Hartshorne, R, Functional Approach in Geography

The Functional Approach in Political Geography
Author(s): Richard Hartshorne

Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Jun., 1950), pp. 95130
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THE FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH IN POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY *
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
TI SHE subjectof thispaperand thatof PresidentRussell'saddressof last

Universityof Wisconsin
year reveal in strikingfashionthe wide scope of the fieldin whichgeographers work. Comparisonof the treatmentin the two papers will, I hope,
forassumingthatthe same body of readersmay find
the justification
demonstrate
commoninterestin the two extremes. This is possible in all our work only if
each of us, in developingour special area of interest,will followRussell's example
in strivingto maintainits geographicquality.'
of our thinking,that the core of
We can do this if we keep in the forefront
differgeographyis "the studyof places,"2that is, the analysis of the significant
ences that distinguishthe various areas of the world fromeach other. Among
one of the more
that are significantto this areal differentiation,
the differences
in landforms;one of the least obviousto the eye,but noneobviousare differences
in their
theless importantin moldingthe characterof areas, are the differences
politicalorganization. In pursuingthese and otherseparate topics, geographers
"radiate out in diversedirections""and forvarious distances,towardthe cores of
otherdisciplines." As long as theyremain"ever consciousof wheretheyare" in
referenceto.the centralcore, theymay hope to understandeach other'spurposes.
"Questions of boundariesalways seem pedanticin comparisonwithquestionsconcerningthe cores of disciplines."
SURVEY OF PROGRESS
From this commonviewpoint,let us cast a criticaleye over the progressof

politicalgeographyin thetwentyyearssinceit was describedas "the waywardchild
in which"method
of the geographicfamily"-the fieldthat was "least scientific,"
* Presidential
AnnualMeetingin
addressdeliveredbeforetheAssociationat its Forty-sixth
Worcester,Mass.,April7, 1950.
1 RichardJoelRussell,"GeographicalGeomorphology,"Annals
of theAssociationof AmeriXXXIX (1949): 1-11; Presidentialaddressof the 1948 meetingsdelivered
can Geographers,
the
underthe title"Towards a More GeographicalGeomorphology."My title,in presenting
imitation:"Towardsa More Geograwas an intentional
presentpaperat theApril1950meetings
phicalPoliticalGeography."
2 As a demonstration
thephrasesin thisparagraphin quotaofviewpoints,
of thesimilarity
fromRussell'saddress,op. cit.,p. 11, and frommyown article
tionmarksare takenalternately
Annals of the AsDiscussionin AmericanGeography,"
on "On the Mores of Methodological
XXXVIII (1948): 122. The firstphrase,quotedfrom
sociationof AmericanGeographers,
as "thestudyof places,"stemsfromVidal de la Blache and no doubtfrom
Russell,geography
of
withmorefulldiscussionof thefunction
beforehim. Anyconcerned
manywriterscenturies
publishedbythisassociation,1939,1949parare referred
to myNatureof Geography,
geography
ticularlyto ChaptersII, IV, and VIII.
96
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
and materialare freeto the choice of the student,"and whose relationshipto the
to determine. I wish that we could justifya very
fieldas a whole was difficult
differentdescription;that we could claim to have developed a sound structural
evolutionof political geography,clearly integratedinto geographyas a whole,
analysis.4
withestablishedmethodsof scientific
It would be easy to pointto manyoutwardsigns of success. The threatthat
politicalgeographywould be driven off the reservationhas subsided. Whereas
formerly
but one or two departmentsof geographygave courses underthis name,
today politicalgeographyis foundin manycollege curricula.
One cannotbut be amazed by the temerityof Americangeographerswho feel
ready to teach this subject withoutprevious training,with but a minimumof
studyof the literatureof the field,and with the barestamountof materialsavailable to put in the hands of students.
True, we have more such materialsthan we had twentyyears ago. Whereas
then we had hardlymore than a single volume in the English language entitled
politicalgeography,todaythereare manyand more are promised. Unf6rtunately
these are mostlytextbooks. Better textbooksare essential for betterteaching,
but thepublicationof moretextbookscan do littleto give standingto a fieldunless
we can produce a reallygood text. To seek that resultby simplywritingmore
and bettertexts is an attemptto pull ourselvesup by our bootstraps. A really
good textbookcan be producedonly fromthe digest of sound scholarlystudies.
Whetherto providethebasis fora firstclass text,or to establishscholarlystanding
for the field of political geography,our need is for an organized structureof
scholarlyknowledge-one in whichstudentscan build upon what has been written
before.
I do not wish to belittlethe scholarlywork that has been accomplishedin this
field. In one or two directions,I thinkwe mightclaim to have laid down a few
fundamentalconceptsand principles,to have establisheda few technicalterms.
Perhaps "established"is too stronga word,since some textbookswriterscontinue
to confusestudentswithterms,such as "naturalboundaries,"althoughlong since
discreditedby scholarsin the field.
In an effortto appraise our situation,a graduateseminarjoined me a year ago
in an examinationof a wide rangeof studiesin politicalgeography. We soughtto
determinewhatmethodsgeographersuse and whatmaterialstheyemployin studies
in thisfield. We foundthegreatestvarietyof methods,and theuse of almostevery
kind of materialconceivable. We foundno indicationof commonpurpose or objective. In fact,in most cases we could not findthat the authorshad any clear
purpose or objectivein mind,otherthan the rathergeneral idea that geography
3 Carl Sauer,"RecentDevelopments
in the
in RecentDevelopments
in CulturalGeography,"
Social Sciences,E. D. Hayes, editor,Philadelphia,1927,p. 207.
see
years ago, with extensivebibliography,
4On the statusof politicalgeographyfifteen
AmericanPoliticalScience
in PoliticalGeography,"
"RecentDevelopments
RichardHartshorne,
Review,XXIX (1935): 785-804,943-966.
1950
FUNCTIONAL APPROACH IN POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY
97
somehowhas a lot to do with internationalaffairs,and the politicalgeographer

