileless intimacy
resist
now
have the same sincere
Who
will
advise us with
wisdom, reprove us with kindliness, who
will
spur us
on to the beautiful and the good, without showing

arrogance or presumption, and
will
exhort
the words of their sting as do those
us, freeing
prepare
who
medicines, by extracting
all
that
is
who
dis-
agreeable in them, and leaving only that which

beneficial
All this
and deprived as
what reasoning
that
am
will
is
reaped from thy friendship,
am
of these
many
benefits,
be able to persuade me, now
nearly dying from the anguish of losing
thee and thy wisdom, that I must not tremble,

and that I must withstand intrepidly the ordeal
which God has imposed upon me ? " ^
Julian, in order
1
Julian.,
o_p. c/l.,
313,
to find
i.
some
-
/d/cf.,
consolation, for
op. ciL, 315, 4.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
544
Sallustius
and
ancients,
and
quotes
Democritus,
Plato,
example of the
himself, refers to the

Scipio,
all
of
Cato,
whom
Pythagoras,
supported
resignation the absence of their friends.
with
Then he
who although
narrates the experience of Pericles,
obliged to forego the companionship of Anaxagoras
when he departed on
his expedition to
continued to act
accordance with his advice.
And
Julian,
attributes
in
wishing to make
Pericles
to
argument, which
of rhetoric.
"
case
his
discourse
still
parallel,
replete
naught else than an
is
Having
he continues thus
Samos,
with
artifice
finished this scholastic speech,
Such were the high
ideals with
which Pericles
magnanimous man, who was born free in a

admonished his soul. I, born of the
free city
men of to-day, comfort and guide myself with
arguments more human. And I seek to lessen the
depth of my grief by forcing myself to find some
comfort for each of those sad and painful images
me
that appear unto
And
with subtle delicacy he continues:
thought that presented
first
that henceforward
an
ideal
there
full
for
out of the reality of things."^
is
no one with
But
to converse with
it
to
my mind
is
alone, deprived of
left
intercourse, since
free
whom
is
itself
be
company, and of
confidence.
me
shall
"The
can converse with
not perhaps very easy
myself?
Or,
is
there not
some one perhaps who may deprive me of thought,

^
Julian., op. at., 322,
5.

and compel
own
will
left
to
think and admire against
my
This would be as wonderful as to write
on water,
me
545
to
cook a stone, or to find out the imprints
by the wing of a flying
Therefore, so long
bird.
as no one can deprive us of
us find ourselves
this, let
God will help

man who trusts
always together within ourselves, and

us.
in
For it is impossible that a

the Omnipotent should be wholly abandoned and
On
neglected.
the contrary,
God
takes possession
him courage, inspires him with

strength, suggests to him what he should do, and
prevents him from doing that which he ought not
Thus the voice of the daemon followed
to do.
Socrates, preventing him from doing that which
of him, imparts to
And Homer,
was wrong.
exclaims
the
'
//e put
God who
mind,
it
speaking of Achilles,
mind'
in his
indicating thus
watches over our thoughts, when the
makes
lost in introspection,
Because the soul needs no ear to

voice to teach
God
we
...
If,
spirit
us,
shall divest
our grief of
near
After
these
himself
by adorning
rhetoric
culled
it
its
God
from his
15
all
believe that
be united
in spirit,
by a
sublime, Julian amuses
dictated
with
letter
flowers
of
Homeric reminiscences,
and then he concludes as follows

II.
nor
it.
intensity."
words,
is
his
we can
shall
beautiful
spiritualism as pure as
VOL.
learn,
independent of
is
therefore,
and that we
is
to prevent
so the communication between the
Omnipotent and the

sensations.
one with
itself
God, without anything being able
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
546
me
report has reached
sent merely to
Greeks who
live
was born and
that thou wilt not be
but to Thrace, amidst those
Illyria,
by the
and where
bred,
among whom
seaside,
learnt to love
tenderly the men, the country, and the
perhaps, in their souls,
all
And,
cities.
love for us
is
not yet
extinguished, and thou wilt be received with great

joy,
and thou must give them
which we have been
But
deprived.
But, in any case,
reason that
congratulate them
after thou hast left
art
do not
me.
If
who
it
is
for this
will see thee,
compare myself with
place myself amidst the Celts, with thee
amongst the
equity and
for
first
to
do not wish to be found
unprepared and without comfort, and
thee,
and prefer that thou shouldst return
desire this,
us.
exchange that of
in
who
Greeks, famous for
of the
every virtue, a high exponent of
not inexpert in philosophy, of which the
rhetoric,
Greeks alone have penetrated the most secret

teaching us to attain truth by
means
parts,
of reason,
and
not permitting us to apply ourselves to incredible
myths and paradoxical
prodigies, as
is
generally the
But whatever
case with most of the barbarians.

this
may
now
take leave of thee with words of good wishes.
May
be,
a merciful
will
not further
God
insist,
as
must
guide thee wherever thou
May the God of hospitality receive thee,

and the God of friendship guide thee safely on
goest
earth
If
smoothly
thou must navigate,
may
Mayst thou appear
to
the billows
all
roll
amiable and

honoured
and
547
mayst thou bring joy with thy coming
grief with thy departure
Emperor benevolent
May God
and concede thee
thee,
to
render the
and send thee back
everything in reason,
to
us
For this I pray to God for

thee, and also for all good and wise men, and I
add Greetings to thee, live happily, and may the
gods grant thee every blessing, and to return to thy
and quickly
safely
home
in
"
thy beloved fatherland
Julian displayed in his affections the enthusiasm
of a
soul
fought in
Those who
assisted him in his
and illusions, received from him
imbued with lofty

his camp, and had
hopes, his designs,
ideals.
a species of worship.
His enthusiasm, of which we have seen many

proofs
in
we have
the writings
fested in the unlimited,
admiration that he
tion
that
which,
often
even
ardent,
felt for his
him
his
friends,
to
Marcellinus
tells
is
mani-
and hyperbolical
teachers
induced
sistent with the dignity of
cited,
an admira-
commit actions
to
appeared
an emperor.
us^ that one day,
incon-
Ammianus
when
Julian
was
presiding over the Tribunal of Constantinople, they
announced
to
him
that the philosopher
had arrived from Asia.

he unceremoniously
As soon
jumped
up,
Maximus
as he heard
and,
it,
forgetting
everything, even the case on which he was about

^
Julian., op.
Amm.
cit.,
326,
Marcell., op.
8.
cit..,
i.
273,
sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
548
judgment, rushed from the palace, impatient
to pass
welcome the philosopher. Having found him,

he embraced and kissed him, and reverently leadto
Honest Ammianus,
ing him, returned to the Court.
who
did not participate in the mystical aspirations
of his Emperor, considered this excessive admira-
rendered to the philosopher, a proof
tion, publicly
of ostentation and vain glory.
Libanius
the
quite
is
without restriction,
that
Julian
The judgment
He
opposite.
Julian's
act.
had revived the old custom of being
the
abandoned,
absorbed
in
arrival of
suddenly rising
the
duties
custom
because he
orator, while Julian, in his
Nestor and Ulysses.
rivalled
all
had
Constantius
was not an
admires,
Libanius says
present at the sittings of the Tribunal
which
of
eloquence,
The Emperor was

of his office, when
Maximus was announced.
midst of the judges, runs to
in the
moved by
Julian
same emotion as Chaerephon

But Chserephon was
at the coming of Socrates.
Chserephon, and was in the gymnasium
Julian
was master of the world and in the Supreme
By his action he demonstrated that wisdom
Court.
the door,
the
was more worthy of respect than royal prerogatives,

as everything that
is
due
is
to philosophy.
him, as
selves,
is
in royal prerogatives
Receiving him and embracing
the habit of private persons
and
the Court
admirable
also of sovereigns,
for,
among them-
he ushered him
into
although he did not belong to
Julian considered that,
it,
by so doing, he honoured,

not the
man by
presence
of the
the
but the place by the
place,
man.
549
the whole
before
Julian,
Court, narrated that, through the influence of the

philosopher, he had been transformed from the
man he was
he had been into the
Maximus by
Why
the hand, they went
Not
repay Maximus
did he do this
suppose, to
which
all,
by
is
old, to
then, taking
away together.
some might
only, as
for
had received from him, but
young and
man
the education he
also to invite
all,
both
educate themselves, because that
despised by the sovereign
but that which by him
is
is
neglected by
honoured,
Ammianus and Libanius
is
followed
judgment
see things from opposite points of view, and neither
the one nor the other is wrong.
Ammianus, with
the good sense of an honest official, deplored all
all.-^
that might
sovereign
diminish
apparent dignity of the
the
Libanius, a fervent Hellenist, admired
homage rendered by
the
philosophical
ideal
which
naissance" of polytheism.
practically
was
much
was any ostentation
In the
paradoxical
Emperor
the
inspired
to
the
Re-
this
But Ammianus, who
more
Libanius, deceived himself
there
in their
clear-sighted
when he imagined
than
that
in Julian's act.
personality of Julian, the
most contradictory tendencies were united, neither

excluding the other, and they manifested themselves,
in
all
sincerity,
according to the circum-
stances and events of the moment.

^
Liban., op.
cit.y
374,
sq.
Julian,
on the
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
550
of
arrival
forgot
master,
his
Emperor, and,
for the time being,
and sincere Neo-Platonist.
he was
that
His
an
was the fervent

letters
overflow
with expressions of ardent admiration for the philo-
sophers
who had
him into the mysteries

Amonor these the most
initiated
of reoênerated Hellenism.
enthusiastic are those directed to lamblichus/

It
seems that lamblichus wrote
reprove him for the rarity of his

Prince replies that even
the excuse for his fault
with which he
Julian to
The
letters.
the reproof
if
is
deserved,
in the natural timidity
lies
overcome
is
to
at the
mere idea of
cor-
responding with such a man, and then he exclaims
"Oh, generous one! thou who
art the recognised
preserver of Hellenism, thou shouldst write to us
without
hesitation.
It
is
and excuse, as
stint,
As
far
when
the sun,
true that their authenticity
is
it
as possible, our
emits
its
doubted by Zeller
purest
(p. 680),
lambHchus died while

Constantine was still living, and, therefore, before Julian could have
known him. But Eunapius is an historian so untrustworthy and conbecause, according to Eunapius
fused that
we
feel
(p.
21),
authorised to doubt the accuracy of his asser-
And, on the other hand, we cannot understand what could

have been the reason for inventing letters from Julian to lamblichus,
when Julian's tragic death had destroyed every trace of his attempt.
Besides, these letters, of which we shall examine some parts, bear the
tion.
unquestionable imprint of Julian's peculiar style, so that it appears to

us impossible to deny their authenticity. Perhaps they were not
addressed to lamblichus, but to some other leader of the Neo-Platonic
movement, e.g. Maximus or Chrysantius. But as they did not bear
any address, a
copyist, long afterwards, deceived
sentences, on his
own
initiative,
by the hyperbolic
put the address of the most noted
chief of the school to which Julian gloried in belonging, here
and
there altering the text, and introducing particulars, especially in the
XL^th
Epistle, that
do not correspond with the real facts of Julian's
life.
551
rays, acts according to its nature, without consider-
who may
ing
by
benefit
thou, while
rays, so
its
inundating the Hellenic world with
shouldst
light,
unhesitatingly bestow thy treasures even on those
who, out of timidity or respect, do not render unto
Even
thee the equivalent.

cure
men
for the
.'^sculapius does not
hope of a recompense, but simply
follows the philanthropic impulse that
is
natural to
This thou shouldst also do, who
him.
and the mind,
of the soul
physician
art
the
order to
in
safeguard by every means the teachings of virtue,

like a
good archer, who, even when he has no adver-
sary at hand, keeps his hand ready for every con-
Certainly the result
tingency.
and
for thee
strokes
receive
thee,
for
when we
for us,
some
not equal for us
is
receive thy master-
when,
by chance,
thou dost
by
Even
we wrote
sent
us.
thousands and thousands of times,
it
mud
let
is
the
more
current,
to
me
efficacious
than
and a single
letter
than
thou hast,
we
if
thy slightest word
the
most fecundating
of lamblichus
the gold of Lydia.
all
slightest affection
am
for
who, on
buildings which they
But
destroy.
tide
would be mere
Homer
gambolling, like those children in

the seashore, build up
if
If
is
dearer
thou hast the
thee, and
remember that
one who loves
not mistaken,
are like chickens, always ready for the food that
thou bringest
and do not
us,
fail
and do thou write
to us continually,
to support us with thy virtue."^

1
Liban., op.
cit.^
540, 16 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
552
Here we have another outburst of enthusiasm

on the reception of a
"...
and
from the philosopher
letter
with thee, even
my
see thee with
and
am
when thou
soul as
if
thou wert present,
much
can never have too
art absent,
Thou
of thee.
never ceasest to benefit those with thee, and the

absent, to
whom
thou dost write, are rejoiced and
saved at the same time.

they announced
me
to
In
that a friend
bearing a letter from thee,
days
afflicted
over
my
body, so that
said,
outside the door, there
me
thy
had arrived
had been
for three
with a gastric disorder, with pains
But, as
fever.
now, when
fact, just
letter,
jumped
could not get rid of the

as soon as
heard
had the
that,
was one who was bringing

up, as
one beside himself,
rushing out before even he could be there.
soon as
all
letter in
my
hands,
And as
swear
to
thee by the gods, and by that very affection that
binds
me
to
thee,
disappeared, as
if
all
of
mind
and read
and
pains
it,
the
away by the invincible

Then, when I had opened
thou mayst imagine

fulness
of
my
thanked and kissed that 'beloved

callest him, that
virtues,
and the fever
frightened
presence of a saviour.
the letter
my
my
spirit,'
ceived thy writings.
as thou
had
re-
Like a bird helped on by a
propitious breath of wind, he had brought
it
truly loving intermediary of thy
through whose instrumentality
letter that
state
happiness
me
was not only a source of pleasure because
contained news of thee, but also dissipated
my

Is
ills.
it
reading this letter
words
to find
many
me to
Would
describe
possible for
?
read
it
How
child!
my
at,
in it!
as, in
How
often did
carry
mother who kisses her
as a
my
press
lips
on
it,
as
if
most ardently beloved mistress
often, kissing
the
seal,
lips,
often did
embracing the
How
end of the rhythm, the
the
melody of the beginning!

the letter to
had learnt
with the beginning,
it
repeating, at
song,
did
often
arrangement of a strophe, did
often, as in the
unite the end of
me
How
love?
How
beînninor
o
o
not fear to forsêt that which
for
half through, and then
returned to the
How
my
in
felt
be possible
it
sufficient to express
times did
all
553
it,
have
superscription that
spoken
bore,
to,
and gazed
a
like
deep-set
the trace of thy hand, seeking to find in the
form of the
letters
the imprint of the fingers of
thy sainted right hand

grants to
me
to return to
permitted to
my
And
native
if
ever Jupiter
soil,
and
am
thy sacred hearth, thou must
visit
not spare me, but thou must chain me, as a fugitive,

to the
beloved benches of thy school, treating
as a deserter of the Muses, and correcting
means
of punishments.
to the castigation,
And
will
me
me by
submit joyfully
and with a grateful
soul, as if
it
were the providential and redeeming castigation of

a devoted father.
judgment
that
me
to act as
for
me
For
if
thou wouldst rely on the
would pass on myself, and allow
wish,
wonderful
man
it
would be
the greatest bliss to attach myself to thy
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
554
tunic,
and never leave
thee, for
any reason what-
always with thee, and follow
soever, but remain
men
thee wherever thou goest, as those twin
And
scribed in the old fables.
which
this is related
in reality,
probably the fables
them, the homogeneity of soul
this letter,
we
exaltation,
it
is
representing, in the
Notwithstanding
in
that, in the
most sublime
tie
that unites
both."^
ardent phrases of
recognise the influence of a
the manifestation of a sincere feeling.
sovereign
fictitious
impossible not to admit that
is
has
ever written
to
No
same
who
to
it
is
other
of
professor
philosophy as Julian wrote to his teachers.

in his relation
in
appear to be mere jokes, but,
they allude to that which
in friendship,
de-
Julian,
Hellenism, was in almost the
position as that of the primitive Christians,
passionately espoused an idea which they saw
adopted and understood by so few.
He
earnestly
intended to exercise the mission of an apostle,
mission on which depended the fate of humanity,
and therefore he
him as the
movement
for those,
felt
initiators,
who appeared
to
the champions of a great
of religious restoration and moral refor-
mation, a deep sense of veneration, before which his
Imperial dignity paled and
bowed humbly
to the
Julian was a saint of Hellenism, and

he would not have hesitated, for an instant, to
very ground.
embrace martyrdom, and, hero as he was, joyfully

to encounter death.
1
He
Julian., op.
therefore, like
cit.,
578, 21 sq.
all saints,

gloried
humiliating himself
in
the
before
grandeur of the heralds of that principle of
which he had found the regeneration of

It
ideal
faith in
his spirit.
makes a curious impression,
certainly
555
to
see
such exaororerated
devotion for the teachers of this
oo
superstitious Neo-Platonism
had already so
that
pantheism of
greatly degenerated from the pure
the
great
But,
Plotinus.
in
the
place,
first
we
have seen how Neo-Platonism, lacking a divine

figure
and a well-determined worship, had neces-
become corrupt, and had degenerated into a

coarse and confused symbolism.
In the second
place, we must not forget that Julian was a young
sarily
enthusiast, a scholar devoted to the ancient civilisa-
For
of the Neo-
tion,
but not a profound or precise thinker.
this
reason, the
confused creations
Platonism of his time could easily take possession

of his excitable fancy.
Besides, that which really
lay nearest to
heart was
restoration
its
Julian's
and preservation of
literature,
and
its
arts,
its
Hellenism, the
laws,
its
customs,
which had been the
ornament and glory of the Greek world.

enthusiasm
for
consideration.
His
Neo-Platonism was a secondary

Julian
was a fervent Neo-Platonist,
because he was a fervent Hellenist.
He
saw
in the
symbolical religion of Neo-Platonism the only possible substitute for militant Christianity.
he waged against
this
In the war
new power, which threatened
his native civilisation with destruction,
he
raised, as
a holy banner, the colours of his mystical teachers.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
556
Julians enthusiasm
men who
dear to him, and for the

is
idea that was so
the
for
represented
a sure indication of the generous and excitable
nature
of
This
character.
his
disposition
they are couched
in
a form and style which
the present epoch would consider

to express
it
more
duced the exquisite
clearly,
artifice
the endless elaboration of
own
in
is
and
especially revealed in the letters to his friends,
its
it,
we
decadent,"
at
or,
a style that repro-
mind delighting in
own impressions and
of a
its
thoughts, and by the
subtlety of
art
its
weakened the efficacy and power of its sentiments.

