Teachers' Resources

What are myths, legends and folktales?

Storytelling is common to every culture. Most people enjoy listening to

stories. Storytellers have catered for the need for a 'good story' since the
beginning of civilization.
Most people have their own favourite story from childhood and, often, these
tales are both fascinating and frightening. These stories include legends,
myths and folktales.
What are legends?
A legend is a semi-true story, which has been passed on from person-toperson and has important meaning or symbolism for the culture in which it
originates. A legend usually includes an element of truth, or is based on
historic facts, but with 'mythical qualities'. Legends usually involve heroic
characters or fantastic places and often encompass the spiritual beliefs of
the culture in which they originate.
What are myths?
A myth is a story based on tradition or legend, which has a deep symbolic
meaning. A myth 'conveys a truth' to those who tell it and hear it, rather

than necessarily recording a true event. Although some myths can be

accounts of actual events, they have become transformed by symbolic
meaning or shifted in time or place. Myths are often used to explain
universal and local beginnings and involve supernatural beings. The great
power of the meaning of these stories, to the culture in which they
developed, is a major reason why they survive as long as they do sometimes for thousands of years.
What are folktales?
A folktale is a popular story that was passed on in spoken form, from one
generation to the next. Usually the author is unknown and there are often
many versions of the tale. Folktales comprise fables, fairy tales, old legends
and even 'urban legends'. Again, some tales may have been based on a
partial truth that has been lost or hidden over time. It is difficult to
categorize folktales precisely because they fit into many categories.
What is the difference between legends, myths and folktales?
Myths, legends and folktales are hard to classify and often overlap. Imagine
a line (or continuum) as illustrated below, with an historical account based
on facts at one end and myths or cultural folktales at the other; as you
progress towards the mythical/folktale end of the line, what an event
symbolises to people, or what they feel about it, becomes of greater
historical significance than the facts, which become less important. By the
time you reach the far end of the spectrum, the story has taken on a life of
its own and the facts of the original event, if there ever were any, have
become almost irrelevant. It is the message that is important.

Folk-Speech
Definitions

1.

Chambers's Twentieth Century Dictionary

Folk-speech the dialect of the common people of a

country, in which ancient idioms are embedded

2 .

* * *

Etymology
Chambers's Twentieth Century Dictionary

A.S. folc; Ice. flk; Ger. volk.

Usage
In literature:
For this Little John cared not a whit, but when such folks gave
jesting words to him he answered back as merrily, speech for
speech.
"The Merry Adventures of Robin Hood" by Howard Pyle

You're going to make speeches and kiss babies, and tell the ordinary
folks they're worth something after all.
"A Poor Wise Man" by Mary Roberts Rinehart

Elkanah's goin' to make a speech and there's eighteen teams of

folks goin'.

"Keziah Coffin" by Joseph C. Lincoln

Dan's speech had had its effect and a good many folks voted out of
sympathy.
"The Depot Master" by Joseph C. Lincoln

Convinced by this man's speech, the folk have changed their view
and approve him for having concluded peace.
"The Acharnians" by Aristophanesthe

"factory folk," had gained him a

hearing.

"The Weavers, Complete" by Gilbert Parker

For this Little John cared not a whit, but when such folks gave
jesting words to him he answered back as merrily, speech for
speech.
"The Merry Adventures of Robin Hood" by Howard Pyle

Folk Speech of Cumberland, by Alexander Craig Gibson.

"Scandinavian influence on Southern Lowland Scotch" by George Tobias Flom

Substantially the same folk-speech exists wherever the

Pennsylvania migration formed the main element of the primitive
settlement.
"The Hoosier Schoolmaster" by Edward Eggleston

By its power you are able to understand the speech of all the wild
folk of field and forest.
"The Magic Speech Flower" by Melvin Hix

So Green Valley folks leaned back, certain that this speech would be
worth hearing.
"Green Valley" by Katharine Reynolds

Only in the folk-song were to be found the musical equivalents of

the spoken speech.
"Musical Portraits" by Paul Rosenfeld

Here you will find the very heart of Ireland's spiritual adventure
revealed in folk speech of inevitable beauty.
"The Best Short Stories of 1917" by Various