should endeavorto findall the ways in whichthat was the case. I do not think
you could finda comparablesituationin otherbranchesof geography. If you take
systems
a halfdozen studiesin economicgeographyyou will no doubtfinddifferent
in the same text. It has been a long timesince one could accuse economicgeographyof beingnothingmore than a collectionof geographicaspects of economics.
In that fieldwe have developed specificobjectivesand methods,and have even.
arrivedat some degreeof agreementas to the materialsto be studied.
What are the writersin politicalgeographytryingto do? Using the device
of the census,let me throwtogetherinto several groupsthe worksof a large number of students,in ordernot to revealthe operationsof any specificauthor.5
In one of these groups,we findthat each state is studiedin termsof a series
of "aspects"-physical, human,and economic-with subheads like landforms,clilittlefrom
differing
mate . . . agriculture,industry,cities,etc. In this treatment,
a section
by
that of a conventionalgeographicstudy,politicalflavoringis added
on historicalaspectsand a discussionof boundariesand conflictswithotherstates.
The thoughtbehindthis appears to be simplythat in orderto studythe state,
one mustknowa lot about its geography. We may all agree to that,but to supply
some of which may be pertinent,some not, is not a
a collectionof information,
techniqueofanalysisand will notbuilda fieldofpoliticalgeography.
More distinctiveis what I may termthe "historical"approach. This at least
startswitha definiteproblem-namelyto explain how a state has come to occupy
the particulararea includedwithinits presentlimits. One way of doing this-the
easiest and quickestway-is to startwith what exists, point out apparentcorrespondenceofphysicaland politicalfeaturesand thenconcludethathistorysomehow
or other has resultedin what was more or less bound to develop. In short,as
Vidal de la Blache observed,anotherformof geographicdeterminism.
withRatzel's misleadingconceptof the stateas
Germanstudents,indoctrinated
an organism,have attemptedby comparativestudiesof a handfulof examples,to
develop principlesof state territorialdevelopment. We are all too familiarwith
thinkingon political
the dangerousconsequencesof this formof pseudo-scientific
action.
To decipherthe processesof stateterritorialdevelopmentfrompresentfactsto recapitulatethe evolution
is forcedto do in attempting
as the geomorphologist
of landforms-maybe intellectualsport,but hardlyintelligentscience. For the
processes of state developmentare recorded,in great detail and commonlywith
explanation,in historicalrecords. The studentwho undertakes
contemporaneous
5 On theotherhandtheoccasionofthispaper,as wellas its substantive
purposeas a progress
reportmay permitspecificindicationof the relationof my own work duringthe past twenty
at appropriate
points,to all my
referred,
yearsto thethemedevelopedherein. I have therefore
to the
in this field. At the same timeI shouldexpressmy indebtedness
previouspublications
othermembersof the CentennialCommitteeon Political Geographyfor theircriticismsand
and utilizedfreelyin thispaper.
on thefirstoutlinedraftedforthatcommittee
suggestions
98
RICHARD
HARTSHORNE
JUNE
to study this topic, whetherhe be historianor geographerby profession,must

mastera verylarge amountof historicalmaterial. To attaina definitive
therefore
analysisof a singlechangein a relativelysmall area may requireexaminationof a
vast amount of both historicaland geographicmaterial. To comprehendfully
whatthatmeans,a studentmightcheckthroughthe referencesin my recentstudy
of the boundaryin Lorraine,6or observe the scholarshipthat underliesWhittlesey's study of Andorra7and the voluminoushistoricalresearch needed for his
evolutionof France.8
studyof the territorial
Beforeconcludingthatall who wishto workin politicalgeographymustdo likeare the findwise, we mustfirstask: Is thisapproachnecessary? How significant
of the presentpoliticalgeographyof a
ings of such studiesfor an understanding
state? If I use again the studyof Lorraine as an example,its authorwill not be
provoked. Even if Alsace-Lorrainewere still part of Germany,would it matter
to the geographyof Germanywhetherthe reason forthe inclusionof the Cotes de
Moselle was because of its strategicimportancein the militarytechnologyof 1871
or because of the iron ores imbeddedin its strata? The factis that Germanygot
both.
Or considerthe storyof how the GaronneBasin came to be part of the present
state of France. This would, I think,involveexaminationof such factorsas the
langue d'oc branchof Romance languages,the relativeproductiveresourcesof the
of the Kingdom
Aquitainelowlandand the Paris Basin, the theoreticalsignificance
of the West Franks as a unit divisionof Charlemagne'sempire,the centuriesof
and the long periodof consuccess of Frenchqueens in producingmale offspring,
flictwith the alien kingsof England. But how much of all this is needed for an
of the politicalgeographyof France today?
understanding
Isn't it enoughto say thattheseregionshave sharedin commonsocial,economic,
and politicallifeof the Frenchkingdomand republicformanygenerations,so that
theyare now integralparts of the French nation,
in spite of linguisticdifferences
will chooseto adhereto the Frenchstate?
and therefore
thatsuch historicalstudiesof genesisare essential
It is notclear to me therefore
foreverystudyin politicalgeography. This is not to say thatthe geographerdoes
to make to the studyof the evolutionof a state.
not have a distinctcontribution
perhapsmoreto historyand to our knowledgeof politiBut has he not contributed
cal processesthanto politicalgeography?
In short,if we acceptthe analogythatMaull and East9 have suggestedbetween
we
studiesof the evolutionof state-areasand those of the evolutionof landforms,
Boundaryof 1871,"World Politics,II (Jan.
6RichardHartshorne,"The Franco-German
1950): 209-250.
Journalof ModernHistory (June 1934):
"Andorra'sAutonomy,"
7Derwent Whittlesey,
147-155.
The Earth and theState: A Studyin Political Geography.New
8 DerwentWhittlesey,
York,1939,pp. 129-165.
9 Otto Maull,"PolitischeGeographieund Geopolitik,"
Anzeiger,1926: 251;
Geographischer
Politica II (1937): 270.
WilliamG. East, "The Natureof PoliticalGeography,"
1950
99
may stillbe uncertain,in bothcases, as to whethersuch studiesforma necessary

and integralpart of the studyof the presentgeographyof areas.
in sayingthatI am unI want to make certainthatI cannotbe misunderstood
certainconcerningthe place of geneticstudies.10 In thus straddlingthe fence-on
the groundsthatthe attemptto determineboundariesin scienceis pedantic-I am
not sayingthat I wish to push such studiesbeyondthe fence,or that I recognize
the existenceof an actual fence. On the contrary,so far as individualgeographers
are interestedin makingsuch studies of states, I personallyshall be more than
interestedin theirresults. I shall no doubt wish to make more of such studies
myself. And if historiansor politicalscientistsshould wish to claim this part of
the field,like my predecessor,I would feel happy to agree on joint exploration;
and be somewhatdejected if eitherside attemptedto pass the topic over to the
other.1L
to our present
The onlynegativeconclusionI am suggestingthatis significant
part, or a
an
essential
form
studies
such
that
themeis that I am not convinced
of
any state.
geography
political
of
the
section,in the study
necessarypreliminary
But neitherdo I assert the opposite; ratherI conclude that only in the course
of his studyof the presentpoliticalgeographyof a state can a studentdetermine
how farhe need dip back intoits historicaldevelopment.
Let us turnto a thirdapproach,whichI may describeas the "morphological
in theGermanliterain substantive
worksprimarily
approach." This is represented
ture. It was presentedin outlineformto Americangeographersin an article I
I think,is that
yearsago."2 Its chiefclaim to consideration,
publishedsome fifteen
it focussesattentionat the starton the major subjectof studyin nearlyall political
geography-thepresentstate-areaas a geographicphenomenon.
analysis of the external
This approachcalls for a descriptiveand interpretive
object. The
a
geographic
and internalstructureof the state-area,consideredas
items are familiar: externally-size, shape, location,and boundaries; internally,
the regionalbreakdownin natural regions,culturalregions,regions of different
kindsof people,and the locationof the capital.
and thereforestaticand dull. I am not surThis is almostpure morphology,
prisedthatno otherstudent,so far as I know,has seen fitto use this outline. It
does representa methodor system,but not one thatseemslikelyto producesignificantresults.
Justwhat is it that is 'wrongwith this morphologicalapproach? Similar appossiblyin some other
proachled I supposeto successfulresultsin geomorphology,
we would findit did
think
I
however,
In
fields,
certain
branchesof geography.
of crops
measurement
the
to
down
tied
was
not. As long as agriculturalgeography
10 Similar statementsof uncertaintyregarding the place of geomorphologyin geography,
though expressed as a definiterefusal to pass judgment (in The Natureof Geography:423-424)
have led some readers to suppose that I would exclude that subject.
"Russell, op. cit., p. 11.
12 Richard Hartshorne,"Recent Developments in Political Geography,"op. cit., pp. 943ff.
100
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
of farmsas organizedunits of production,we