But there was in Julian the writer a grace that
withstood and overcame all the artifices of style.
short notes he wrote to
See, for example, those
whom
Libanius, a master
he venerated no
lamblichus and Maximus.

to send
arrive.
him one of his

So Julian writes
than
less
Libanius had promised

orations,
and
failed to
it
:^
Since thou hast forgotten thy promise
(it
is
already the third day and the philosopher Priscus
has not yet arrived, and he writes to
must
still
debt.
delay), this
is
to
me
he
that
remind thee to pay thy
Yes, a debt which, as thou knowest well,
most easy
for thee to
receive.
Send me,
holy admonitions
pay and most pleasant
therefore, thy discourse
but, in the
of the Muses, send
it
three days thou hast

^
for
to
me
really
name
is
me to
and thy
of Mercury and
at once, for in these
consumed me,
Julian., op. ciL, 482, 21 sq.
if
the
557
saying of the Sicilian poet be true, that expectation
ages one
is,
I
I
is
a day.
in
me
thou hast aged
be
If this
true,
three times,
dictate all this in the midst of
am no
Keep
embarrassed.
beloved of
And
having received
this
Emperor
read
Happy
become slow and
most longed-for and

long-expected oration,
most of your
what
logic,
thou
what
skill,
what
exordia,
style,
what
so speak,
so
think
synthesis,
what argumentation, what
analysis,
discourse
read, without stop-
who canst
more happy thou who canst
ping, the rest.

still
my hand
even my
writes to Libanius:^
After dinner
before dinner.
position
occupations.
Yesterday
What
my
"
men
the enthusiastic
and
well,
it
clearest friend
tongue, although
tongue, for lack of exercise, has
know
longer capable of writing, because
much slower than my
"
and
order,
what
what
harmony, what com-
"
!
And
beloved Maximus, who, after having
to his
remained some time near him, desires to go away,

he writes
"
The
"
Homer
wise
receive with
all
we should
guest who arrives,
decided that
hospitality the
him go when he so desires. But between

us two there is much more than the benevolence
and
let
arising from
say, that
the
which
duties of hospitality, that
derived from the education
is
have received and our devotion

1
Julian., op.
cit.^
494,
is
sq.
to the
gods
Ibid.^ op. cit.y 537, 4 sq.
to
we
so
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
558
that no one
the law of
would be able
Homer,
if I
me
to accuse
of infrinoînof
wished to keep thee a longer
But seeing that thy frail body

had need of greater care, I allowed thee to return
home, and have provided for the comforts of thy
time near me.
Thou
journey.
May
coach.
use
^sculapius, together with
gods, travel
again
therefore,
canst,
with
all
and permit
thee,
the
us
state
the other
to
meet
"
!
When
the affection
more
becomes
is
less strong, the
phrasing
and laboured, as
artificial
following note to Eugenius
in the
^
:
''It is said that Daedalus,
when he fashioned
the wings for Icarus, dared by art to insult nature.

I
praise his art, although not admiring his thought
of entrusting the safety of his son to soluble wax.
But
if
it
exchange
says, to
I
were granted me, as the poet of Theos
would
not
fiy
my
nature for that
of a bird,
towards Olympus or a sighing
mistress, but to the lowest slopes of thy mountains,
so that
Sappho
might embrace
O my
thee,
with the bonds of the body, has

for
me
to soar to heaven,
the wings of
with, thee as
other
reason,
one thought, as
But since nature, encumbering
sings.
my
words, and
much
did
will
as
made it impossible
come by means of
can.
Homer
me
call
write
And
to,
and
thus, for
am
no
words 'winged,'
because, like the fleetest of birds, they are able to
penetrate everywhere, and alight wheresoever they

1
Julian., op.
cit.^
498, 10 sq.

Do
choose.
thou, therefore, write
friend, since thou hast equal,
thy friends, and
pleasure as
To
O my
also,
not stronger wings
if
by means of which thou canst easily
to thy words,
overtake
559
if
much
them as
give
thou thyself wert present."
who had announced
his friend Amcerius,
him the death of
his wife,
In
pathetic letter.
it
he writes a most sym-
there
much more humane than
to
is
a kindly Stoicism,
unmoved and serene
the
Stoicism of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius.^

"
Not without
tears did
thy
read the letter that
me announcing
thou hast written

consort, in
the death of thy
which thou hast expressed the depth of

Because, not only
affliction.
is
it
in
itself
most piteous circumstance that a woman, young and

wise, beloved
by her husband, and mother
children, should
torch
brightly
tinguished, but to
me
affliction,
my
and
is
suddenly ex-
no
less
sad to think
happened
to thee.
For,
all,
did
our good Amcerius deserve this
man
so wise and the best beloved of
our friends.
was
is
it
that this misfortune has

least of
good
prematurely, as a flaming
expire
burns
that
to
Now,
in similar
if,
circumstances,
duty to write to another,
should
it
feel
bound to indite a long discourse, to impress upon

him that such occurrences are natural, and ought to
be borne, as they are inevitable, and so inordinate
weeping
all
is
of no avail
and
would
repeat, in short,
those platitudes that might comfort an ignorant

^
Julian.,
o/f. cit.^
532, 10 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
560
man
in his sorrow.
But, as
capable of teaching others,
am
addressing one
would seem
it
me
to
out of place to write a discourse that could only be
who
applicable to those
instead, putting aside

recall to thee the
lack wisdom.
Permit
me
other considerations, to
all
myth, and at the same time the
reasoning of a wise man, with which perhaps thou

art already acquainted, but
generality of mankind.
which
If
ignored by the
is
thou wilt use
consoling remedy, thou mayst find in

tion for thy grief, equal to that
found
he
a consola-
which Telemachus
by the woman from Sparta.
intention
It
as a
cup offered to him with the same
the
in
it
it
is
when
said that Democritus of Abdera,
failed to find
words wherewith
who was mourning

promised him
to console Darius,
the death of his beautiful wife,
to recall the
would only furnish him with
departed to
all
life, if he
was necessary.
that
Darius having answered him not to spare anything

that
would
facilitate
the accomplishment of the
promise, Democritus, remaining a while in doubt,
added
that
required
not
he
possessed
everything
was
that
one thing only he lacked, and he did
know where
to
look
for
it,
but that Darius,
being king of the whole of Asia, would be

immediately and
easily,
to
find
it.
And
able,
Darius
asked him what was the thing that the king alone
was able
to discover.
answered, that
wife the
names
if
Democritus
is
said to have
he could write on the tomb of
of three
men who had been
his
entirely

free
to
from
she would suddenly come back
affliction,
laws
the
transgressing
thus
life,
561
of
death.
Darius was much embarrassed because he could
who had escaped
not succeed in finding any one
all
misfortunes, and then Democritus, smiling as usual,

said to
him
'
:
Why,
therefore,
most unreason-
able of men, dost thou grieve so excessively, as
if
thou alone had experienced so great a misfortune,
when
impossible for thee to find in
is
it
generations a single person
some domestic trouble
?
'
all
past
who has not suffered

Now, one can under-
stand that Darius, an uncivilised and uncultured
and passion, had
barbarian, a slave to pleasure
be taught
all
But thou who
this.
art a
to
Greek,
and hast received a most liberal education, shouldst

find the remedy in thyself, and if it does not
become stronger with

cast
on reason
when
Julian,
to
time,
he
became
the friendship
retain
would be a
it
slur
"
!
Emperor,
of his
old
desired
schoolmates,
and was never more happy than when one of

these evinced a disposition to approach him and
visit
letter
him
to
with the
plies
To
Court.
his
written
to
his
Basil,
who had
cominof, he
re-
and
add
says,
'
Thou
dost not announce
to this the saying of the
Thou announcest golden
then,
friend
kind and encouraging
following
The proverb
war,'
his
announce
promises.'
Come
and follow up thy words with thy

VOL.
II.
16
comedy,
on,
actions,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
562
come to us. The friend will welcome

the friend. Our continual community of occupations
in affairs appears troublesome to those who have
and hasten
to
not accustomed themselves to
have these cares
But those w^ho
it.
common become
in
serviceable,
courteous, and ready to do everything, as
Those whom
task more easy, so
have experienced.
me,
make my
my
neglecting
duties,
am
myself
have around
while not
that,
We
also able to rest.
associate without the hypocrisy of Courts, which

I
believe,
up
which thou
to this time,
is
the only thing with
art acquainted, and,
under the cover of
this, courtiers,
while profusely praising one another,
in their hearts
hate each other with a hatred greater
than that of sworn
foes.
We, on
the contrary,
though reproving and scolding each other, when

are most loving and intimate friends.
necessary,
Thus we
are able to labour without
be intolerant of work, and to
For when
keep watch,
for myself, as
in
effort,
sleep
not to
peacefully.
keep watch, not so much
the interest of others, as
is
my
bewilder you with
duty.
But perhaps
chatter
and nonsense, and, by praising myself,
idle
I
a poor figure, similar to that of Astydamas.

have, however, written
all this
to thee, as
my
cut
I
wish to
persuade thee to profit by the occasion to render

thyself useful to us
thou
ment
art.
Hasten, therefore, and use the Govern-
When
courier.
as long as
by thy presence, wise man as
it
is
thou hast remained with us
pleasant to thee,
we
will
give thee

our permission to go
wherever
it
will
563
appear to
thee best."^
^
The
Basil to
whom
is
we have quoted,
Bishop of Cresarea, the
the struggle for the Orthodox
addressed the
letter that
evidently cannot be Basil the Great, the
companion of the two Gregories in

It is true that Basil was a fellow-student with Julian and
doctrines.
Gregory of Nazianzus at the school of Athens. But it is clear that
Julian could never have addressed himself in such friendly terms to
one of the strongest champions of Christianity, nor would he have
asked advice of him, and, moreover, in this letter, he alludes to a
young man who has been accustomed to associate only w-ith courtiers
a proof that it could not have been Basil the Bishop. Therefore
this letter,
undoubtedly authentic,
is
not less undoubtedly addressed
But in the Epistles

which is undoubtedly
addressed to the Christian Basil, but this is no less undoubtedly
apocryphal. The ignorant conceit that inspires this letter, which
appears to be written by a vulgar boaster, cannot be attributed to
Julian, with whose wit and modesty we are thoroughly acquainted.
It is easy to detect the impostor, who writes after all the events have
happened. Julian describes in this letter, with an hyperbolic conceit,
the greatness of his power, recognised by all the nations of the earth,
and only despised by Basil. To punish him for his hostile attitude,
he orders him to bring an enormous contribution in money, which he
needs for his expedition to Persia, and threatens to destroy Cassarea,
if perchance the Bishop should have the audacity to refuse.
The
contents and the style of this letter are cûite sufficient to demonstrate
But the most evident proof of all is given
its apocryphal character.
in the ending, in which the forger falls into the most absurd blunder
by misquoting particulars furnished by Sozomenes. This historian
to quite another Basil than the Christian Basil.
of Julian,
we
find
another letter
narrates that Apollinaris of Syria,
(p.
596)
Christian
scholar, author of
Greek verse and of moral tracts, written

after the style of the classical models, had composed a treatise to
refute the philosophical errors professed by Julian and his teachers.
Julian, Sozomenes says, having read the treatise, is reported to have
answered the bishops who had sent him the book, in only the
" I have read, I have understood, I have
three following words
condemned." And the bishops are reported to have answered on
translations of the Bible into
"Thou hast read, but thou hast not understood, for if

thou couldst have understood, thou wouldst not have condemned."
their side:
And Sozomenes adds
answer was by some attributed to

Now, the counterfeiter who has
invented Julian's letter has put at the end of the letter, apparently
without rhyme or reason, the three words with which the Emperor
Basil {v.
Sozom., op.
that this
cit.^
507).
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
564
most charming and interesting
letter is that
addressed by Julian to his friend Evargius, to make
him the present of a small property

thy disposal a
place at
four fields in Bithynia, which
grandmother.
a
It is certainly
man who comes
^
:
little
property of
inherited from
not sufficient to
into possession of
it
my
make
imagine that
he has acquired something very great, and, on that
become proud
account,
but the
wholly displeasing to thee,

to
tell
thee,
one by one,
many
who
qualities.
be allowed to jest with thee,
The
and amiability.
stadia
from
distant
me
may
art so full of wit
property
the
not be
thou wilt permit
if
its
gift will
is
about twenty
and there are no
sea,
merchants or boatmen to spoil the landscape with
and aggressiveness.
their chatter
gifts of
and
Nereus do not
fail
there
However, the
the fish are fresh
quivering, and, from an eminence, at a
still
short distance from the house, thou wilt be able to

see the
Propontis, and the islands and
which has taken
its
name from
the great
the town
Emperor
thou wilt not tread on fucus and seaweed, nor be

disgusted by the nauseous
sea on the shore
refuse
cast
and other unnamed
thou wilt have around thee evergreen
thyme, and fragrant herbs.

peace to
answered the
lie
Ah
down among them,
treatise of Apollinaris
Julian, op,
cit.,
549, 18 sq.
filth,
but
trees,
and
delightful
idly perusing a
words that, on this occasion, are
unreasonable, and therefore incomprehensible.

1
what
up by the
565
book, and, from time to time, resting the eye on the
and sea
cheerful picture of the ships
When
was
a youth this property was most dear to me, because

of
limpid springs, a delicious bathing-place, and
its
When
became a
and I
went there often, and with reason. There you will
find a modest specimen of my agricultural knowledge
a
kitchen-garden and
man,
trees.
a tiny vine
to perfect
Thou wilt see

The bunches of
it.
there Bacchus and the Graces.
on the vine or passed through the
still
press,
have the perfume of
in the
amphora,
Ah
of nectar.
Perhaps
as
am
much
was
may
why
I
!
was not a
and perfumed
that produces a sweet
wine not needing time

grapes,
often longed to see the old place,
temperate
prefer the
and the new wine,
say with Homer,

is
in
my
tributes to Bacchus,
O my
'
to the
Pindar has
myself and
my
friends
dear chief!
It
is
This
com-
gift
is
small, but will

friend,
house from the house,' as the wise poet

I
it.
lamplight, so
reproach
and
only planted that which
be acceptable, as coming from a friend to a
and
But
far-seeing agriculturist.
modity always scarce among men.

for thee,
a draught
is
not this vineyard larger
Nymphs,
sufficient for
roses,
if
me
wrote this
letter
most
hastily
by
thou findest some mistake, do not
too
harshly
or as
one rhetorician
does another."
This
letter is
little
masterpiece.
vibrates a feeling for nature, most rare

ancients,
and an exquisite delicacy not
In
it
there
among
the
possible, save
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
566
to a soul
open only to the
beautiful.
How many
thoughts must have crossed the mind of the meditative
youth who, from the solitary
in the
immersed
pages of Homer, from time to time, con-
templated the
the distance
all
hill,
This
the magic
civilisation,
and Constantinople
sea, the ships,
son of Greece experienced
last
influence of
Hellenic thought and
which the religion of
tormentors
his
wished to destroy, and he dreamt to save

civilisation, to
of
whom
those
it
new
his favourite poets
life,
this
gods
to save the
had so divinely sung
who had brought so much

now repudiated them
poets
a world that
We
give
in
glory to
see how, in the midst of his tempestuous
adventures, the soul of Julian was able to remain
serene and susceptible to
by nature and
He
art.
all
the emotions inspired
endeavoured to act
in all
things rationally, and believed himself successful in
His
his efforts to curb all his passionate impulses.
counsels are
wisdom.
To
always inspired by the most clear

a friend he writes
to hear that, in
the
We
:^
management
of
are happy
affairs,
dost strive to temper severity with kindness

to unite
forbearance and
and strength, the
first
a proof,
virtue.
With
for
so needed with the docile,
believe, of
this
kindness with firmness
and the second with the wicked,

is
thou
end
for their correction,
no ordinary character and

in view,
we pray
thee to
harmonise these dispositions to the general good,

^
Julian, op. at., 521, 11 sq.
567
most wise among the ancients
justly-
the
since
believed that such should be the aim of
Mayst
thou
possible,
The
and so
and
all virtue.
long and happily as
as
live
brother most longed-for and beloved
rectitude
"
!
Julian,
admired by Ammianus Marcellinus
justly
most
are
Libanius,
him
directed by
and courage possessed by
is
it
evident
the
in
letter
to Oribasius, his physician, at the
time of his disagreements with Florentius in Gaul,
whose
financial
rectify.
After
abuses he was endeavouring to
having
related
dream about the two

already
read,^
thus
that vile eunuch,
continues:
should like to
Oribasius
of which
trees,
Julian
to
know
the
we have
*'As
if
for
he said
those things you refer to me, before or after he had
As
met me.
to his actions,
when he
several times,
this province
than
was
it
most
my
well
known
that
treated the inhabitants of
unjustly,
kept silent even more
duty to do, refusing to
one, not receiving the next,

third,
it is
listen to this
and not believing the
who were
But when he attempted to make me
ever attributing his faults to those
around him.
a partner in his shameless frauds, by forwarding to
me
his
silent,
infamous reports, what could
or fight
servile,
it
out
and wicked
The
first
do
Be
course was ignoble,
the second, just and courageous,
but not permissible under existing circumstances.
What
many
did
I,
persons
therefore,
whom
^
See
do?
well
vol.
i.
In
the presence of
knew would
p. 86.
repeat to
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
568
him
my
words,
exclaimed
He
*
:
rectify these reports, as they are
must certainly
most reprehensible.'
Notwithstanding that he had heard

so near me, he refused
act with
to
committed crimes which would

possible to a tyrant
of
And
reason.
who
still
how
now,
follows the doctrines of Plato
and was
this,
wisdom, and
have
been im-
possessed an atom
should a
man who
and Aristotle act on
Not take any interest in the

unfortunate people, and let them fall a prey to
thieves, or defend them by every means in his
power ? But to me it appears shameful that while
in war the officers who abandon their troops are
condemned to death and deprived of all funeral
honours, it should be permitted to abandon the
ranks of these unfortunate people when they must
struggle against thieves besides, we have God on
such an occasion
our side
it fall
feel
to
God
my
lot to suffer
And
us our position.
on account of
this,
if
shall
my conscience.
yield my position
myself not a little encouraged by
And even
if
short
were obliged
to a successor,
is
who gave
it
and useful
long and
full
to
would not grieve me, because a

life is
to
be preferred to one that
of evil."^
Julian's account corresponds so exactly with the
description
related
raise
and with
Florentius
of
by Libanius that
it
the
episode
seems impossible
any doubts concerning the identity of
person.
But that he should

^
Julian., op.
cit.^
call
496,
him
5 sq.
a "
to
this
eunuch
"

is
Some
children.
whom
who
ruled
at
the
will
his
of
that
Court
of
and pursued Julian with his bitter

this end, they imagine that Eusebius
Constantius,
To
hatred.
enemy
speaks the courtier Eusebius
Julian
eunuch
therefore, in this
see,
and
had a wife
Florentius
as
inexplicable,
569
was sent by the Emperor to Gaul to make an

conflict
inspection, and that hence arose the
This
with Julian.^
is,
of course, possible, but
undoubtedly, invented, and

able
to
it
is
more reasondvSpoywo^;" was
far
suppose that the word
simply meant as an
is,
rather than as the indica-
insult,
tion of a real condition.
However, notwithstanding
this
great
with which Julian strove to direct his
we have seen
in the
wisdom
he, as
life,
course of these studies, some-
times abandoned himself to the influence of passion.