As with many shallow-minded folk, speech was Aunt 'Mira's safety

valve.
"The Mission of Janice Day" by Helen Beecher Long

Bobby had a great trick of remembering speeches he had heard

older folk make.
"Four Little Blossoms at Brookside Farm" by Mabel C. Hawley

What business had the pore folks's boy with the speech of a schoolteacher or minister in his mouth?
"The Bondboy" by George W. (George Washington) Ogden

Now, that's a sentiment that would be fine for your orator who is
making a speech about this time to your folks in Injianny.
"Si Klegg, Book 4 (of 6) Experiences Of Si And Shorty On The Great Tullahoma
Campaign" by John McElroy

I ain't goin' to make a speech, folks, but I've got to tell you
something.
"Happy House" by Jane D. Abbott

A speech from Sir James was one of the treats in which Edinburgh
folks delighted.
"Sir James Young Simpson and Chloroform (1811-1870)" by Henry Laing Gordon

Educated folk despised all forms of speech but Latin.

"Renaissance in Italy: Italian Literature" by John Addington Symonds

How the First Head Was Taken

Igorot

One day the Moon, who was a woman named Kabigat, sat out in the
yard making a large copper pot. The copper was still soft and pliable
like clay, and the woman squatted on the ground with the heavy pot
against her knees while she patted and shaped it.
Now while she was working a son of Cal-chal, the Sun, came by and stopped to watch
her mold the form. Against the inside of the jar she pressed a stone, while on the
outside with a wooden paddle dripping with water she pounded and slapped until she
had worked down the bulges and formed a smooth surface.
The boy was greatly interested in seeing the jar grow larger, more beautiful, and
smoother with each stroke, and he stood still for some time. Suddenly the Moon
looked up and saw him watching her. Instantly she struck him with her paddle, cutting
off his head.
Now the Sun was not near, but he knew as soon as the Moon had cut off his son's
head. And hurrying to the spot, he put the boy's head back on, and he was alive again.

Then the Sun said to the Moon, "You cut off my son's head, and because you did this,
ever after on the earth people will cut off each other's heads.

Source: Mabel Cook Cole, Philippine Folk Tales (Chicago: A. C.

McClurg and Company, 1916), pp.111-112.
The term "Igorot" is applied, somewhat loosely, to the
indigenous peoples of the four mountain provinces of Luzon:
Benguet, Mountain Province, Ifugao, and Kalinga-Apayao.

The Man with the Coconuts

Tinguian

One day a man who had been to gather his coconuts loaded his
horse heavily with the fruit. On the way home he met a boy whom
he asked how long it would take to reach the house.
"If you go slowly," said the boy, looking at the load on the horse, "you will arrive very
soon; but if you go fast, it will take you all day."
The man could not believe this strange speech, so he hurried his horse. But the
coconuts fell off and he had to stop to pick them up. Then he hurried his horse all the
more to make up for lost time, but the coconuts fell off again. Many time he did this,
and it was night when he reached home.

Source: Mabel Cook Cole, Philippine Folk Tales (Chicago: A. C.

McClurg, 1916), p. 88.

The Boy Who Became a Stone

Tinguian

One day a little boy named Elonen sat out in the yard making a bird
snare, and as he worked, a little bird called to him: "Tik-tik-lo-den"
(come and catch me).
"I am making a snare for you," said the boy; but the bird continued to call until the
snare was finished.
Then Elonen ran and threw the snare over the bird and caught it, and he put it in a jar
in his house while he went with the other boys to swim.
While he was away, his grandmother grew hungry, so she ate the bird, and when
Elonen returned and found that his bird was gone, he was so sad that he wished he
might go away and never come back. He went out into the forest and walked a long
distance, until finally he came to a big stone and said: "Stone, open your mouth and
eat me." And the stone opened its mouth and swallowed the boy.
When his grandmother missed the boy, she went out and looked everywhere, hoping
to find him. Finally she passed near the stone and it cried out: "Here he is." Then the
old woman tried to open the stone but she could not, so she called the horses to come
and help her. They came and kicked it, but it would not break. Then she called the
carabao and they hooked it, but they only broke their horns. She called the chickens,
which pecked it, and the thunder, which shook it, but nothing could open it, and she
had to go home without the boy.

Source: Mabel Cook Cole, Philippine Folk Tales (Chicago: A. C.

McClurg, 1916), pp. 84-85.

