Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
DICTIONARY
-OF THE HISTORY
OF IDEAS
--.--:'
..
IN
VOLUME
CHIEF
Design Argument
CHARLES
SCRIBNER'S
SONS
NEW
YORK
Copyright
J.
Ayer, copyright
1935,
as Aesthetic Principle"
Loeb Classical
copyright
1957,
Press, Oxford
"Cosmology"
from Early Science in Oxford, by R. T. Gunther,
1931, by permission of The Clarendon
SIMULTANEOUSLY
copyright
Press, Oxford
IN
3579
PRINTED
OF CHARLES SCRIBNER'S
11 13.15 17 19 MIOIC
SONS.
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Volume I
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Volume II
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Volume III
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Volume IV
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Index
SBN 684-13293-1
Set
EDITORIAL
BOARD
Isaiah. Berlin
George Boas
Salomon Bochner
Felix Gilbert
Frank E. Manuel
Ernest Nagel
Rene Wellek
MANA
CINC
EDITORS
Charles E. Pettee
.Laurie Sullivan
CONSUL
TING
EDITORS
Harold Cherniss
Wallace K. Ferguson
E. H. Gombrich
PaulO.
Kristeller
Peter B. Medawar
Meyer Schapiro
Harry A. Wolfson
PREFACE
Artists, writers, and scientists do nothesitate in their
creative efforts and researches to borrow ideas outside
their own special fields whenever their themes reach
beyond established forms, styles, or traditional methods.
The languages of the arts will often show the impact
of literary themes, scientific discoveries, economic
conditions, and political change. The physical, biological, psychological, and social sciences have branched
out from ancient mythical and metaphysical ideas of
nature and man, andin their historical development
have utilized the results of analyses and experimental
methods that have emerged from the cross-fertilization
of tested ideas and methods. This outward reaching of
the-mind motivates the historian of ideas to explore the
pivotal clues to man's artistic and scientific achievements in diverse fields. While respecting the integrity
and need for specialized departments of learning, the
historian of ideas makes his particular contribution to
knowledge by tracing the cultural roots and historical
ramifications of the rnajor and minor specialized concerns of the mind,
The editors have invited contributions from scholars
of many countries, especially those scholars who have
shown a particular awareness of the cultural and historical affiliations of their respective disciplines with
other allied fields. Departmental and national boundaries have thus been crossed in the cooperative exchange of ideas and cultural perspectives among editors
and contributors.
We cannot emphasize too strongly the point expressed in the subtitle of our work, that we are presenting a varied array of selected pivotal topics in
intellectual history and of methods of writing about
such topics. Although the number of topics discussed
is large, we do not pretend that these volumes represent
the entire range of intellectual history. To attempt a
complete history of ideas would be to attempt (of
course, in vain) to exhaust the history of the human
mind; hence, the limited number of topics dealt with,
and even these contain lacunae which we hope will
encourage further studies. Students of the history of
ideas should profit from the substance and methods of
interpretation contained in the scholarship of our contributors, and in future research the cross-references,
bibliographies, and index should be valuable aids.
The topics chosen are intended to exhibit the intriguing variety of ways in which ideas in one domain
tend to migrate into other domains, The diffusion of
these ideas may be traced in three directions: horizontally across disciplines in a given cultural period,
vertically or chronologically through the .ages, and "in
depth" by analysis of the internal structUl~eof pervasive
and pivotal ideas. Internal analysis is needed if one is
to discover the component ideas that have become
elements of newer and larger thoughts or movernents.
A now classic model is Arthur O. Lovejoy's historical
study and internal analysis of the Great Chain of Being
into its component "unit-ideas" of continuity, gradation, and plenitude. These unit-ideas are not descriptions of the whole organic cultural and historical setting
of thought, but products of analysis, which Lovejoy
proposed as aids to the unravelling of complex ideas ..
and of their roles in different contexts. However, no
single method or model hasbeen prescribed or adopted
as exclusive by either editors or contributors. We have,
therefore, studies of three different sorts: cross-cultural
studies limited to a given century or period, studies that
trace an idea from antiquity to later periods, and studies
that explicate the meaning of a pervasive idea and its
development in the minds of its leading proponents.
Minor figures cannot be neglected since they often
reflect the prevailing climate of opinion of their times.
The cross-references appended to each article have
been carefully prepared to direct the reader to related
articles in which the same or similar idea occurs within
a different domain, often modified and even transformed by the different context. But despite our interdisciplinary aim, we do not ignore the fact that departments of study are established in academic and
'other specialized institutions. The Dictionary will facilitate the reader's transition from the ideas familiar
to him in his special area of study to those very ideas
operative in, and transformed by, related ideas in other
fields with which he is less familiar.