and fields,ignoringthe functioning
were preventedfrom making significantadvances. Likewise in manufactural
geography,or in the geographyof cities,the morphologicalapproachoftenled to
resultsfarless significant
than the studyof functions.
or
Whether not you agree withme on that,I thinkyou will agree thatthe significanceof state-areasin geographyis to be soughtfar more in theirfunctioning
or amused,by
thanin the morphologyin itself. A schoolchildmay be interested,
the peculiarelongatedshape of Chile on the map or the factthat it adds up to a
larger size than France, but this interestis not on the same level as our direct
interestin the formand size of Mount Shasta, say, in contrastwith the Sierra
Nevadas.
In a review of certainworks in German politicalgeography,Bowman once
analysis,the detailedclassipouredridiculeon the elaboratedetailof morphological
ficationof state-areasby size and shape leading,sofaras he could find,to no significantconclusions.13
In otherwords,thereis a certainfallacyin the comparisonof a state-areawith
a landform. As a definitely
organizedsectionof land, a state-areais a real phenomenon,but it is not an object as a mountainis an object. It is not of "direct
ratherits place in a geographicstudyis due
importanceto areal differentiation,"
to "its indirectimportancethroughits causal relationto otherphenomena."14
primarilyas it effects
The morphology
of a state-area,I conclude,is significant
the functionsof the state. If that is true, aren't we puttingthe cart beforethe
horse in startingwiththe detailsof morphologyin order in each case to look for
significant
relationsto functions? I suggestthat this is anotherexample of our
inheritancein geographyin general,which leads us to look firstat the physical
forhuman
and thenattemptto draw conclusionsabout its significance
environment
relations.
So I suggestthatwe startwiththe functionsof politicallyorganizedareas, and
thatwe maintainthis procedurethroughout.
LIMITATION
IN
SCOPE
OF THIS
PAPER
In confining
our attentionto politicallyorganizedareas, I do notmean to assert
by implicationthat there are not other political phenomenaof concern to the
in votinghabitsof
geographer. Wright'sclassic studyof the areal differentiation
contribution
to a fullunderstanding
of
the Americanpeople is a highlysignificant
the geographyof this country.15 Wigmore and Whittleseyhave examined the
areal distributionof different
legal codes over the world.'6 If such studies are
In Geographical
Review,XVII (1927): 511-512.
Natureof Geography,
p. 464.
15JohnK. Wright,"Voting Habits in the United States," GeographicalReview,XXII
(1932): 666-672.
16 JohnH. Wigmore,"PresentDay Legal Systemsof the World," Geographical
Review,
XIX (1929): 120; Whittlesey,
The Earth and The State,pp. 557-565.
13
14
1950
FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH
IN
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
101
valuable contributions
to geography,as I thinktheyare, it would be pedantic,at
this stage of our developmentat least, to discuss whethertheyforma part of an
integratedfieldof politicalgeographyor are to be classifiedin some otherbranch,
such as social geography. Sufficeit to say thata distincttypeof problemis presentedus in the studyof the geographyof politicallyorganizedareas and I will
thereforeconfinemyselfto thattypeof problem.
levels of politically-organized
There are of course manyvarietiesand different
areas. If one were studyingcertainareas of Africaor Asia at an earlierperiodof
history,one would be primarilyconcernedwith the very loose formof territorial
organizationeffectedby tribal units. In a future,we trust better,world, the
geographermay be concernedwiththe politicalorganizationof large international
territories-ultimately,
one hopes,of the whole world. In the presentworld,howterritories,
which together
ever, there are but two types of politically-organized
importancecovertheoretically
the entireinhabitedworldand are of transcendent
namely,the areas of the independent,sovereignstates and those of dependent
or possessions,whichare organized
countries,whethercalled colonies,protectorates,
in greateror less degreeby membersof the firstgroup,the imperialstates. (This
statementintentionally
overlooksthe problemof definingthe actual statusof contriesat presentdisorganized,like China,or thosewhose independencefromoutside
controlis debatable.) The uninhabitedoceans, togetherwith Antarctica,do not
constituteunitsforstudyunderour major headingbecause theyare not politically
organized. Their use and controlhoweverwill presentus withproblemsin consideringthe relationsamongthe politicallyorganizedareas.
There is of coursea place forthe geographicstudyof politicallyorganizedareas
of lower levels-the subdivisionsof states. The relationshipbetweenthe units at
different
levels is not howevercomparableto that in non-politicalregionalgeography. A sub-regionof the Corn Belt may includeall the functionsfoundin the
Corn Belt, and its validityas a regionis independentof the largerregion. In concounties,or towntrast,thesubdivisionsof states-whetherprovinces,departments,
excludedfromcertain
ships-are generallycreatedby the stateand are specifically
politicalfunctionsperformedforthemby the stateof whichtheyare a part. This
statement
mustbe qualifiedin significant,
but on thewholeminor,degreein respect
to the autonomousunits of federalstates-the States of the United States, or
Australia,or the Provincesof Canada.
Units of politicalorganizationat a higherlevelthanthe sovereignstatesinclude
the empiresthathave been organizedindividuallyby certainof those states. Organizationsof territory
includingmorethanone sovereignstatehave hithertobeen
but both France and the Netherrepresentedonly by the BritishCommonwealth,
lands are now attempting
to constructsimilarorganizations. Finally studentsare
not limitedto what exists; we are freeto use our imaginationto studythe potential basis for other larger units-whether an Arab union, a Western European
Federation,a NorthAtlanticUnion, or a worldunion.
For the purposesof this paper, I wish to focusattentionsolelyon one typeof
102
RICHARD
HARTSHORNE
JUNE
politicalarea-the sovereignstate,even thoughthat ignoresthe large part of the

worldthatis organizedin unitsdependenton outsidesovereignstates.
My methodof proceduremay give the impressionof a secondmajor limitation
-that I am concernedonly with the regionalapproach in politicalgeographythe studyof the individualstates-that I ignorethe systematicapproach. Other
approach,thatwe must
studentshave urgedthatwe shouldstartwiththesystematic
and generalprincipleswhich
firstestablishgenericconcepts,precise terminology,
then can be applied to specific,regional,cases. I submitthat the historyof dethatwe must do both simultanevelopmentof geographyin generaldemonstrates
ously and that,like both Ritter and Humboldt,we must start with specificand
actual cases.'7 It is only in the attemptto make analyses of specificregionsthat
we can determinewhat are the specifictopicsthatneed to be examinedsystematically for all states in order to yield genericconceptsand definitiveterminology.
Failure to followthis procedurein the past has led, by deductivereasoningto a
prioriprinciplesthathave not stood the testof comparisonwithreality.
genericconcepts,we should not
Even whenwe have establishedthe significant
be over-sanguineof the possibilitiesof establishinggeneral principlesin political
geography. In otherbranchesof geographywe deal with units-whetherlandforms,farms,factories,or cities-of whichthereare thousandsor even millions,
many of them very much like each other in characterand purpose. The state
unitsof politicalgeographynumberless than one hundredin the world,and each
fromall the others. By dippingback intopast history
of themis notablydifferent
we may add a fewscoremorecases, but in doing so we run the dangerof carrying
back assumptionsof motivationsand processesthatmay be valid todaybut not in
the earlier historicalframework. More than in any otherbranch of geography
thereforewe are handicappedin developingscientificprinciples,are restrictedto
the considerationof unique cases.18
PRACTICAL
VALUE?
One finalstatementon the purposeof thispaper. Will it providea methodby