Dogedog
Tinguian

Dogedog had always been very lazy, and now that his father and
mother were dead and he had no one to care for him, he lived very
poorly. He had little to eat. His house was old and small and so poor

that it had not even a floor. Still he would rather sit all day and idle
away his time than to work and have more things.
One day, however, when the rainy season was near at hand, Dogedog began thinking
how cold he would be when the storms came, and he felt so sorry for himself that he
decided to make a floor in his house.
Wrapping some rice in a banana leaf for his dinner, he took his long knife and went to
the forest to cut some bamboo. He hung the bundle of rice in a tree until he should
need it; but while he was working a cat came and ate it. When the hungry man came
for his dinner, there was none left. Dogedog went back to his miserable little house
which looked forlorn to him even, now that he had decided to have a floor.
The next day he went again to the forest and hung his rice in the tree as he did before,
but again the cat came and ate it. So the man had to go home without any dinner.
The third day he took the rice, but this time he fixed a trap in the tree, and when the
cat came it was caught.
"Now I have you!" cried the man when he found the cat; "and I shall kill you for
stealing my rice."
"Oh, do not kill me," pleaded the cat, "and I will be of some use to you."
So Dogedog decided to spare the cat's life, and he took it home and tied it near the
door to guard the house.
Some time later when he went to look at it, he was very much surprised to find that it
had become a cock.
"Now I can go to the cock-fight at Magsingal," cried the man. And he was very happy,
for he had much rather do that than work.
Thinking no more of getting wood for his floor, he started out at once for Magsingal
with the cock under his arm.
As he was crossing a river he met an alligator which called out to him: "Where are
you going, "Dogedog?"

"To the cock-fight at Magsingal," replied the man as he fondly stroked the rooster.
"Wait, and I will go with you," said the alligator; and he drew himself out of the water.
The two walking together soon entered a forest where they met a deer and it asked:
"Where are you going, Dogedog?"
"To the cock-fight at Magsingal," said the man.
"Wait and I will go with you," said the deer; and he also joined them.
By and by they met a mound of earth that had been raised by the ants, and they would
have passed without noticing it had it not inquired: "Where are you going, Dogedog?"
"To the cock-fight at Magsingal," said the man once more; and the mound of earth
joined them.
The company then hurried on, and just as they were leaving the forest, they passed a
big tree in which was a monkey. "Where are you going, Dogedog?" shrieked the
monkey. And without waiting for an answer, he scrambled down the tree and followed
them.
As the party walked along they talked together, and the alligator said to Dogedog: "If
any man wants to dive into the water, I can stay under longer than he."
Then the deer, not to be outdone, said: "If any man wants to run, I can run faster."
The mound of earth, anxious to show its strength, said: "If any man wants to wrestle, I
can beat him."
And the monkey said: "If any man wants to climb, I can go higher."
They reached Magsingal in good time and the people were ready for the fight to
begin. When Dogedog put his rooster, which had been a cat, into the pit, it killed the
other cock at once, for it used its claws like a cat.
The people brought more roosters and wagered much money, but Dogedog's cock
killed all the others until there was not one left in Magsingal, and Dogedog won much

money. Then they went outside the town and brought all the cocks they could find, but
not one could win over that of Dogedog.
When the cocks were all dead, the people wanted some other sport, so they brought a
man who could stay under water for a long time, and Dogedog made him compete
with the alligator. But after a while the man had to come up first. Then they brought a
swift runner and he raced with the deer, but the man was left far behind. Next they
looked around until they found a very large man who was willing to contend with the
mound of earth, but after a hard struggle the man was thrown. Finally they brought a
man who could climb higher than anyone else, but the monkey went far above him,
and he had to give up.
All these contests had brought much money to Dogedog, and now he had to buy two
horses to carry his sacks of silver. As soon as he reached home, he bought the house of
a very rich man and went to live in it. And he was very happy, for he did not have to
work any more.

Source: Mabel Cook Cole, Philippine Folk Tales (Chicago: A. C.

McClurg, 1916), pp. 91-94.
This tale is similar to Aarne-Thompson type 513.
Note by Cole: "The story shows the influence of the
Christianized native, among whom cock-fighting is a very
popular sport. It is found only among those Tinguian who come
into contact with this class."
Addendum by Ashliman: Cock-fighting remains a very popular
sport in the Philippines.