Vll
PREFACE
In some cases the same word will have entirely
distinct meanings in different disciplines, so that it is
important not to confound words with ideas; for example, it is a sophistic confusion to draw inferences from
the theory of relativity in physics to relativism in
morals, or to impose seventeenth-century mechanical
models on organic or social phenomena. But it is
germane to the history of thought and culture to record
the historical role of such pervasive models in diverse
fields. Consequently, we did not seek to collect topics
for articles at random, but organized an analytical table
of contents into a seven-fold grouping of topics, thus
discovering important relationships which might otherwise have been overlooked. The following domains
and disciplines, of course, involve unavoidable overlapping, but form the basic framework of the selected
topics contributed.
I. The history of ideas about the external order of
nature studied by the physical and biological sciences,
ideas also present in common usage, imaginative literature, myths about nature, metaphysical speculation.
II. The history of ideas about human nature in
anthropology, psychology, religion, and philosophy as
well as in literature and common sense.
III. The history of ideas in literature and the arts
in aesthetic theory and literary criticism.
IV. The history of ideas about or attitudes to history,
historiography, and historical criticism.
V. The historical development of economic, legal,
and political ideas and institutions, ideologies, and
movements.
VI. The history of religious and philosophical ideas.
VII. The history of formal mathematical, logical,
linguistic, and methodological ideas.
Few of the pivotal ideas presented fall squarely and
only within anyone group. Even the ancillary topics
VIll
Genetic Continuity
Astrology
Indeterminacy
Inheritance
of Acquired Characteristics
Inheritance
through Pangenesis
Longevity
Biological Models
Changing
in Physics
Concepts
of Matter
(Lamarckian)
from Antiquity
to
Newton
Conservation of Natural Resources
Cosmic Images
Cosmic Voyages
Nature
Newton and the Method of Analysis
Optics and Vision
Organicism
Recapitulation
Entropy
Relativity
Environment
Space
Environment
and Culture
Spontaneous Generation
Technology
Evolutionism
and Catastrophism
IX
ANALYTICAL
TABLE OF CONTENTS
II. The history of ideas about human nature in anthropology, psychology, religion, and philosophy as well as
in literature and common sense.
Association of Ideas
Behaviorism
Empathy
Types of Individualism
Theriophily
Love
Universal Man
Virtuoso
Primitivism
Witchcraft
III. The history of ideas in literature and the arts in aesthetic theory and literary criticism.
Allegory in Literary History
Demonology
Evolution of Literature
Expressionism in Literature
Baroque in Literature
Century
Musical Genius
Concept of Gothic
Catharsis
Chance Images
Iconography
Classicism in Literature
Impressionism in Art
Irony
Creativity in Art
Literary Paradox
Literary Criticism
Millenarianism
ANALYTICAL
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Mimesis
Motif
Poetry
from Antiquity
to the
Mid-
Realism in Literature
Romanticism in Literature
Myth in Antiquity
Satire
and Poetics
Eighteenth Century
teenth Centuries
to 1770
Temperance (Saphrosyne) and the Canon of the Cardi-
Naturalism in Art
nal Virtues
Neo-Classicism in Art
Newton's Opticks and Eighteenth-Century
tion
Imagina-
Ut pictura poesis
IV. The history of ideas about or attitudes to history, historiography, and historical criticism.
China in Western Thought and Culture
Crisis in History
Historicism
Historiography
Cycles
Determinism in History
raphy
Humanism in Italy
Enlightenment
The Counter-Enlightenment
Periodization in History
.
Xl
ANALYTICAL
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Renaissance
Idea of Renaissance
Volksgeist
Renaissance
Zeitgeist
Humanism
Literature
and Historiography
V. The historical development of economic, legal, and political ideas and institutions, ideologies, and movements.
Academic Freedom
Alienation
Justice
Anarchism
Authority
Common Law
Balance of Power
Concept
Causation
in Law
of Law
The City
Equal Protection
Civil Disobedience
Class
Legal Precedent
Conservatism
Legal Responsibility
Constitutionalism
Liberalism
Democracy
Loyalty
Despotism
Machiavellism
Economic
History
Marxism
Economic
Education
Equality
Nationalism
International
Legal Concept
Philanthropy
of Freedom
General Will
Historical
and Dialectical
\1deology
Peace
Property
Materialism
Protest Movements
i'
xii
in Law
Revolution
Ideas of Nation
ANALYTICAL
Romanticism
in Political Thought
Utopia
Vox populi
Social Contract
Social Democracy
TABLE OF CONTENTS
to Marx
~ate
Totalitarianism
Towards Women
Work
Thought
in the Formation
of Concepts
Agnosticism
Alienation
Cynicism
Death and Immortality
Deism
in Christian Theology
Design Argument
Determinism
Antinomy
Double Truth
of Pure Reason
Appearance
and Reality
Dualism in Philosophy
Baconianism
Epicureanism
Buddhism
Eschatology
Causation
in the Seventeenth
Century
Causation
in the Seventeenth
Century,
Certainty
in Seventeenth-Century
Certainty
Problem of Evil
Final Causes
Thought
Century
Existentialism
Faith, Hope, and Charity
Free Will and Determinism
Chain of Being
Christianity
Gnosticism
in History
and Religion
Church as an Institution
Modernism
Cosmic Fall
Creation
Happiness
in Religion
and Pleasure
Xlli
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ANALYTICAL
Hegelian
and Later
Pragmatism
and Order
Irrationalism
Islamic Conception
of Intellectual
and Microcosm
in Philosophy
Metaphor
in Religious Discourse
Prophecy
Pythagorean
Doctrines
to 300 B.C.
