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Big Sky or Big Sprawl? Rural

Gentrification and the Changing
Cultural Landscape of Missoula,
Montana
Rina Ghose

University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Published online: 16 May 2013.

To cite this article: Rina Ghose (2004) Big Sky or Big Sprawl? Rural Gentrification and the Changing
Cultural Landscape of Missoula, Montana, Urban Geography, 25:6, 528-549
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.25.6.528

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BIG SKY OR BIG SPRAWL? RURAL GENTRIFICATION AND THE

CHANGING CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF MISSOULA, MONTANA

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Rina Ghose1
Department of Geography
University of WisconsinMilwaukee

Abstract: The Rocky Mountain region has experienced significant growth in the last decade,
caused mainly by in-migration of population. This paper explores the case of Missoula to examine the nature of this growth and its impacts upon the cultural landscape of the Big Sky country
of Montana. Impacts from growth include increasing urbanization and sprawl, changing housing
tastes, conspicuous consumption of open space, and spiraling real estate prices. The paper contends that such changes are caused by the in-migration of the new middle class in search of a
Rocky Mountain lifestyle, creating a process of rural gentrification in which long-term residents
are increasingly displaced. Vociferous public responses to these changes have created demands
for affordable housing, control of sprawl, and protection of open space, leading to the implementation of new policies and regulatory measures in a state that is famous for its history of fierce,
rugged individualism and an anti-regulatory culture. [Key words: rural gentrification, sprawl,
Montana, in-migration.]

I am in love with Montana. For other states I have admiration,

respect, recognition, even some affection, but with Montana it is
love, and its difficult to analyze love when youre in it.
Steinbeck, 1962
The words of John Steinbeck are effectively echoed by many Americans who are now
moving to Montana every year. Indeed, many people have come to regard Montana, the
Big Sky Country, as the last best place.2 The state is renowned for its wilderness, its
spectacular scenery, relaxed lifestyle and a myriad of recreational opportunities. But
Montana to many people is a backwater interior state with a dying economywho would
wish to live there anyway, this contingent might ask. As it happens, many would.
Montanas population has grown from 799,065 in 1990 to 882,779 in 1999, over half of
which is due to net internal migration (U.S. Bureau of Census, 2000a). Located in the
splendor of the Rockies, counties in Western Montana have been notable gainers. Similarly, the entire census defined Mountain region has experienced strong population
growth due to in-migration in the last decade (U.S. Bureau of Census, 2000a). Thus far
scholarship on the New West attributes the rural restructuring process to amenity driven

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Rina Ghose, Department of Geography, Bolton Hall 478, P.O. Box 413, University of WisconsinMilwaukee, Milwaukee, WI 53201; telephone: 414-2294868; fax: 414-229-3981; e-mail: rghose@uwm.edu
2
The sense of privilege of living in Montana was heightened at the end of the 1980s when a vast anthology of
writings about Montana was published as The Last Best Place, edited by William Kittredge and Annick Smith.
The hefty volume continus to sell well nationally and internationally.

528
Urban Geography, 2004, 25, 6, pp. 528549.
Copyright 2004 by V. H. Winston & Son, Inc. All rights reserved.

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RURAL GENTRIFICATION

529

migration. Footloose employment opportunities, equity rich households and changing

values among retirees influence decisions to relocate to the mountain west (Rudzitis,
1991, 1993, 1996; Power, 1996; Shumway and Davis, 1996; Ghose, 1998; Nelson and
Beyers, 1998; Vias, 1999; Von Reichert and Sylvester, 1998, 2000, 2002; Beyers and
Nelson, 2000; Nelson, 2000; Shumway et al., 2001). However, the repercussions of such
growth on the land-use, housing, resource allocation and ensuing public policy remains
less studied. With the exception of Von Reichert and Sylvester (1998, 2000, 2002), Montana has also received little attention in this literature. Lastly, the existing research has
largely been at a macroscale, creating the need for specific place-based research that
extends the understanding of the complexities embedded in nonmetropolitan growth.
Drawn from a broader research on Western Montana from 1995 to 2001,3 this paper
aims to bridge such gaps. It studies the case of Missoula County, which has grown from
58,263 in 1970 to 96,303 in 2002 (U.S. Bureau of Census, 2002). The population
is centered on the picturesque city of Missoula, home to the University of Montana.
Missoulas population has grown from 42,918 in 1990 to 57,053 in 2000, a 32.9% population increase in a decade (U.S. Bureau of Census, 2002). Emerging as Montanas fastest
growing city, Missoula earned metropolitan status in 2000 (U.S. Bureau of Census,
2002). The adjacent county Ravalli experienced an in-migration of 10,314 between 1990
and 1999, becoming a bedroom community for Missoula commuters (U.S. Bureau of
Census, 2002).
This paper examines population growth and its impacts and interprets the landscape
noting values implied and contradictions inherent in the new politics of consumption. It
explores the communitys responses to growth and sprawl that have culminated in regulatory measures being implemented in a state reputed for its rugged individualism and
anti-regulatory stance. The paper argues that the patterns of growth and their repercussions point to the emergence of rural gentrification in America influenced by the inmigration of relatively affluent urbanites. British geographers have used this term to
describe the profound changes in the English countryside, caused by the influx of more
affluent newcomers belonging to the service class or the new middle class, who are
attracted by the rural idyll as the ideal place to live and raise ones family (Pahl, 1965;
McLaughlin, 1986; Little, 1987a, 1987b; Newby, 1987; Thrift and Williams, 1987a,
1987b, 1989; Cloke et al., 1991; Harper, 1991; Cloke et al., 1998). Their greater purchasing power enables them to impose a degree of social and cultural hegemony over consumption choices and, in doing so, to impose quite profound changes on the social and
physical environment (Cloke and Little, 1990, p. 18). The countryside thus becomes a
positional goodthat is, into something which is fixed in supply and whose consumption
is dependent upon ones position in society (Phillips, 1993, p. 126). Conflicts thus arise
between the newcomers and the locals over the changing identity of the community, conspicuous consumption of the countryside, increasing privatization of resources, housing
affordability, and issues of environmental conservation.
While relocation from large urban centers to smaller towns involves greater distances
and less of a rural-urban dichotomy in my American case study, I argue that it bears