which geographersmay undertakestudies directedto the solution of the great
criticalproblemsfacingthe world today? Most certainlygeographersshould be
urged to apply theirtrainingand knowledgeto the solutionof these problemsin
all cases in which that trainingand knowledgeis adequate to aid more than it
hinders. But let us not deceive ourselves,for we will deceive few others. The
major problemsthatface the worldtoday are not problemsin politicalgeography;
and fortunately
so. For our trainingand knowledgein this fieldare stillfarfrom
adequateto prepareus to tacklewithassuranceany of its major practicalproblems.
At the end of the First World War a major problemfacingthe world did fall
rightin our field-the problemof reorganizingthe territorialdivisionof Europe
17 Cf. Nature of Geography:54-57,72-74,79-80.
For discussionofthisproblemin generalsee The Natureof Geography:378-386,431-434,

446-451.
18
1950
FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH
IN
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
103
on a basis thatwould make it possibleforthe manynationalitiesof thatcontinent

to live in productiveharmony. The geographerswho were called upon to assist
at that time,'9howevermuch they could contributeof factualknowledge,were
of thinkingin politicalgeography.
drasticallyhandicappedby immaturity
If todaywe mustleave to othersthe solutionof theproblemof theatomicbomb
and the problemof CommunistRussia, we mustalso anticipateothercrises ahead.
When the need comes for a soundlydevelopedscience of politicalgeography,we
shouldbe preparedto offerit.
I do not mean to say thatpoliticalgeographyhas at presentno value in public
in teachingstudentsand adults,to
affairs. We all have the constantopportunity,
amongthinkingpeople concerningthe nature
contributeto a wider understanding
oftheworldwe live in and its international
problems.
Further,those of us who have attainedspecializedknowledgeand understanding of particularforeignareas of concernto this countrymay be called upon to
offerbothinformation
and advice to our government.We are rightlyproudof the
factthatduringand since the war manyof us have been called upon for such sernot only for us, but for our countryif geogvice. It will be a greatmisfortune,
to students,the public,and the governraphersare preventedfromcontributing
mentthe maximumof objective knowledgeand of sincere and loyal counsel on
foreigncountries. But insofaras we geographersare able to contributeto the
problemsof Americanforeignpolicy,we find ourselves-like our colleagues in
othersocial science fields-exposed to the danger of attack frompoliticaldemagogues who findin any divergenceof opinionfromtheirown a sign of disloyalty
to the state. We cannotforeseewherethe blindlightningof ignorancewill strike,
but mustrecognizethatsuch attackon any one of us is attackon the freedomand
integrity
of all our profession.20
At thesame time,thefreedomwe requireas scientistscarriesspecialobligations,
greaterthan those of ordinarycitizens. Amateurishideas or foolishproposals
frommenof no standingmaydo littleharm. But whenwe writeas professorsand
as geographers,the public presumesthat we speak with some authorityand they
cannotknow how littlethat authoritymay be in the fieldof politicalgeography.
We mustrecognizethat,as long as our knowledgeis as unorganizedas it is in this
field,and commonlywithoutdiscipline,some of us may contributeonly misunderor of
standing. In particular,the publicationin criticaltimesof misinformation,
to representmorethanthepersonalviews
irresponsible
recommendations
purporting
Annals of
19 See "War Servicesof Membersof theAssociationof AmericanGeographers,"
of
IX (1919): 53-70. A list,probablyincomplete,
theAssociationof AmericanGeographers,
"RecentDevelopments
broughtto Paris is givenin RichardHartshorne,
Europeangeographers
op. cit.,p. 791.
20 If to anyfuture
ofthisparagraphis notclear,theymaycountthemreadersthepertinence
mindedmayfindthe pertinforlivingin a betterera. Anywho are historically
selvesfortunate
by lookingto the frontpages of almostany Americannewspaperfor any day
ent connection
duringthemonthof March,1950.
104
JUNE
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
of the author,or of such a characteras to arouse animosityin foreigncountries

can do seriousdamage to thiscountry-as we learnedduringthe last war.2'
We may have produced no atom bombs in politicalgeography,but the field
strewnwith dynamite-it is no place for sophomoresto play with
nonetheless
is
matches. Fortunately,we appear to have escaped the danger of repeating,in
Americanterms,the crimeof those of our colleagues in Germanywho were responsiblefor the dangerousdoctrinesof geopolitics.22But we will be exposed to
similardangersuntilthe foundationsof our knowledgein this fieldare on a much
firmerbasis thanappearsnow to be thecase.
to public thinkingbe more than additional
Only then will our contributions
small voices enteringthe generalargument. The functionof scientificlearningis
to establishknowledgeon such firmfoundationsthat argumentdisappears,and
acceptancebecomes relativelyenduring. This we can accomplishonly the long,
hard way. We mustget at thefundamentals;lay thegroundworkfora solid structureof knowledge,on thebasis of whichwe mayhope one day to arriveat applicationsof sound value in the solutionof actual problems.
ANALYSIS
OF THE
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
OF A STATE:
INTERNAL
I propose,as stated earlier,to considerthe centralproblemsof politicalgeography in termsof the functionsof state-areas. What comes first? The fundamentalpurpose of any state,as an organizationof a sectionof land and a section
of people,as Ratzel firstput it, is to bringall the varied territorialparts,the diverse regionsof the state-area,intoa singleorganizedunit.
What does thestateattemptto organize,in all regionsofthe state-area?
In all cases, it attemptsto establishcompleteand exclusivecontrolover internal
political relations-in simplestterms,the creationand maintenanceof law and
mustconformwiththe conceptsand institutions
order. Local politicalinstitutions
of the central,overall,politicalorganization.
familyorganization,religion,and eduIn manysocial aspects-class structure,
cation-a state may tolerateconsiderablevariationin its differentregions. But
of these factorsto politicallife,thereis a tendency-in
because of the significance
some statesa verymarkedeffort-toexertunifyingcontroleven over these institutions.
In the economicfield,every modernstate tends to develope some degree of
21 The evidence
publishedin a popular
thatan articlein "politicalgeography"
demonstrating
bothallied and
in several foreigncountries,
Americanmagazinecaused seriousrepercussions
of
statements
or in confidential
documents
neutral,is stillclassifiedmaterialin statedepartment
one of our ambassadors.
of Geopolitik
forthe development
22 It shouldbe added thatthe menprimarily
responsible
see Carl Troll,"Geograwereforthemostpartnotmenof highstandingin Germangeography,
phic Science in Germany,1933-1945,"Ainnalsof the Associationof AmericanGeographers,
Americanstudentswere
of geopolitics,
XXXIX (1949): 128-135. Of thedangeroustendencies
"Recent
warned-inwhatappearsnow as muchtoo cautiousa manner-inRichardHartshorne,
op. cit.,pp. 960-965.
Developments
1950
FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH
IN
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
105
unityof economicorganization. At the minimum,it establishesuniformcurrency,