Pythagorean
Harmony
of the Universe
Life
Rationality
Reformation
Relativism in Ethics
Ritual in Religion
Religious Enlightenment
N eo-Platonism
Romanticism
Ethics of Peace
Perfectibility
Philosophy
Skepticism in Antiquity
of Man
Pietism
Platonism in Philosophy
in Post-Kantian
Philosophy
and Poetry
Ethics of Stoicism
Theodicy
Time
Utilitarianism
Century
in American Thought
Religious Toleration
Necessity
XIV
Scripture
Imagination
Moral Sense
Perennial
in Hebrew
Origins of Religion
Metaphor
Metaphysical
Prophecy
Ramism
Macrocosm
cism)
Hermeticism
Hierarchy
ANALYTICAL
VII. The history of formal mathematical,
Anthropomorphism
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ideas.
Linguistics
in Science
Axiomatization
Linguistic
Theories
in British Seventeenth-Century
Philosophy
Casuistry
Relativity of Standards of Mathematical Rigor
Causation
Mathematics in Cultural History
Causation in History
Number
Causation in Islamic Thought
Probability: Objective Theory
Chance
and Discontinuity
edge
Structuralism
Symmetry and Asymmetry
Game Theory
Uniformitarianism
in Linguistics
Infinity
Study of Language
xv
LIST OF ARTICLES
Abstraction in the Formation of Concepts
I 1
I 132
Academic Freedom
I 9
Authority
I 141
Agnosticism
I 17
Axiomatization
I 162
Alchemy
I 27
Baconianism
1172
I 34
Balance of Power
I 179
I 37
Baroque in Literature
I 188
I 41
I 195
I 48
I 60
I 207
I 64
Behaviorism
I 214
167
I 229
Anarchism
I 70
I 236
I 76
Biological Models
I 242
Anthropomorphism
I 87
in Science
,
Buddhism
I 247
I 91
Casuistry
I 257
Appearance
I 94
Catharsis
I 264
I 99
Causation
I 270
Causation in History
I 279
I 286
Causation in Law
I 289
I 294
and Reality
I 108
Association of Ideas
lUI
Astrology
I 118
I 126
xvii
LIST OF ARTICLES
XX
III 161
II 638
III 170
Justice
II 652
III 177
Study of Language
II 659
III 185
II 673
Metaphor in Philosophy
III 196
II 685
Metaphor in Religious Discourse
III 201
Common Law
II 691
Metaphysical Imagination
III 208
Millenarianism
III 223
Mimesis
III 225
Moral Sense
III 1i!30
Motif
III 235
III 244
III 253
III 260
III 264
Irony
II 626
II 634
Concept of Law
III 1
III 6
III 10
III 13
Legal Precedent
III 27
Legal Responsibility
III 33
Liberalism
III 36
Linguistics
III 61
III 73
III 267
Literary Paradox
III 76
Myth in Antiquity
III 272
III 81
III 275
Longevity
III 89
III 286
Love
III 94
III 294
III 300
III 307
Loyalty
III 108
Machiavellism
III 116
III 126
III 131
III 318
Marxism
III 146
Nationalism
III 324
LIST OF ARTICLES
Vox populi
IV 496
Witchcraft
IV 521
IV 500
IV 523
Welfare State
IV 509
Work
IV 530
IV 515
Zeitgeist
IV 535
xxiii
CRISIS IN HISTORY
(London, 1915). Armand Delatte, Les Conceptions de l'enthousiasme chez les philosophes pre-socratiques (Paris, 1934).
H. Diels and W. Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker,
2 vols. (Berlin, 1906-10). William Duff, An Essay on Original Genius (London, 1767). A. Durer, The Literary Remains
of Albrecht Durer, trans. W. H. Conway (Cambridge, 1889).
G. F. Else, Aristotle's Poetics: The Argument (Cambridge,
Mass., 1957). A. Ernout and A. Meillet, Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue latine (Paris, 1932). Galen, De
Placitis Hippocratis et Platonis, ed. I. Muller (Leipzig, 1874).
Alexander Gerard, An Essay on Genius (London, 1774).
Arthur Grant, The Ethics of Aristotle (London, 1885). R.