This research was funded by the National Science Foundations Doctoral Dissertation Research Improvement
Award and a grant from Illinois State University.

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RINA GHOSE

remarkable similarities to the rural gentrification process in England. This American

version shows a similar longing for the rural idyll by the new middle class migrating from
urban centers, not for a pastoral English countryside but for the celebrated Rocky Mountain lifestyle. Simultaneously, the newcomers have expected certain urban amenities such
as good community infrastructure, cultural activities and a variety of shopping and dining
opportunities. These demands have created new opportunities and tensions within the
community, particularly within its land-use patterns. Open space has been transformed
into new subdivisions that are too expensive for the local residents, leading to their
marginalization. Community conflicts over issues of rapid growth, affordable housing
and environmental protection have led to significant regulations being implemented in a
state reputed for its anti-regulatory attitude.
It is critical to note that the rural gentrification process is both similar and different
from the urban gentrification process. Both have been undertaken by primarily White,
middle-to-upper class citizens motivated by lifestyle preferences. But urban gentrification celebrates urban living, driven by preference for short commuting time between
work and play, desire for unique architecture and the desire for participating in public
spheres of consumption, where home cooking is replaced by chic restaurant food, and
home entertainment by expenditures on clubs, movies, and shopping (Ley, 1980; Jager,
1986; Mills, 1988, 1993; Ley, 1987, 1992, 1993, 1994). Central city neighborhoods, with
their distinctive architecture and locational advantages became the logical residential
choice for urban gentrifiers. In contrast, the rural gentrification process in America is
motivated by the need for a slower life style among the small towns of the Rockies, to
raise ones family in the tradition of hearth and home in proximity to wilderness and away
from the chaotic and violent urban cities. Commodification of space and displacement of
residents have occurred in both processes. Considerable research has been done upon the
urban gentrification process in America. This paper aims to contribute to the study of
rural gentrification process, as it is distinctly shaping the growth, land use, and increasing
urbanization of smaller communities in America.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This research was conducted through a case-study approach (Yin, 1994), utilizing
migration data sets, questionnaires, in-depth semi-structured interviews, and documents
analysis. The research included responses of 46 newcomers whose primary residence was
in Missoula, and 30 long-term residents who had lived in Missoula for at least 15 years.
All newcomers and long-term residents were homeowners, as homeowners exert a strong
influence in local development issues. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted
with planning officials, the Mayor, the members of the City Council, developers, realtors,
and community activists. Various types of documents were analyzed including real estate
documents from the Missoula County Association of Realtors and Lambros Real Estate,
the largest real estate company in Missoula. Planning documents from the planning agencies, articles from Montana Business Quarterly journal, local real estate advertisements,
and local newspaper accounts chronicling growth and its associated impacts have provided valuable data.

RURAL GENTRIFICATION

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MIGRATION AND RURAL GENTRIFICATION IN MISSOULA

In the British rural gentrification literature, ex-urbanite newcomers belonging to the
service class or new middle class have been identified as active agents of rural gentrification in the English countryside. Such newcomers are typically White, family households
with higher educational attainment, higher income levels and occupations in
service-based industries. Research indicates that a certain number of newcomers to
Montana fit into this category. For instance, Von Reichert and Sylvesters study (2002)
on Montanas migration shows that while the total number of migrants fall within a range
of demographic characteristics, a sufficient number of them do fit the socioeconomic profile of new middle class. Thus, 39.5% of newcomers are college graduates, 17.3% have
an annual income between $50,000$100,000 and 4% have income of $100,000 or more
(Von Reichert and Sylvester, 2002). The county-to-county migration data for 1995 to
2000 demonstrate that newcomers are typically White family households, and a sufficient
number of them belong to the service class (Table 1).
The real estate data also show that a majority of the homebuyers in Missoula fit the
profile of new middle class (Lambros Real Estate, 19932001, unpublished data; Missoula County Association of Realtors, 19932000, unpublished data) and a pattern was
also noticeable among the newcomers who participated in my study (Tables 2 and 3).
Moreover, like the British studies, a distinctive number of newcomers to the Rockies
have migrated from urban centers since the mid-1980s to 2000 (U.S. Bureau of Census,
1995, 2000b).4 The newcomers participating in my study have similarly moved from
large urban centers as well.
Finally, rural gentrification in Britain has been prompted by the notion of rural idyll.
The American studies on the New West have found similar migration motivations which
include the beauty of the natural landscape, recreational opportunities, proximity to wilderness, reasonable living costs, and the western lifestyle, appealing to highly skilled
labor, entrepreneurs and retirees (Rudzitis, 1991, 1993, 1996; Jahrig, 1995; Lorah, 2000).
Von Reichert and Sylvesters study on Montana migration (2002) has found that the
environmental quality and the rural character of Montana attract nearly one in five (Von
Reichert and Sylvester, 2002, p. 143). Another survey on Montanas migration has noted
such factors as outdoors, scenery, less congestion, hunting and fishing, pace of life, less
expensive to live, fewer people (Montana Business Quarterly, 1995, p. 5). The
real-estate data on homebuyers have also shown that the quality of life factor is the
dominant motivation behind such migration. My field data also notes that newcomers
moved to Missoula primarily because of its attractive lifestyle amenities, such as beautiful landscape, scenery and environment, access to varieties of recreation, slower
pace of living, and rural lifestyle/country living. However, the newcomers were
equally motivated by the perception of Missoula (or similar towns in Rockies) to be the

