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Abandoned for a millennium,1 the smashed Siddhamatrka2 inscription commemorating the foundation of a Javanese branch of the famous Sinhalese
monastery named Abhayagirivihara received mention in the earliest architectural exploration of the ruins of Javanese antiquity. First noticed in 1814, it was
recovered bit by bit in the Dutch archaeological excavations of the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century. It surfaced briefly in an examination
of the inscription of Kelurak by Bosch, and was then treated more fully by De
Casparis in an incremental series of revelations of the text which he had managed to decipher.3 The published portions of the text, however, do not reflect
the full extent of known fragments, and the inscription has not yet divulged
all of its mysteries. This article is an effort to tease out one of them.
1
As a preface to this essay, I wish to offer a word of thanks to Professor Raghu Vira and his
family, whose ambitious Sata-Pitaka Series is the source of a scholarly Indological feast and has
helped to recover memories of a lost world. I am grateful to John Banks, the Reverend Mahinda
Deegalle, Nobumi Iyanaga, Roy Jordaan, Lokesh Chandra, Mark Long, Iain Sinclair, David
Snellgrove, and the two necessarily anonymous Bijdragen referees for advice and assistance
with this article.
2
This script is sometimes referred to as prae-nagari, especially in the earlier Dutch archaeological literature. The proper term for this script is siddamatrka, as Bosch (1928:4) clarifies in his
paleographic discussion of the script.
3
The readings published to date are to be found in Bosch 1928:63-4 (given that Bosch accomplished minor miracles with his painstaking work on the inscrutable Kelurak inscription, his
work is a surprisingly sporadic transliteration of the comparatively highly legible four fragments then in the National Museum under the catalogue number D50, accompanied by a usable
photograph of them), De Casparis 1950:11-22 (a rather complete, annotated reading of the five
parts now in the National Museum under the number D50), De Casparis 1961 (providing a few
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50 m
This mention of four doors is seemingly an error on Crawfurd's part: the pendopo has
only three doors, to the north, the west, and the south. It is clear that he is discussing the pendopo, however; the description matches no other feature on the plateau, and the mention of the
inscription accords rather well with the other of its documented discoveries.
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On top of the terrace in two situations, are seen some loose blocks of stone which
appear to have constituted the elevated foundation of the sheds, which the
Javanese I believe in imitation of the Hindus term Pendapa or Mandapa. Dr. Tytler
who accompanied me in one of my last excursions to Prambanan, discovered in
the largest of the two piles of stone on the terrace a fragment of a slab of stone on
which was a Deva Nagari inscription, and a little way to the south of the building a mutilated stone figure which I imagine to represent Mahadewa destroying
Tripurasura. (Bernet-Kempers 1949:185-6.)
Although many more fragments, presently totalling ten, are now known to us
than that seen by Crawfurd in the centre of the rubble-pile of the 'pendopo',
his report is significant to us because, as we will shortly see, the earliest sighting of this Abhayagirivihara inscription places it directly in the centre of a
building which has telltale architectural characteristics that associate it with
some of the meditation monasteries outside the parent Abhayagirivihara
monastery located in Anuradhapura in north-central Sri Lanka.