Hackforth, Plato's Examination
of Pleasure (Cambridge,
1945). J. Hambidge, Dynamic Symmetry (New Haven, 1920).
Arnold Hauser, The Social History of Art, 4 vols. (New York,
1957), G. W. F. Hegel, The Introduction to Hegel's Philosophy of Fine Art, trans. B. Bosanquet (London, 1905); idem,
The Philosophy of Fine Art, trans. F. P. B. Osmaston
(London, 1920); idem, Siimtliche Werke, 26 vols. (Stuttgart,
1927-40). Henry Home (Lord Kames), Elements of Criticism,
5th ed. (Edinburgh, 1774). Francis Hutcheson, An Inquiry
into the Original of our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue, 5th
ed. (London, 1753). C. E. Jeanneret-Grist
(Le Corbusier),
Modulor 2 (Boulogne, 1964). I. Kant, Kant's Kritik of Judgement, trans. J. H. Bernard (London, 1892). Leonardo da
Vinci, The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, ed. J. P.
Richter, 2 vols. (London, 1883; 1939). Longinus, On the
Sublime, trans. W. R. Roberts (Cambridge,
1899). E.
MacKay, "Proportion Squares on Tomb Walls in the Theban
Necropolis," [ournal of Egyptian Archaeology, 4 (1917), 7ff.
Jacques Maritain, Art and Scholasticism, trans. J. F. Scanlan
(London and New York, 1930). Milton C. Nahm, Selections
from Early Greek Philosophy, 4th ed. (New York, 1964);
idem, Aesthetic Experience and Its Presuppositions (New
York, 1946; 1968); idem, The Artist as Creator (Baltimore,
1956); idem, "The Theological Background of the Theory
of the Artist as Creator," Journal of the History of Ideas,
8 (1947), 363-72. F. Nietzsche, The Complete Works of
Friedrich Nietzsche, ed. Oscar Levy, 18 vols. (Edinburgh and
London, 1909-1913; reprint New York, 1964). J. Overbeck,
Die antiken Schriftquellen ... den Griechen (Leipzig, 1868).
E. Panofsky, Meaning in the Visual Arts (New York, 1955).
Philostratus, Life pf Apollonius of Tyana (London, 1912).
Plato, Opera Omnia, ed. G. Stallbaum, 20 vols. (Gotha,
1857-85); idem, The Dialogues of Plato, trans. B. Jowett,
4 vols. (new impression, Oxford, 1952). Pliny the Elder, The
Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of Art in the Historia
Naturalis, trans. K. Jex-Blake (London, 1896). Plotinus,
Enneades, ed. E. Brehier, 7 vols. (Paris, 1924-38); idem,
Plotinus, trans.
Stephen
Mackenna,
4 vols. (London,
1917~26). J. Pokorny, Indogermanisches
Etymologisches
Worterbuch (Bern, 1948-). George Puttenham,
The Arte
of English Poesie (1589; Cambridge, 1936). Nesca A. Robb,
Neoplatonism of the Italian Renaissance (London, 1935). F.
Schiller, On the Aesthetic Education of Man, trans. R. Snell
(New Haven, 1954). A. Schopenhauer,
The World as Will
and Idea, trans. R. B. Haldane and J. Kemp, 3 vols. (London,
1883-96). P.-M. Schuhl, Platon et Tart de son temps (Paris,
1933). Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristics of Men,
C. NAHM
CRISIS IN HISTORY
THE last fifty years the word "crisis" has
achieved a popularity among writers and their audiences which stands in need of clarification. The proliferated use of the term can be attributed neither to
vogue nor fad; it indicates, rather, an awareness of crisis
as a salient feature of contemporary consciousness:
However, the frequently indiscriminate use of the word
has resulted in considerable confusion as to its exact
meaning. Newspapers and magazines employ the expression to describe any change in. human activities,
whether impending or completed, thus permitting it
to cover a multitude of topics from the production of
moving pictures to political action. Historians have
spoken of the Crisis of the English Aristocracy, or the
Crisis of the European Mind, or the Age of Crisis,
failing to give a precise meaning to the word, though
we are occasionally warned that such terms should not
glide inadvertently from the pen.
In view of the uncertainty pertaining to the word,
we must without delay reach some understanding of
the sense in which the expression is used. Even if there
were a tacit consensus as to the significance of the word
"crisis," such elucidation would seem necessary. The
dictionary tells us that it is of Greek origin (KpiulS) and
carries the meaning, to separate or to divide. Three
different, though obviously related meanings are listed:
"l. the turning point in the course of a disease, when
DURING
589
CRISIS
590
IN HIS TOR Y
CRISIS
tions should likewise be transparent. It is heavily
weighted toward the economic factors of history, thus
precluding any objective evaluation of crises that stem
from other sources. Finally, its eschatological determinism forces the crisis phenomenon into the pattern
of a revolutionary development that allows of only one
solution. Nevertheless, it seemed the most plausible
explanation of the changes that took place in the world
during the nineteenth century, and it was given added
credence by the outbreak of the great depression of
1929. Since then, however, the resilience of the capitalistic economy in combination with the new Keynesian theories has greatly weakened the. influence of
Marx.