Migration patterns were revealed in analysis of county-to-county migration datasets which indicate that
between 1985 and 1990, metropolitan areas of seven states were the primary sources of migrants: California
(1584 migrants), Washington (1231), Idaho (747), Utah (595), Texas (548), Oregon (514), and Colorado (507).
Between 1995 and 2000, metropolitan areas from eight states were the primary sources of migrants: Washington (2118), California (1749), Utah (1254), Idaho (982), Colorado (872), Texas (643), New Jersey (504), and
Minnesota (498).

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RINA GHOSE

TABLE 1. SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF IN-MIGRANTS TO MISSOULA

Category

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Education

Occupation

Subcategory
Less than 9th grade

1.79

9th to 12th grade, no diploma

5.11

High school graduate

24.11

Some college, no degree

25.72

Associate degree

6.91

Bachelors degree

25.78

Graduate or professional degree

10.58

Management, business, financial

Professional and related
Protective service
Other service

Industry

8.94
22.05
0.82
20.51

Sales and related

14.81

Office and administrative support

15.29

Farming, fishing, forestry

0.96

Construction, extraction

5.08

Installation, maintenance, repair

2.97

Production

3.56

Transportation, material moving

Household income

New migrants
to Missoula (%)

5.01

Under $25,000

37.48

$25,000$49,999

32.43

$50,000$74,999

17.51

$75,000$99,999

6.92

$100,000$199,999

4.41

$200,000 or more

1.25

Agriculture, forestry, fishing, hunting

2.49

Mining

0.04

Construction

6.02

Manufacturing

4.71

Wholesale trade
Retail trade

2.48
15.37

Transportation, warehousing, utilities

4.23

Information

3.17

Finance, insurance, real estate, rental, leasing

4.85

Professional, scientific, management, administrative, wastemanagement services

9.14

Educational, health, social service

23.83

Arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodation, food services

16.21

Other services

5.12

Public administration

2.36

Sources: County-to-County Migration Data, 1995 to 2000; U.S. Bureau of Census, 2000b.

533

RURAL GENTRIFICATION

TABLE 2. SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF NEWCOMERS

Category

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Education

Occupation

Subcategory

Male newcomers to
Missoula (%)

Less than high school

High school graduate

13

17

Some college, no degree

13

30

Associate degree

Bachelors degree

35

26

Graduate or professional degree

35

27

Executive, administrative, managerial

and professional

79

58

Technicians and related support

Sales/clerical service
Service
Industry

Female newcomers
to Missoula (%)

17
11

Operatives

Agriculture, forestry, fishing, hunting

Construction (company owned by

newcomers)

16

Finance, insurance, real estate

21

Professional and related service - health

8
21

25

Other services

21

58

Public administration

11

Professional and related service:

education

Source: Survey of newcomers by author.

ideal place to raise children. Therefore, great place to raise children was frequently
cited. This corroborates the findings in the British studies (Little, 1987a; Valentine,
1997), which have noted that perception of rural areas, as the ideal place to raise children
is a significant reason behind the migration of service class to the countryside.
Missoulas beautifully preserved historic downtown containing an array of gourmet
restaurants, coffee shops, galleries and boutiques, also appealed to the consumption needs
of these newcomers (Figs. 1, 2, and 3). This is similar to what the British studies have
noted, that rural gentrifiers are drawn to various theatres of consumption, especially to
small towns with historic cores which legitimizes service-class consumption lifestyles
(Cloke and Thrift, 1987, p. 327). It is then unsurprising that Von Reichert and Sylvester
(2002, p. 143) found Montanas cities may be attractive because of their small size and
their relatively low levels of urban disamenities. As former urbanite newcomers confessed in their interviews, they would feel lost in a truly rural setting remote from all
urban amenities. Thus towns containing an ideal combination of significant urban amenities, packaged in an attractive wilderness setting are irresistible to the new middle class
who are financially able to undertake lifestyle moves. In turn, such moves have critically

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RINA GHOSE

TABLE 3. SALARY DISTRIBUTION OF NEWCOMERS

Newcomer household income levels in dollars
Under $25,000

$35,000

$35,000$45,999

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Households (%)

19

$50,000$74,999

43

$75,000$100,000

19

$100,000 or more

15

Source: Survey of newcomers by author.