It
is
impossible
certainly
admire either
to
his
conduct towards the courtiers of Constantine on
morrow
the
of his
against Athanasius.
we
find traces of
to
mania
for
In his private correspondence
The
throw
complications and
real
fury
untrammelled desires and of de-
plorable excesses.
and serves
victory, or to justify his
case
light
on
is,
however, curious,
his figure so full of
contradictions.
reading.
We
Julian
have
had a
seen
with
what transports of joy he thanked the Empress

Eusebia, who, when he was about to leave Milan
for Gaul,
made him a
^
present of a whole library,
Kock, Kaiser Julian^ 449.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
570
knowing
When
that
he was absolutely without books.
George was assassinated in

Alexandria, the Emperor sent a good scolding
Bishop
Alexandrians/ but did not further punish
to the
them, and
it
no hasty judgment
is
say that
to
he was not displeased with a tumult apparently
fomented by hatred against the Christians.
Julian
seemed preoccupied by only one thought,
i.e.,
that
of getting possession of the books belonging to the
murdered Bishop.
plays an
and
To
gratify this desire,
energy that degenerates into
As soon
cruelty.
Prefect
I,
from
my
men
sufficient
to
You
therefore,
collecting all the
books of
that contained the
Galileans.
would
who do
their
not
for
lust
easily deprive
me
of
me a signal favour by
He had many
George.
do
them concerning philosophy and
many
do books.
should allow
satisfy
and think that they may

will,
of
to take possession of them,
consider gold
them.
^
:
earliest childhood,
would, therefore, be absurd that
riches,
Egypt
of
have never loved anything more than

these
injustice
love horses, others love birds, others again,
ferocious animals.
It
dis-
he hears of the death
as
of George, he writes to the
Some
he
rhetoric,
and
doctrine of the impious
willingly see
the
last-named
all destroyed, if I
did not fear that some good
and useful books might, at the same time, by
mistake be destroyed.
Make, therefore, the most
minute search concerning them.

^
See
vol.
ii.
p.
340
sq.
Julian., op.
In this search
cit.y
487,
1 1
sq.

may
the secretary of George

you, and
he
if
571
be of great help to
really will afford
you
necessary
all
information concerning them, give him his freedom
this affair,
I
But
recompense.
in
in
submit him immediately to the torture.
know most
of George's books,
Cappadocia,
order that
in
if
me when
he lent them to
for
he try to deceive you
if
not
of
all
them
was staying
in
might copy them, and
then took them back."
appears that the Prefect of Egypt was that
It
unhappy iEdychius who, a
the brunt of Julian's anger because he did
felt all
not
show
himself
Athanasius.
much
time afterwards,
little
success
to
against
not
have
collect the
books
he
that
his efforts
in
energetic
sufficiently
seems
It
did
of the murdered Bishop, and that even the torture

inflicted
on the secretary did

This
aim.
attain
his
among
his letters
Porphyry,
the
the
is
following
of philosophy of
Search again for
wilt
if
me
all
schools,
number
not an inferior
to
for
note
who must have been an
Egyptian Administration:^
it
help him
evident,
large and magnificent library.
send
not
in
this
we
find
directed to
official
in
''George had a
There were books
many
histories,
and
of books of the Galileans.

library in great haste,
and
Antioch, and remember that thou
expose thyself to a most severe punishment
thou dost not take every precaution to find
and
to
if
it
thou dost not succeed by means of threats

^
Julian., op.
cit.,
351, 20 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
572
and oaths of
do with
to
all
some
slaves have anything
if
apply the torture unsparingly, and
it,
who
oblige those
and
kinds,
of having stolen
are suspected
of the books
come and
to
them
return
to
thee."
Now, although such
a love for books and culture
appears most admirable
by no means
man
in
justifies the violent
made him appear
and
cruel
like
Julian,
it
proceedings that
This
tyrannical.
is
indeed a great blot on the character of our hero.
But we believe the case

a
man
i.e.,
that
powerful and wise in every respect should
lose his
head
iniquitous
to the extent of
innate
love
the
for
have before us the

his
be unique,
to
of
man
becoming
positively
books
Here we
and
We
must remember
time,
was
in
Antioch,
he was able
months,
Persian
applied himself with
nurtured
on
all
military
at
that,
where,
organise
to
expedition an
all
marvellous
his
versatility.
Julian
with
his entirety,
in
contradictions
in
the
that
few
difficult
occupation to which he
mind
These most
the intensity of a
experiences.
absorbing cares did not prevent him, as
we have
seen in the Misopog07i^ from indulging
polemics
with the
infinite
variety
of
of
from attending to an
religious
But, in the midst of
affairs.
tions,
Antiochians, and
he
mind
still
as
in
and
all
administrative
these preoccupa-
retained such freedom and serenity
to
feel
the
longing to possess the
philosophical library of a murdered Bishop.
In
he would have been much more pleased
reality,
to
have these volumes
and
memory
to
his
in
known
of which were already

to his
573
the beloved
many
possession,
and
to him,
recalled
of his youth,
studies
be able to unroll respectfully and tenderly
those papyri, containing the
wisdom, to scan these

Christian literature,
least
treasures of antique
known documents
them new arms
to find in
of
to
combat more efficaciously Christianity this, we

maintain, would have been much more acceptable to
of
him than
pomp and
the
all
Imperial power, and
even,
hoped-for victories over Persia.
Emperor
And even more
his crotchets as a scholar
circumstance
perhaps, than
his
most singular
than singular, because
and man of
letters did
not prevent him from being a heroic adventurer,

a great captain, and a wîse administrator.
If Julian
had not been absorbed
in his religious
Utopia, and had not rushed to his
would have been able
own
ruin,
he
the empire
to reorganise
on the basis of a wise government, and restore

its
prosperity,
intercourse
as he
had done
we have had
in
Gaul.
In the
with Julian, in the various
many
us, we
contingencies of his existence, and under the

aspects in which he has been revealed to
have found the most striking proofs of

idea of justice, which
Libanius,
judge,
that
but also by
Ammianus.
one of
his
is
his lofty
not only recognised by
that
impartial
And we have
and severe
already
seen
most determined purposes was
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
574
that of directinor the administration of public affairs
and the Imperial Court, so as
to free the State
from the appalling abuses by which

rupted, thus
the
lightening
people groaned and
numbers.
was
it
cor-
burden under which
the
diminished
steadily
in
Gaul had hailed him as the restorer
of the public fortune
Hebrews were
the
delivered
from the arbitrary taxes with which they had been

charged.
tated
If
the
Persian
enterprise
heavy contributions from
Emperor had
declared, as
necessi-
still
his
subjects, the
we have
learned from
Libanius, that his victorious return would be the
by which the exhausted

of the empire would be
signal of a financial reform
economic
conditions
thoroughly relieved.
the
Imperial
Court,
The
radical
purification
and the expulsion
of
of the
numberless parasites enriched at the public expense, which Julian accomplished
entered
Constantinople,
according to
as
soon as he
may have been
Ammianus and
hasty,
but was
Socrates,
undoubtedly most beneficial from a financial point

of view, and the most eloquent affirmation of the
young Emperor's
justice.
Finally,
the
intense
care with which he enforced the law that no one
should be excused from taking part in the

duties to which they were called,
and that
leges should be abolished, thus rendering
official
all privi-
all
citizens
and duties of public

administration a law against which the Christians,
to whom the previous emperors had exclusively
equal with regard to the risks

granted these
if it
violently protested,
privileges,
were an infringement of their rights
cordially approved by
There
since
it
that
we
as
must be
impartial judges.
one
however,
is,
ministration
all
575
of
act
especially
Julian's
desire
to
ad-
notice,
proves the solicitude for the public good
by which he was
inspired,
and
also his ability to
descend from the nebulous heights of his mystical

speculations,
and
set apart his preoccupations
to
and a reformer
as a general
arrangements of
to
frame practical
affairs.
In the letters and notes which Julian addresses
we have
to his friends,
them permission
veyance.
When
to
often seen that he gives
use
Government con-
the
he invited the Arian Aetius to
come to him, he allowed him to use an extra horse.

These curious allusions refer to one of the acts
of administration in which Julian was deeply
interested, that
Imperial
is
to say, the reorganisation of the
Postal
between the
The communications
Service.
different parts of the
consisted
of almost
rendered
possible
all
and
the
empire
which
were
known world
easy
relatively
by
an
admirable network of roads, the greatest pride of

the
Roman
organised
organisation.
regular
On
service
roads they
these
of
transports
couriers, of post-houses for the relays
and the
and
ac-
commodation of travellers, which greatly facilitated

traffic for the Government and the public.
The
expenses of maintaining
this
postal
system were
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
576
supported by the provinces and the
which the roads passed.
Even
abuses had penetrated, so
that,
cities
through
into this service

in the times pre-
ceding JuHan's government, they had become so

great
completely to
as
Imperial
whom
disorganise
All
it.
the
high and low, had distributed to
officials,
they best liked, free passes, eveciiones, and
the municipal finances, already exhausted, had to
who
bear the expense of the citizens
The
travelled.
Councils, the Episcopal Synods, which, under
the reign of Constantius, followed each other with

increasing frequency, in the most remote sees, and
which the prelates hurried
in shoals, attended by
and surrounded by all
the luxury of a corrupt and overbearing clergy,
to
their theological attendants,
more
especially brought confusion
and disorder
into
the postal management, and forced upon the tax-
Ammianus, using
payers most enormous expenses.
words
which an
in
ironical intention
is
most
evi-
dent, describes "the multitude of bishops careering
backwards and forwards from one Synod
to the
and carriages belonging
to the
other, with horses
public
service,"
so intent
and adds that Constantius was
his
in
efforts
to
regulate
doctrines according to his arbitrary

cut
off
the
vehiculariae
most
sinews
of
succideret
curious
the
postal
nervos."-^
description
of
theological
will,
that he
system
rei
Libanius gives
the
deplorable
conditions into which the service had fallen, because

1
Amm.
Maicell., op.
cit.,
i.
263.

of the terrible abuses to which
The
city authorities could
it
the drivers
mountains
The animals
and couriers escaped
died of
to
the
themselves from a labour that
free
to
had been subjected.
no longer withstand the
exioencies of the travellers.

fatigue,
577
had become insupportable.^
was no sooner on the Imperial throne

than with a firm hand he put an end to all these
abuses, and regulated by law the bestowal of free
Julian
passes, the evediones, that only could be granted
The
by the governors of the provinces.
inferior
had a limited number of them, and,
magistrates
each case, they were obliged to obtain special
in
The
authorisations from the Emperor.
effects of
reform were most salutary and rapid.
this
which we have
after giving the singular description
quoted above, and saying that the
on which the expenses
rested,
Libanius,
Town
were
Councils,
totally ruined,
thus continues: "Julian stopped the abuses, prohibiting travel that
was not absolutely necessary,
and affirming that gratuitous services were equally

dangerous
who
received
on to
that
who granted them and to those

them.
And we saw " Libanius oroes
to those
say, with his usual exaggeration
seemed
incredible,
i.e.,
exercise their mules and the

for,
as they
over-work,
exercise."^
Liban., op.
VOL.
II.
coachmen
now
Taking
cit.,
i.
17
suffered
into
569, 9 sq.
thing
their horses
had once suffered from the

they
''a
the drivers obliged to
due
-
effects of
from the lack of

consideration
Ibid.^ op.
cit..,
i.
the
570, 11 sq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
578
hyperbolical tone
remains that
it
of the
apologist,
was a great merit
the
fact
still
have
in Julian to
devised and effected this wise and civilising reform.
The
is
scrupulous care with which he applied this law
evident from
very few permits for free
the
some of
passes that he granted to
he desired should
his friends
whom
This law established

by Julian must have been strictly obeyed, if it was
necessary to have the direct permission of the
Emperor
time
a favour
obtain
to
before,
him.
visit
only a short
that,
was the acknowledged
right of the
majority.
Julian's
empire
is,
Julian
the
conduct as administrator of an immense
therefore,
no
less
leader
of
powerful
admirable than that of

armies and
the
The
organiser of great and hazardous enterprises.
only administrative error that he committed was

the economic violence he exercised concerning the
With
the exception of this
mistake, mostly due to the
good intention of the
markets of Antioch.
sovereign,
economic
existed,
and
the
to
principles
we cannot
which
in
find
ignorance
absolute
in
ancient
Julian's
too
of
society
short
reign a single act that does not justify the assertion of Libanius,
conceded
to
who
him,
says that
he would
if
time had been
have
restored
the
prosperity of the whole empire, as he had already
restored that of Gaul.
The
integrity
and
kindness
of
the private

individual
letters,
many
by
his
we have examined, and
they
demonstrated
evidently
are
of which
579
give evidence of the exquisite delicacy of soul
who had passed
possessed by this youth,

years of his
war,
life
amidst the hardening influences of
atmosphere
unrefined
the
in
the best
encampments. There
is,
of
military
however, one circumstance
has remained obscure, and
in Julian's history that
concerning which his contemporaries, groping in

the
have woven a net of suspicions and
dark,
We
legends.
Julian and
conduct
allude to the relationship between
the
Empress
towards
already seen
Ammianus
that
though a friend of
Eusebia,
openly
accuses
Marcellinus,
even
the
murdered Helena by means
an
admirer of
of
latter
of
having
a slow poison,
which was given to her by Eusebia
but in order
to diminish the responsibility of Eusebia, the
Ammianus
says that
it
was done
We
from bearing children.
his
have
and
Julian
of
We
Helena.
wife
his
and
Eusebia,
to prevent
good
Helena
have also seen that
other calumnious reports were circulated, according

to
which
his
wife
was
Julian
Fortunately,
said
with
himself,
Libanius
the
to
aid
can with
have
poisoned
a
of
great
doctor.^
ease
de-
But the fact in

such an accusation was possible, com-
molish the aforesaid accusation.

itself that
bined with the extraordinary reports related by
Ammianus, proves
that,
1
See
if
vol.
i.
not
p. 94.
among
the people,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
580
least
at
some
the
Court
in
circles,
scandal was
rife
that
drama had been interwoven

the young sovereign.
We say
sort of love
of
life
Court
circles,
because,
been disseminated
him
and it
among
with
matter,
the
it,
most
easy to
is
would have afforded the
in
the scandalous story had
if
would certainly have heard

furnished
in
Gregory
people,
and
would have
this
precious
oratorical
imagine what joy
it
terrible polemical writer to
have such an argument
one of
for
eloquent
his
invectives/
we examine with greater attention this

obscure episode, we find that suspicion might have
arisen not so much from the public relations of
If
Julian with his cousin
Eusebia, but
his conduct towards his wife
we know,^ came
rather
Helena.
from
Julian, as
twice to Milan while the beautiful
Empress was there; the
first
time in 354,
when he
was summoned there after the murder of Callus,

to be impeached and probably killed, if Eusebia
had not intervened.
was banished
Julian
^
Among
only writer
to
Como, and,
the moderns, Anatole France, as far as
who
afifirms
later on,
we know,
is
the
the positive existence of a love affair between
and Eusebia. " La nature du sentiment qui unissait Eusebie

Tel qu'il etait Eusebie I'aime
JuHen n'est guere douteuse.
{vide A. France, Vie Littdraire^ iv. 252). When the witty French
critic wrote the above-mentioned lines, he was evidently not acquainted with the bust of Acerenza. If he had seen it, he would
perhaps have found, in the overpowering manliness of Julian's figure,
an additional proof of the possibility that the most beautiful Empress
Julian
et
loved her unfortunate cousin.