Several thinkers and statesmen of the nineteenth
century felt, for different reasons, as did Marx, that
the Western world was in a cataclysmic state, and they
shared in his consciousness of crisis. Among them were
Metternich, de Tocqueville, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche,
and Henry Adams. Yet, strangely enough, none of these
developed a theory of crisis. The Swiss historian, Jakob
Burckhardt, would appear to be the only outstanding
thinker who accepted the gambit. Burckhardt was as
much concerned with the future of Europe CAlt
Europa," as he called it) as anyone of the politicians,
historians, and philosophers we have mentioned. However, he was a historian by profession, and thought it
his duty to elucidate certain processes which had escaped the attention of other observers. He carried out
this self-imposed obligation in a course of lectures at
the University of Basel, .first given in 1868. His notes
were published posthumously under the title, Reflections on World History (Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen) , and included a chapter on historical crises.
The earlier lectures dealt with the three great forces
which make up the fabric of history: state, religion,
and culture. But Burckhardt goes on to contend that
these slow and lasting mutual influences and interactions are accompanied by certain phenomena which
provoke an acceleration of the historical process. He
called them historical crises. Bypassing the crises of
primitive times, about which there is insufficient information, Burckhardt begins his review with migratory
movements and invasions, such as the invasion of the
Roman empire. by the Germanic tribes, the rise of
Islam, or the conquest of the Byzantine empire by the
Ottoman Turks. Movements like these are important
because they provoke a clash between old cultures and
young ethnic forces. Invasions may bring on rejuvenation or barbarism, and, says Burckhardt, not every
invasion rejuvenates; only those that carry a youthful
race capable of assuming the culture of an older, already cultured race can do so. Clearly, as we might
expect from the historian of the Italian Renaissance,
IN HISTORY
591
CRISIS
592
IN HISTORY
CRISIS
we are obliged to acknowledge a fundamental change
in man's outlook upon himself and upon the world.
Needless to say, violent upheavals occurred, and the
struggle between the republican ideal prevailing in
Florence and Venice, and the absolutism to which the
rulers of Milan aspired created a favorable climate for
the rise of the new humanism (H. Baron, 1955).
Nevertheless, these sporadic events do not permit
us to classify the Renaissance under the heading of
crisis. If we accept this stricture, we may be able to
.arrive at a more concise use of the word "crisis" than
is commonly accepted: only a precipitous change over
a short span of time affecting the very vitals of institutions, mores, modes of thought and feeling, power
structures, and economic organizations, may rightly be
termed a "crisis."
Economic and political crises are most easily detected, perhaps because they affect the lives of more
people more directly and more brutally than intellectual or emotional changes. It does not follow, however,
that they are always understood as such. More often
than not, economic crises can only be properly understood in retrospect; take for instance the economic
changes which to,ok place after the Black Death in
Europe, or the price revolution of the sixteenth century, which left observers completely bewildered. Political upheavals, on the other hand, seem less opaque
arid less difficult to group under the heading of crisis.
But here, too, we should beware of hasty generalizations which stamp every change with the trademark
of crisis. Political crises may be more readily recognizable because they have a greater degree of visibility;
their protagonists attract the limelight in history and
provoke a more complete documentation both of the
actual events and of the motives behind them.
The most important political crises are to be found
in the great revolutions; from them, as E. RosenstockHuessy (Die europaischeii ... , 1961) has said, the
characteristics of the, different .European nations
emerged. There was ,the Papal Revolution of the
eleventh century, the English Revolution of the seventeenth century, the French Revolution, and the Russian
Revolution. This writer would rank the revolt of the
Netherlands and the A\rnerican Revolution among the
gemdne historical crises which fulfill the criteria we
have, listed above. The' revolution of 1848, however,
must be rejected; it was, in the felicitous phrase of
G. M. Trevelyan, "the turning point at which modern
history failed to turn" (Trevelyan, 1946). It was an
arrested crisis brought to fruition at a later date in those
countries affected by it.
Many of the revolutions and pronunciamentos in
Latin America and Africa are called revolutions,
IN HISTORY
593
CRISIS
594
IN HISTORY
CRISIS
music and painting, political thought and social ideals.
Yet any perusal of the literature devoted to its understanding shows the widest divergency. The movement
was at first called the romantic school, later the romantic protest. It was alternately praised and vilified,
its influence exaggerated or belittled. At the outset it
seemed clear that its origins lay around 1790, and that
its birth took place in Germany concurrently with the
other great revolution across the Rhine. However, its
beginnings have gradually been pushed back to 1750.