Fig. 1. Restored historic buildings housing offices, restaurants, and pricey boutiques in downtown Missoula.

shaped the local landscapes and identities, in order to accommodate the consumption
tastes of the new middle class.
CHANGING LANDSCAPES OF MISSOULA
Missoulas landscapes depict powerful consequences of rural gentrification such as
the emergence of prestigious neighborhoods and new housing tastes, creation of western
living as a positional good, conspicuous consumption, privatization of open land and the
hillside, and a steep escalation in real estate prices, which have led to considerable community debates. Population growth led to 5,600 residential building permits being issued

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RURAL GENTRIFICATION

Fig. 2. A specialty store in downtown Missoula.

Fig. 3. New gated mansion atop South Hills in Missoula.

535

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536

RINA GHOSE

Fig. 4. New construction on top of Pattee Canyon in Missoula.

between 1990 to 1999 (Missoula Housing Authority, 1999), resulting in a spate of new
construction that is quite different in location, size, style, status and price. In the past,
housing construction was concentrated within the core of Missoula valley, zoned urban
with six houses to an acre. Neighborhoods showed little exclusivity and single-family
homes tended to functionalism in style, ranging from small starter homes to larger family
homes, between 1,000 and 2,000 square feet in size, and set in quarter-acre to one-acre
lots at most. In sharp contrast, new residential tastes have created demands for low density living in large square footage homes (between 4,000 and 5,000 square feet) located
in large lots with views of the mountains (Fig. 4). The majority of this new construction
has occurred beyond the city limits, where tracts of vacant, inexpensive farmlands have
been bought and transformed into new housing. Pre-existing subdivision regulations had
designated some of these neighborhoods for suburban residential development at one or
two houses per acre with no community sewer system. Other areas were recommended
for low-density rural development, at one unit per five to ten acres, though clustering
could also be allowed. The developers, taking advantage of these low-density development clauses, were able to create houses in large lots ranging from two to five acres and
ten to twenty acres, out in the countryside of Missoula and Ravalli counties, often on
hillsides commanding magnificent views of the surrounding mountains, with access to
recreational areas practically in the backyards. Despite their rural locations, these neighborhoods are well connected to the city proper through major roads, allowing residents to
reach the city in 20 minutes or fewer. These new neighborhoods then have repackaged a
Rocky Mountain lifestyle with quick access to modern city amenities, and have emerged
as expensive, prestigious and sometimes gated communities, containing expensive, large

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537

Fig. 5. Newcomers log home on 11 acres.

houses. Sensing the nature of the housing demand, realtors are selling not just homes, but
a Montana Dream, a log cabin getaway, country-style comfort, and room for
horses rural yet minutes from the city (Missoula County Association of Realtors,
April 1998). One Montana Dream consisting of premier horse setup with five-stall
barn, arena & viewing stand ... spacious and stunning three-story home with three bedrooms is priced at only $875,000 (Missoula County Association of Realtors, April
1998). Realtors and developers have created large log homes in keeping with new cultural
demands, which have become quite popular with the newcomers (Fig. 5). One such
unique log home, with private natural setting on 30 acres cost $985,000 in 2000 (Missoula County Association of Realtors, July 2000). Other new housing tastes include the
construction of large barn-style houses and houses with large verandas, brass carriage
lanterns, and partial rock facades to evoke the theme of leisurely country living. The interiors of these homes are frequently decorated in country styles and in distinct Western
themes. These stylish new constructions situated on the best locations are a powerful
positional good (Hirsch, 1976; Newby, 1980; Cloke and Thrift, 1990; Phillips, 1993),
accessible to those who have sufficient economic and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1984).
Dramatic changes have taken place in housing prices as well. In 1989, the median sale
price of a home was $54,965, a price that was not beyond the reach of most Missoulians
who earned an average annual wage of $17,454 (Missoula Housing Authority, 1999). In
2000, the average selling price of a home was $171,501, located in less desirable neighborhoods (Missoula Area Economic Development Corporation, 2000; City of Missoula,
1999, 2000; Missoula Housing Authority, 1999). A new house of good construction quality and boasting a good location is around $300,000, if not more. This rapid escalation of