The Carabao and the Shell

Tinguian

One very hot day, when a carabao went into the river to bathe, he
met a shell and they began talking together.

"You are very slow," said the carabao to the shell.

"Oh, no," replied the shell. "I can beat you in a race."
"Then let us try and see," said the carabao.
So they went out on the bank and started to run.
After the carabao had gone a long distance he stopped and called, "Shell!"
And another shell lying by the river answered, "Here I am!"
Then the carabao, thinking that it was the same shell with which he was racing, ran
on.
By and by he stopped again and called, "Shell!"
And another shell answered, "Here I am!"
The carabao was surprised that the shell could keep up with him. But he ran on and
on, and every time he stopped to call, another shell answered him. But he was
determined that the shell should not beat him, so he ran until he dropped dead.

Source: Mabel Cook Cole, Philippine Folk Tales (Chicago: A. C.

McClurg, 1916), p. 89.
Note by Cole: "Another version of this tale is found in the
British North Borneo in the story of the plandok and the crab."
Addendum by Ashliman: Variants of this fable (AarneThompson type 275A*) are found throughout Europe.

FOLK
POETRY

in Iranian languages. The term

folk poetry can be properly
used for texts which have some
characteristics marking them as
poetry and belong to the
tradition of the common people,
as against the dominant polite
literary cult
FOLK POETRY in Iranian languages. The term
folk poetry can be properly used for texts which
have some characteristics marking them as poetry
and belong to the tradition of the common people,
as against the dominant polite literary culture of
the area.

Given the breadth of this definition no

comprehensive, detailed study of all folk poetry in
Iranian languages is possible. All that our present
state of knowledge allows is a general survey of
characteristic aspects of the most important types
and genres of folk poetry in Iranian languages.
Little is known about pre-Islamic Iranian folk
poetry (for some aspects of Old and Middle Iranian
poetry see Benveniste; Henning, 1942; idem, 1950;
Boyce; Cejpek, pp. 619-22; Shaked). This article
will therefore focus on those modern traditions
which have been most fully described, i.e., on
Persian, Tajiki, Kurdish, Pashto, and Baluchi folk
poetry, with some reference to Ossetic. It is worth
noting that folk poetry in Persian has received
comparatively little attention from Iranists. It has
been said that, while a large proportion of Persian
polite literature consists of poetry, most popular
literature in that language is in prose (Cejpek, p.
694); however, another reason for the scarcity of

our data on the subject is probably to be sought in

most Persianists predominant preoccupation with
polite literature.
The above definition raises certain problems. In
some cases (e.g., in Tajikistan, see Rahmoni; van
den Berg; Beka; Cejpek) poems which are held to
have originated in the classical Persian tradition
and are attributed to well-known classical poets,
have been handed down as part of popular culture
for so long that they can now legitimately be
regarded as folk poetry. It is debatable, on the other
hand, whether certain genres of poetry which are
not part of a dominant polite literature but cannot
be said to belong to the tradition of the common
people, should be classified as folk poetry. The
sacred poetry of the Kurdish Yazidis and Ahl-e
Haqq (q.v.), for example, is the preserve of a special
class of transmitters, and is not widely understood
by the general public. As far as form is concerned,

however, these traditions clearly form part of

Kurdish oral literature, and in other regions similar
genres can undoubtedly be qualified as folk poetry.
The two genres in question will therefore be taken
into account in this survey.
Some characteristic features. Traditionally, writing
did not play a prominent role in the transmission of
folk poetry, which therefore tends to have the
fluidity and flexibility that seems characteristic of
oral literature. Some types of folk poetry allow for a
considerable amount of extemporising (e.g.,
Kurdish songs of mourning, see Allison, 1996; on
the Tajik baytmoni see Rahmoni); however,
essential features of such improvisations still tend
to be determined by the genre. Some composers
perform their own original compositions.
Elsewhere poems whose authorship is known and
recognised is performed by professionals who are
not composers (see Dames, pp. xvi-xvii). In yet