^
See
vol.
i.
p.
45
and
p.
52 sq.

sent to Athens
581
the second time at the end of 355,
to be invested with the dignity of Caesar, always
through the influence that Eusebia exercised over

her husband.
Now,
during these two
it
seems highly improbable
the Prince could possibly
visits,
have had secret intercourse with the
The Court
that,
of Constantius was
filled
Empress.
with the most
determined of Julian's enemies, who spied his every
movement, and who would have snatched
at
any
mind of the Emperor

against this hated prince, and together with him the
audacious woman to whose irresistible fascinations
occasion
the
the
to prejudice
enamoured
Constantius
Julian, in his panegyric
willingly
submitted.
on Eusebia, speaks of her
as a divine apparition, before which he experiences
sentiments of timidity,
We
gratitude.
reverence,
recognise in
it
and profound
the devotion of a
devoted subject, but not that of a passionate
But
an
it
might be observed that
official
betray
this
panegyric was
document, and that Julian could not
Eusebia
and
himself.
This reserve was
imposed by the most elementary prudence.

the greatest importance
narration
lover.
made by
is
to
But
be attached to the
Julian himself in his manifesto
to the Athenians, in
which he speaks of his hesi-
Empress on the day

in which his election to Caesar was being decided,^
for fear that the letter might be discovered.
Here
Julian undoubtedly tells the truth.
In 361, when
tation to send a letter to the
See
vol.
i.
p. 53.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
582
Julian
wrote
Julian
was a declared
reason
why he should
manifesto,
his
Eusebia was dead.
and there was no
rebel,
not speak freely, no scruples
of prudence necessitating him to conceal the truth.
We
must, therefore, believe him,
when he
Eusebia were so
that his relations with
affirms
far
from
being intimate that he was not only unable to
speak
her a
but did
to her,
Therefore,
note.
no
existed
there
intrigue.
arisen,
not
Their
above
these
much
sympathy
descent,
love
must
have
in-
and had been educated
in
very midst of the traditions and
Greece, in the
habits of the ancient
civilisation
so that, Julian
besides her beauty, she brought
a cultivated
cousins
less
Eusebia, born in Macedonia,
tellectual aspirations.
says,
send
to
from the identity of their
all,
was of Greek
dare
between
intimacy,
mutual
even
intellioênce
and a
in
dowry
orood education.^
Married to a Christian emperor, and entering a

court in which the great dignitaries
supreme,
she
of Arianism
followed
the
religious
customs of those who surrounded
her.
But her
intellectual
ruled
for Hellenism,
in
Now, although
necessarily
preferences must have been
which she had been educated.
Julian
had remained away from
the court, she must have heard of his passion for
study and of his intimacy with the philosophers of

the
time.
Eusebia,
genuine Greek
she
therefore,
saw
in
Julian
could understand his aspira-
Julian., op. at., 140, 5 sq.

tions,
and admire the manner
From
this arose the desire to
583
which he behaved.
in
save him from the
storm of Christian barbarism that threatened to
JuHan
destroy him.
himself,
in his
panegyric on
Eusebia, thus explains her reasons for protecting
him
She was
name
the
cause of so
the
This name,
of philosophy.
know why, had been applied to me,

loving
most
it
from
cease
honour
name.
understand any
Emperor's
to
wished
to
she
so
and why
preserve intact the
to
towards
owes
Julian
has
she
true saviour,
effort
considers the greatest
to
why
reason
benevolence
whom
do not
can neither imagine nor
other
every
who although
been obliged
But
it.
effectually assisted me,
she employed
have
fervently,
practising
this
Eusebia
many
because she wished to honour through
benefits,
me
me
for
me."-^
It
is
which
that
happiness of his
life,
he
i.e.,
being sent to Athens, where he could immerse

himself
in
already know,^
Gaul, with
for
means
into a
who
Eusebia,
is
it
furnishes Julian,
that
rich
when
and varied
museum
of
by
Greek books.
are, therefore,
intellectuality.
soaring in an atmosphere of
Eusebia and Julian appear
the panegyric of Julian,
is
Julian., op.
cit.,
154, 16.
to
Eusebia,
represented as sur-
rounded by a glorious aureole of sanctity

1
we
starting
library,
us as two spirits of poesy and wisdom.

in
as
of which, as he says, Gaul was transformed
We
pure
studies
his
g^g
^.qJ^
she
is
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
584
In examining her portrait,
truly a divine figure.
as
it
sketched
is
admirer,
we seem
the
fascination that
devoted and grateful
by her
beautiful
over the Milanese of fifteen
Ammianus
ago.
Eusebia
Empress exercised
centuries and a half
who had seen

and knew all she
Marcellinus,
Court of Milan,
at the
had done
something of the
to experience
favour of Julian, has only words of
in
praise for her virtue, and affirms, though writing
had no
after her death, that she
and
of form and mind,

in
rivals in
beauty
in the lofty position
that,
which she was placed, she had been able to
Ammianus
preserve the humaneness of her soul.^
does not seem to suspect any
illicit
relationship
between Julian and Eusebia, and attributes the
Empress
actions of the
in
favour of the persecuted
prince to the just estimation she had formed of his

But,
qualities.
all
of a sudden,
Ammianus darkens
the purity of this image, by relating an episode in
which the beautiful philosopher

alluded
more
to
this
But we
fact.
attentively, as
it
have already
must examine
sinister
influence on
judgment we have pronounced on
We
character.
know
promoted Julian to
stowed upon him
Helena,
in
Amm.
that
the
in
order to
it
necessary to dissipate a
is
mystery that might have a

the
We
odious woman.
a wicked and
transformed into
is
Constantius,
dignity
marriage
Julian's
when he
of
Caesar,
his
own
be-
sister
render stronger the bonds
Marcell., op.
cif.,
i.
240.

him
that united
was
whom
he had
According to Julian himself,
stored to favour.
marriage
cousin,
his
to
585
by
arranged
Eusebia/
re-
this
Helena,
Empress Faustina,
Zosimus,^ in 326 had been
the daughter of the unfortunate
who, according
to
murdered by her husband Constantine

tragedy of jealousy,
November 355
in
than thirty years
less
mariage
simply a
Helena became
But
de convenance.
could not be
appears, therefore,
It
had arranged
Eusebia
that
old.
a horrible
in
enceinte
in
the following year, in Gaul.
Then, according
to
Ammianus, Eusebia
the nurse, and she,
bribed
with an intentional error in the obstetrical operation,
moment
killed the child at the
seems that Eusebia was not
She
Helena
invited
to
of
But
its birth.
satisfied with this crime.
come from Gaul
on the occasion of the solemn
Rome
to
paid by her to
visit
The
that city, in 357, together with Constantius.
of
pretext
Helena
anxiety that
Roman
festivals
oculate
the
was
invitation
this
should
the
true
unfortunate
it
her
take
affectionate
part
motive was
woman
with
the
in
to
in-
subtle
poison that would cause her to miscarry when-
ever she was pregnant.

of
action
tion
of
the
caused
her
alluded
to
the
1
and,
death
three
years
constitu-
afterwards,
hardly
mysterious death,
by Julian and Ammianus, but which
enemies of the
Julian., op.
seems that the slow
undermined the
poison
Helena,
It
cit.^
159,
i.
former
unhesitatingly
-Zosim., op.
cit.,
150,
attrisq.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
586
buted to him,
as
he
if
had been the
himself
poisoner of his wife/
The
as
to understand
which
is
who wished
atrocious
exercised
without that exaspera-
The
Eusebia
jealousy of the
had
no
children
infanticide
first
time by
she caused to be
that
committed by the nurse, and the subtle way

which,
on
the
Helena
to
Rome
her
dible
in
second
Eusebia, a
occasion,
order that she
in
appears
poison,
prevent her cousin from having
and which was revealed the
any,
the
to
is
caused by the propinquity
and sight of the beloved.

mother
idle
almost impos-
is
it
a jealousy that
at such a great distance,
childless
be
to
the
must be excluded
mistress
predetermining cause, as
tion of passion
of
Court accustomed to crimes.
jealousy of the
sible
appear
consequence
the
of a wicked
tattle
rumours
passing
these
All
naught else than
inadmissible
woman
she
in
invited
might give
and
incre-
possessing such high
and generous impulses that she did not
culture
hesitate
to
undertake the perilous enterprise of
saving a persecuted
prince,
defying
the
hatred
Is it
and machinations of powerful courtiers.
possible that such a noble woman, who had done
so much to place Julian in a lofty position, where
his
virtues
scope,
could
be recognised and given free
would condescend
idea that the
man
to base
envy
at the
mere
she had saved and admired so

^
See
vol.
i.
p. 94.

possible
tamque
her
of
that
the father of children?
be
greatly, should
It
seems
thesis
is
might
it
" ?
Ammianus
that
and calumnies
said
ne
Is
''tanta
fortissimi
most probable hypo-
accepted the inventions
Eusebia that were
aorainst
it
that the
to us
be
navabatur
opera
diligens
soboles appareret
viri
587
circu-
which he had lived,

without
any
qualms of conthem
and repeated
lating in the Court circles in
even greater shamelessness,
science, just as, with
turned directly upon him
the enemies of Julian
the odium
of this grave
admit
however,
that,
have
been
spread
must
have
been
gave
that
them
these
if
abroad
some
at
We
must,
calumnies
could
believed,
there
accusation.
and
facts
least
circumstances
or
an
and
appearance
Now, we have no
document whatever upon which we can construe
possibility
of
credibility.
the true history of the relationship between Julian
and
his
tions,
from some indicaHelena was an unhappy
Nevertheless,
wife.
we can
infer that
woman, a neglected wife.

Julian, who speaks
and writes of every one and everything with such
facility
and abundance, has never,
either
public
or
private,
alluded
though she was his companion

in
which he lived
in
Gaul.
it
had been
^
Amm.
to
his
wife,
for the five years
In his panegyric on
Eusebia, he only mentions his

that
in his writings,
marriage to say
arranged by her, and,

MarcelL, op. ciL^
i.
94.
in
his
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
588
Athenians, he records that, at
manifesto to the
moment of
Paris, when the
the
was resting
his
wife's
still
in
at
troops surrounded the palace, he

the upper storey in a
*'who
living"^
military pronunciamiento
the
was
(ert
yafierrj^
fcoo"?;?)
memory
only funeral oration to the
This
living."
still
r?}?
room next
icy
Julian's
is
of his wife.
She died in Vienne, during the winter of 360,

when her husband had already begun to act as
Emperor, amidst pomps and solemn festivals.
The
only
consideration
towards her was
that
Julian
her
transport
to
evinced
remains
to
Rome, where they were interred in a sepulchre

*'Via
Nomentana," beside her sister
of the
Constantina.
The unhappy
fate of this
woman
aroused the
imagination of her contemporaries, and afforded
elements that permitted them to create legends

concerning her, and to find mystery and crime
where
there
was
naught
perhaps,
else,
than a
natural development of unfortunate circumstances.
Eusebia and Julian were believed culpable, and

authors
of a
death
that
was
really
caused by
the slow and continuous persecution of a relentless
fate.
figures
the
that
far-off
Julian's
wife
pass, like
horizon
of
is
one of those
pallid
a fleeting shadow, across
surrounded
history,
and
consecrated by an aureole of a slow and secret
martyrdom.
Married when she was no longer

1
Julian., op.
cit.,
266,
3.
589
young to a man who did not love her, a Christian,

and educated in Court circles, from which all
Hellenic
could
were severely excluded, she
influences
understand
neither
No
by him.
understood
husband nor
her
be
sympathy
intellectual
who had been united

The joys
convention.
could exist between the two
by
simple
of
tie
which she might have found

been
from
snatched
sojourn
maternity had
During
her.
Gaul she lived
in
in
in
her
trying
continual
state
Every day she saw the

struggle between her husband and her brother
growing more imminent a struggle to prevent
which she had been sacrificed and placed uselessly, as a symbol of peace, between the two
and
of anxiety
peril.
rivals.
The
Julian
being
absolutely
Julian, wholly
tions, his plans, his
And
broken
Emperor,
proclaimed
overwhelmed by the
cidal war.
aware
having
rebellion
terror of a fratri-
absorbed
in his prepara-
dreams, took no heed of her.
she knew her brother too well not to be

that,
if
he was victorious
and
these cruel anxieties
meek
and
Helena was
seemed to indicate the probability of

he would take a terrible revenge.
soul,
out,
Helena wasted
victim,
that
his victory
Torn by
tormented her inmost
away,
neglected
everything
and
disappeared,
by a husband who was
about to throw himself into the tempestuous seas

of a most audacious adventure.
We
can, therefore, conclude, judging with our
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
590
accustomed impartiality, that

guilty of
Julian, although not
any domestic crime, was by no means
an exemplary husband, and even, most probably,
had been the cause of
fault
most grave
his wife's great unhappiness.
in itself,
but one which might
have extenuating circumstances

the
husbands of
all
of the present day.
times,
not
in
the history of
excluding those
CONCLUSION
When we
had
began
more
ever suffered
vagaries
of
fate
we
this study,
than
said that
from
the
no one
inexplicable
The Church,
Julian.
against which his efforts were ineffectually directed,
revenged
itself
by concealing
his noble figure
under
an odious mask, and by rendering execrable

ever a
name
well worthy of the respect
tion of posterity.
to
a careful
for
and admira-
After having devoted ourselves
study of his
we
life,
sentiments of commiseration
find
his
for
that
our
destiny are
more and more accentuated, because there is not,

perhaps, another example in history where such
varied and noble gifts were uselessly squandered in
Few men
a foolish undertaking.
world's stage
better
qualified
man
impress on history, and no
appeared on the
to leave a
lasting
has more completely
disappeared, without leaving a trace behind him.

Julian's
work was as
fleeting
and vain as the furrow
As soon
of a ship on the surface of the water.
the
poop
reunite,
has passed
and the furrow
through
is
the
no longer
no sooner had Julian expired

591
as
waves, they
visible.
in his tent
Thus,
on the
far-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
592
away
plains
than
of Persia,
memory
all
of his
ephemeral attempt vanished, and History continued

its
course as
if
We
he had never existed.
may
even say that Christianity was hardly aware of the
war he waged against

for
moment impeded
pursued the even tenor
it
propaganda was not
Its
it.
way, and was uninfluenced in
of
its
its
ulterior manifestations.
aim and
its
Fortune, ever capricious, at the sunset of the
Roman
Empire, placed upon the throne of the
Caesars a
man
upright soul.
of brilliant intelligence, of strong and
And,
His
whatever!
effect
fruitless.
He
in spite of
efforts
his
all,
entirely errone-
ous idea, which influenced him to act
He
that could only lead to disaster.
who
world around him.
had no
were transient and
was possessed of an
as a sleep-walker
life
a manner
in
went
his
way
unconscious of the real
is
In history there
no sadder
is
spectacle than this dissipation of great possibilities,
and,
at
the
same
none more
time,
interesting,
because the study of the causes that
rendered
possible the grov/th of such a gigantic illusion in a
mind otherwise intelligent and clear-seeing, furnishes

us with the means of understanding and gauging, in
all
its
importance,
the
caused the ruin of ancient
These causes we have

in the course of this
for us to review
religious
that
civilisation.
scrutinised and discussed
work.
and lay
revolution
But
stress
it
would be well
on them, because
they justify our interest in Julian's
life,
and because.
CONCLUSION
in
593
and
their analysis, lies the object of the long
patient study
First of
we have undertaken.
we must endeavour
all,
the whole
prehensive glance at
we have examined
had succeeded
in
to cast a
picture of which
the various parts.
Christianity
overcoming ancient
civilisation,
had offered to the world two principles
because
it
entirely
new
which responded to the
principles
condition and necessities of the times.
hand,
offered
it
com-
indispensable
to
On
the one
monotheism, which had become

a world for which
polytheism had become deprived of
on the other hand,
it
all
the
ancient
substratum
offered a moral law that
was
in direct contrast with the ancient organisation of
society,
force
which was based on
a law that glorified the
tunate
a law
that
hoped
the
superiority
weak and the

to
of
unfor-
inaugurate a
new
on love and the recognition of

human brotherhood. But Christianity, adopting as
society, established
its
two levers these two innovating
principles,
only able to accomplish the negative part of
its
was
pro-
gramme, for, although it shook from its foundations

and overturned the ancient civilisation, it did not
complete
its
positive part, so that
when
victorious from the secular struggle that
confronted,
heroically
had
it
instituted
had so
a
new
founded on the superiority of

of violence and of injustice, and its divine
society, but
force,
one
it
issued
it
still
laws remained naught but luminous ideals without

VOL.
II.
18
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
594
direct influence
the
reason
was
it
phenomenon
strange
overcome
The
cause of this historical phenome-
that the categorical imperative of a moral
is
is
much
evils arose
than those which had been fought and
greater
non
How
although the ancient evils had been
that,
overthrown by a divine Gospel,
law
What was
on the actions of men.
of this
not to be found beyond and above humanity,
but rather in
spirit at
it,
a given
in the essential conditions of its
moment
consequent necessity of
the moral law that
history,
in
and as the
organisation.
its
recreates society,
not
It is
is
society
already recreated that imposes a moral law.
Now,
a society
never recreated
is
manner of comprehending
of the
universe.
until
itself
As long
as
recreates
it
and
it
its
there existed
anthropomorphic conception of the
its
conception
divinity,
the
and
the anthropocentric and geocentric conceptions of
men might change
the universe,
but, in
selves.
their appearance,
substance, they were always equal
to
them-
Accepting the idea of a supernatural and

power,
superrational
of
Being
transcendent
possessed of absolute authority, humanity would
always have been able to elude the laws
weighed upon
to
its
passions,
it,
that
and render that power subservient
by forcing
it
to
make
terms,
and
by,
according to exterior forms, a value that should be

considered a sort of compensation fixed by contract.
The renewal
until
of society could not have taken place
the conception of a supernatural arbiter was
CONCLUSION
exchanged
595
the conception of the unalterable
for
determinism of a natural system.

that humanity should bring itself
It
is
and the universe
into conformity with truth before
it
can organise
itself in
harmony with law from which
escape.
The moral law
most sublime of
because
cannot
it
created by Christ
the
is
absolutely perfect, but just
it is
was morally based on
it
ineffectual in a
was
all
necessary
truth, this
law was
world intellectually based on what
false.
More than
half a century after Christianity
had
triumphed, Julian came to the throne, and found

vice
and crime dominant
and the
clergy, divided
parts of the Christian
in the Court, the
by
intestine strife,
Empire
Church,
and
terribly corrupt.
all
He
deceived himself by supposing that he could save

civilisation
and render the world moral by returning
to ancient principles,
and by founding a
Christianised polytheism.
Julian cannot, therefore,
be considered an enemy of the advance of

tion, because,
sort of
civilisa-
on the one hand, he sought to convert
the Hellenic pantheon into a monotheistic hierarchy,

and, on the other, he recognised the virtues that
among humanity.
Christianity might have diffused
But neither can we consider him as an innovator,

because he was not able to present to the world
any new
intellectual principle
he only desired to
clothe the ancient forms in those theological
and
moral principles which Christianity had proclaimed
those principles that had given
it its
victory.
To
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
596
have
initiated a truly genial
and
fruitful revolution,
have become the promoter of a

religion without sacrifices and without worship, and,
should
Julian
intuitively divining the possibility of delivering the
world and
man from
the terror of an absolute and
transcendent
authority and
from
superstition,
he should have
laid
of a civilisation
But of
all
this,
the
bonds of
the foundation
Reason and Science.