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RINA GHOSE

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house prices has been attributed to the increasing demand and the purchasing power of
wealthy newcomers who have arrived from out of state (Lambros Real Estate, 1993
2001, unpublished data; Missoula County Association of Realtors, 19932001, unpublished data; City of Missoula, 2000). The average Missoulian can scarcely afford such
prices and are being pushed out of the housing market. The Missoulian sums up Missoulas housing situation accurately when it states that the brisk real estate market is
geared towards buyers that have arrived with good jobs, or investment wealth and equity,
But our concern isnt whether houses are affordable to some people. Its whether
theyre affordable to enough people and whether you can afford to buy one with
what you earn at a local job. Our fear is that housing prices that put home ownership
out of the reach of average earners will, over time, change the demographics and
character of western Montana. (The Missoulian, August 29, 1996)
The front page story titled Bottoms upway up: Even the most modest homes in
Missoula are becoming inaccessible, stated that housing prices have increased dramatically, but perhaps the biggest change has been at the bottom of the market, where prices
in Missoula have nearly tripled (The Missoulian, December 28, 1997). Issues of underemployment and the customary low salaries of Missoula have aggravated the housing
problem. In 2001 the average wage in Missoula County rose to only $26,182 (in contrast
to the $36,159 in the nation; Missoula Area Economic Development Corporation, 2001).
Although Missoulas economy has improved in recent times, most of the new jobs are in
lower-end service and retail sectors that provide low salaries (City of Missoula, 1999).
About 75% of Missoula households do not have high enough incomes to purchase the
average home (Missoula Housing Authority, 1999). Homeownership is thus increasingly
out of reach for lower income families and even moderate income families in Missoula
today can only afford to buy houses of smaller size, inferior quality and poor locations
(City of Missoula, 1999, 2000; Missoula Housing Authority, 1999). Lack of affordable
housing has not been relieved by the creation of new rental properties. The costs of construction and of land acquisition have kept rents high in the new units. Rental costs for a
two-bedroom apartment have increased, about 34% from 1990 to 1998 and renters, the
majority of whom are low- and moderate-income people are caught in a housing squeeze
similar to the one experienced by would-be home buyers (City of Missoula, 1999, p. 15).
The sharp increase in rents is compounded by low-rental vacancy rates, ranging from 1%
to 3% across all segments of the rental market from 1991 to 2000 (Wilson et al., 1992;
Lambros Real Estate, 19932001, unpublished data; City of Missoula, 1999; Missoula
Housing Authority, 1999; Missoula Association of Realtors, 2000).
The role of realtors and developers in Missoulas gentrification needs to be noted.
Smith has highlighted the roles of real estate developers and financiers in gentrification,
which is primarily a private-sector process, the result of a privileged class capitalizing on
investment opportunities (Smith, 1979, 1986). In my study, the force of the private sector
is most evident in the majority of new construction, which has generated large, expensive,
single-family homes. As the planning staff noted
There are plenty of opportunities to provide lower end market rate housing in this
town but of the total developers only a few do it because they can make a lot more

RURAL GENTRIFICATION

539

profit per unit on custom houses. (Office of Planning and Grants, Missoula,
Montana, 2001)

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Thus, the developers and realtors are as much an active agent in shaping the new
residential landscape of Missoula as the consumers are. But as Mills has pointed out,
production is always a cultural intention (Mills, 1993, p. 156) and in this case the
producers have catered to the consumer preferences in elite landscapes as these generate
the largest profit margins.
BEEN-HERES VERSUS COME-HERES: GROWTH REACTIONS
AND COMMUNITY CONFLICTS IN MISSOULA
Spain pointed to the similarities that exist among urban and rural gentrification, in
which rapid in-migration leads to changing community identities (1993). In particular,
When the number of new residents reaches a critical mass, and when resources are
reallocated and subsequently privatized, conflict over values and definitions of
community eventually ensue between been-heres and come-heres. (Spain,
1993, p. 156)
Because resources significantly shape the quality of life of a community, new resource
allocation caused by growth can strongly affect the quality of life, a decline of which is
perceived as a typical aspect of gentrification,
[For] where density [of population] is low, as in nonmetropolitan counties, rapid inmigration in response to employment (or recreational or retirement) opportunities
may disrupt highly valued ways of life. a culture shift occurs when a community
is unable to absorb previously unrepresented in-migrants without strain. (Spain,
1993, p. 162)
It is thus unsurprising that the population growth and gentrification in Missoula has
alarmed the long-term residents, who fear the loss of their cherished quality of life. The
sight of large expensive subdivisions that continue to spring up on hill slopes, forests,
ranches and open lands have incensed residents, creating fears of losing wildlife habitats,
playing fields, parks, vistas, and trails (Fig. 6). Such fears were expressed in the 1996
survey on 700 Missoula Valley residents, in which 28% of the respondents felt alarmed
with the population growth and 66% felt concerned by it (Office of Planning and
Grants, Missoula, Montana, 1996). The majority (84%) felt that Missoula should manage
growth, and an additional ten percent felt that the planning agencies should do everything
legally possible to stop growth. Another survey in 1998, conducted by City of Missoulas
Parks and Recreation Program on 3,500 residents, indicated that the public strongly
emphasized preservation of open spaces, wildlife habitat, parks and recreational areas.
The findings from my survey and interviews with the long-term residents corroborate
such anti-growth sentiments. One female respondent felt that growth has been uncontrolled, developers have gotten away with murder the majority of people in Missoula
dont feel comfortable with growth and did not want growth. Her husband, an architect,
agreed that Missoula has been discovered and growth has been uncontrolled. Many of
the interviewees felt this uncontrolled and unregulated growth has incurred huge costs in

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RINA GHOSE

Fig. 6. New subdivision on a former farmland.

its natural and social environment. The 1998 update of Missoula Urban Comprehensive
Plan acknowledged these,
As population in the valley continues to grow, this pattern of development, if it
prevails, will become increasingly expensive. The pattern consumes large amounts
of land, requires broad, less efficient coverage for fire and police protection, and
relies on longer stretches of roads and other capital infrastructure which are expensive to build and maintain. Environmental costs also are incurred. (Office of
Planning and Grants, Missoula, Montana, 1998)
The issues have then resulted not only from growth, but also from the new landscape
tastes that have accompanied such growth. Long-term residents thus quite rightly use the
term gentrification when they describe Missoulas landscape changes.
Transformation of wildlife habitats and open spaces into expensive subdivisions that
are out of reach for most Missoulians have generated frustrations, reflected in newspaper
headlines.5 One interviewee sadly commented about homes going up in places where