other traditions it is not unusual for performers to

claim authorship of songs which were in fact
composed by others (see Darmesteter, I, p. cxciiii).
In most cases, however, the singer or performer of
a text neither is nor claims to be its composer.
Anonymity, in fact, is sometimes held to be a
characteristic of folk poetry, which is not true in all
cases (see above; folk poems deriving from classical
Persian poetryare generally attributed to a named
poet, see van den Berg, pp. 106-13).
It is often claimed or assumed that the transmitter
reproduces the text exactly as he has learned it
(though in practice variations still tend to occur in
such traditions); in other cases a certain flexibility
of transmission is acknowledged to exist, and the
status of the transmitter may depend on his
individual performance of a traditional text. In
either case the essential elements of the text in

question are usually well known to the audience

before the performance.
Classification of oral poetry. While it is clear that
each of the literatures concerned include a number
of different genres determined by form and/or
content, a precise definition of these poses certain
problems. Local terminology and categories may
differ from those a Western researcher is used to.
The local population may not use explicit
categories, or use an unexpectedly large number
without providing clear information as to
definitions and distinctions. Furthermore, local
terms may vary from place to place, and it cannot
be assumed that a term known from classical
Persian poetry has the same meaning when used in
the context of a local folk genre. The
word bayt (q.v.), for example, is used for a distich
or verse in a range of Iranophone cultures (see, e.g.,
Rahmoni), but in Yazidi usage it denotes a long

religious composition. In Tajikistan or-bayti (rbayt)is one of several terms for a quatrain (Cejpek,
p. 694; Rahmoni); a Pashto r-bayta, on the other
hand, may have a far greater number of lines (the
genre is also known by various other names,see
MacKenzie). In the Iranophone area as a whole the
words rob and do-bayt denote short poems with
a fairly wide range of formal characteristics (in
Pashto, rob is used for the equivalent of the
classical Persian azal, q.v.; see MacKenzie).
Formal criteria which are generally regarded as
important by Western researchers may not be
perceived as such by Iranophone peoples: the
term dstncharacteristically denotes a tale or
story line; it may, however, be narrated in prose
or verse form, depending on the area (cf. Cejpek,
pp. 642-43).
Folk poetry and polite literature. As far as the
relations between these types of literature in

Iranophone areas are concerned, an important

distinction is that between cultures whose polite
and popular traditions use the same language (as in
parts of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan), and
those where different languages have traditionally
been used (Kurdish, Pashto, Baluchi, Pamir
languages). In the former case there has generally
been considerable influence both ways (cf. Lazard;
Cejpek, p. 609; de Bruijn). Folk poems, for
example, inspired new forms of Persian literature
(see FAHLAVYT; on the popular origins of
the rob see Cejpek, pp. 694-95; Rypka, p. 94).
Moreover, recitations of classical poetry may form
part of popular performances; for instance,
passages from the h-nma are recited as part
of naqql performances in Persia (on
the madh performances of the Ismailis of
Badan see van den Berg, pp. 309 ff.).

Where the dominant literary language and the

language of folk poetry differ, the two traditions are
usually more independent; influence of the
dominant (Persian, Arabic, or Turkish) tradition on
folk poetry can be discerned in some cases, but
much less in others. In cultures where folk
literature uses a non-dominant language, many
works which enjoy great prestige locally exist only
in forms that clearly belong to folk poetry. In some
cases literary versions of such texts also exist in the
local language: The Kurdish folk epic Mem Alan,
for example, formed the basis of Ah mad ns
famous Mem Zn (see Lescot, passim; Chyet,
passim). In modern times, forms originating in folk
poetry have sometimes been adopted by modern
polite literature (for Tajikistan see Cejpek, p. 677).
NARRATIVE FOLK POETRY

Heroic epics. Epic texts, which often combine

heroic, historical, legendary, and romantic features,
can be narrated in poetry or prose, depending on
the local tradition. Many epics consist of one or
more cycles (groups of texts centering around a
particular hero or event), elements of which can be
performed as semi-independent episodes.
Reference was already made (see above) to the role
of theh-nma in the popular culture of Persia;
elements from the h-nma tradition are also
preserved in Kurdish folk poetry (Nikitine, 1956, p.
194). Much of traditional Baluchi poetry consists of
epic cycles(daptar). The oldest of these describes
the tribes advent on the Indian subcontinent
(which took place some time between the 8th and
12th century C.E.), and the subsequent conflict
between two leading tribes, which was due to
rivalry in love between tribal leaders (Dames, pp.
xxi-xxii). A group of these texts deals particularly
with genealogy (Elfenbein, forthcoming). Unlike