Julian had not even the faintest
based on
conception
Christianity, as
it
appeared
person and the teachings of
in Palestine, in the
its
Founder, was the
pure expression of a moral sentiment, an aspiration
towards an ideal of
with which
it
opposed
justice,
and
itself to
the iniquities of the
the
world was a protest fulminating in
its
meekness
eloquence.
The
preachings of Jesus, so original, because of
the
irresistible
breath
of
poesy that
animates
them, and because of their simplicity of form,
lowed
in the footsteps of
those teachings initiated by
the great prophets of the Israelitic decadence,
announced sanctity of
life
who
as a sine qua non of the
rehabilitation of their race.
and
fol-
According
to
Jesus,
in this lies the novelty of his Gospel, holiness
consists in the acceptance of the brotherhood
of
life
of
man
before one unique Father, and, as a natural
consequence,
abuse of
in
force,
the suffering,
the condemnation of arrogance and

in
the
exaltation
and the downtrodden.
of the humble,
CONCLUSION
The two
tian
take
to
by primitive Chrisefficacy, were able
truths inculcated
teaching,
owing
even
root
their
to
in a
soil
597
which they were
to
apparently not adapted, because lacking the preparation
The
of tradition.
announced an
first
impending transformation that would change the

face
world by punishing oppressors
of the
The second affirmed the

Person, who had had an
uplifting the oppressed.
revelation of a
and
divine
and was a well-determined and

concrete personality, upon the subject of whose
historic existence,
existence there was no possible doubt, and in
one could believe with a security that could
therefore,
no longer be accorded
to the
Christianity
quenched the
mented a world
considered as
its
while the
divine Christ responded to
the
God
world to possess a
evident desire of
in
whom
God
take upon himself
and
die
persecuted
like
of
Christianity
became the
those
who were
Christianity,
its
misery
existence,
the
was
veriest
could
whom
saw
slave,
accomplished,
religion to
it
this
the
and
which flocked
unfortunate.
therefore,
was a
it
it
the miseries of humanity,
all
apotheosis
all
And when
faith.
of this
revelation
believe, in place of the ancient deities in
no longer had any
promise,
first
thirst for justice that tor-
by the abuse of might
stifled
right,
exhausted divinities
With
of the Hellenic Olympus.
the
whom,
in
the
early period of
religion essentially moral
wholly dependent on sentiment.
Paul,
it
is
and
true.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
598
became converted, sought
as soon as he
to give
a rational explanation of the process of redemption.

Being, above
all,
possessed of a strongly logical
mind, Paul did not become converted until this

process
was thoroughly
Pauline
conception, at
purely personal
fact,
clear
But the
him.
to
remained only as a
first,
and does not seem
exercised an important
influence
to
have
on the doctrinal
evolution of Christianity until a long time afterwards.
was the influence of his personality, of his spirit,

of his will it was the announcement of the impendIt
ing regeneration of the world by the reappearance
of Christ, Saviour of the oppressed, and

tidings, that called to the
Christianity maintained
of simple faith without
Those who
had but one

faith
the
faith
itself
in
this
any attempt
good
half
atmosphere
at systematic
called themselves Christians
common
to
all,
a monotheistic
founded on the revelation of
medium
its
doctrine the crowd
For nearly a century and a
of believers.
doctrine.
new
God
through
of Christ, the hope of an eternal
life
guaranteed by Christ, and a consciousness of the
assumed with baptism to lead a life

correspondence with the example given by
obligations
in
Christ.
The
Christian writings
anterior
to
the
second half of the second century, in the AihaxVy

the First Epistle
Letters
"
of
Clemens Alexandrinus, the
of Ignatius, the writings of Papias, the
Epistle of Barnabas, prove the complete absence

of
any apparent
doctrine
among
the
primitive
CONCLUSION
599
whose only rule of conduct was based

on a few truths, and, above all, on certain promises
These primitive Christians
revealed by Christ.
Christians,
with
lived,
all
the strength of their souls, for this
and did not
faith,
find
it
necessary to represent
it
by a complexity of determined doctrines. What

were the dogmatics of these Christians ? Barnabas
"
us what they were.
tells
of our Lord, hope
Three are the dogmas
justice
love."
And
at
the end of this Epistle, describing the two paths

that
open before the
lie
believer, the
way
of light
and the way of darkness, he traces a programme,

which
is
nauoht
than a faithful echo of the
else
Evangelical moral, and in which there
is
not even
the suspicion of a doctrinal principle.^
We
Octavius
find in the
"
of Minucius Felix
a singularly interesting proof of the poverty of

philosophical doctrine in genuine Christianity even
as far
I
down
as the second half of the second century.
n the time of the Antonines, and
more exactly during
the reign of Marcus Aurelius, at which period this
Dialogue was composed,
Roman
of
began
to
Minucius Felix was a lawyer
society.
of note, Ciceronian
writer,
Christianity
even among the more cultured classes
find recruits
in
his
eloquence, a
and an erudite philosopher.
classical
His defence
of Christianity gives us, therefore, an exact idea of
Barnabas,
op.
cit.^
i.
diKatocrvvT], dyaTrr].
2
/did., op.
cit.,
i.
18-21.
6.
Tp\a ovv doyfJLara eVrlv Kvpiov,
cXttl?,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
600
what Christianity meant
And we
Felix
to
men
these
of culture.
see plainly that the Christianity of Minucius
extremely simple and rational
only an
is
deism which does not contain
monotheistic
slightest trace of a
the
and metaphysical
theological
system, which abhors the exterior forms of worship,
and
man
asserts that the conscience of
supplicat
subripit,
qui justitiam, deo libat
abstinet,
Qui innocentiam
God.
contact with
deum
propitiat
haec
sacra
dei
religiosior est
morality of Christianity,
the monotheistic idea,
deo
periculo
Haec nostra
Sic
sunt.
it
colit,
qui fraudibus
cedit.
apud
nos
It
was the high
was the
rationality of
qui justior."^
ille
in direct
hominem
qui
deo optimam victimam
sacrificia,
is
was, in short, the simplicity
it
of worship that constituted the attraction of nascent
The
Christianity.
positive character of the Latin
genius impeded the flowering of parasitical metaphysics.
But,
however,
in
the
Hellenic
world,
tianity could not long retain this state of
simplicity.
fore,
possible
aloof
from
unites
to
dogmatic
The Greek mind was wholly imbued
with metaphysical speculation.
stitution in
Chris-
that
religion
metaphysics,
which
is
the world to
not, there-
should
because
it
is
remain
an
in-
represented the bond that

its
become metaphysical.
cause.
It
was destined
Judaism had already
suffered this fate, although, in

1
was
It
Minucius Felix, Opera^
its
32, 3.
origin, like the
CONCLUSION
Mahomet,
religion of
to
it
philosophical
all
Judaism extended
601
was absolutely impervious
As soon
speculations.
as
Greek world by
was obliged to succumb
itself into
the
means
of
to the
modifying power of philosophical thought,
and
colonies,
its
establish,
it
on the basis of the Philonian Logos,
a true and determined metaphysical system.
was
in
atmosphere
this
of
It
Hellenised Judaism
that the writer of the Gospel of
John evolved the

of the Logos with Christ, and thereby
identification
opened the door

in
a short
master of
to philosophical speculation which,
and made
time, took possession

religion.
Gnosticism was the
itself
first-fruit
Greek world.
Christian Gnosticism, which probably had its root
of the union of Christianity and the
in
Hebraic Gnosticism, a degeneration of Philonian
philosophy,
Platonism
was
species
fantastic
of
Neo-
premature
and exuberant metaphysical
conception that encompassed the idea of the Logos
and
stifled
Gnosticism,
it
with
its
luxuriant
Christianity
lost
its
overgrowth.
revelation, of a regenerative principle of the

soul,
and was
transformed
into
In
character of a
human
complicated
cosmology, where the process of creation resolved

itself into
a divine dualism, between the two terms
of which a hierarchy of spirits and minor divinities
was introduced a hierarchy in which the Logos

had the first place, as it was the immediate emanation of the supreme God.
We have said that Christian Gnosticism was
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
602
a species of premature
This
Neo-Platonism.
exact in the sense that each of these systems,
means
of the
is
by-
emanations,
multipHcity of divine
recreated a real polytheism under the wing of a

theoretical
monotheism.
But, notwithstanding this,
a profound antipathy between the
there existed
two systems, because Gnosticism, engrafted on the

trunk of Christianity, adopted
pessimistic con-
its
And
concerning the world.
ceptions
not being
able to explain the creation of an evil world by a

merciful God,
had
it
God
buted to a wicked
process
and
fallen into dualism,
attri-
The
the creation of matter.
of redemption,
perfected
who had descended on
earth
by the Logos,
for
purpose,
this
good God and
consisted in the victory of the
the
consequent liberation of souls from their servitude

to matter
and
sin.
Now,
this
cosmological system must have been
most odious
to
genuine Neo-Platonism
Platonism the world

its parts,
is
most
for
Neo-
excellent, perfect in all
and represents a phase of an evolutionary
process, in which
and each
good and
raison d'etre
its
idea of redemption
this idea of
is
have a
relative value,
a process
to
which the
absolutely extraneous, because
redemption implies the premise of an
error or a fault
in the world,
that
Neo-Platonism
and which
reverence for the

Platonism,
evil
through
to
it
fails
to
see
appears a lack of
conception of a God.
Neo-
himself, has
openly
Plotinus
combated Gnostic pessimism, and
it is
also possible
CONCLUSION
this direction,
that, in
including
The
it
in its
603
encountered Christianity,
it
polemic against Gnosticism/
apparition of Christian Gnosticism, which
threatened to bring back Christianity to polytheism,
had the consequence of developing, as an antidote

to the false doctrine, an Orthodox theology, which
served as an instrument to repel the Gnostic errors.
Now,
this
Orthodox theology, as long as
it
Latin surroundings, could not extend
in
assumed, as
it
Logos,
divine
the
first
its
its
wings
Notwithstand-
to very lofty metaphysical flights.
ing that
remained
premise, the idea of
was not the cosmological
it
process, but rather the process of redemption, that
constituted
for
essence
the
it
of religion.
The
theology of Irenseus and Tertullian was not inspired
by the creative Logos, but by the redeeming Logos.
The Greek
and
spirit prevailed,
however,
in Christianity,
this raised Christian speculation to a height
on
which Clemens Alexandrinus and Origen transformed
it
into
an immense system of cosmological
metaphysics, which was only to be distinguished
from the
beside
it,
We
Neo-Platonic philosophy that rose up
by the presence of Christ the Redeemer.

are
already acquainted
with
the
funda-
mental lines of Origen's conception, the consequences

that
were derived from
Christian thought
was transmuted
^
See
about
this
it,
and the development of
we have seen how
into a luxuriant
point
the
recent
Plotiiis Stellung zuin Gnosticismus^ 1901.
Christianity
system of dogmatic
study
of
Carl
Schmidt,
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
604
theology, and
how
was agitated by a
the world
whirlwind of metaphysical disputes

religious interest
in which all
was completely exhausted. Now,
this transformation of religion into science, or, to
more
be
exact, philosophy, signified that the necessary
was no longer the
requisite for being a Christian
recognition of a rule of moral conduct and the

able aspiration of being united with
as revealed
by
Christ.
It
God
ineff-
the Father
was, on the contrary, the
recognition of a given complication of philosophical
dogmas,
and the adherence
to
system, doctrinal and scholastic.

essential
transformation
given
This peculiar and
naturally
poverish Christian morals.

primitive Christianity, to
a certain
tended to im-
In the heroic times of
be a Christian
was
it
necessary to practise certain virtues, as indicated
by Octavius in the Dialogue of Minucius Felix in

the third and fourth centuries it was necessary to
profess a determined doctrine.
The wicked Constantine, who had committed every crime, and had
;
murdered
his son
and
his wife, was, in the eyes of
the great Athanasius, an emperor to be venerated
because he had called together the Council

Nicsea and had sustained the
Homoousian
of
formula.
In the theological struggle that for three centuries

agitated and divided the Church, both contending
parties only
demanded one thing
the profession of a doctrine.
of a Christian,
The Sermon on
viz.,
the
Mount, the Epistle of Barnabas, and the Jchaxv had
been superseded by those dogmatic formulas that
CONCLUSION
hurled
the Councils
605
one against the other, and
which were upheld by the partisans of the opposing
When
doctrines.
Christianity, in this condition of
affairs,
became Hellenised
doned
its
intellectually,
aban-
it
of morality, and these
primitive ideas
were so completely forgotten that when,

midst of the theological
the
in
they desired
edifice,
to
recreate a system of morals, they did not return to
or
Gospels,
the
even to Paul,
traditions
of Greek and
Ambrose,
in his
work
the
redeeming
lectually
it
the
Even
merely copied
turn,
its
by the Stoic
was only a
Panaetius.
But
Christianity
must
become extinguished, when
intel-
efficacy
necessarily have
revived
Stoicism.
Officiis,
of Cicero, which, in
revival of the treatise

all
Latin
De
book
but
in
this
lost itself in the
arid desert of meta-
physics, and morally abandoned the living principle
of love and brotherhood, to replace on
its
pedestal
marble image of a virtue nourished on the
the
of duty.
abstract idea
formalities, and,
longer based
its
what
It
is
became a
religion
of
worse, a religion that no
hopes of salvation on the renewâl
of the inner man, as Paul had taught, but rather
on
its
recognition
of
exterior
manifestations,
and transmuted into a

complicated superstition that luminous aspiration
doctrinal as well as ritual,
towards the ideal which
But
Christianity
it
had affirmed
could
not
lose
at its birth.
entirely
moralising efficacy, which had been the cause of

first
victories
and
its
raison d'etre.
The
its
its
trans-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
606
formation of the Church into an intellectual organisation, that
only required the profession of
a determined doctrine, brought with
the natural
it
consequence of the secession of those

sought something more
loth
to
of
creed,
themselves with
content
opportunism
in their
an
and
retired from the world
and were
mundane
the
and
was
this
and
social intercourse,
originated monachal asceticism, to which
already alluded,
these
All
religion.
official
who
spirits
the
we have
refuge
that
sheltered those ideal aspirations that Christianity
had spread abroad
in the world.
This then was the spectacle offered by Christian

society in the second half of the fourth century,
when
the consequences arising from Constantine's
recognition of Christianity as an approved religion
had already become evident.

perverted
a
of
in
order to adapt
society
element
which
of which
it
had revealed
to
life
formed
the
became
the exigencies
an
The most
of organisation.
inapplicable to the real

in
it
Christianity
itself to
essential
lofty ideals
world,
absolutely
of the times, disappeared
the isolation of the convents, and Christianity
only seemed, to those outside the pale, as a destructive
force
that,
destroying
all
the
traditions
of
patriotism and culture on which the ancient civilisation
had been founded, rendered
And when
surviving
this
Imperial
member
its
ruin inevitable.
philosopher,
the
only
of the family of Constantine,
CONCLUSION
607
ascended the throne of the Caesars,

this point of
was from
it
view that he regarded Christianity.
Wholly devoted
he wished
to Hellenic civilisation,
to prevent its destruction,
and he considered
supreme duty
from the
it
to
defend
For
was encompassed.
Christianity, which,
it
is
this
perils
his
by which
reason he hated
true, desired the usufruct
Hellenic heritage, wishing to speak and
of the
write
it
it
according
to
its
teachings, but, in reality,
disorganised Hellenism and deprived
it
of
all
force
of resistance.
As a thinker, educated in the Neo-Platonic schools,

Julian found the doctrines of Plotinus
and,
still
and Porphyry,
further back, that of Plato, preferable to
the doctrines of Origen and Athanasius, consider-
ing them only as the corruption of the source from
As
which they were drawn.
was disgusted
at the degeneration of the Christian
Church as soon as
recognised religion.
there a free scope.
nor the great
by
their
Christian
display.
cities
it
arrived at the dignity of a