The following headlines from The Missoulian capture the feelings of frustration over growth in Missoula:
Land values rocket (front page, October 11, 1995); Urban sprawl in the Big Sky: Cities are spreading out
and out and out (May 26, 1996); Wildlife paying price for new construction (May 26, 1996); Is home ownership within your reach? (editorial, August 29, 1996); Western Montana is booming: New census estimates
confirm region is getting crowded (front page, March 21, 1997); 800 new houses in Miller Creek (front
page, June 4, 1998); Affordable housing remains closed to too many: High rents, steep prices, low wages
confound attempts to solve dilemma, report finds (May 19, 1998).

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horses grazed. One long-term male resident, a computer professional in his 40s, said,
The general consensus is that all the amenities of this town are slowly declining. This is
now a very competitive town, in terms of affordable housing, to find a job. Another
interviewee, a male writer who has lived in Missoula for 20 years, said, Everything is
now overrun, overwritten, overruled, just simply by the increasing numbers of people.
Almost everything that I loved in Missoula is now eroded enough that I am seriously
considering leaving Missoula and Montana. I am not sure where I will go.
Although all of the long-term residents that I interviewed were homeowners and
middle-class, and they also affirmed a need for affordable housing. They were thankful to
have bought their homes before prices escalated, and felt that they could not afford to buy
the same home today. Older residents felt that their adult children are being locked out of
the real estate market and cannot afford to buy even a modest home. As a result, younger
native Missoulians are being forced to leave. One respondent remarked, I have a cousin
who has lived here all his life. He and his wife have had trouble finding a house in
Missoula for a reasonable price. Eventually they had to leave and move to another smaller
town. Another interviewee said its very difficult when you grow up here and especially when you have kids who grow up here and your kids cant afford to live here. It
makes me mad. Their anger is directed towards affluent newcomers who are perceived
to be uncaring about the impacts of growth. According to one woman,
There is a resentment against newcomers coming in, and having more wealth and
being able to buy more than old Missoulians can buy. I think in the case of newcomers coming in and buying chunks of Missoula and then shutting themselves off
from Missoula and denying civic responsibility, that creates the worst resentment.
One long-term male resident said, I am trying not to stereotype some of the newer folks,
but I do think some of the newer folks in the outlying suburbs around the city dont have
the ownership in the city or its problems or its opportunities and so they tend not to be
quite as involved. Another male respondent believed that the problem lies in the recent
urban sprawl. He commented that,
With the growth and especially with the physical sprawl of the city, theres been a
lack of civic responsibility. In a smaller town, where you tend to know everybody,
where the neighbors are closer together, theres a certain responsibility involved.
All that has changed. I think it has become a problem that everybody who is coming
in now wants the amenities of the city, but they dont necessarily want to contribute
to it or be responsible.
Conversely, the long-term residents also accuse the newcomers of meddling in the communitys affairs. One woman felt that Some of the people who move in, they buy these
huge houses and have a lot of money and want to make a lot of decisions about the neighborhoods around them, when really, they havent lived here long enough to have a feel
for what should go on in the community. The long-term residents also feel that the
urbanized new comers migrate to Missoula in search of rural arcadia, but when faced with
Nature they react adversely. As one woman stated,

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Impact [of growth] on wildlife is a big concern of mine. Developments have

slaughtered the wildlife around our neighborhood. Just like that movie star [Andie
McDowell] who lives up in Ninemile [in Missoula County] was angry because the
wolves ate her dog, and of course she knew about the wolves, thats why she
wanted that ranch up there. But when it comes down to it, she doesnt want to live
with the wildlife and that bothers me.
Long-term residents mourn for the loss of their community identity. Many feel that the
small town spirit of Missoula is being lost forever. Not only do they feel that crime and
traffic have increased, but they perceive that the general friendliness of the community
has declined. A number of respondents lamented that Missoula used to be a real cohesive community, but with so many people moving in, it no longer is that way. Nowadays
there are more people who dont make eye contact, who wont say hello; it didnt use to
be that way, said one woman. Another resident mentioned, There is less of a feeling of
personal contact, less of a feeling of community. The leisurely lifestyle, so valued by
Missoulians, is also felt to be fast disappearing in the face of increasing number of people
who have brought more hustle and bustle into the town. As one woman stated,
[Missoula] is still a very beautiful place, but the number of people does for me,
change the whole beauty of certain activities, such as going to the farmers market
or going to the Out to Lunch program at Caras Park. It is just nuts out there now.
Now you cant even walk through there without seeing wall-to-wall people.
Missoulas changing community identity is also reflected in its retail landscape, which
has generated diverse viewpoints between the locals and the newcomer come-heres.
The interviews of long-term residents by Bruya et al. (1995) and by me reveal that the
prolific growth of trendy boutiques, shopping malls, expensive gourmet restaurants,
designer sports and recreation stores have angered a significant section of the locals
because such consumption patterns are changing the communitys small-town,
down-to-earth identity into that of chic, urban sophistication. One woman commented,
The town looks so yuppie. Look at our downtown for example. All these fancy stores,
these are not for people from Missoula, these are for bigwig spenders. The average
spender in Missoula does not buy from those stores. She felt that such consumption
patterns have been influenced by the arrival of the newcomers. I think the kind of people
that are coming in are introducing a side of themselves, and as a regular old Missoulian,
I dont like all this stuff. Those stores, I can just see through the windows and know that
it is not my kind of store. Another replied, the original Missoulians wouldnt have the
money to buy things in these pricey boutiques unless they happen to be developers or
realtors. Referring to the boom in retail growth, one man commented, theres a tremendous increase in retail in Missoula. It just boggles my mind how many stores and malls
have opened in Missoula recently. We never needed them in the past. Another long-term
female Missoulian complained
I dont like all the malls that have come in. People who come here want to bring
their lifestyles with them, have all the malls, they dont want the wilderness and
the wolves in their back door. People who lived here a long time, we want the
wilderness, we want the wolves and we dont want the malls. So people come here