the allusive historical poetry of some peoples (see

Lyrical folk poetry, below), the narrative style of
these Baluchi texts is relatively straightforward,
which helps to explain their long popularity. The
Ossetic Nart cycles, which combine historical and
legendary elements and are probably based on an
ancient tradition (Dumzil, pp. 11-16; Cejpek, pp.
640-42), are generally narrated in prose. There are
some exceptions, however, notably the Song of
Atsmz, of which a version in poetry has been
recorded. In Tajikistan, epic folk literature around
the popular hero Gurul plays an important role in
folk culture; the epic, which is of Turkic origin, is
recounted in verse in parts of the country, and in
prose form elsewhere (see Cejpek, pp. 634-39;
Rahmoni). The Kurdish epic Dimdim (q.v.), the
story of a Kurdish leader who, seeking
independence, builds his own castle and dies
defending it, is based on an historical event that
took place in the early 17th century (Allison, 1996,

p. 31). Most extant versions, however, have

acquired many romantic elements.
Romantic themes. Many romances are known in
Iranian folk traditions; some are of non-Iranian
origin (e.g., the Alexander romance and the love
story of Leyl and Majnn), while others go back to
pre-Islamic Iranian traditions (e.g., Vs o Rmn,
rn o Farhd, osrow o rn, tales about Rostam,
see Cejpek, pp. 631 f.). Romantic tales in fact have a
central place in the narrative folk poetry of Iranian
peoples. The Kurdish epic, Mem Zn is a tragic
love story comparable to Romeo and Juliet; several
other romantic tales of love (including Leyl and
Majnn) form part of Kurdish folk poetry. In
Pashto such tales are also traditionally told in verse
form (see Darmesteter, II, pp. cci, 109-46; Heston,
1986; idem, 1988, pp. 8-9; Grima, pp. 150-54). The
popular tale of er lam and Memuny, which
describes how honor forces a man to kill his

beloved wife because her reputation has been

tainted by slander, aptly illustrates how such tales
can reflect local culture (Grima, loc. cit.). In the
Pashto-speaking areas romantic and moralistic
tales in verse form (qe a) are widely available in
the form of audio cassettes and chapbooks (cf.
Grima, p. 150; on Baluchi romantic ballads,
including a version of Leyl and Majnn, see
Dames, pp. xxv-xxvi).
Religious themes: Perhaps the most prominent
genre of narrative folk poetry of a religious
character is formed by the text of the Shiite
passion plays (taza; see Cejpek, p. 682). Narrative
poems describing the Prophet Moh ammads birth
(mawld-nma) and his journey to Heaven
(merj-nma) are also important examples of this
category, as are verse tales about saints, miracles,
creation, and other religious themes (for Baluchi,
see Dames, pp. 135-64; for Kurdish, see, e.g., Socin,

pp. 166-74; Pashto qe a literature contains several

texts of this type). Many Yazidi sacred texts and
Ahl-e Haqq kalm cycles narrate a sequence of
occurrences (e.g., the events of sacred history, or
legends) partly by means of allusive verses which
assume knowledge of the tradition on the part of
the audience (on the former, see Kreyenbroek,
1995a, passim; on the latter, see S afzda, passim).
LYRICAL FOLK POETRY
Historical themes. Many texts of a historical nature
in Pashto and Kurdish have some narrative
features, but are on the whole to be classified as
lyrical texts (for Pashto historical ballads see
Darmesteter; on Kurdish texts of this typesee
Allison, 1996, and idem, forthcoming). These
compositions partly serve a purpose similar to that
of narrative poetry, i.e., to recall historical events.
However, apart from occasional narrative passages,

they achieve this by means of allusions to a core of

knowledge which is presupposed in the audience.
Such allusions tend to evoke a mood or express a
strong emotion, which is characteristic of lyrical
poetry. Furthermore, these texts generally have the
formal characteristics of lyrical poetry, such as
limited length and (in Pashto) complex rhyme
schemes (see Darmesteter, I, pp. cxciv-cci, II, pp. 183; MacKenzie). The nature of these compositions
implies that they tend to lose their popularity when
the allusions are no longer understood. Recorded
texts rarely go back further than a century before
the time they were committed to writing. In some
cultures (e.g., among the Kurds of Iraq; Allison,
forthcoming) war songs are regarded as a separate
category.
Socialthemes. Popular songs and poems with a
social content are among the most ephemeral, and
therefore least documented, forms of folk poetry. In