All passions and
Antioch
all
vices
had
Neither the Imperial Court

of the
conversion to
He
a severe moralist, he
Empire were moralised
Christianity.
offered
Julian
The most
scandalous
could not conceal his astonishment
and anger, so he became most antipathetic to the

Antiochians, who more easily forgave his hatred
of their religion than his scathing criticism of their
customs.
In this condition of affairs
it
seemed
to Julian
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
608
that
it
was
his
duty to restore the ancient
Hellenism,
tion
he would
be
as he called
able
it
and
of popular sentiments and customs.

it
would be impossible
intention unless, at the
he thought
do so by reconstructing
to
polytheism and by directing towards
that
same
to
it
the current
But he knew
accomplish
national gods of the Graeco- Latin
naturalistic
we have
them by transforming them
and
Olympus were
completely exhausted, and no one believed

Julian, as
his
time, he initiated the
The
reformation of polytheism.
existence.
civilisa-
in their
seen, tried to preserve
into certain symbolical
expressions grouped around one unique and divine

principle, which, in its turn,
sun,
In
who
this,
was represented by the
was, for Julian, the king of the universe.
he was only a Neo-Platonist, a follower of
and by no
that which is really
lamblichus rather than of Plotinus,
means an innovator. But

original and interesting is that Julian, in the revival
of Hellenism, saw the victory of a lofty principle
of morality and virtue.
Julian was a man preeminently virtuous, austere, above all mundane
pleasures, an idealist by nature and education.
Now, he completely excluded the possibility of
Christianity being a factor of morality.
With the
the
exception
of
giving of
alms to the
principle
strongly admonished
that
poor,
his
in
inculcated
the
which he had
followers to imitate
the
Galileans, Julian did not recognise that the Christians
gave proof of any
virtues.
And, especially
in
its
CONCLUSION
highest sphere,
among
609
the bishops themselves, he
only saw avidity of gain, ambition, furious disputes,
Now, he wished
incontinence, and violence.
introduce
virtues
into
the practical
worldly
that
This was
made
the world moral, and
to
those
take
really the key-
Christianity
attempt.
Julian's
life
forced
Christianity
refuge in the convents.
note of
every-day
to
had not
he believed that he
could do that by reviving Hellenism, which, for him,
was the sitmmum of wisdom, beauty, and
To
accomplish
back
world
to
this,
Julian wished to lead the
but
polytheism,
The
essentially reformed.
justice.
to
polytheism
religion of the antique
world was nauo^ht else than a function of the State.
conflict,
a discord, a separation between religion
and the State was

necessarily the
it
inconceivable
handmaiden of the
religion
was
State, because
was the needful instrument, the indispensable
element of its preservation.
gave
world the conception of a religion that
to the
established
State.
religion
Persecuted Christianity
power independent of the

soon as it was recognised as a
itself
But as
as a
admitted by the Empire,
it
revealed
its
tendency to overrule the State, and, by inverting

their relative positions,
disciplined
made
religion,
organised and
by the Church, the dominating power
of a subservient State.
Julian, however,
and
this is
singular features of his attempt,

his
religion
VOL.
II.
one of the most
desiring to make
a moralising institution, also wished
19
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
610
separate
to
from
it
the
State
he
therefore
attempted to organise a true and proper polytheistic

Church, which would be the
of
the
to
and
doctrine
of the
analysis
We
virtue.
and example
ideal,
have noticed,
in
given by Julian
instructions
important personages of his Church, that
its
organisation formed one of his principal preoccu-
and that no
pations,
small
or
concerning
detail
insignificant
to
was too
it
We
escape his notice.
and
also noted that, for purity of intention
for the
nature of the advice that he gave to his priests in

relation
conduct and habits, his
their
to
letters
might be considered as the
Pastorals " of
Christian
by
bishop,
and
ideals,
peculiar,
the
inspired
Christian
early
produce
they
effect
they are,
as
some
most
is
echo
times, a genuine
at
of that Gospel which Julian so cordially despised.
The
Emperor wished,
polytheistic
Church on a
And
purification.
enthusiasm of
his
the prevailing
was a
to
it
his
a breath of moral
succeed
in
propaganda, he
habits
found
to
fact,
basis of holiness, so that
emanate from
there would
Julian
in
and customs of
To
polytheistic Puritan.
in
this,
tilted
the
against
his
time.
attempt this
union of Puritanism and polytheism was an idea

only possible to
a-
dreamer educated
of the Neo-Platonic sect.

this
strange
into
The world
attempt to impose on
morality in the
muted
in the
name
of Bacchus
mysticism
rebelled at
it
a severe
and Apollo,
trans-
symbols of mystical and philosophical
CONCLUSION
Society, which in so short a time
conceptions.
been able
had
by no means,
be corrected and dis-
to corrupt Christianity, was,
disposed to allow
ciplined
611
by
this
to
itself
reformed polytheism.
Possibly a
return to the joyous and free religion of genuine
might
Hellenism
with
Julian,
his
have
been understood.
and
tedious
despoiled polytheism
of
severe
principal
its
But
worship,
charm,
its
supreme fascination, and with the exception of the

initiated few who surrounded him, he only met with
indifference
his
and mockery.
intentions.
civilisation that
He
easy to understand
It is
wished to retain the ancient
was gradually
falling to pieces
by
the dissolving action of Christianity, which deprived

it
of
of
its
all
traditions, its ideals, its beliefs
that complication of principles
which
a word,
in
the efficient cause of a civilisation.
is
at the
and sentiments
same
time,
he
felt
that Christianity
But,
had so
effectively insinuated
itself
we may
of the social and individual
so express
it,
into
all
the
pores,
if
organism, that the return to the ancient cult would
be almost impossible, so he devoted himself to the

not less
enterprise,
society
and
become
Christian.
impossible,
religion,
without
He
saw
of Christianising
allowing
them
that Christianity in
metaphysics, and in the exterior forms of
its
to
its
cult,
had so nearly approached polytheism, and was so

profoundly modified through the influence of Neo-
Platonism and the Mysteries as to appear almost

duplicate,
its
and he believed he would be able to
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
612
abolish
by putting
it,
of Plotinus and lamblichus, and

Mysteries, to which
basis,
adding as
the rites of the
philosophy served as a
this
cement
the philosophy
in its place
hold
to
the
edifice
together, the institution of a sacerdotal hierarchy,
which he would reproduce, but with a greater
in
purity of
the hierarchy of the Christian Church.
life,
By means
of this
the young enthusiast deluded
himself, imagining
he could save Hellenism, with
civilisation, its glories, its traditions, its poesy,
its
and
its
arts
did
Julian
polytheism
not understand that his reformed
lacked
the
power
real
of
Chris-
and
to
become more and more powerful, even when
its
tianity,
official
which enabled
recognition
and
function of the State
to
it
its
keep
alive,
transformation into a
deprived
it
entirely of that
character of protest against the iniquities of the

world, which
had been the genuine cause of the

had exercised
fascination
it
The world
felt
it
at
first
its
appearance.
the necessity of believing in a
was not possible
for
it
to
content
goblins, with symbols, with metaphysical

it
needed,
if
we may
so express
it,
an
God
itself
with
phantoms
historical
God
as an image, a representative, a guarantee of the
supreme Power that rules the universe. If the

God of the Jews had not been a God exclusively
national, and, besides,
if
there had not been the in-
superable obstacle of circumcision, perhaps the world
would have been converted
to him,
and Jesus would
CONCLUSION
have been the
613
As
Messiah of Jahveh.
real
this
was
not possible, the Hebraic God, in order to be accepted

the West, was
in
obliged
placing beside him
Hellenised, by
be
to
a revealer,
who became
at the
same time a son, and an intermediary between

him and the world. The great force of Christianity
is
to
be found
in the fact that the reality of this
proceeding was assured and guaranteed by the

historical
objectivity of the personality of Jesus.
Jesus was, for the world, this representation, divine,
determined, precise, and, above
concerning whose
and
possible
The
doubt.
most lovable,
all,
existence
was no
there
ship of faith, after
having
breasted the angry billows, raised by the contending
systems of philosophy, had at

of rest in which
it
last
found
could safely anchor.
its
haven
Notwith-
standing the theological cloak that hampered and

concealed the divine
figure,
notwithstanding the
abasement that the passions, the prejudices, and the
man had wrought in the essential principles

doctrines, this God was always there, living,
errors of
of his
and exercising over the souls

tion.
Compare
the
his irresistible attrac-
hymns overflowing with
that Augustine, in his Confessions, raised

to
God, and
Julian's
invocations to the
the Mother of the Gods, and
we
shall
love
on high
Sun and
immediately
be convinced that the Christian was animated by a

true
and deep-seated sentiment, while the pagan
needed an overpowering
arouse in him a
fictitious
incentive
enthusiasm.
of reason
In the
to
same
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
614
manner,
we have
greatly
exasperated
Julian
was
the worship which
the
already seen
by
that
Christians rendered to the tombs of the saints
But
martyrs.
who
of those
it
very natural that the
is
sacrificed
and
memory
themselves for their
faith
should excite a special ardour in the members of

this faith,
and elevate
it
to the ideal just because
was founded on a positive

images,
before
given
certain
the
moment
Before these
reality.
who had
Christ
lived
be found
in those
all,
in
who had
human and
of history, and
revealed divine promises in a language
comprehensible to
it
what possible
pallid
efficacy could
and confused phantoms
which Julian had evoked from the gloomy sanctuaries

of the Mysteries and from the mystical lucubrations
of the Neo-Platonic philosophers
possessed a truly religious

really
pervaded with a
spirit,
spirit
for
thirst
would immediately have
If Julian
.-^
the
felt
the
had
which was
divine,
duel
that
he
he
had promoted between the sun-god and the Christ

would be
fatal to
obliged to cede the
Man who
his astral
field
deity.
It
would be
and vanish before the God-
confronted him in the plenitude of His
reality.
Julian,
who was a
true Neo-Platonist, neither
comprehended nor appreciated what was the

strength of Christianity, what
cause that gave
it
was the
real
essential
such a marvellous victory over
the powers of the world.
This strength and
this
cause were to be found in the principle of redemp-
CONCLUSION
which
of
tion,
messenger.
because
it
announced
world and humanity

out to
to
man
was
Christianity
Christianity
615
was a pessimistic
religion,
a fact inherent in the
evil as
same
but, at the
welcome
the
time,
held
it
was
thoughts, hopes, and
the possibility of redemption, which
be achieved by raising his
aspirations from the wickedness of the earth to the
pardon, and
justice,
felicity
of heaven.
cannot have a strong influence on the

if
it
human
soul
not the fruit of a pessimistic conception.
is
When
religion
the world appears
the
evil,
human
souls
turn passionately towards the promise of happiness
beyond the tomb.
Faith in this promise inspires
abandonment of
devotion, heroism, and the entire

self to the
joy of sacrifice and
of divine love.
religion
reduces
entirely
it
An
severs
it
optimistic conception destroys
most deep-seated
its
to festive ceremonies
devoid
of
such
as
contemplation
of
thinker,
the ascetic rapture
soul.
and formal
Certainly,
could,
Plotinus,
roots,
rites
sublime
through
a perfect universe,
and
raise
the
him-
self to
a rapturous vision of God, but the mul-
titude
is
unable
follow
to
him,
and
remains
bound down by the preoccupations of a cheerful

worldliness.
Julian could not
was strong because
understand that Christianity

it
was the
religion of the un-
happy, the religion of misfortune and repentance
he was unable to penetrate into

of redemption,
which was
its
the conception
corner-stone.
The
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
616
Logos Christ might
find a
rival in the
symbolic
Neo-Platonism, but Christ the Redeemer
deities of
conquered everywhere and everything, and, with a
power that none could withstand, he drew away

with him the souls who were thirsting for a moral
palingenesia.
was not a reactionary, as some, judging
Julian
from
appearances, might consider him.
false
Julian
desired the preservation of polytheism, because he
saw
in
it
the balm that might save Hellenism
he did not want the polytheism, with
but
naturalistic
its
conceptions and its national forms, of an epoch which

had for ever disappeared. He intended to reform and
it
according to the exigencies of the
if
Julian
reorganise
era.
But
was not a
reactionary, he
certainly the absolute living antithesis of

is
called a free-thinker.
He
of his time.
lations,
had a
was
what to-day
In this he was truly a
man
taste for metaphysical specu-
but his mind was the negation of
is scientific.
new
He, more than any one
else,
all
that
recognised
the necessity for a continual and direct intervention

of the deity in every
every event of
he restored
life.
phenomenon
The pagan
to a position of
of nature and in
superstition
which
honour was even more
impossible and obscure than Christian superstition.
Perhaps,
if,
by an unlikely hypothesis, Julians

it would have been
polytheism had been victorious,

less
fatal
to science
than Christian monotheism,
because the polytheistic theocracy would never have
CONCLUSION
been so
rigid as the
orthodox theocracy which for
hampered the world and obstructed
centuries has
human
617
But certainly
thought.
it
promote
Julian's calculations to
never entered into

liberty of thought.
Neither Julian nor his Neo-Platonic teachers had

the slightest intuition of what science was.
Julian
by Epicurus or Lucretius, or
was not inspired
either
even
Rationalism served Julian, as
Aristotle.
it
had
formerly served Plato and Plotinus, and would later
serve St. Augustine and St. Thomas, as an affirmation
of
superrational
the
and the supernatural,
and as a means of imprisoning
in its affirmation the
thought of mankind, without allowing
it
a possible
escape to examine the world and become cognisant

of reality.
But ancient
civilisation
declined
and
became extinguished in Neo-Platonism, as well as

in Christianity, when it refused to acknowledge
reason.
There only remained man on earth, with
his passions, the transcendent in heaven with its
inaccessibility
between these two extremes, an
impenetrable obscurity.
Considered
to lack all the
an inventive
in this light, Julian's
attempt appears
charm of novelty.
Julian
He
q-enius.
was not
imaq-ined he could save
ancient civilisation by keeping intact
all
the
pomp
of the religious institutions that had accompanied

its
development, and
in
many of its memories,
which were concentrated so
its
traditions,
But he did not appreciate the

Christianity
hastened
its
and
its
fact that,
dissolution, this
customs.
although
ancient
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
618
civilisation
would naturally have disappeared
course of events, because

principles of progress,
had
in the
the
essential
and thus could not
arrest the
dissolvent action of time

it
lacked
lost all vital force,
it
had become
it
decrepit,
and was unable
to resist
the victorious onslaught of youthful and aggressive
barbarism.
The
essential principle of progress
science,
is
not the science of hypotheses and fantastic metaphysical conceptions, but objective science, which
discovers and follows the rational process

the phenomenalism of nature
by means of
it
by a
space and in time.
and of
and
it is
and
And
effects that
life
Now, when
fallacious
and
develop
of the individual
this representation is
it
cannot be otherwise
the fruit of a reason that feeds on
its result
is
in
such an ideal repre-
in
determined the
society.
illusory
when
is
ideally
thoughts the universe, representing
series of causes
sentation
of abstraction,
faculty
his
recreates in his
is
by which
Man,
determined.
a determination of
and incapable of improvement,
life
that
which
is
is
itself
absurd
to say, of pro-
gress, because, without conscious objectivity, truth
remains hidden.
The
anthropocentric conception
of the universe and the anthropomorphic conception

of the divinity, imagined as a
and beyond humanity and
power placed above
nature,
which
with an absolute authority, arise from an

the
human mind, and immobilise
work
of errors
in
which
it
life
it
rules
illusion of
in
a net-
becomes more and
CONCLUSION
more
entancrled
as
it
619
endeavours
extricate
to
itself.
To
attempt to introduce into this fundamental
error of conception a just

is
absolutely useless, because the falsity of the con-
human mind
ception in which the

its
and true moral principle
application impossible,
it.
When we
and
human
and corrupts
is
oroverned
man, a
God who
homage and
offerings,
be
satisfied
in the likeness of
can be bribed by prayers and

the
sterilises
imagîne that the world
by a God made
passions
that
renders
is living,
long
to
immediately seek to find liberty of movement in a

religion of forms that enables
God
the desired impunity.
man to
Of this,
obtain from
Christianity
The Gospel
has given the most marvellous proof.
had
been Good Tidings; Jesus had come,
really
to reveal the sublime principle
and human
the
solidarity,
effective
could spring.
The world
moral
But
of the
became a
the only fount from which
regeneration
this fount
was
of
world
the
at once clogged.
has not been moralised by Christianity,
which, because of
ceptions
of brotherly lov'e
its
erroneous metaphysical con-
universe
reliorion
doctrines imposed
and of
divinity,
soon
of external forms and fantastic

as
absolute
truths
religion
that, in the actions of its
omnipotent hierarchy, had
become the negation
itself,
of
and has imposed on
the world that society, brutal, savage, and terribly

passionate, of which the
Divina Commedia and the
tragedies of Shakespeare present the living image.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
620
When Giacomo
Leopardi, as yet only a youth,
in the solitude of his native village, buried himself
with a tragic abandonment in the immensity of his

thoughts, he discovered
human
From
unhappiness.
came
alone,
reason
and rendered
disorder,
social
in
the
all
evils
cause of
the
responsible
it
reason,
from reason
the midst of which
in
man, separating himself from Nature, was
became entangled as
in
lost,
in this,
conviction, the confirmation of the Biblical
concerning the
of man.
fall
It
infallible guide,
phenomena
way to reason,
reality of
gives
myth
man from
the
In this state he was guided by
state of nature.
an
his
was the use and
the abuse of reason that alienated
instinct,
and
a net from which he could
Leopardi found
not liberate himself.
for
because limited to the
when reason appears,
to reason
which
is
instinct
nourished
on errors and phantoms, and imagines a world

that does not correspond with the truth.
is
supremely interesting to see
nising,
it
it
Leopardi, scruti-
with a singular acuteness of observation,
the problem of
the
how
And
human
of Christianity and
explanation
had gained.
destiny, finds in his system
When men
the
victory
arrived at a certain
stage of culture and civilisation, reason became no
longer sufficient to
destroyed with
its
itself,
because
own hands
it
disordered and
those illusions which
had created, and which were indispensable in

