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race dissolve the fight for survival wiped out colour lines (81). Old definitions of class
expand to include interracial/class brothers (84). Instead, alternative notions of
survival, humanity, brotherhood and common suffering arise. A bond, exclusive to
the males however, transcends class and race barriers. The masculine bond forms the
basis of the ideology of collectivity and American nationalism. Women, regardless of
class and race, are labeled detrimental to this bond/collectivity. Ultimately, they are antinationalist.
Gender and race figure in Malaysias cry for the protection of female sexuality
and Malay cultural identity. Ong (1995) notes that in official Islamic discourse, male
protection of female sexuality delineates the boundaries between Muslims and wider
society (167). Malay cultural identity is defined within these markers. This cry is timely,
coinciding with the states promotion of capitalist development, out-migration and the
deployment of female labour in the workforce. Such increase womens agency. Male
authority over dating and interracial marriage domains within which female sexuality
is controlled is challenged (176). Both genders then, engage in the negotiation of racial
and cultural identities in Malaysian nationalist discourse.
The preceding discussion shows that the interaction of gender with class and race
is dependent on social context and needs. Boundaries of class and race are transgressed in
war; gender lines are demarcated. Racial markers are reinforced however, in the conflict
between Islamic and state discourses. Thus, gender, race and class boundaries are highly
fluid, malleable to suit social needs. Politically reactive, they are connected to
nationalism American ideology of collectivity and Malay cultural identity where
social solidarity and control are highly priced.
Singapore. Women (and men) had no visibly active role in reconstructing history; the
state employed a top-down approach in its construction of ideology. Perhaps, patriarchy
in Singapore leans more towards state patriarchy, rather than family patriarchy like that of
Malaysia. Gender then, is but a variable embroiled in historical transgenerational
replication missions.
References
Heng, Geraldine and Janadas Devan. State Fatherhood: The Politics of Nationalism,
Sexuality, and Race in Singapore. In Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body
Politics in Southeast Asia. Edited by Aihwa Ong and Michael G. Peletz. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1995, pp. 195-215.
Jeffords, Susan. Things Worth Dying for: Gender and the Ideology of Collectivity in
Vietnam Representation. Cultural Critique. 8 (Winter, 1987-1988):79-103.
Ong, Aihwa. State Versus Islam: Malay Families, Womens Bodies, and the Body Politic
in Malyasia. In Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in Southeast
Asia. Edited by Aihwa Ong and Michael G. Peletz. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1995, pp. 159-194.