and some degreeof controlover external
in economicinstitutions,
some uniformity
economicrelations. Beyond that,states of course vary greatlyin the degree to
whichall aspectsof productionand trade-price and wages levels,etc.-are placed
underuniformcontrol.
because we live in a world in which the conFinally,and most importantly,
is subject to the threatof destructionby other
state-unit
of
tinuedexistence every
states,everystate must striveto secure the supremeloyaltyof the people in all
its regions,in competitionwith any local or provincialloyalties,and in definite
oppositionto loyaltyto any outsidestate-unit.
Throughoutthis statementof the organizationof the state-areaas a unit,the
geographeris primarilyconcernedwith emphasis on regional differences. The
state of course is no less concernedto establishunityof controlover all classes
of populationat a singleplace. In politicalgeography,our interestis in the problem of unificationof diverse regionsinto a single whole; the degree of vertical
unificationwithinany horizontalsegmentconcernsus only as a factoraiding or
handicappingregionalunification.
Parenthetically,
we may also note the ways in whichthis primaryfunctionof
the stateaffectsthe generalfieldof geography. Land-use, industrialdevelopment,
trade,and a countlesslist of social aspects of humangeographyin any regionwill
differin greateror less degreeas a resultof the effortsof the state in whichit is
includedto controlits developmentas part of a singlewhole. Only the peculiarity
of geographicstudyin such a large countryas the United States, where we are
of our single state,has
usuallyforcedto do most of our work withinthe territory
permitted
us to studygeographyas thoughwe could ignorepoliticalgeography.
Our analysisof the primaryfunctionof any state leads directlyto the primary
problemof politicalgeography. For no state-areaconstitutesby the natureof its
land and people,a naturalunit fora state,in whichone merelyneeds to create a
whichshall proceedto operateit as a unit. The primaryand continugovernment
ing problemof everystate is how to bind togethermore or less separate and diverseareas intoan effective
whole.
For the politicalgeographer,thispresentsa wide rangeof specificproblemsfor
analysis. In everystatearea, largerthansuch anomaliesas Andorraor Liechtenstein,the geographerfinds: (1) regionsthatare more or less separatedfromeach
otherby physicalor humanbarriers; (2) regionsthatin greateror lesser degree
divergein theirrelationswith outside states; and (3) regionsthat differamong
themselvesin characterof population,economicinterests,and politicalattitudes.
at each of thesetypesof problems.*
Let us look briefly
* Throughout
thisdiscussiontheterm"region"is used to indicatemerelyan area in some
thata regionis a unit. See
or different
fromneighboring
way distinct
areas,withno implication
The Natureof Geography
op. cit.,Chap. IX.
106
RICHARDHARTSHORNE
JUNE
Centrifugal
Forces
Geographersare familiarwiththe effectof particulartypesof physicalfeatures
in handicappingcommunicationbetweenregions. Semple and others have describedfor our own earlyhistorythe politicalconsequencesof the forestedAppalachians and later of the mountainand desert barrierof the west. Whittlesey's
studyof the Val d'Aran depictsin detail the problemin that bit of Spain north
of the Pyrenees.23 In most modernstates,however,these problemshave largely
beenovercomebythedevelopment
ofthetelegraphand therailroad. They continue
of importancehoweverin parts of the Balkans, in the highlandstates of Latin
America,and in China.
Since state-organization
requirescommunication
not only fromone region to
the next, but froma centralpoint to each peripheralregion,distanceitselfis a
centrifugal
factor. Obviouslydistancewithina statedependson its size and shape.
Size and shape are significant
to the state in other,quite different
respects,but I
suggestwe wait untilwe have determinedthatin our analysis,ratherthanattempt
to proceeddeductively
fromsize and shape to consequences.
Of humanbarriers,the most commonis the absence of humans. Uninhabited
or sparselyinhabitedareas were, until recently,difficult
and dangerousto cross.
It was primarilyon this accountthat relativelylow mountains,in centralEurope
or the Appalachians,long functionedas dividingzones. Even in the Alps, the
problemof surmounting
highelevationswas less serious,in the Middle Ages, than
the difficulty
of securingsupplies along the way and the ever-presentdanger of
attackfrom"robberbarons."
Further,the presenceof such relativelyemptyareas created,and stillcreates,a
feelingof separationin the regionson eitherside. Both on this accountand because of distance,oceans continueto functionas the strongestseparatingfactors,
otherthan the Arcticice, even thoughtheyhave long been crossed with relative
ease.
transFrance has firstinauguratedthe interesting
experimentof incorporating
oceanic areas into the organizationof its state. Its West Indian islands and the
ofmetropolitan
islandof Reunionin theIndian Ocean are now departments
France,
sendingdelegatesto its nationalassembly. We may be about to do the same with
Hawaii.
barrierto overcomeis separationby a zone populated
Perhaps themostdifficult
by a different
people, especiallyan unfriendly
people. The Germanshave apparentlyconvincedtheworldthattheseparationofEast Prussia bythePolish Corridor
was an experimentthat is neverto be repeated. (They overlookedthe factthat
to thatdevice.) 24
therewerenotone buttwo alternatives
Serious difficulties
may arise for a state if any of its regionshave closer rela23
"Trans-PyreneanSpain: The Val d'Aran,"ScottishGeographical

DerwentWhittlesey,
Magazine, 1933: 217-228.