Humanity,
order to render life tolerable to man.
it
therefore,
would have rushed
to its ruin if there
had
CONCLUSION
not appeared a
621
revelation which,
divine
and above reason, guaranteed
to
man
beyond
the existence
of an ideal world, without the certainty of which
human
the
would have crumbled
errors of reason,
an
like
because of the irreparable
structure,
to pieces
without cement.
edifice
But, concealed under this theory of the thinker

of
Recanati,
there
always
is
sentiment of
the
Nihilism, the sentiment of the infinita vanita del
The
Tutto.
is
ideal world, guaranteed
only a world of necessary
by
revelation,
From
illusions.
this
arose the despairing attitude of the unhappy poet,
who, recognising the errors of reason, saw no other
means of
salvation than in an illusion of which he
himself demonstrated the vanity, while affirming
Now, Leopardi was
right
when he
it.
attributed to
reason the cause of the errors and evils of humanity,
because
which
is
created an
it
ideal
world based on that
Animal communities are
false.
infallible,
because, in the exercise of their functions, they are
guided
society,
and
by
till
an
controlled
illusory
able
to
infallible
by reason,
interpretations
organise
itself
But
instinct.
in
of
will,
by erroneous
reality,
violence,
human
only
crime,
be
and
misfortune.
Tantum
is
a line that
is
religio potuit
suadere malorum
not only applicable to the sacrifice
of Iphigenia.
But Leopardi does not seem
to
understand that
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
622
if
reason, with
premature and arbitrary abstrac-
its
has the unfortunate faculty of attributing to
tions,
Whole
the organism of the
arbitrary
and
from which arise a human
causes
based on
error,
correcting
also
it
so
itself
fallacious
organisation
possesses the faculty of
that,
little
by
the
in
little,
explanation of the universe, reason substitutes a
conception of law for a conception of force, and, at
same
the
time, divests the deity of the anthropo-
morphic covering
and man of
are also
for
The
ally,
so
its
is
which
a rational
effort,
Now,
is
it
fact.
beginnings, although
was unable to explain

idealised it, and made it an
it
illusion.
alone was responsible,
universe
But reason, even from
made every
it
his anthropocentric prejudices,

gift.
its
which
it
it
ration-
irrational
not in the renunciation
of
reason and in the persistency of the irrational that
we can
place
the
The whole
humanity.
history of
proves that this salvation

in
the ever-increasing
rationally represents
It
was
direction
which
this
scientific
of
salvation
lies
light
world and
the
human
in truth alone,
of an
and symbolises
ideality
thought that gave
movement towards a new
principle, perfect
to
the
that
new
The day
in
horizon was
begun does not coincide with the day

offered
and
it.
to the ship of humanity.
Christianity
progress
in
which
world a new moral
and sublime though
it
was, but
rather with the day in which reason began to rend
CONCLUSION
asunder the dogmatic
and
623
obscured reality
that
veil
and experiment on
to observe
its
objective
consistency.
Copernicus, Kepler, Bacon, Galileo,
Newton were
the pilots
the course
had
it
had
of truth
became an
But many
knowledge
to pass before the rational
The
evolution.
turned the ship from
then pursued.
until
centuries
who
factor
efficacious
great achievement
of the
teenth century, the achievement for which

call it
par
social
in
nine-
we may
the century of innovation,
excelle^tce
is
precisely that of having established the organisation
of
human energy on
we
the basis of science, or,
should rather say, on the basis of truth.

Civilisation
it is
is
not a
an essentially
phenomenon
does not exercise
virtue,
of sentiment,
Man
phenomenon.
intellectual
that
is
to
say,
is
not
influenced by his respect and love for his fellow-
men, because
this respect
or preached to
him
and
this love are
for this to
taught
be the case,
it is
necessary that the duties inherent in the solidarity

of humanity should be impressed on him, in the
surroundings
determinism
We
which
in
from
which
by
lives,
he
cannot
causal
withdraw.
have seen how man, recreating the world
his thoughts before the
ledge,
was only able
faculties,
tissue
its
dawn
had offered
to the
in
of scientific know-
to recreate, with his imperfect
of
errors,
of
phantoms
And on this ideal basis,

falsity, man organised society.
fantasies.
ing
he
and
notwithstandChristianity
world the principle of
human
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
624
brotherhood, initiating
should have
among men
inaugurated
the
a soHdarity that
reign
of
Justice.
But Christianity did not dissipate the darkness

which reason groped
its
way, and thus
in
left intact
this fallacious ideal creation
on which was founded
the
In
of
structure
progress
society.
work was
its
necessarily barren, because
the truth of the sentiment
was
by the
sterilised
the ideal world
it
of
the
conformableness
real
world.
And
The
centuries
religion,
of the
moral
is
Christianity has
and
controverted,
ideal
world to the
presents
but natural
in
proposed
upon
Christianity
and
efficacious.
reveal
The
of
to render possible
trampled
become a
is
The
world.
its
by
during
ruled
as
undiscussed and undisputable to-day,
when
religion controvertible
themselves
fundamental
as
strong
virtues
of
charity, brotherly love, a respect for
in
those centuries of darkness took root,
Christianity
the weak
it
thoughts should
real
principles
were
which
in
its
it
principle
phenomenon
appearance,
that
Christianity,
the
the
here
singular in
essence.
which
necessary that
is
it
in
knowledge
office of scientific
itself,
truth
creates
reproduction
fundamental
the
that
humanity should be
be
errors
intellectual
should develop in safety,
solidarity
necessary
had offered the world
it
In order that the true principle of
encountered.
human
human
regard to
here and there,
in
some elect souls, sheltered, perhaps,
in the cells of cenobites
humanity, from time to
CONCLUSION
its ills
but violence,
and
recognised
the
remedy for
arrogance, and cruelty were
to these virtues as a
had recourse
time,
uncontested
To-day there
strong.
625
rights
of
the
The
a radical change.
is
necessity for the virtues that Christianity imposed

is
even by those who rebel against
felt
the
in
see,
masses
although great
dawn
the
distance,
of better times,
lowering
of
and we
it,
clouds
engaged
still
obscure the sky, and society
is
where
way to might. In the

no phenomenon more
right too often gives
world
spiritual
there
is
a struggle
in
wonderful than this stability of the Christian ideals,
through which the moral principles, proposed by

Christianity nineteen centuries ago,
have become so powerful and
stitute its essence,
now
luminous that
and which con-
would
it
be
impossible to
imagine a society not based upon them, and
acknowledged that
social progress is
it is
nothing else
than the evidence of their application.

In
ancient
was
universe
speculations
the
conception of
was
influenced
great
life
these
two
whole.
This
reunion
of
conception
divine
Greece.
of
revelation
conceptions
was
Christianity,
was
the
professed by the Christian
by the
uniting
of
metaphysical
the
thinkers
The Church succeeded
rule.
victory
conception
from
derived
of
The
moral
man's
times,
sacrificed
in
to
in
the
it
in
forcibly
an
organic
necessary
but
of
for
the
the
moral
philosophical
conception, and this produced a society in which

VOL.
II.
20
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
626
moral
the
ideal
whose
those
was
duty
to
conceptions
philosophical
disappeared before
modern
trampled
was
it
thought,
the
under
of
genuine
the
The
it.
antiquity
scientific
by
foot
realise
having
conceptions of
Christian
ideals
and they reappear

because they contain the germs of an eternal
reappear in
just
their
all
force,
truth.
This
of
Christianisation
which
society,
is
to-day manifested by the horror inspired by war,

at
one time the normal condition of humanity,
and by the high ideas of duty that unite man

to his fellow-men, so that
ment of
vidual
belonging
responsibility
the
in
develops the senti-
it
phenomenon
proceeds
that
each
to
solidarity of society,
indi-
therefore,
is,
indirectly
from
the scientific turn that, in the nineteenth century,
been
has
knowledge of
own
as in
reality,
enabled
phantoms,
his
civilisation.
The
rational
putting to flight errors and
man
to
represent ideally
in
thoughts a universe based on truth, and,

representation
this
interdependence
acquire an
condition
by
taken
of
in
conception of the
manifestations
all
ever-increasing
of things
the
efficacy,
it
of
life
created a
which the moral
virtues,
divined by primitive Christianity, imposed themselves as a moral duty, as a categorical imperative
from which
man
it
was more and more
difficult
for
to withdraw.
If antiquity, besides its
knowledge of organisa-
CONCLUSION
tion,
poesy, and
its
scientific spirit,
it
objective science
discovers
the
science
them
uses
that,
and
observation
to create
investigating
experience,
laws by which
unalterable
the
and
ruled,
would have been able
by
universe
the
had possessed the
arts,
its
627
enslave
to
is
it
nature
and
would not have been
subjugate
it
retarded
the invasions of the barbarians would
civilisation
have been repulsed, and the course of
civilisa-
making a deep, descending curve,

ascend again, later on, to the summit of modern
tion, instead of
to
thought, would have followed an ever ascending

line,
human
thereby gaining a few centuries for
This
progress.
lack
of
scientific
tendency
the old civilisation appears inexplicable
in
when we
note the manifest inclination of the ancients in this
The
direction.
mind of
great
Aristotle proposed
the principle of the existence of a law

in
the universe,
considered as
intrinsic
the product of a
motive process, investigate and determinable by
human
thought.
And when we remember
that
Euclid had already refined and brought to a high
degree
of
pensable
perfection
instrument
mathematics,
in
natural
that
research
indis;
that
Archimedes had discovered some of the principal

laws of mechanics and physics that Hero had
;
foreseen
power
the
that
application
steam as a motive
Hipparchus and Ptolemy had applied
calculation to
nomena
of
the
that Galen
observation
of
celestial
phe-
had made profound observa-
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
628
anatomy
on
tions
recognise
and
ancient
that
we
physiology,
thought,
must
having
after
arrived at the threshold of objective knowledge,
and
hesitated
The
tuary.
unable
cause of this
by depriving
ancient
of recreating
it
was
enter
its
sanc-
fatal hesitation,
which,
to
of
society
the
possibility
and progressing, condemned
itself
an inevitable decadence, should, we believe,
to
be sought
in
the
of
organisation
that
society
The
which was based essentially on servitude.
machinery of the ancient world was fed by the

material force of man, uselessly wasted in a
also
From
servile.
arose the consequence
this
that labour being imposed on,

to,
who produced
those
germs
in
of
Science
on
to
forms,
continual
and
furnishes
progress
means,
given
but
reacts,
benefit
wrest from
its
The
bilities.
its
no
contained
with
the
means of
employs these
it
on
science,
by experience, and
inequality
and
transformations.
turn,
discoveries
totally
vital
when
labour,
in
impulse
was
enclosed
which
labour
beneficial
natural
results
remained
Everything
petrified
and not
the
it,
to obtain increasingly fruitful

lacking.
work
it
it
to
their latent possi-
all
of
urges
incites
human
rights,
and
the consequent lack of freedom of labour, barred

the
to
roads
tread,
which,
freely,
if
human
that
and
it
so
activity
precious
had been permitted
would
have
was
force
destined
was
lost,
to develop itself
transformed
the
world
CONCLUSION
and enabled ancient
that
continual
of mastering
bilities
of
629
to participate in
civilisation
augmentation
that
nature,
of the
Ancient
progress.
possibilities
the
possi-
societies
were
say,
to
is
exclusively based on the strength of their natural

dispositions
but these natural dispositions were
corrupted by victories and prosperity, and they

rapidly retraced their steps along the road which
them was the road of progress, engulfed in a

decadence from which there was no deliverance.
This decadence was by no means retarded
by Christianity.
On the contrary, it had preto
cipitated
by
it,
base
patriotic
overturning
on
which
empire was founded.

ised morals
of
rationalise
thought,
in
the
the
religious
civil
Christianity
by offering
brotherly love
the
to the
and
had
which, on
justice,
the
the
rational-
world the principles

but
representations
ideal
of
life
and
contrary,
did
it
human
of
it
not
rendered
more decided and predominant the concep-
still
tion of the supernatural.
became an established
and predominant Church, gave to this conception
a form vigorously dogmatic, and made it an
Christianity,
when
it
instrument to
imprison
thought within
able
and
destroy
barriers,
movement.
Now,
to
all
liberty of thought
insuper-
liberty
and
of
liberty
of labour are both essential factors of the scientific
cognisance
can
be
no
of
the
reality
advance
of
without
civilisation
these
nor
there
secure
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
630
To
morality.
ancient world
the
the
of
liberty
labour was
unknown, and the Christian world

was equally ignorant of the liberty of thought.
Therefore, neither of these worlds possessed pro-
gressive
dawn
a
these two
until
common
cause,
liberties
became
knowledge, and weaken,
if
in
allied
human mind
to the
might arrive
it
not
did
civilisation
and opened
path by which
the
This
civilisation.
at
rational
not radically destroy,
the anthropocentric and anthropomorphic illusions
by which man recreates

of
the
based
world,
real
mind a
upon an
in his
false
image
erroneous
conception.
The Emperor
Christianity
and
Julian's
attempt to overthrow
to persuade the world to return to
Hellenic polytheism, to substitute

Christianity,
is
most
symptom and a proof

Christianity
tion
had
Hellenism
because
interesting,
fallen,
legal
it
institution
Julian's attempt
from a philosophical and
and
was no longer sub-
owed its
be condemned
jected to those conditions to which
From
when, secure from persecu-
instrument of government,
But
is
it
of the corruption into which
and recognised as a
virtues.
for
is
to
it
historical point of view.
a philosophical point of view, because
it
did
not give the faintest indication of a thought that

strove to free
itself
ideas of the times,
from the
fetters of the prevailing
and only represented,
aspect, a thought that
in
another
remained unchanged, tending
CONCLUSION
to sink the reason of
ious
man deeper
and gloomy shadows
substitute
for
the
631
myster-
in the
and
to
principles
of
of the irrational,
fruitful
religious
Christianity the sterile formalism of lifeless phan-
toms.
has no historical value, because
It
it
passed
as an ephemeral dream, without leaving the slightest
was only a sign of the times, a sign that

the ancient world was rapidly falling into ruin, and
that, among these ruins, Christianity alone remained
trace.
It
standing
Christianity, conqueror
barians, to
whom
transmitted the miserable relics
it
of a civilisation of which
having destroyed
that the
even of the bar-
It
it.
it
was the
was
sole heir, after
to save this civilisation
unhappy Julian sought
from their
to raise
tombs the exhausted battalions of the gods of

Hellas.
But
although
destined to perish,
foresight in
transport
attempt was foolish
this
if it
reveals a strange lack of
him who promoted
of mystical
and
it,
if
we
smile at the
superstition in a
man who
pretended to oppose Christianity, and smile no less
who
over the illusions of this thinker

perceive that he revolved
thought as his enemy,

prejudices that
did
if
in
the
we reprove
same
did
circle
not
of
the intellectual
not permit him to discover,
under the corruption of Christianity, the vivifying

principle that Christianity presented to the world,
we
cannot exclude
sympathy
for the
from our souls an intense
man who,
world at such an early age,
disappearing from the

still
left
in his actions
JULIAN THE APOSTATE
632
an admirable example of heroism, enthusiasm, and

faith,
who
sacrificed his fortune
power he had conquered

soldier,
to
one
and the immense
idea,
who, poet and
fearless of all consequences, persecuted in
the early years of his
life,
then suddenly raised to
the summit of glory and power, seldom permitted

the serenity of his
thoughts and
will
to
be
dis-
him the idea that was

the guiding star of his existence.
The Emperor
Julian seems as a fugitive and luminous apparition
on the horizon beneath which had already disappeared the star of that Greece, which to him was
the Holy Land of civilisation, the mother of all
that was good and beautiful in the world, of that
Greece which, with filial and enthusiastic devotion,
turbed, and ever kept before
he called
his
only true
country
TrarplSa,
THE END.
ttjv
aXrjOcvrjv
INDEX
Acacius, i68.
Acantia, 352-3.
Acerenza, bust of, xxvii-xxxiv.
^desius, 16, 41, 205, 207.

^dychius, 372, 570-1.
Aetius, 166-8, 358-62.
Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, 156-60.
Alexander, Prefect of SjTia, 119.
Alexandrians, Julian's edicts to the, 340-4,
372-81.
d'Alfonso's Essay on Julian, 509.
Barnabas, Epistle of, 599.

Basil of Ancj-ra, 166, 168.
Basil, friend of Julian, 561-3.
Basil the Great, 171 ; apocrj-phal letter to,

563.
Basilina, mother of Julian, 28.
Bidet, 2QO.
Boissier's chapter on Julian, 21.
Bostra, Julian's letter to the inhabitants of,
337-8, 381-7.
Aligild, 106.
Caesarea Mazaca, tumults
AUard's Julien TApostat, 19, 498.

Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, 145, 172, 181,
Callistus, 153.
Canius, St., xxviii.
Celsus, 4, 272, 291-4.
290.
Amid,
at, 344.
Christianity,
90.
Ammianus
Marcellinus, his description of

Julian's personal appearance, xxxi ; his
career and character, 5-7 ; his account of
the Persian expedition, 122-32, of Julian's
death, 133, 137, 144 ; his opinion of the
School Law, 404-5, of Julian's religious
enterprise, 425, of the Misopogon, 433;
his panegj-ric on Julian, 472-5 ; his accusations against Eusebia, 579, 584-8.
Ammonius Saccas, 193-4, 198.
Amoerius, Julian's letter to, 559-61.
Antiochians, dissensions between them and
Julian, 432-70.
Apodemius, 109.
Arbetio, 106, 108, 109.
Arethusa, massacre at, 344.

moral corruption in,
Arianism, 37-8, 148
39 ; its origin, 155 ; its struggle with
Orthodoxy, 156-73 opposed to monachits distrust of metaphysical
ism, 181
;
ideas, 187.
dissensions in, 131-86 ; its

gradual transformation during the second
and
third centuries, 143

;
between Christianity and Julian's reformed polytheism, 606-16 its failure to

;
regenerate ancient society, 183-4, 622-30.