However, before we attribute the Abhayagirivihara inscription to this
particular building on the basis of Crawfurd's description, we should keep
in mind that others of the fragments were found outside the formal walls of
the pendopo, in two instances rather far away from it if the archaeological
reports are to be trusted. While two fragments, those denoted by Bosch as
fragments 'a' and 'b', 5 were found in 1886 by IJzerman near the ring wall of
the so-called 'palace',6 two more fragments were found sometime before 1915
by Rothe, who discovered them 'close to the restoration of the gate-building' (De Casparis, 1950:11). There was a fifth, spearhead-shaped fragment,
designated 'e', which was known to De Casparis in 1950 but not to Bosch in
1928, and this latter piece is likely to have been one of the wartime's poorly
catalogued finds. However, the origins of the 1954 fragments, the first to
receive proper professional archaeological documentation, show clearly that
the newer, Yogyakarta fragments were unearthed not very many metres at
all from the southeast corner of the pendopo. Thus on balance we can feel
5
The inscription is at present divided into two parts. The five parts that had surfaced before
Indonesian independence are now in the storeroom of the National Museum. Bosch's photograph depicts four of these which he labels 'a' to 'd', while the fifth fragment, 'e', was read by
De Casparis and documented in his 1950 book. The 1954 excavation season turned up five more
fragments, which are now in the building of the Suaka Peninggalan Sejarah dan Purbakala of the
Special District of Yogyakarta, Bogem. I thus refer to 'Museum' and 'Yogyakarta' portions of the
inscription. Portions of these new fragments are presented by De Casparis in his 1961 and 1981:
73-4 publications. Although approximately the lower middle sixth of the inscription presumably
still remains to be found on the Ratu Baka plateau, it would be desirable if the Museum and
Yogyakarta fragments could be reunited under the conservancy of the National Museum and a
prominent place arranged for public display.
6
IJzerman's 1886 findings were likely uncovered in the same position, just outside the eastern side of the ring wall, as the 1954 findings.
7
The credit for first observing the correlation between Javanese and Lankan pendopos is
due to the prominent archaeologist Deraniyagala, now director of the Archaeological Survey of
Sri Lanka (see Miksic 1993).
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around the Abhayagirivihara being built along the east-west axis, while one
was built along the north-south axis. If we now compare the general features
of the Javanese pendopo with those of the Sinhalese 'double platform' monasteries, we find they rather closely accord: plain, cardinally oriented double
platforms, one square and one rectangular, accessed by stairs on either side of
a connecting walkway, the whole surrounded by a wall, provided with footpaths and man-made ponds, and positioned on a rocky prominence in proximity to small caves. The discrepancies include the fact that in the Javanese
instance there are a regular series of sockets for roof-bearing pillars in both
platforms whereas this feature only obtains on one side of the Lankan platforms, and both the Javanese platforms have access stairs whereas only the
rectangular Lankan platform possesses such a feature. The Javanese building has some slight decorative elaboration on the exterior drainage spout of
the outer wall. Furthermore, the Javanese instance lies along a north-south
axis whereas the Lankan ones, with one exception, are generally built along
an east-west axis. Finally, the Lankan monasteries open to the north, east,
and south, while the Javanese pendopo is closed to the east but opens to
the north, west, and south; this westward orientation seems particular to the
Ratu Baka as a whole and may have something to do with a purpose as a
funerary ground.8
Now we turn to the purpose of these remote 'double platform' monasteries. Wijesuriya's analysis shows that they are tapovana, or 'ascetic forest'
monasteries which provided monsoon-season shelter from the elements and
from wild beasts. According to Sinhalese chronicles, these were inhabited
by monks known as arannaka for their forest-dwelling habits or pamsukulika
because of their vow to wear only rag-robes, the more extreme of these ascetics taking their rags from cremation grounds. Their ascetic activities were
most prominently supported by King Sena I, who built the Mount Arittha
(modern Ritigala) monastery for them, endowing it with royal privileges and
great numbers of servants, gardeners, and craftsmen.
In the case of the Javanese Abhayagirivihara, we have seen strong evidence that at least one building, that of the pendopo near which the inscription was found, has a strong architectural connection to a similar structure on
the fringes of the Abhayagirivihara in Lanka. May we then import into Java
Wijesuriya's attendant concepts of the purpose of these monasteries as summer shelters for ascetic forest-dwelling monks? To me, it seems unlikely that
the Sailendra king would benefit from procuring monks of this variety: why
cast across the Indian Ocean to find an ascetic rag-garbed monk when you
could more or less compel the existence of such a type from local Javanese
stock, and what direct ritual or pedagogical benefit could such foreign monks
8
My rough calculation suggests that something like a minimum of 25,000 cubic metres, possibly much more, of limestone material was cut out and moved to fashion the Ratu Baka plateau
into the topographic form it assumes today.