Preludes have been discovered that are called preromanticism, and its origins have been traced back
to such movements as German Pietism and the French
and Spanish Quietism. To compound the difficulties,
scholars have failed to realize that romanticism could
not be comprehended simply by taking note of the
ideals it proclaimed or the political parties it espoused.
There was a conservative romanticism, just as there
was a liberal and a democratic one, and one could even
list a socialist one. But it is hopeless to arrive at any
definition of romanticism by regarding the objects it
emphasized or discovered, as for instance, the Middle
Ages, or folk poetry, or the Catholic Church. Thus we
come to the essential question: Was romanticism a
matter of being or seeing or both, and in what order?
The distinction has been made of late between intrinsic romanticism
and historical romanticism
(Barzun), and this at least gives the basis for viewing
the historical romanticism of the period between 1750
and 1850 as a change in mood and temper before it
became a change in thought and ideas. Such shifts in
mood had occurred in Europe in earlier times and had
not always been recognized for what they were. In
the case of the romantic movement an emotional
subjectivism was brought to the fore, and it formed
the core of the entire trend and constituted the criterion for the separation of the true romantic from the
fellow traveller, of which there were many. It merits
further study.
It is considerably more difficult to describe a third
crisis in the cultural evolution of Europe. There is some
reason to believe that it is still in process, and if this
be true, the historian can do little more than note some
of its aspects while its full impact is reserved for later
writers. Keeping these reservations in mind, it may be
said that around 1890 Europe entered into one of the
most profound transformations of its entire history.
There were those who interpreted the symptoms as
indications of a final breakdown; such were tile apocalyptic prophets Nikolai Danilewski (Rossiia I Europa,
1895) and Oswald Spengler (Der Untergang des
Abendlandes, 1918). More restrained minds contented
themselves with describing and analyzing the phenomena as they were revealed to a critical mind. H. S.
IN HIS TOR Y
595
CRITICISM, LITERAR Y
(Stuttgart, 1961); G. M. Trevelyan, British History in the
Nineteenth Century and After (1782-1919) (London, 1946),
p.292.
GERHARD
MASUR
LITERARY CRITICISM
596
LITEBARY
CRITICISM
may be defined as "discourse about
literature," and in this wide sense, usual in English,
it includes description, analysis, interpretation as well
as the evaluation of specific works of literature and
discussion of the principles, the theory, and the aes- .
thetics of literature, or whatever we may call the
discipline formerly discussed as poetics and rhetoric.
Frequently, however, literary criticism is contrasted
with a descriptive, interpretative, and historical account of literature and restricted to evaluative, "judicial" criticism. In other languages the more narrow
conception is preferred, particularly in German where
Kritik usually means only "the reviewing of. literary
novelties and the judging of literary and musical performances in the daily press" (Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte, Bern [1959], 2, 63), though
recently, probably under English and American influence, the wider use has again become common.
Criticism in English emerged early in the seventeenth century, apparently based on the analogy of
such Sixteenth-century terms as Platonism, Stoicism,
skepticism, etc., devised to avoid the homonym which
arose from the impossibility of distinguishing in English
between "critic," the person, and "critique," the activity. Dryden, in the Preface to the State of Innocence
(1677), said that by "criticism, as it was first instituted
by Aristotle, was meant a standard of judging well,"
and in the same year in a letter (Letters, ed. C. E. Ward
[1942]) he spoke of Thomas Rymer's Tragedies of the
Last Age as "the best piece of criticism in the English
language." Two years later, his play, Troilus and Cressida, was introduced by a preface on "The Grounds
of Criticism in Tragedy." Pope's Essay on Criticism
(1711) established the term for good, though for a time
the term "critic," "critick,' or "critique" was used in
the eighteenth century where we would say "criticism."
Long forms, analogous to the English "criticism" are
rare in other languages. Criticismo occurs in Spanish,
in Baltasar Cracian's El Heroe (1637), and sporadically
in eighteenth-century Italian, but disappeared as there
was no problem of homonymy. In Germany, however,
DICTIONARY OF
THE HISTORY OF IDEAS
DICTIONARY
OF THE HISTORY
OF IDEAS
Studies of Selected Pivotal Ideas
PHILIP P. WIENER
EDITOR
IN
CHIEF
VOLUME
IV
Zeitgeist
CHARLES
SCRIBNER'S
SONS
NEW
YORK
1973 Charles
The Publishers
are grateful
Copyright
previously
published
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Sons
for permission
to quote from
"Social Contract"
from Jean Jacques Rousseau,
Maurice
Cranston,
1968, by permission
of A. D. Peters &
Company
"The State"
from The Notion of the State, by A. P. d'Entreves,
by permission
of The Clarendon
1967,
1955, by
Press, Oxford
"Virtuoso"
from The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer,
permission
of The Clarendon
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DICTIONARY OF
THE HISTORY OF IDEAS
UTOPIA
which taxation must remain a completely arbitrary
operation. It also justifies, for example, such useful
analytical tools as the distinction between wage goods
and luxury goods.