pre-modern Iranian culture there were the satirical

songs of buffoons (masara-bz, see Cejpek, pp.
687-88). James Darmesteter (p. 206) published a
Pashto song celebrating the opening of a railway.
Kurds often describe political songs (strand
ss, see Allison, forthcoming) as a separate genre.
Recent upheavals in Tajikistan are known to have
given rise to new songs and poems about social
questions (Rahmoni). However, very few
collections of such texts seem to have been
preserved.
Love themes. This is probably the most productive
of all themes in lyrical folk poetry, and love themes
can be found in many genres (on lyrical love songs
whose topics derive from the epic tradition, see
Allison, forthcoming). Love is a central theme in
the folk poetry of Iranophone peoples, and the
variety of popular compositions about love is so
great that no representative survey can be given.

The love referred to in such texts may be licit or

illicit, happy or tragic, portrayed as real or
obviously imagined. Popular love poetry may
reflect tensions between personal inclination and
the demands of society, or illustrate aspects of the
life and culture of a community in other ways.
Religious themes. Lyrical religious folk poetry
includes such forms as popular songs for religious
festivals (e.g., see Wakln), lyrical poems about
the Prophet, poems using mystical imagery, prayers
in verse form, and meditations on such themes as
the need to trust in God and the transitory nature
of life (see, e.g., Darmesteter, II, pp. 90-107; van
den Berg, pp. 428 f.). A Christian lyrical text in
Kurdishissaid to have been composed by an
Archbishop but has now become part of the
popular tradition of the local Christian population
(see Kreyenbroek, 1995b).

Sadness and nostalgia. The Kurds of Northern Iraq

regard songs dealing with grief and nostalgia as a
separate folk genre (strand erby, see Allison,
1996, p. 37). These themes play an important role
in the folk literature of most Iranophone cultures
(Pashto, see Grima, p. 148; Baluchi, see Dames, pp.
105-6; Tajik, see Cejpek, p. 698, Rahmoni;
Badan Ismaili poetry, see van den Berg, pp.
179 f.). Songs of this type, which may include
elegies for the dead, often form part of the
repertoire of (semi-)professional singers. Laments
and poems to mournthe recently dead, on the other
hand, are in some cultures performed mainly by
women and may to some extent be extemporized
(on the Kurdish n see Allison, 1996, pp. 42-44;
Allison, forthcoming; for Pashto, see Darmesteter,
II, pp. 221-26; on the Tajikimara, see Rahmoni).
Various. Other forms of folk poetry include songs
for particular occasions, such as weddings (on the

Pashto bbu-lla, seeMacKenzie, pp. 325-26; on

Tajik wedding songs see Rahmoni), or harvests (see
e.g. Rahmoni). Other specific genres include
lullabies (generally, see Cejpek, pp. 695-96; Pashto,
see Darmesteter, II, pp. 217-20), childrens songs
(for Baluchi see Dames, p. 163), and riddles in verse
form(for Baluchi see Dames, p. xxix).
FORMAL CHARACHERISTICS
Melody. In the case of texts which are sung, or
recited in a singing voice, melody may play a
significant role in determining the formal
coherence of a text (on the role of music in general,
see Yarshater; for Middle Persian poetry, Shaked;
for Baluchi, Dames, p. xxx; for Kurdish, Soane, pp.
163 f.). In some cases, such as Kurdish folk poetry,
a detailed study of the role of melody is urgently
needed for a better understanding of folk poetics.