10
Wijesuriya (1998) provides two different dates for this king, citing on p. 23 regnal dates of
833-853, and on p. 36 a date of 846-866. Gunawardana (1979:8) seems to favour the date of 833853 for Sena I. The regnal years of the Sinhalese kings have not been reconstructed with absolute
certainty, being based upon concatenations of regnal lengths of a succession of kings rather than
fixed with respect to dates on a well-described calendar. The poor concordance with the royal
names recorded in the Chinese chronicles suggests that there is much room for revision.
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This section will focus on the meaning and significance of Lanka, and specifically the esoteric forest-dwelling monks of the Abhayagirivihara, to two
patriarchs in the Chinese esoteric Buddhist tradition. These two patriarchs,
Vajrabodhi and his disciple Amoghavajra,13 were Indians in the service of
the T'ang emperor and together stimulated the cultivation of the practices
and rites of the Yoga Tantras in the imperial Chinese court, starting a lineage
or tradition of teachings which by 805 had spread to Japan and Java. As we
shall see, Lanka figures so integrally into these monks' ideological history
that at least one biography of Amoghavajra says that he did indeed come
from Lanka.
Before commencing their biographies, let us briefly assess exactly how
influential these two patriarchs were. Building upon the groundwork
of Subhakarasimha and his adherence to the doctrines of the Caryatantric Mahavairocana-sutra, the master-disciple team of Vajrabodhi and
Amoghavajra ministered to three T'ang emperors and founded the rituals
of their preferred text, the Yoga-tantric Sarva Tathagata Tattva Sangraha (hereafter abbreviated as STTS). Beyond their ministrations to Chinese emperors,
royalty, generals, and politicians, they translated copious numbers of tantric
texts and established in China the Vajrayana School, which persists to this
day as the Japanese Shingon sect. The cumulative effects on the culture and
polity of the mid-T'ang years are incalculable, and memories of their benevolent activity lasted for centuries.
The two patriarchs are' the subjects of multiple biographies, including
some done by disciples. The standard biographies were composed almost
150 years after Amoghavajra's death in 774, written on Sung imperial order
by Tsan-ning in his Sung-kao-seng chuan, which collated and compared all of
the documents, inscriptions, biographies, and stelae available. Tsan-ning's
biography drew heavily upon the work of two of Amoghavajra's disciples,
Chao Ch'ien's Hsing-chuang and Fei-hsi's Pei-ming, but ignored several
other available sources including some biographies by direct disciples of
Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra. These various biographies differ among themselves in details and are not mutually consistent in their presentation of facts,
including such fundamental facts as where these two tantric masters were
a designation that accords with both local popular legend and some archaeologists' belief that
the Ratu Baka constituted a giant palace for the Javanese kings. This attribution of the kaputren
is almost certainly false; no bathing princesses were likely allowed anywhere near the ascetic
Buddhist monks of the vihara, tantrists or not.
13
Amoghavajra is rather frequently referred to by his Chinese name Bukong jingang.
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born and where they met. As some biographies have Amoghavajra being
born in Lanka and others have him meeting Vajrabodhi in Java, an examination and evaluation of the details of these biographies will greatly concern
my present thesis.
Set out below is an extract from Tsan-ning's biography of Amoghavajra
(Taaisho shinshu daizokyo (hereafter abbreviated as T) 50 #2061 712b26-cl3)
as translated by Chou (1945:290-2). The scene is set after the death in 741 of
Vajrabodhi, who had urged Amoghavajra to go to India and Lanka to collect
the needed tantric texts, especially the all-important STTS which up until
then had been lacking in Chinese libraries:
When he [Amoghavajra] arrived in Ceylon, the king sent a deputy to welcome
him. The guardsmen on foot and on horse were stationed in ranks along the street
when he entered the city. The king, having made obeisance at his feet, invited him
to stay in the palace to be entertained for seven days. The king himself bathed
Amoghavajra daily, using a golden barrel of fragrant waters. The crown prince,
the queens, and the ministers acted similarly.