The preceding picture is foreign to the utility theory
launched by Gossen, Jevons, and Walras. This theory
has instead accumulated an impressive mathematical
arsenal around the idea of the complete reducibility
of wants, which is tantamount to the assumption of
complete substitutability among commodities. The ultimate product needs unparsimonious stressing: the
modern utility theory reduces all wants to one general
abstract want called "utility." In line with this reduction, one need not say "these people need more shoes";
instead, "these people need more utility" should suffice.
The reduction is responsible for the fact that the same
theory teaches that there is no objective basis for interpersonal comparison of utility. All this may again be
due to a particular feature of the economies in which
the builders of the modern theory of utility lived. Those
were not economies in which a low income kept basic
wants in front of everybody's eyes; they were economies where most people were able to satisfy even many
personal wants. Modern utility theory is a theory of
a consumer who has a relatively ample income and
whose economic choice is guided only by the quantities
of commodities.
GEORGESCU-ROEGEN
BIBLIOGRAPHY
458
UTOPIA
WORD "utopia" derives from two Greek words,
drro7Tos and OVT07TOS, meaning respectively "good
place" and "no place." Utopian writings have reflected
this ambiguity, being sometimes visions of good and
possibly attainable social systems and at other times
fantasies of a desirable but unattainable perfection. The
imaginary societies denoted by the term "utopia" are
all presented as better than any existing society because
of the rationality, harmony, utility, and order prevailing within them. Furthermore the imagined social
systems they embody are better in the sense that men
living in these regimes are either morally better people,
happier, more self-fulfilled, or freer because conflicts
have been eliminated from their environment and
personality. Utopian writings have been one expression
of the belief that given reasonable, natural, and truly
just institutions man's lot can really be immeasurably
improved. Since the seventeenth century utopian writings have been a constant expression of social idealism,
hope, and optimism even though some utopists have
stressed the illusory nature of their visions and have
THE
UTOPIA
459
UTOPIA
460
UTOPIA
of most nineteenth-century American religious utopian
communities such as the Rappites, the Inspirationists,
and the Oneida Community. On the whole, Christianity has not been utopian in outlook and has branded
as heretics those who took the apostle's message
literally. There were consequently few utopian works
written during the Christian Middle Ages. At best the
land of Cockane, the realm of Prester John, and perhaps Dante's scheme for a universal monarchy show
that a glimmer of utopianism persisted.
The Renaissance, which gave expression to so many
new currents of optimism and secularism, saw a rebirth
of utopian writing. Nicholas of Cusa in. the fifteenth
century postulated a semi-utopian order embracing all
mankind in a world in which politics and religion had
ceased to be disruptive forces. The burgeoning life of
Italian city estates led men such as Leonardo da Vinci
to think about remaking their world. The utopianism
of such artists and architects, if it can be called that,
was a reflection of urban growth. Its character has been
nicely summed up by Eugenio Garin (in Les atopies
it la renaissance, "La cite 'ideale de la renaissance
italienne," p. 35). What mattered to these men were
earthly ends and values. Political reorganization was
to be the strategy to achieve them. Their plans were
instinct with urban life and reflected its problems, notably international, and class conflict.
Urban development and consciousness provided but
one stimulus to the production of Renaissance utopias.
Religious turmoil, the upheaval of societies occasioned
by economic growth, and the emergence of larger and
stronger states, the exciting voyages of discovery were
potent stimuli to the production of social visions and
precise plans. The pre-Reformation Utopia (1516) of
Sir Thomas More has its roots in all of these elements.
More's projeCtion of the ideal society is qualified in
one important respect: Utopia is the best regime which
fallen sinful men unaided by revelation are capable
of creating. Because it lacks Christianity, it is a
radically imperfect society. It is a proclamation of the
limits of reason and human finitude as well as a statement of social idealism. It is consequently a statement
of Christian humanism exemplifying the new-found
moral and religious earnestness inwhich the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation were rooted. More's
utopian society is one designed to humble the pride
of its citizens through rigid cont;wls. Its social policies
are ideal solutions to the problems of poverty, economic dislocation, and bad government which sixteenth-century societies knew all too welL The narrator
of the account of the Utopia, Ralph Hythloday, is
presented as having been a companion of the Florentine navigator, Amerigo Vespucci, and himself an even
more remarkable explorer. More's Utopia, like Plato's
461
UTOPIA
462
UTOPIA
section a sketch of the future state of mankind at last
living freely in a rational and natural social order which
continues to perfect itself. The static mold in which
earlier utopias had been cast was broken. So also was
the isolation of the utopian world for Condorcet's
utopia was to be worldwide although not realizable
at the same rate by all peoples. In England Richard
Price had reached a rather similar conclusion although
he still connected progress with the realization of a
divine providential plan-a plan in which the founding
of the United States and the French Revolution were,
as they were for Condorcet, significant steps into a
bright future.