XXXVI (1937):
24Richard Hartshorne,"The Polish Corridor,"Journalof Geography,
161-176.
1950
FUNCTIONALAPPROACHIN POLITICALGEOGRAPHY
107
tionswithregionsof outsidestatesthanwiththosewithinthe state. This is commonlythe case where a boundaryhas been changedso that it now cuts across an
withina singlestate. The partitionof Upper Silesia, in 1922, prearea formerly
senteda particularlyintensecase.25 But thereare many cases, not dependenton
boundarychanges,in whicha regionhas closer connections,particularlyeconomic
connections,with regionsof other countriesthan with other regionsof its own
state. We are familiarwith the politicalimportanceof this factorin each of the
major regionsof Canada, each more closely related in certainrespectswith the
adjacent areas of the United States than with the otherregionswithinthe Doamongthe regionsof the state-area
minion. In some cases mutualinterdependence
is less than the dependenceof individualregions on remote,overseas countries.
in whicheach stateunit
This is a major problemof the AustralianCommonwealth,
is primarilydependenton separate trade with Great Britain. In Western Australia,this factor,togetherwith notablephysicaland hunianseparationhas led at
times to demand for secession from the Commonwealth. NortheasternBrazil
offersa somewhatsimilarproblemforstudy.
The geographerhowevermustbewareof drawingconclusionsfromthe physical
map, or, on the otherhand, of assumingthat an economicsituationto which we
are accustomedrepresentsa "normal" developmentin economicgeographyindependentof a particularpoliticalframework. Consider southernCalifornia,separated by thousandsof miles of desert and mountainfromthe main body of the
United States,facingthe Pacifichighwayto denselypopulatedlands of the Orient.
And yet which region of the United States is more completelybound into the
economyof the countryas a whole?
All the previousexamplesare relativelyextremecases. In most instancesthe
potentialitiesare highlyflexible. The plain of Alsace, separatedfromthe rest of
France by the ruggedheightsof the Vosges, facingsouthernGermanyacross the
narrowband of the Rhine flood-plainand easilyconnectedwithnorthernGermany
by that navigableriver-with which state does it fitin termsof economicgeography? Surely the answer mustbe that in termsof moderntechnologyall these
of the
featuresare of minorimportanceand in termsof the economicpotentialities
area it can be associatedalmostequally well in eitherthe French or the German
economicunit.
Separationof regionsby barriersor by divergenceof outsideconnectionsare
forcesthat resultfromdiversityof
commonlyless importantthan the centrifugal
characterof the population. To secure voluntaryacceptanceof a single common
organizationrequires some degree of mutual understanding;obviouslythis is
easier in a populationhomogeneousin character. Further,where regionsdiffer
of
in social character,the tendencyof the stateto forcesome degreeof uniformity
social life meets with resistance. Thus the very attemptto produce unitymay
25 RichardHartshorne,
"Geographicand PoliticalBoundariesin Upper Silesia,"Annals of
XXIII (1933): 195-228.
the Associationof AmericanGeographers,
108
RICHARD
HARTSHORNE
JUNE
intensifydisunity. Hungary, before 1918, was the classic example; since then
Yugoslavia has been perhapsthe leading,among several,successors.
What particularsocial characteristics
maybe importantdependson the particular state. Everyonethinksof language and religion. I suggest,also, education
and standardsof living,typesof economicattitudesand institutions,
attitudestoward class and racial distinctions,
and, especially,politicalphilosophy.
For materialson thesetopicswe look to thatbranchof geographythathas been
least developed-social geography. In mostcases what materialswe have provide
onlythe raw data, the factsabout the distribution
of,say, religionsor races,rather
thanthe regionaldifferences
in social attitudestowardsthese facts; it is the latter
thatwe need.
Thus, the factthatAlsace was predominantly
Roman Catholic,like France but
unlikemost of Germany,was less importantthan the factthat its attitudetoward
therelationof churchand statewas similarto thatin the GermanEmpire of 18711918, and was in conflictwith the anti-clericalattitudeof the French Republic.
in the termsstudiedby the physicalanthropologist,
Racial differences,
may be
of no relevanceto our problem. The distribution,
percentage-wise,
in the different
countriesof Europe, ofblondesand brunettes,
dolichocephalic
versusbrachycephalic
-what does it matter? These factshave no reflection
in social or politicalattitudes
in those countries. Though standardmaterialin most geographiesof Europe, I
submitthattheyhave no significance
to politicalgeography,or forthatmatter,to
geographyin general.
in attiIn contrast,the United States is a countryin whichregionaldifferences
tudes of people towardthe racial componentsof the regionalgroup-as indicated
by skin color-are of tremendousimportancein social, economic,and politicallife.
in racial composition,26
We have mapped and studied the underlyingdifferences
in attitudes.
but we have not studiedthephenomenonitself-namelythe differences
kinds and degrees of Jim
We need a map, a series of maps, portrayingdifferent
Crowismin the United States. These I would rate as a firstrequirementfor an
understandingof the internalpoliticalgeographyof the United States, for in no
otherfactordo we findsuch marked regional cleavages, such disruptionto the
nationalunityof our state. For geographyin general,in one quarterof our counfactorsin everyaspectof thehumangeography,
try,theseattitudesare fundamental
relatedto its physicalgeography.
and are significantly
Geographersare more familiarwith differencesin economic interests,since
theseare more closelybound to the land. But theseare seldomseriouslydisrupting to nationalunity. It is true that almosteverymodernstate has experienced
markedpoliticaltensionbetweenthe divergentinterestsof highlyindustrialregions
and those of still primarilyagriculturalareas. But these very differencestend
ratherthan competing,interests. Even when competing,
to lead to interlocking,
26 RichardHartshorne,
Review,XXVIII
"Racial Maps of theUnitedStates,"Geographical
(1938): 276-288.
1950(
109
Marx to the contrarynotwithstanding,

are easier to comproeconomicdifferences,
in social and politicalattitudes.
mise thandifferences
the state is onlyin partialdegree an economicunit. Since it is
Furthermore,
basicallya politicalunit,the state necessarilyimposesthe greatestdegree of uniformityin politicallife. Political attitudesare peculiarlyinflexible. If a region
is accustomedto one set of politicalconcepts,ideals and institutions-mostespeciallyif its people feelthattheyhave foughtin the past to establishthose political
to bringthemunder the commoncloak of a
values-it may be extremelydifficult
in separatestateshave volunsystem. Even whereregionsformerly
quite different
tarilyjoined togetherto forma state,on the basis of commonethniccharacter-for
examplethethreePolish areas in 1918,or the Czech and Slovak areas-the marked
problems.
in past politicaleducationled to difficult
difference
In times and areas of relativelyprimitivepolitical developmentsuch factors
areas of relativelymaturepoliwere no doubtof minorimportance.In long-settled
tical developmenttheymay be of firstimportance. The classic exampleis, again,
to the FrenchRevolution,the people of thatprovince
Alsace. Thanks particularly
had become strongsupportersof political concepts,ideals, and institutionsthat
monarchyof Hohenauthoritarian
could not be harmonizedwithinthe semi-feudal,
zollernGermany.
Conversely,one may understand,on this basis, the negative reactionof the
Swiss in 1919, to the proposal that the adjacent Austrianprovinceof Vorarlberg
shouldbe added to theirstate.27
CentripetalForces
The precedingdiscussionof politicalattitudespointsto an essentialingredient
thathas been lackingin thediscussionup to thispoint. We have been considering
a varietyof centrifugal
factorsin theregionalgeographyof a state-areawhichmake
to bind those regionstogetherinto an effectiveunit. In considering
it difficult
may be overcome,we have not asked whethertherewas any
how such difficulties
anythingtendingto pull these regions
forceworkingto overcomethe difficulties,
togetherinto a state.
This, omissionI suggest,has been the singlegreatestweaknessin our thinking
in politicalgeography. If we see an area markedclearly on both physicaland
ethnicmaps as suitablefora state,butwhichformanycenturieswas notintegrated
as a state-as in the Spanish peninsula,the Italian peninsula,or the Germanareawe cudgel our heads to findfactorsin its internalgeographythat will explain the
failure. We forgetthatbeforewe speakoffailure,we mustask whatwas attempted.
The Italian peninsula,togetherwith the northernplain attachedto the mainland but isolatedby the Alps, witha settledpopulationspeakingapproximatelya
commontonguesince the Middle Ages, has offeredone of the most obvious geo27 As reported
to me yearslaterby two geographers:LawrenceMartin,who had been sent
to Switzerlandby PresidentWilsonto soundout the Swiss reaction,and Peter H. Schmidt,of
St. Gallen,withwhomhe had discussedthe proposal.
110
RICHARD
HARTSHORNE
JUNE
graphicunitsof Europe forthe developmentof a state. Yet Italy,as an Austrian