When Amoghavajra first met the acarya Samantabhadra, he presented gold,
jewellery, brocade, and embroideries and requested the Master to expound for
him the doctrine of Yoga in the Chin-kang-ting ching of eighteen chapters and the
method of erecting an altar in accordance with the Mahakarunagarbhadhatumandala
in the Vairocanasutra. He also permitted Han-kuang, Hui-pien and other disciples
to receive the abhiseka of Five Divisions [referring to the tantric coronation ritual
of the Five Divisions of the STTS] together.
Amoghavajra, after that, had no regular teacher for his studies. He sought everywhere for the scriptures of the Esoteric Sect and obtained more than 500 sutras
and commentaries. There was nothing that he did not go into thoroughly as, for
example, the samaya, the various deities' secret mudras, forms, colours, arrangements of altars, banners, and the literal and intrinsic meanings of the texts.
[paragraph omitted on Amoghavajra's magical ability to pacify mad elephants]
Then Amoghavajra visited India, where he caused auspicious omens many
times. In 746, he returned to the capital [Chang'an] and presented a letter from
King Silamegha of Lanka, with ornaments of gold and jewels, the Sanskrit text of
Prajna-paramitasutra, miscellaneous pearls, and white cotton cloths. The emperor
ordered him to stay temporarily in the office of the Court of State Ceremonial.
Later he was summoned to the palace to erect an altar for the Emperor's abhiseka
ceremony. Then he moved to the Ching-ying Temple.
Note how very much we learn, in our quest for data about the influence of Sri
Lanka upon Siniatic tantrism, from this passage from Amoghavajra's official
biography. First, Amoghavajra's visit to India is brushed off in a sentence,
while his experience in Lanka is presented in rich and substantial detail. In
fact, the very first stop on his text-gathering itinerary was Lanka, and after
his fulfilling experience and rewards there, he had little to gain from a continuation of the journey. Amoghavajra found it all in Lanka: all the texts,
over 500 of them, which he required but could not obtain in China; and the
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finally arrived in China - but without his copy of the full STTS, which legend
says he lost in a terrible storm at sea, retaining only the abridged version of
the STTS.14 Vajrabodhi established his reputation in China as a tantric master
despite his lack of access to the major texts of his discipline, and late in his
life instructed his favoured disciple Amoghavajra to journey back to India
and Lanka to find them.
Amoghavajra knew where he had to go to obtain the tantric texts he
needed to fill his library and fulfil his education: Lanka and South India.
Although Amoghavajra seems himself to have been of Kashmiri or central
Indian origin and tutored in China by Vajrabodhi, the South Indian Brahmin
preceptor who himself had studied for many years at the northern monastic
university of Nalanda in modern Bihar, we find that Amoghavajra forwent
the opportunity to set out toward the famous Nalanda, instead making a
direct line to Lanka. He likely did so, I will claim, either because the STTS
originated in Lanka or because Vajrabodhi told him that a little effort in
Lanka would turn up a copy of it. Amoghavajra's teachings, at least up until
746, were conducted entirely without full access to the STTS, the major text of
his lineage faith. He must up until then have had to improvise all of his teachings and doctrines as he went, and the acquisition of complete and authentic
texts in Lanka, sealed with a consecration by Samantabhadra, may have been
the reason for their sudden, seemingly eager, acceptance by the Emperor Sutsung, itself a rather substantial indicator that the roots of the STTS tradition
lay in Lanka. However, there is some hint from Amoghavajra that the text of
the STTS would not be forthcoming from the Indians. In his prolegomenon
to his Instructions on the gate to the teaching of the secret heart of great yoga of the
scripture of the diamond tip, (T 39 #1798 808al9-24), written before his successful Lankan journey, Amoghavajra wrote the following about the STTS, which
14
In his tale of the Iron Stupa, Amoghavajra quotes Vajrabodhi's telling of the tale (see Orzech
1995:317 from which this translation of T 39 #1798 808bl6-28 is directly excerpted): 'I set forth
from the western country [India] to cross the southern ocean in a fleet of more than thirty great
ships [...] we ran into a typhoon [...] At that time I always kept the two scriptures [that is, the full
and abridged versions of the STTS] I was bringing nearby so that I could receive and keep them
and do the offerings. Now, when the captain saw that the ship was about to sink, everything on
board was cast into the ocean, and in a moment of fright the one-hundred-thousand-verse text
was flung into the ocean, and only the superficial text was saved. At that time I aroused my mind
in meditation, doing the technique for eliminating disasters, and the typhoon abated, and for
perhaps more than a quarter mile around, the ship wind and water did not move. All on board
took refuge in me, and bit by bit we got to this shore and arrived in this country. In the seventh
year of the reign period Opened Prime (CE 721) [I] arrived in the Western Capital (Changan)
and the Chan master Yising sought consecration from me. When it became known that [I had]
this extraordinary Gate of the Teaching, [he] commanded ISvara to help translate it into Chinese.