Length. Narrative poetry is generally longer than

lyrical texts. In narrative and some forms of lyrical
poetry the requirements of form do not determine
the exact length of a composition. Some types of
lyrical poetry, on the other hand, are characterized
by their number of lines (e.g., quatrains of different
types [rob, do-bayt,fahlavyt, tarna]see
Cejpek, pp. 694-95; Mokr; van den Berg, pp. 142 f.;
and Rahmoni). The Pashto lany
(misry, tapa)
consists of a single distich (MacKenzie, pp. 322 f.).
In performance, a number of short texts may be
recited together (Rahmoni; van den Berg, p. 167).
Rhyme. In many types of folk poetry rhyme is a
important factor. Long narrative texts usually have
simple rhyme schemes, e.g., that of
the manaw (aa, bb, cc, etc.; so does the
Pashto qe a), or end-rhyme (ba, ca, da, ea, etc.).
The latter may persist throughout the poem, or
mark stanzas or rhyme sequences (for Kurdish

poetry see Mann, 1909, pp. xxxvi f; Chyet, pp. 138

f.). In Baluchi epic poetry rhyme is apparently less
significant than stress metre and number of
syllables (see Elfenbein, forthcoming).
Shorter compositions may have the rhyme scheme
associated with the classicalazal and qa da (aa,
ba, ca, etc.). This is found in compositions
originally deriving from classical Persian poetry
(van den Berg, pp. 47, 249 ff.; Rahmoni), but also
in songs and poems of non-classical origin (see,
e.g., van den Berg, p. 185; on the Pashto rob see
MacKenzie, p. 323; on the various rhyme schemes
of quatrains in folk poetry see Cejpek, pp. 694-95).
More complex rhyme schemes are found where a
refrain helps to mark the end of a stanza (see
Rypka, p. 96; van den Berg, pp. 192 f.; on the
permutations of this form in Pashto folk poetry see
MacKenzie, pp. 320 f.).

Metre. Texts which can be defined as folk poetry

but derive from or are strongly influenced by
classical Persian poetry tend to follow the PersoArabic scheme of quantitative metres (see AR;
Rypka, pp. 92-93). Most other texts have different
metrical patterns, however, and the absence of
an ar-metre is sometimes held to be a
distinguishing characteristic of folk poetry (see,
e.g., MacKenzie, pp. 319-20; cf. Mann, 1909, p.
xxxii; Soane, p. 160). Other forms of quantitative
metre (fixed combinations of short and long
syllables) may play a role in such works (for
Baluchi, see Dames, pp. xxix-xxxiv; for Badan
poetry, see van den Berg, p. 171). In other cases
Iranophone folk poetry may have a stress or
syllabic metre, or a combination of both (on stress
metre in Kurdish, see Soane, pp. 163-66; on the
combined role of syllables and stress in Baluchi
prosody, see Elfenbein, forthcoming). Strict syllabic
metres are found in Baluchi (Elfenbein,

forthcoming) and Pashto (MacKenzie) folk poetry

and in some texts from eastern parts of Kurdistan
(see Mokr; on the Ahl-e Haqq kalms, see
S afzda, p. 29). No definitive conclusions have
been reached regarding the prosody of most
Kurdish folk poetry (see Mann, 1909, pp. xxxii f.;
Soane, pp. 163-70; Nikitine, 1947; idem, 1956, pp.
296-71; Chyet, pp. 132-44). It seems clear that
rhyme is one of the main factors to determine the
form of much of this poetry, and the number of
syllables probably plays a role also (on the possible
importance of melody in some of these works cf.
above).
FOLK POETRY AND MODERNITY
Live performancewhether by professional
minstrels or nursing mothers, in communal
gatherings or at homehas traditionally been the
life blood of most of the poetic traditions described

here. However, in many cases the natural milieu of

such performances was the traditional life of small
communities (see, e.g., Kreyenbroek, 1996;
Jnmahmad, p. 62), which may now have been
eroded by migrations to urban centres, or simply by
the advent of television in a village. On the other
hand, performance traditions are sometimes
adapted to urban culture and cassette tapes have
made folk poetry accessible to those who no longer
attend village gatherings. In recent decades
Kurdish and Pashto popular poetry has reached
large audiences in this way, and played a significant
part in political and social events (Grima, p. 155;
Kreyenbroek, 1992, p. 75). Moreover, in many cases
those who have become urbanized have
rediscovered the popular poetry of their people,
claimed it as their cultural or indeed national
heritage (for Tajikistan see Cejpek, Beka, Hitchins,
Rahmoni; for Kurds Kreyenbroek, 1992), and
published it in written form (Allison, 1996, pp. 31-

2). Thus, while some of the traditions described

here may not survive unaltered, the increased
status of some folk poetry may cause it to live on as
part of the polite literature of future generations.