The eighteenth century also produced a rather
different kind of utopist in the person of Robert
Wallace, a Scottish clergyman and the author of Various Prospects of Mankind, Nature, and Providence
(1761). Wallace believed that utopias could function
as' analytic models helpful to the social theorist.
Utopianism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was supported not only by a belief in the inevitability of progress, but also by the widely held doctrine
of the malleability or perfectibility of human nature
which implied that men's minds and characters could
be quickly molded by education to be vastly, if not
totally, different from what they were. Utopia could
be quickly built. Nineteenth-century utopists, SaintSimonians, Owenites, and other utopian socialists
tended to concentrate more than their predecessors on
the means of getting to utopia rather than on the
precise form the new society would have. For most,
education was the favored means. Robert Owen spoke
for many when he wrote in the Second Essay of The
New View of Society (1813):
Children are without exception passive and wonderfully
contrived compounds; which, by an accurate previous and
subsequent attention, founded on a correct knowledge of
the subject, may be formed collectively to have any human
character. And although these compounds, like all the other
works of nature possess endless varieties, yet they partake
of that plastic quality, which by perseverance under judicious management, may be ultimately moulded into the very
image of rational wishes and desires.
463
UTOPIA
464
UT PICTURA POESIS
Jerome Cardan, Thomas More, Kaspar Stiblin, Johann
Andreae, Rabelais,
and others. S. R. Graubard,
ed.,
Daedalus, 94, 2, The Proceedings of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences: Utopia (Richmond, 1965), thirteen
papers on various topics concerning utopia. J. O. Hertzler,
The History of Utopian Thought (New York, 1923), dated
but still useful. G. Kateb, Utopia and Its Enemies (Glencoe,
1963). H. Kern, Staatsutopie und allgemeine Staatslehre: ein
Beitrag zur allgemeine Staatslehre unter besonderer Berucksichtigung von Thomas Morus und H. G. Wells (Mainz?
1951?). H. Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age in the
Renaissance (Bloomington, 1969). K. Mannheim, Ideologie
und Utopie (Bonn, 1929), trans. as Ideology and Utopia
(London, 1936). A. E. Morgan, Nowhere and Somewhere:
How History Makes Utopias and How Utopias Make History
(Chapel Hill, 1946), argues that More's Utopia betrays
European knowledge of Peru prior to its conquest. M. H.
Nicolson, Voyages to the Moon (New York, 1948). F. T.
Russell, Touring Utopia (New York, 1932). J. Servier,Histoire
de l'utopie (St. Arnaud, 1967). J. Shklar, After Utopia
(Princeton, 1957). J. L. Talmon, The Origins of Totalitarian
Democracy (London, 1951), has an excellent section on how
the eighteenth-century
utopians conceived of a natural,
rational political order. S. L. Thrupp, Millennial Dreams
in Action (The Hague, 1962). E. L. Tuveson, Millennium
and utopias.
W. H. G. Armytage,
J.
Progress;
UT PICTURA POESIS
Ut pictura poesis: "as is painting so is poetry," is
often either implicitly or explicitly reversed to "as is
poetry so is painting," to indicate an extended analogy,
if not an identification, between the two media. This
classical theory of parallels between the arts was
widely held and developed, especially from the Middle
Ages through the Enlightenment, and served as the
testing ground for theories of imitation and as the
incubator for systematic aesthetics. The discussions
often revolved around "natural" (painting) and
"arbitrary" (language) signs and symbols, and the questions, usually unstated until the eighteenth century,
were "How does painting or poetry communicate?"
and "What are the limits of each medium in time and
space?"
Particular emphasis was always placed on the ability
of the poet (or orator) to make his listener see the
object, and of the painter to make his viewer understand meaning as well a~agine
action. The usual
major developments of the parallel include the principles that both arts are imitative aud that their subjects
must be significant and unified human actions, usually
drawn from history, epics, romances, and the Bible.
They must, therefore, express moral or psychological
truths, hold to consistency or "decorum," and offer to
instruct, to delight, and to move, although these ends
and their relative importance were much disputed.
There were fairly regular demands that the painter as
well as the poet possess "learning," along with innate
capacity and technical training. Theorists were usually
interested in justifying the arts in general, especially
in the face of criticism from historians and philosophers
who challenged their utility and morality.
The theory of ut pictura poesis is applied in many
ways. It may mean that the poet, without any real
attempt to compete with the painter, should give
enough concrete detail for the reader to form an accurate and vivid picture. This position. was particularly
common in the early eighteenth century, especially
when critics examined the nature of metaphor. An
465