Yising and the others, as it turns out, personally transcribed it. First [we] relied upon the order of
the Sanskrit text and then [we] discussed its meaning so as not to lose words. [Yet] its meaning
has not yet been [fully] explained.'
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texts. Furthermore, the Abhayagirivihara housed 5,000 monks when Fa-hien visited it the century before, and Vajrabodhi would be but one transitory, migrant soul, lacking a prominent lineage, in a field of thousands of monks, leading us to wonder how far he could have penetrated
into the system, especially given the importance to the tantric tradition of very strong masterstudent relationships. He then floated, seemingly in Southeast Asia, for three years before finally
striking out for China. Amoghavajra, by contrast, was exceedingly well prepared to succeed in
obtaining the most prized editions of the tantric texts. He had as a political patron the emperor
of China, went straight to Lanka and the Abhayagirivihara accompanied by 21 monks and Tang
diplomatic credentials, and spent five years in Lanka copying texts - in fact, the Sinhalese king
also assisted in the production of at least one worthy sutra for diplomatic presentation to the
emperor by his ambassador. There is little reason to be astounded that Amoghavajra succeeded
in obtaining the STTS where Vajrabodhi failed.
It should be said that the monk Kukai, the famous Japanese disciple of Huiguo, holds in his
Record of the Dharma transmission that Vajrabodhi did have an explicitly named preceptor in the
person of Nagabodhi, a monk who was over 900 years old but with the face of a thirty-year-old.
Nagabodhi is claimed to have been a disciple of Nagarjuna, also centuries old, allegedly a confidante of the Four Guardian Kings of the Universe, frequent guest at the submarine palace of the
Naga king, and rescuer of the texts of the Yoga Tantra from the Iron Stupa, where he received his
personal consecration from the Mahasattva Vajrasattva (Abe 1999:198, 221-2). The reader may
judge the plausibility of the higher-level characters claimed by Kukai as his Dharma lineage. To
me, it is interesting that these accounts peter out into the unbelievably supernatural at precisely
the point where the historical biographies lose the lineage: the elusive master of Vajrabodhi.
16
Coquet (1986:84) provides more detail on the monks of this Secret Forest School. These
ascetics studied the Small and Large Vehicles as well as the Triyana, the three stages leading to
the Yoga Tantras. They called themselves disciples of Kasyapa, the disciple who received the esoteric doctrines from the Buddha. Despite the number of tantric masters this Secret Forest School
produced, they were still considered heretics for their doctrines, and after a number of persecutions were forced to leave Lanka and seek refuge in the Himalayas. Coquet (1986) unfortunately
does not specify his sources, but these details are not included among the standard sources for
Nagabodhi's background listed by Abe (1999:504, note 74) (I wish to sincerely thank Nobumi
Iyanaga for his extensive and thorough consultation of these sources). This said, the level of
detail Coquet presents regarding the forest monasteries could hardly be contrived and may be
taken from a Tibetan history.
17
Srislla is not known as the formal name of any of the Sinhalese kings. Based upon the
chronologies of the kings, it seems that Aggabodhi VI (circa 740-780) was the king who received
Amoghavajra, while the Javanese Abhayagirivihara was likely constructed during the reign of
Mahinda II.