ministerjeered, was only a geographicexpression; therewas nothingthat could
be called even the beginningsof a state of Italy. For no one of importancehad
any idea of producingan Italian state and had anyone tried,his purpose would
have shatteredin conflictwithtwo opposingideas: one, the conceptof the Papal
States,the secularcontrolof mid-Italyby the Pope in orderto securehis undivided
dominationof Rome as the spiritualcapital of Western Christendom;the other,
the conceptof a singlegreatempirein the heartof Europe, extendingfromnorthern Germanyto northernItaly. Only afterthe power of thesecenturies-oldideas
had been irrevocablydestroyedby the fermentof the French Revolutionwas it
possibleforany Italian leader to considerseriouslythe unification
of Italy.
One of the conceptsthat preventedintegrationin Italy is likewisethe key to
the failureof medievalGermanyto develop a unifiedstate,at the time when the
kingdomsof France and England were beingeffectively
established. For centuries
the personsholdingthe titleof King of Germany,and whateveropportunity
that
mightgive, were far more affectedby the highertitleof Emperor. Inspired by
the granderidea of reincarnating
the empireof Rome, theyfoughtto build a state
straddlingthe Alps, unitingmany different
peoples. The sacrificesmade in the
vain attemptto accomplishthe greateridea destroyedthe possibilityof achieving
the lesser when later emperorsfinallywere reducedto consideringGermanunity.
The fact that a countryhas a name and a government,
that an international
treatyrecognizesits existenceas a state and definesits territoriallimits-all that
does notproducea state. To accomplishthat,it is necessaryto establishcentripetal
forcesthatwill bind togetherthe regionsof thatstate,in spiteof centrifugal
forces
thatare always present.
The State-Idea
The basic centripetal
forcemustbe someconceptor idea justifying
theexistence
of this particularstate incorporating
these particularregions; the state must have
a raisond'etre-reason forexisting.
Althoughignoredin much of the literatureof politicalgeography,this is not
a new thought. Ratzel definedthe state as a sectionof land and a sectionof huidea.28 Maull,
manityorganizedas a singleunitin termsof a particular,distinctive
amongotherGermangeographers,has discussedthe conceptat some length.29It
was presentedto thisAssociationa decade ago.30
At the primitivelevel,Ratzel explained,thisidea may be no morethanthe will
of a rulerto which,forwhateverreasons,all the regionalpartsthroughtheirlocal
leaders granttheirloyalty. In such a case, as in the empireof Charlemagneor
thatof GhengisKhan, the statemay endurehardlylongerthan the lifetimeof the
FriedrichRatzel,PolitischeGeographie,
3rd ed., Munichand Berlin1923,pp. 2-6.
Otto Maull,PolitischeGeographie,
Berlin1925,pp. 112-115.
30RichardHartshorne,"The Conceptsof 'Raison d'Etre' and 'Maturityof States'," (abXXX (1940): 59.
stract),Annalsof theAssociationofAmericanGeographers,
28
29
1950
111
individualruler. In the attemptto perpetuatethe bindingidea of loyaltyto a

personal ruler,there evolved the concept of hereditarymonarchy. Where that
succeeded,however,we findtherewas always somethingmore-politically-minded
people in the various parts of the kingdomcame to regardthe state,for reasons
independentof the monarch,as representing
somethingof value to them. Today
the monarchicalinstitutionis safe only in those states in whichthe monarchhas
exchangedtheactivepowerto rule forthepassive role of personification
of the nationalheritage.
To be sure, a state in whichthe originalidea has lost its validitywill not fall
apart at once. The forcesof inertia,vestecfinterests,and fearof the consequences
of changemay keep it goingmoreor less effectively
forsome time. But inevitably
a structurethathas lost its originalraisond'etre,withoutevolvinga new one, cannot hope to stand the stormsof externalstrifeor internalrevoltthat sooner or
laterwill attackit. For when that day comes,the state,to survive,must be able
to count upon the loyalty,even to the death,of the populationof all its regions.
It is not merecoincidencethatthe termsI have been using came to me froma
Viennesegeographer,
in his analysisof thefailureof the Habsburgmonarchy.Unless Austria-Hungary,
Hassinger wroteafterthe First World War, had been able
to discoverand establisha raison d'etre,a justification
forexistence,even without
the calamityof thewar, it could not long have continuedto exist.3'
Those statesare strongest,Ratzel had concluded,"in whichthe politicalidea of
the statefillstheentirebodyof the state,extendsto all its parts."32
What does this mean for our studyof the politicalgeographyof a state? It
means,I am convinced,thatbeforewe can begin to studythe problemspresented
by the centrifugalforcesI have previouslyoutlined,we must firstdiscoverthe
motivatingcentripetalforce,the basic politicalidea of the state. Under what concept,forwhat purposes,are theseparticularregionsto be boundtogetherinto one
politicalunit,absolutelyseparatedfromeveryotherpoliticalterritory?
Does this seem too remotefromgeography? Too much like politicalscience?
The studentof geographyof climatesmustunderstandthe natureof air-masses,as
analyzed by the meteorologist.We cannot intelligently
study the geographyof
soils until we have grasped the soil scientist'sanalysis of soil types. In agriculturalgeographyit is not sufficient,
we now know,to studycrops and animals;
we are concernedwiththe farmunitof organizationof crops fromfields,livestock
in barnsand pasture,all directedtowardultimateproductionof foodforthefarmer
and productsto be sold fromhis farms. We are not readyto begin the studyof
farm geographyuntil we have analyzed the farmer'spurpose-the idea under
whichhis piece of land is organized.
Geographersusuallyknowquite a bit about farming,so theymay knowbeforehand what is in the farmer'smind,or perhapstheycan inferthatfromobservation
31Hugo Hassinger,in R. Kjellen and K. Haushofer,Die Grossniichte
vor und nach dem
Berlinand Leipzig,1930,p. 34.
Weltkriege,
32 Ratzel,op. cit.,p. 6.
112
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
of thevisiblefacts-the fields,silo,corncrib,or cow-barn. But to knowforcertain,

you mustask thefarmer.
Whom shall we ask concerningthe idea of the particularstate? Obviouslyone
mustgo to thosewho actuallyoperatethe statein question. This is not so easy as
in the case of the farmor factory. A modernstate is an organizationoperated,in
greateror less degree,by all of thepolitically-minded
people includedin it-ideally
its entireadult population.
One mightlogicallysuppose thatgeographersshouldbe able to findthe answer
to this questionin studies in politicalscience. Unfortunately,
fromour point of
view,politicalscientistsseem to have concernedthemselvessolelywiththe idea and
purpose of the genericstate-the purposes,that is, thatare commonto all states.
This ignoresthe very thingthat is of directconcernto the geographer-namely
the idea thatis distinctfortheparticularstatein contrastwiththatof otherstates,
that which makes,for significantdifferencesfromcountryto country. Perhaps
thatmeansthatit is logicallya problemforthe geographer.
In any case, unless we can findthe answerto this fundamental
questionin the
works of otherstudents-perhapsof the historiansif not the politicalscientistswe are apparentlyforcedto work it out for ourselves. We must discoverand establishthe unique distinctiveidea underwhicha particularsectionof area and of
humanityis organizedintoa unitstate.
I realize thatthe problemis remotefromthe geographer'strainingand knowledge. But yearsof stumblingefforthave convincedme thatthereis no circumventing it. Until we can determineforany particularstate the idea underwhichit is
organized,we shall have no basis on whichto analyze its politicalgeography;we
shall not have startedon the significant
contribution
that geographycan make to
the studyof states.
Perhaps we exaggeratethe difficulty
of the problembecause it is unfamiliar.
To pin down preciselythe particularidea on whichany state is based is certainly
but study of the essentialhistoricaldocumentsmay enable one to
very difficult,
come fairlyquicklyto a roughstatementsufficiently
close to the markto be usable.
Let me give you a case in whichone of my advanced graduatestudents33
had
particulardifficulty-the
state of Iraq. He finallyarrivedat somethinglike this:
The idea of an Iraqi state sprang fromtwo factors: (1) the recognitionby the
Great Powers of the special strategicand economicsignificance
of the Mesopotamian region,and (2) theneed to providea pied a terreforArab nationalismbanished
fromSyria. On the basis of thesetwo considerations
therewas establisheda territoryembracingthe settledArab regionof the Tigris-Euphratesplain,togetherwith
adjacent but dissimiliarregions of mountainand desert tribes,the whole to be
developedas a separateArab state.
You note that the idea of this state was a compoundof purposes and those,
external:foreigndiplomacyand transportednationalistfire. That was the case in
1919. One would need to determinewhetherthe Iraqi have since evolveda truly
nativeconcept.
manuscript.
33Mr. JohnPatersonin an unpublished
1950
113
In mucholder states,we mayexpectto findthatan indigenousraisond'etrehas