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to flee from crime and inner cities and congestion, but they end up just bringing it
with them.
Another man commented upon the growth of expensive sporting goods stores, A lot of
these designer fly fishing shops cater to the same kind of people that would go to Aspen
or Jackson Hole. Its a real departure from old Missoula culture. We have a lot of people
who like to hunt and fish, but it was never in this designer style. In contrast to such
values, my interviews with the newcomers indicated that they were very pleased to have
access to such consumption opportunities in a small town in Montana, through which
they can continue to partake the amenities they were accustomed to prior their move. This
attitude is also unsurprising, for as Phillips (1993) pointed out, gentrifiers are well known
for buying into particular services, commodities and lifestyles, which enable them to construct their social identities. Thus in Missoula, widely varying value differences between
the newcomers and the long-term residents are being played out into the landscapes. As
Spain has noted, such value differences and community conflicts are classic symptoms of
gentrification, because they are played out in different consumer patterns (Spain, 1993,
p. 163). The continuing proliferation of malls, galleries and restaurants in Missoula
demonstrates that the market for such goods is still growing. As the next section will
illustrate, the anger at the changing nature of the community identity, has resulted in new
regulatory measures that are at startlingly at odds with Montanas anti-regulatory culture.
CONFRONTING CONSUMPTION THROUGH
GROWTH MANAGEMENT REGULATIONS
The locals in Montana are increasingly contesting gentrification through new public
policies. On November 7, 1995 Missoulians approved a $5 million bond issue to conserve
open space, the largest open-space conservation measure in Montanas history. The bond
was initiated as a citizen-driven movement against growth by long-term residents of
Missoula. The support of the community for the bond was quite unprecedented in
Missoulas and indeed in Montanas history. In the past, three bonds had been proposed,
in 1979, 1980, and 1984. Poor voter turnout and lack of support from County Commissioners killed most of these bonds at the ballot. Only the1980 bond had mustered enough
votes to pass, but it was worth only $500,000. In 1995, the picture was completely
reversed when the majority of community rallied to pass the biggest bond in its history in
order to preserve open space from further development. Even Missoula County Commissioner Barbara Evans, a conservative long-term resident and staunch critic of the 1980
bond, was supportive in 1995. We need to protect what makes Missoula Missoula, and
you cant do that for free. Fifteen years ago, there wasnt the urgency to save, Evans
said (The Missoulian, October 31, 1995). The success of the bond at the ballot is evidence
of unified resistance from long-term residents to fight against growth.
Newly enacted growth management measures are another significant illustration of
such resistance. In 1995, Montanas first Growth Management Task Force was formed
in Missoula, composed of citizens, the business community, developers, realtors, planners, city council members, county commissioners, community activists, and many
others. The plan recommended the implementation of the Urban Growth Area

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Appropriate for all urban-density residential development when there are no

environmental constraints and when the public services necessary to support high
density uses (most notably public transportation and public sewer) are present.
(Office of Planning and Grants, Missoula, Montana, 1998, p. 91)
Specific growth management tools such as density bonus is now available in Urban
Growth Area, permitting the developers to increase the density over what the current
zoning allows eight dwelling units per acre or less.
The realities of implementing such tools have generated mixed results. Long-term
residents fear that these tools will destroy their coveted Big Sky country lifestyle, without
affecting the moneyed class who will reside in areas that will not come under such regulations. Fueling fire to these fears is that density bonuses are difficult to implement within
the Missoula County (than within the city limits), where citizen-led protests can overturn
such proposals easily. Consequently, developers and realtors can easily escape the
density clause if they continue to build expensive, low-density housing for the affluent
class in the land lying just outside the city limits.
Other regulatory measures have brought mixed results as well. Since 2001 measures
have been introduced to address the problems of environmental damage caused by
new development. The planners acknowledge that these measures will have differential
outcomes, particularly in terms of housing prices. As the Office of Planning and Grants,
Missoula, Montana, staff noted:
When we require quality design standards with new developments, or when we
require the kind of engineering works that would be associated with grading, drainage and erosion control standards on hillside development, these could increase the
cost of housing. (2001)
Another planner feels that regulatory measures such as tougher hillside development
standards will in any case not be the main reason behind higher priced housing in such
physical locations, because on hillside developments its almost inevitable that youre
not going to meet any kind of market rate housing there to begin with. Thus, the
long-term Missoulians are correct in assuming that a differential quality of life will
continue to exist, with choice hillside locations and open space continuing to evolve as
positional goods, a trend that new regulations have been unable to curb.
One of the more controversial regulatory measures being proposed is the use of impact
fees. Since the cost of providing infrastructure to the new subdivisions is quite substantial, impact fees have been proposed to pay for the implementation of infrastructure and
services through specific fees [such as police/sheriff, fire/EMS, sewer development fee,
clean water mitigation fee, roads] (Office of Planning and Grants, Missoula, Montana,
2001). The tool has already created mixed feelings:
The developers and realtors are in unison in wishing that there would be no such
thing as impact fees From the planning perspective one of the concerns we have is
that if the City enacts the fee and the County does not implement impact fees, then
does that make development in the city more expensive and could there be a
perverse incentive to build outside of the city limits but close to it within the county