18
During this 670 embassy, the Sinhalese king may have transmitted the Sanskrit text with
tantric overtones which was later translated by Prajfia in 787. For a brief mention of this, see Levi
1935:83, note 1.
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missions, the four missions sent in the 20 years after Amoghavajra's arrival
in Lanka in 742 are a keen indicator of the fervour with which the Sinhalese
pursued their relationship with China, and this interest probably persisted
until their 762 discovery that the country had lapsed into revolution, anarchy,
and near collapse after the An Lu-shan Rebellion in 758 and the consequent
warlordism, Muslim, and Tibetan invasions. Not only was the 762 mission
the Lankans' last during the T'ang dynasty, it was the last embassy until 989,
well into the Sung dynasty, a hiatus of 230 years.
This interchange of religious knowledge and texts between highly adept
monks became a high-level religio-diplomatic interchange between Buddhist
kings, in this case between those of the Sinhalese king at Anuradhapura and
the T'ang emperor at Chang'an. As we shall see, there is a parallel development in which the Javanese kings became patrons involved in the Sinhalese
dispensations, likely involving precisely this same style of interchange of
tantric texts and, in the Javanese case, monks as well.
The link between the Javanese, the Abhayagirivihara and the Sino-Japanese tantric
masters
This short mantra, reading om takl humjahsvaha, is the personal mantra of Vajrapani and
seems to derive from the C o m m a n d of S u m m o n i n g of All the Tathagatas which is used to compel beings to a location. It occurs in the story of the bodhisattva Vajrapani's forceful conversion
of Mahesvara to the Buddhist cause. For a more extensive examination of this inscription a n d its
implications, see Sundberg 2003.
20
De Casparis (1950:13-4) reprises these arguments a n d De Casparis (1975:35-6) presents
some of them in English.
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These t w o inscriptions share the s a m e script and were almost u n d o u b t e d l y written by the
s a m e h a n d although 14 years separated the writing of the two: Kalasan w a s written in 778 and
Abhayagirivihara in 792.
22
Bosch (1928:13-4) actually concluded from his frustrating failure to find a direct Indian
prototype for all the paleographic oddities that the KA script h a d originally derived from North
India b u t h a d developed independently in Buddhist monasteries in the Indonesian archipelago
for a n u m b e r of centuries.
23
As De Casparis (1979:394, note 42) notes, the script of the Jetavanarama inscription is
indeed very close in style to the KA inscriptions. G u n a w a r d a n a (1966:57) notes that this inscription did not originate within the Jetavanarama b u t rather the Abhayagirivihara, a n d specifically the K u t t a m p o k u n a area to the northwest, which m u s t stand very close to the meditation
monasteries. Personal inspection of the photograph of the Jetavanarama inscription shows that
there are some stylistic features in this inscription which are strongly reminiscent of the Javanese
inscriptions, including the extended, curling superscript letters which can flow backwards for
the space of as m a n y as three characters. However, in the Lankan inscription the vowel tokens
extend back over only the previous character. The Jetavanarama 'sa' is formed with a kinked
horizontal element; KA forms this aksara with a straight horizontal element. The loop which
denotes the Jetavanarama ' m a ' is m u c h more pliable, like a spline, than the circle-terminated KA
specimens. G u n a w a r d a n a (1966:58-61) makes a fairly detailed paleographic examination of the
Jetavanarama inscription a n d generally runs it back to a Bihar-area prototype which straddles the
forms used by D h a r m a p a l a and Devapala, b u t h e cannot determine a precise origin or dating.
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24
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Figure 2. Specimen characters 'ja na bha ha' taken from the inscription of Nalanda
(top), Kalasan (middle), and the preserved writings of Prajnatara (bottom).
The reader will note that the peculiarities of the Javanese KA script are also found
in the Siddham writing of the tantric masters in China and Japan.