(See also Athanasius, Arianism, and many
other such names.)
Christians, Julian's treatise against the,
271-94-.
Chrysantius, 16, 41, 206-15.

Cinegius, 346, 352-3.
Clement of Alexandria, 150, 603.
Conodomarius, 68-70.
Constans, son ofConstantine, 25, 27
Artemius, 339.
Athanasius, 37-9, 145, 157-61, 164 ; persecuted by Constantius, 165-6; his writings,
170 his personality and career, 362-81.
Athens, Julian's sojourn in, 47-51.
Augustine, St., 161, 173-4, 181, 187, 198,
;
202, 240, 290, 396.
defends
Babylas the MartjT, 354-7.

Bacchylides, Julian's love
Barbatius, 68.
the Orthodox cause, 165, 367.
Constantina, wife of Gallus, 44.

Constantine i., 25, 145 political motives for
his treatment of Christianity, 146-8, 190,
389-93; his letter, " Quos ego," 158;
convenes Council of Nicaea, 161 Julian's
description of him, 257
introduced into
The Bafiquet of the Ccesars, 515-24.
Constantine 11., 25, 27.
Constantinople, Julian's triumphal entry
into, 107
its court purged, 108-11.
Constantius 11., massacres his relatives, 25 ;
master of the whole Empire, 27
sends
Julian to Macellum, 33, and to Nicomedia,
40 instigates the assassination of Gallus,
sends Julian to Athens, 47
43
names
Julian Caesar, 55, and sends him to Gaul,
orders him to transfer his troops to
57
Persia, 77, 90 furious at news of Julian's
revolt, 92
conspires with the barbarians
;
Arius, 156; his doctrines, 159; returns to

Alexandria, 163 ; his death, 164.
Arsaces, King of Armenia, 120.
Arsacius, High Priest of Galatia, Julian's
letter to, 297, 314-20, 421.
Banquet of the
strong organi-
its
sation, 144
its assumption of pagan and
worldly forms, 174-80; growth of monachism, 181-3, 606
Julian's attitude, 222320 his hostile action, 321-420 contrast
for, 66.
Ccesars, 513.
INDEX
634
against Julian, 05 ; his campaign against

the Persians, 115 ; his death, 106 ; favours
the Arians, 164-9, 222 ; his anti-Pagan
edict,
praised
by Gregory of
345
Nazianzus, 489 ; JuHan's discourses in
his honour, 507-12 ; his dealings with
;
Sallustius, 539.
Constantius, Julius, father of Julian, 25.

Crispus, murder of, by his father Constantine,
261.
Ctesiphon, siege abandoned by Julian, 127.
Cumont,
Gospel, the Fourth, 234-6, 601.

Gratian, 172-3, 181.
Gregory of Nazianzus, 171 his bitter enmity
to Julian, 11, 320; his discourses, 12;
contrasted with Libanius, 12 ; his account of the confinement of Julian and
Gallus, 34-6 his recognition of the corruption of Christians, 39 his description
of Julian when at Athens, xxx, 49-51 his
general account of Julian, 488-506.
Gregory of Nyssa, 171.
;
290.
Hakusaki, 269-70.
Harnack's article on Julian,
Cynicism, 253-4.
Cyril of Alexandria, 272, 320.
21.
Hecebolius, tutor of Julian, 40-1.

Helena, wife of Julian ; her marriage, 57
her death, 94, 579-90.
Hellenism, Julian's education by Mardonius
in, 28-32, 37
his bo3'ish defence of, 36 ;
his conversion to, 42 his restoration of,
III, 187.
(See also Neo-Platonism.)
Heraclius, Julian's discourse against, 252-
Dagalaif, 102.
Decentius, 77, 82.
Deodorus, 339.
Dionysius of Alba, 166.
Domitianus, the prefect,
360.
Dracontius, 339.
Elpidius, 94.
Epictetus, Bishop, 96.
Epicurus, 305-6.
Eugenius, Julian's letter to, 558-9.
Eumenes, 218 Julian's letter to, 219.
Eunapius, his history and Lives of the
Sophists, 16 ; his account of lamblichus,
;
203. _
Eusebia, wife of Constantius 11., protects

persuades Constantius to
Julian, 45-7
name Julian Caesar, 55 Julian's affection
for, and panegyric of her, 58, 512 ; her
death, 90 ; her alleged poisoning of
Helena, and illicit relations with Julian,
60.
Hermogenes, Julian's
letter to, 333-4.
Hilarj^ 171.
Hippolytus, 153.
Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, 161.
lamblichus, 193, 203-5
Julian's letters to,
xvi, 550-4.
Irenaeus, 603.
94, 579-po-
Eusebius the Eunuch. 89, 109, 332, 569.

Eusebius the Neo-Platonist, 41, 206-9.
Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomeclia, related to
death
Julian, 25 teacher of Julian, 27
of, 33
accused by Alexander of heresy,
his Semi-Arian formula, 163
re158
admitted to Constantine's favour, 163
;
his hostility to Athanasius, 365-7.

Eusebius of Vercelli, 166.
Euterius, 92.
Evargius, Julian's letter
Evemerus,
to,
564-6.
67, 87.
Florentius, Prefect of the Pretorium, 72-5,

77, 80-2, loi, 567-9.
France, Anatole, on the relations between
Eusebia and Julian, 580.
French Associations Law' compared with
Julian's School Law, 419.
Jesus Christ introduced into the Banquet of

the Ccpsars, 521-4.
Jovinus, 100.
Jovius, 100.
Judaism, Julian's account of, 275-89 ; his

attitude towards the Jews, 303-4, 310-4.
Julian (Flavius Claudius Julianus), the personification of the Pagan reaction, xxiii
polemical attitude of ecclesiastical tradition towards him, 1-5 ; interest of his
character and career, 2 ; sources for his
biography, 5-22 ; his writings, 13-5 ; his
career, a singular historical problem, 224 ; his birth and parentage, 25 ; childhood, 27-33 ; confinement at Macellum,
33-9 ; sent to Nicomedia, 40 ; conversion
to Hellenism, 41 ; protected by Eusebia,
45-7 ; stay at Athens, 47-51 ; intercourse
with Gregory of Nazianzus, 48-51 called
to Milan, 52 ; named Caesar, 55 ; married
to Helena, 57 ; sets out for Gaul, 57 ; his
;
marvellous administration of Gaul, 62-5 ;

his first campaign, 66 ; defeats Conodomarius at Strassburg, 70 campaigns of,
proclaimed Emperor by
74-6, 358, 359,
the troops in Paris, 79
reasons of his
rebellion, 91
his letter to Constantius,
fresh
campaign
across
the Rhine, 94
92
death of his wife, 94 discovers conspiracj'
between Constantius and the barbarians,
95 conceals conversion to paganism, 97
advance along the Danube, 100-4 entry
into Constantinople, 107 purges the Court
of Constantinople, 108-9, 331-4 restores
the worship of the gods, in campaign
against the Persians, 113-32 death, 132 ;
attitude towards Christian divisions, 169
his Neo-Platonist teachers, 203-18
his
theology, 225-320 his discourse to King
Sun, 231-41 his Discourse to the Mother
of the Gods, 241-51 his Discourse against
Heraclius, 252 reasons of the failure of
;
Gabelli, 414.
Thou hast Conquered!" the

famous saying, 141.
Gallus, brother of Julian, 26, 33, 355, 360
appointed Caesar, 39 ; assassinated, 43 ;
his character, 44.
Gardner, Alice, her Julian, Philosopher
"Galilean,
and Emperor,
22.
'>
Gaudentius, 80.
Gaul, Julian's campaign in, 57-100.
Gaza, massacre at, 344.
George, Bishop of Alexandria, 36-7, 338-43,
369, 570-2.
Germinius, 168.
Gibbon's Decline and Fall,
Gnosticism, 151, 601.
Gomoarius, 106.
19.
INDEX
Anti-Christian propaganda, 264-71,
319 ; his treatise against the Christians,
271-94 ; his desire for a Christianised
polytheism, 294-320 his letters to Arsacius, Theodorus, and an unknown person,
297-320 his tolerance, 324-62, 498-503
his edicts to the Alexandrians, 338-44,
372-81 his conflict with Athanasius, 362his letter to the people of Bostra,
81
his School Law, 394-420
his
381-7
Misopogon, 430-63, 469 ; description of
him by Ammianus Marcellinus, 472-4,
by Libanius, 474-8, by Gregory of Nazianzus, 488-506
his superstition, 485-8 ;
his Banqttei 0/ the Ci^sars, 513-26; his
letters, 526, 550-72
his Epistle to Themistius, 527-38
his Exhortation to Sallustius, 539-47
his wise administration,
his relations to Eusebia and his
573-8
wife Helena, 579-90 ; reasons of the failure
of his schemes, 591-631.
Julius Caesar, introduced into the Banquet
of the Ccesars, 514-20.
Julius I., Pope, 366.
Justina, 172.
his
Keim, Theodor, 272,

Koch's work on Julian,
Milan, Julian's
F.,
first
stay
at, 45
his
second
visit to, 52-7.
Minucius Felix, 599.

Misopogon, 28, 140, 273, 430.
Monachism, 181-3, 295, 299, 606.
Monarchianism, 151-4 its two schools,
Mother of the Gods, discourse to
;
152.
the,
241-51.
Mucke's Flavius Claudius Julianus.
20.
Muller, 175.
Nahrmalcha, siege of, 124.

Naville's book on the philosophy of Julian,
20.
Nebridius, 82, 93, 99.

Necrologia of Libanius, 474.
Neo-Platonism, xiv, xv
its
influence on
Julian, 41-3, 555 ; its belief in the supernatural,

226-9 ; its ideals, 144,
121,
184-221 ; its exponents, 193-218 ; compared with Christianity, 144, 186-8, 199,
221, 228, 601-3.
Neumann's work on
Julian, 20, 272.
Nevitas, 100, 103.

Nicaea, Council of, 161-3.
Nicopedia, Julian's stay in, 40-3.
Nigrinus, 104.
20, 88.
Oribasius of
Lenormant,
635
on the bust of Acerenza,
Pergamum,
17,
86-7, 215-6
Julian's letter to, 567.
xxvii-xxx.
Leonas, the Quaestor, 93.
Leontius, 359.
Origen, his doctrines and profound influence

on subsequent speculation, 150, 173, 186,
Leopardi, 620-1.
Libanius, 5 ; his literary career and writings, 7-9, 400 his enthusiasm for Julian,
contrasted
9 ; his discourses, 9 and 10
with Gregory of Nazianzus, 12
displeasure at Hecebolius' influence over
Julian, 40 Julian reads his lectures, 41
his account of Julian at Athens, 48, of the
treachery of Constantius, 96, of Julian's
advance along the Danube, 101-21, of the
Court of Constantius, no, of the Persian
expedition, 122-33, of Julian's death,
Origenism, or Semi-Arianism, 162-73, 357-8.
198, 603.
i39 ^^44) of Julian's tolerance,

his discourse "About Temples," 346letter of Julian to him, 422-4,
;
556- 7 his discourse to the Antiochians,
i33"7>
330
54,
495
;
general description of Julian's

;
character, 474-88.
Licinius, the Emperor, 145.
Logos doctrine, Controversies, 148-61 ; prologue of the Fourth Gospel compared with
Julian's teaching, 234-6.
Lucian of Antioch, 154-5.
Lucillianus, 80, 102.
465-8
Lupicinus, 77, 81-2.
Macellum, Julian confined

Magnentius, 27, 165.
Marangas, battle of, 130.
at, 33-9.
Marcellus, 67.
Marcus Aurelius, Julian compared with,

introduced into the Banquet of the
63
;
Ccesars, 513-20.
Mardonius, teacher of Julian, 28-32, 447.

Marius Victorinus, 171.
Martianus, 104.
Martins the Quaestor, 360,
Maximus,
17, 41-2, 87, 206-14, 322-4, 548-9,
557- 3.
Milan, Council of, 166.
Milan, Edict of, 145, 147, 369.
Palladius, 109.
Panaetius, 605.
Paris, Julian's revolt at, 76-93.
Patripassianism, 153.
Paul, St., 265, 270, 277, 598.
Paul, courtier of Constantius, log.
Paul of Samosata, 152, 154-5, i73'
Paul, a spy, 80.
Paulinus of Treves, 166.
Pegasius, 426-30.
Pentadius, 80, 82, 92.
Persians, Julian's campaign against, 70,
"3> 525; Constantius' campaign against,
115.
Julian's letter to, 219.
;
Philostorgius, the Arian, 18.
Plato, 188, 281, 531.
Plotinus, 193-200, 602.
Polycletes, 94.
Pontitianus, 181.
Porphyry, the Neo-Platonist, 151, 193-4,
197, 202-4, 272-3.
Porphyry, official in Egypt, Julian's letter
to, 571-2.
Postal Service, Julian's re organisation of,
575-8.
T.
Prsresius 416.
Priesthood, Julian's ideal of, 300, 304.
Priscus, 16, 206-7, 212-3.
Proclus, 193.
Pharianus, 218
Procopius, 120.
Pyrisaboras, taking
of, 124.
Pyrrho, 305.
Reinach, Salomon, on the bust of Acerenza,

xxix, xxxiii-iv.
Rimini, Synod of, 169, 358.

Rode's history of Julian's reaction, 21, 38,
498.
INDEX
636
Rufinus, his continuation of the Historj' of

Eusebius and his account of the reaction
of Julian, i8.
Tatian, 327.
Taurus, loi.
TertuUian, 153, 603.
Thalia of Arius,
159.
Themistius, Julian's letter

Theodoret, 18, 40.
Sabellianism, 153.
Saints, Worship of, 177, 287, 354, 614.
Sallustius, 81, 100, 121, 217, 539 ; JuHan's
Exhortation to him, 538-47.
Sapores(Shapur), King of Persia, 115, 129-30.
Scientific spirit, lacking in the ancient
world, 622-30.
School Law, Julian's, 394-420.

Sebastian, 120.
Seleucia, Synod of, 169, 358.
Shapur. See Sapores.
Simplicianus, 416.
Silvanus, 6, 51, 55.
Sirmium, conspiracy
xxx, 527-38.
Ursacius, 168.
Ursicinus, 9.
Ursulus, 109.
Vadomarius,
at, 51, 54.
Socrates, the historian, his account of Julian,

18, of the expurgation of Constantius'
Court, III, of Julian's tolerance, 328-9.
Sopater, 424.
Sozomenes, his re-editing of the History of
Socrates, 18 ; his view of the murder
of Julian, 137, of Constantine's conversion, 46, of Julian's alleged persecutions,
329-30.
Stoicism, 254.
Strassburg, Battle of, 68-71.
Strauss, 19, 229.
Sun, discourse to the, 221-31.
Syrianus, 367.
Printed by MoRRisoN
to,
Theodoras, Julian's letter to, 297, 309.

Theodosius I., 10, 145, 171, 173, 181, 346-54.
Theodulus, 327.
Theognis of Nicaea, 163.
Theolaiphus, 106.
Tigris, passage of the, 126.
Titus, Bishop of Bostra, 382-7.
&
95.
Valensj 168.
Valentinianus il., 172.
Vespasian, 44.
Victor, Aurelius, historian, 103.
Villari's
Vollert's
Barbarian Invasions, 19.

work on Julian's opinions,
21.
Waldeck-Rousseau, 418.
Zenobia, 152.
Zephyrinus, 153.
Zosimus, his testimony to JuHan's greatness, 17 ; his account of the Persian
expedition, 122.
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Tumults and the Persecutions of the Christians

The Destruction by Fire of the Temple of Apollo

The General Indifference

" Case " of Pegasius

Importance of the Misopogon.

The Sovereign and the Man

Absence of Doctrinal Apparatus

Religion and Philosophy The

did not understand the Principle of Redemption

Scientific Spirit in him, as in Chris-

Coin of Constantine the Great

Facing page 321

JULIAN THE APOSTATE

JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST

the suspicion and jealousy of Constantius, or even

during the time

when he represented him

government of Gaul, he naturally concealed his

he should ever attain

these years of neces-

amidst the cares of war and administration never

more fervently zealous in his love of Hellenism,

coming more intense because of his inability to

not to compromise himself by any act that might

create insuperable difficulties.

JULIAN THE APOSTATE

proclaimed Emperor by his soldiers, and before

were dissipated, and Julian decided on the

mask, and, resolving to risk every-

voyage from Gaul

he made any public demonstration of

and somewhat ostentatiously gave his expedition

a letter addressed to his venerated master, the

Maximus, and written while he was

on the march towards the Balkans.

of the urgent affairs that claim his attention, Julian

Maximus, and hopes that he may be permitted

him, he relates his

Trptorov avTOKparcop cckcov eyevofirjv 'laaaiv

JULIANA ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 323

experienced at the thought of the peril to which

and master of the

vouchsafed to his enterprise, so that

accomplished without violence and with great ease,

''We adore the gods openly,

when everything appears

and enthusiasm of the reformer

nise the confidence

obey them with

and they assure

The gods command me

every action, and

His cousin being dead, and Julian by common

dream the sanction of

Every danger having

and having acquired the faculty of doing

Julian revealed the secrets of his soul,

JULIAN THE APOSTATE