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lines, which is the contrary to what we wish to achieve through growth management. (Office of Planning and Grants, Missoula, Montana, 2001)
Thus, the complexity of growth management is creating new challenges and new hierarchies of power relations between different groups. While these measures will protect
open space to a certain extent at the city scale, it is quite possible that little control may
ultimately exist at the Missoula County scale. The adjacent County Ravalli faces even
greater challenges in controlling growth and sprawl. With its strong rural character, proximity to Missoula city and gorgeous scenery, it experienced a 40.6% population growth
rate between 19901998, escalating its population from 25,010 to 35,156 (U.S. Bureau of
Census, 2000a). However, fierce local resistance to any regulatory measure (including
zoning) and lack of a formal planning department has made it ill equipped to handle rapid
growth. There is an opportunity for gentrification to leapfrog into adjacent areas that have
less regulatory control, while continuing to harness Missoulas urban amenities.
CONCLUSION
Urban scholars have noted the re-emergence of the urban gentrification process in the
decade of 1990s. But the emergence of rural gentrification as a process in America has
remained largely unnoticed. One suspects that this phenomenon is quietly taking place in
the amenity rich areas of American countryside, be that in the Rocky Mountains or in
rural Maine. As this research demonstrates, growth of population in more rural areas containing a higher quality of life can lead to widespread changes in their cultural landscapes,
generating multiple debates over sprawl, land-use, housing, employment, and community
identity. The conflicts that then rise between the long-term residents and the affluent newcomers are an outcome of the process of class colonization, for as the service class gains
in strength in rural area, so it comes into conflict with other classes and class fractions
(Cloke and Thrift, 1987, p. 328). Strong responses to such class conflicts lead to enactment of new regulations, indicating a resistance to privatization and commodification of
land and natural resources. In this study, such measures evolved despite Montanas
history of resistance to public regulations and its traditional support for free enterprise
and rugged individualism. But loopholes may enable gentrification to sidestep such
regulations or it may jump into adjacent, more rural areas containing few regulations,
thus continuing to extend class colonization and enabling the commodification and privatization of open space. Simultaneously, the newcomers themselves may get involved in
creating stricter regulatory measures, for as the British studies have noted, representation
in local politics becomes increasingly significant for newcomers in order to preserve the
values of their positional goods (Cloke and Thrift, 1987). My interviews with newcomers
indicated that they were strongly interested in being involved in local politics. Such
interests can lead the newcomers to act as gatekeepers, and restrict further entry of the
new middle class. Rural gentrification is thus a complex process, and it is necessary for
scholars to engage in longitudinal case studies to explore the nature of rural growth and
gentrification process in America.
It is also necessary to compare and contrast rural and urban gentrification processes for
certain inherent similarities exist between the two. First, both are race-specific and
class-specific movements, undertaken by Caucasian and new middle class population,

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inspired by differing consumption patterns. Second, the uneven circulation of capital and
the changes in the spatial division of labor have contributed to both processes, particularly in producing the new middle class or service class category, which acts as gentrifiers. Third, roles of production and consumption are quite critical in both types of
gentrification. The developers, realtors and financiers play an active role in the production of gentrification. Simultaneously, gentrifiers act as capitalists taking advantage of
real estate opportunities through gentrification, as well as partaking in conspicuous
consumption in order to legitimize and promote their social identity. Fourth, role of
reproduction strongly influences the locational choices of both urban and rural gentrifiers, albeit in different ways. Urban gentrification studies have shown that gentrified areas
are preferred by young, single, childless women, dual income households or
single-parent, female-headed households. A strong participation in the labor market,
accompanied often by delay in childbirth influence urban gentrifiers both in their locational choice as well as in their consumption patterns. In contrast, women tended to be in
married households, with young children in rural gentrification, in which the rural idyll is
sought out as the perfect place to raise young families. For such women, acts of homemaking and childrearing take precedence over labor market participation in rural gentrification. Lastly, both acts of gentrification involves real estate price escalation leading to
displacement of local residents, causing community conflicts that lead to attempts at
enforcing regulatory measures to mitigate such conflicts. Further studies are necessary to
document additional similarities and differences, thus giving rise to greater theorization
in this research agenda.
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