This lateral discovery of a similar varnapatha in contemporary China still
begs the question of its provenance. What the paleographic similarity allows
us to say is that it is likely that both scripts derived from the same source and
that the source was likely to be associated with esoteric Buddhism; the stylistic
variants may turn out to be Sinhalese in origin. With this in mind we cannot
rule out the validity of Bosch's suggestion (1928:8-16) that Javanese Siddham
was not derived from one of the monumental styles of writing but rather
from the form employed in the manuscripts. In passing, note that it is strange
that these unique forms show up in Kalasan of 778 and Abhayagirivihara of
792, neither of which seems to make strongly and explicitly tantric references,
yet not in the starkly tantric inscription of Kelurak of 782.
Keeping in mind this rather astonishing paleographical evidence linking
the carvers of the KA inscriptions to the Indians who served as the patriarchs
of the Sino-Japanese Esoteric School, let us cast about for more information
which might tend to substantiate this link.
One of Amoghavajra's circle of six chosen disciples, the monk Huiguo (AD
746-805), maintained a Javanese disciple named Bianhong (Chou 1945:329;
served as the nucleus of the Sino-Japanese tantric school, it is possible that paleographic and
other idiosyncrasies became accepted as normative standards, thus explaining the difficulty of
finding them in the Indian homeland.
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Abe 1999:126, 505 note 48) within Huiguo's own Dharma Heir circle of six
master-level monks, a circle that included the famous Japanese monk Kukai,
himself founder of the Japanese tantric sect known as Shingon Buddhism.
Bianhong arrived at the Ch'ing-lung-sseu monastery from Java in 780 in order
to obtain the Garbha consecration (Coquet 1986:89). Bianhong's presence at
the highest level of Huiguo's disciples suggests not only that the Javanese
were sufficiently aware of the Chinese esoteric preceptors to send one of their
elite monks to join them, but also confirms that the specific set of VajrabodhiAmoghavajra-Huiguo esoteric lineage doctrines28 would be available to,
among others, Javanese temple architects and would not likely greatly deviate
from those teachings which had been transmitted to Kukai.29
Having noted the documented presence in China of at least one accomplished Javanese tantric Buddhist monk, is there, conversely, any evidence in
Java of the presence of Chinese or Japanese Buddhists? Hints of this are in the
lintel-piece now in the Sono Budoyo Museum in Yogyakarta (see Figure 3),
which to my eye clearly depicts sages30 of a Siniatic appearance - these features seem to be suggested especially in the shape of the eyes and the fluidity
and length of their beards and moustaches - in marked contrast to the Indian
and Javanese figures who appear on the other temples of Java.
28
115
Figure 3. Figures with Siniatic features on lintel from Sono Budoyo Museum,
Yogyakarta. Photo courtesy of John Banks.
It is unlikely that these Chinese sages would be honoured with a depiction on a lintel if their presence either physically or theologically were not
established in the kingdom of Mataram and held in esteem there. This raises
the question of why the Siniatic sages were given such a position of dignity. Could it be that the Chinese were considered to have a more complete
collection of texts than the Indians or the Sinhalese? The Chinese doubtlessly stocked some Buddhist texts like the Scripture for Humane Kings which,
because a Sanskrit original for this text may never have existed (Orzech
1998:289-91), were unavailable in any monastery in India. However, with the
exception of these apocryphal Sanskrit texts it is unlikely that the Chinese had
any concrete objects of religious value to the Javanese, so the depiction of the
Chinese sages is likely to represent the doctrines they concocted rather than
the textual resources or cultic implements available to them. We can conclude
little about the presence of these Chinese other than that they represent a lateral flow of tantric thought, not stemming from the textual ur-source of the
great monastic universities of India or the great monastic libraries of Lanka
but rather a doctrinal reflux which seemingly transcended the imperative of
116
obtaining pure texts31 and took place based upon the merit and renown of the
masters in China or even Japan, masters who were known to accommodate
at least one senior Javanese disciple within their small elite coterie.
We are now ready to consider the appearance of the Lankan Abhayagirivihara in Central Java in a new light. A Sailendra king founded a branch of
the Abhayagirivihara on the southern platform of the Ratu Baka. At least
one of the buildings was placed on an artificial plateau, as conspicuous and
prominent a position as any imaginable on the plains of Sorogedug and
Prambanan, signifying that the Sailendra regent who placed it there had an
extraordinary respect for the Abhayagiriviharins and commemorated their
coming to Java. Why did he need representatives of this monastery? Why did
he accord them such high status, and what kind of doctrines did they preach?
While there is nothing especially tantric about the message inaugurating the
institution of their monastery, we expect no esoteric commentary in a public
inscription. However, there is contemporary evidence that the Javanese king
Panarabwan (reigned 784-803) had scribed his name in the interior loop of
one of the letters of a Buddhist tantric mantra written on a golden vajrashaped plate and placed somewhere near the large gates on the western
approach of the Ratu Baka plateau. The following three facts are available
to us. First, Amoghavajra, the foremost and most adept tantric master in the
imperial service of the T'ang dynasty, went specifically to Lanka to gather the
requisite texts of his doctrine (especially the complete text of the root-tantra
STTS) and received his ultimate consecration at the hands of a Sinhalese
tantric monk associated with the tantric ascetics of the forest monasteries
of the Abhayagirivihara. Second, there is a mantra which is associated with
Trailokyavijaya, the most prominent story within the STTS, embedded into
the earth on the Ratu Baka by a Javanese king known to have held the throne
of Mataram at the time of the founding of the Sinhalese monastery there.
Third, the Abhayagirivihara inscription shares the same unique and paleographically conspicuous forms with the Sino-Japanese Siddham writings.
All this combines to suggest that the ascetic monks of the Abhayagirivihara
received a royal invitation to the Javanese court precisely because these
31
As Van Gulik (1980:12-45) makes clear in his extensive and surprising analysis, it is doubtful if
the Chinese and Japanese monks could even understand Sanskrit, and their Indian literary competence was limited to mastering the characters necessary for accurately reciting and writing dharanl.
Whether or not the Javanese Buddhist adepts were competent in Sanskrit is questionable - there
are very good Sanskrit spellings in the 792 Old Malay MaftjuSrigrha inscription, but evidence from
slightly later periods shows that the sense of Sanskrit orthography often grew corrupt.
117
As Lancaster (1981:197) notes, 'The task is a large one, for the surge of interest in Tantra in the
eighth and ninth centuries brought a massive volume of literature to the Chinese Buddhists'.
33
For those readers whose paleographic curiosity has been stimulated by the discussion of
the forms of the Siddham 'ja' in the discussion above, the 'ja' characters of the words jina jik are
written in the conventional Indian script, that used in the inscriptions of Kglurak and Plaosan,
rather than the distinctive script which we find that Kalasan, Abhayagirivihara, and the SinoJapanese Siddhamatrka texts shared in common.
118
and thus indicates the worship of this particular form of the deity during
the Central Javanese period. For example, we find that in Amoghavajra's
commentary on the ritual aspects of the Scripture for humane kings, the
Instructions for the rites, chants, and meditations of the Prajnaparamita dharanl
Scripture for humane kings who wish to protect their states (T 19 #994 514a-519b),
Assembly, unification, sacrament, or pledge - see the extensive explication of this important tantric term in Snellgrove 1987:165-6.
35
In this text, the mantra om ah jina jik hum accords with the White Vairocana, born o n the
eastern petal o n a lunar disk, born of the syllable om of the Tathagata family, symbolized b y
dung, and consisting of mirror-like knowledge.
36
Personal communication with Iain Sinclair, author of a recent University of Western
Sydney thesis on this tantra.
37
I am indebted to Mark Long for sharing this information. Long wishes to emphasize that
his figures are still being refined because they were calculated with the general coordinates for
the Ratu Baka plateau and the city of Anuradhapura, rather than made with the precise coordinates of the parent and daughter Abhayagiri monasteries in those locations. The true deviation
of the Barabudur from the line between the monasteries is therefore likely to be less than ten
arc-seconds. More of Long's groundbreaking studies of the metrics and numerical symbolism of
Barabudur may be found at his accomplished website, www.borobudur.tv as well as in Voute
and Long (forthcoming).
119
120
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