evolvedthatmay have littleor no relationto the originalgenesis. To determine
the distinctiveidea of such,a state,therefore
we must studythe currentsituation,
ratherthantheremotepast. In the well-developedmodernstatepolitically-minded
people in all regionsof the state-areaare consciousof theirloyaltyto the stateand
have some commonunderstanding,
even thoughnot clearlyphrased,of what that
statemeansto them. In such a case, we may recognize,I think,the existenceof a
nation-as somethingdistinctfromthe state itself.
The Conceptof Nation
At what I choose to call the moreprimitivelevel,the conceptof nationrepresentssimplya feelingof kinship,of belongingtogether,an extensionof the concept
of family,more properlyan extensionof the conceptof the in-groupversus outsiders. While usuallyexpressedin termsderivedfromthe languageof the family
-terms like "blood," "breed," "race," etc.,-it is in realityless of kin and more
of kind-similarityof cultural,ratherthan of biologicalcharacteristics.
The direct significanceof this elementaryconceptof nationalityto the state
lies firstin the factthat all peoples tend to prefergovernmentby those of their
own kind,even if inefficient
or unjust,ratherthan any governmentover themby
foreigners,
howeverbeneficient.The second reason is thatthe individualseeks to
identifyhimselfwithhis state; nationality,someone said, is "pooled self-esteem."
Indeed the stateis sure of the loyaltyof the people onlyif thereis such identification. Each citizenmustfeelthatthe state is "his" state,its leaders,"his" leaders.
For this to be possiblehe mustfeel thatthose who operatehis state,who govern
him,are people like himself.
The main purposeof a statehoweveris not the furtherance
of a particularlanguage or culture. Its main purposesare political. The values over which it has
completecontrolare politicalvalues. As the people in a state maturein positive
politicalexperience,theirfeelingof belongingtogetherbecomesless dependenton
the such obvioussimilaritiesas commonlanguage,and moredependenton common
adherenceto particularpoliticalconcepts,ideals,and institutions.It is forthesake
of thesethattheyare readyto devotetheirultimateloyaltyto theirstate.
It is in termsof these concepts,more specificallydefinedto fitthe particular
case, thatwe can explaintheevolutionof a Swiss nationout of a collectionof many
smallregions,usingfourdifferent
languages,separatedby imposingphysicalbarriers,
with sharplydivergingoutside connections,and originallybroughttogetherby
a seriesof historicalaccidents,includingforceof arms.
In sharp contrastto Switzerland,and the other small states of long historic
evolutionin westernEurope, is the situationin mostof the small statesof Eastern
Europe. These owe theirexistenceprimarilyto the oppositionof individualnationalities,based on culturalkinship,to alien rule,but the geographicdistribution
of the nationalitiesmade impossiblea systemof stateseach confinedto the single
nationality.In the relativelyshortperiodof theirindependentexistenceas states,
none have been able to evolvepoliticalvalues and institutions
commandingnational
114
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
loyaltyon a higherlevel thanthatof culturalkinship-i.e., theyhave not been able

to bringthe nationalminorities,presentin almosteverycase, into membershipin
the nation.
It is difficult
to summarizethe analysisof the conceptof nation into a single
I would suggest that a
statement,but, for those readers who wish a definition,
"nation"may be definedas a groupof people occupyinga particulararea who feel
themselvesheld togetherin termsof commonacceptanceof particularvalues that
are of such primeimportanceto themthattheydemandthattheirarea and people
shouldbe organizedin a distinctstate,as thepoliticalagencyby whichthosevalues
may be preservedand furthered.34
The relationsbetweenthe stateand the nationare mutualand manifold. In the
older national states of westernEurope, the nation,as Vidal de la Blache has
pointedout,was in no smallpart the productof the state. William of Normandy,
as successorto the Anglo-Saxon kings,establisheda relativelyeffectivestate,the
kingdomof England, later expanded to includeWales. In the process,however,
whateverdegreeof Anglo-Saxon nationhad developedwas destroyedin the conflictwiththe NormanFrenchconquerors. But in the course of centuriesthe state
createda new nation,the English. Althoughmost of the kingdomcame to have
a commontongue,the conceptof the nationwas acceptedin areas of the statebeyond the limitsof the English language-notablyin the Celtichighlandsof Wales.
The subsequentunion of two states, England and Scotland, each of which had
evolved a distinctnationalcharacter,led in time to the developmentof a larger,
single,Britishnation. On the otherhand,the greaterpart of the island of Ireland,
thoughincludedin the English kingdomfor centuriesand largelyconvertedto
English tongue,neverbecamepart of the Britishnation.
Likewise therewas no French nation-nor even a commonlanguage of what
we thinkof as the singleFrenchpeople-until centuriesafterthe kings of France
unityoverthe statearea we call by thatname.
had establishedmoreor less effective
kindof example,the French-speaking
cantonsof Lausanne,
Or, to take a different
Geneva,and the Valais were includedin the Swiss state long beforetheirpopulations came to regard themselvesas part of the Swiss nation,and the process of
becomingpart of that nationinvolvedno lesseningin theiradherenceto the language of France ratherthanthe Germaniclanguageof the greaterpart of Switzerland.
In Norway and Eire the relationof state and nationwas reversed:the nation
antedatedand demandedthe state. In the case of Poland we see a nation,originallyproducedin part by the long historyof a state,which survivedthe total
destructionof that state and more than a centurylater demandedthe restoration
of the state.
The story of Austria-Hungaryis particularlyilluminating. The Habsburg
monarchydid not disintegratedirectlybecause of the large numberof different
34This statement
is a productof exchangeof viewswithProfessorHardy Dillard,Dean of
of Virginia.
the Law School,University
1950
FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH
IN
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
115
ethnicregionsof whichit was formed,but ratherbecause thatstate neverevolved

thatcould gain acceptance,not to say enthusiasm,
politicalconceptsor institutions
in its diverseregions.35
For an example in currentprocess, consider Yugoslavia. Ignoring for the
threeregionalgroups-Serbs,
momenttheGerman,Magyar,and Albaniandistricts,
Croats,and Slovenes-voluntarilyjoined to forma state. Though based on close
relationshipof South Slavic language,the main motivatingimpulsewas opposition
to foreignrule by GermanAustriaand Magyar Hungary. In the hope of creating
a nationtheyinventeda new nationalword-Yugoslav. But findingno positive
politicalconceptfortheirstate-or failingto make real the conceptof a federation
of relatedbut different
groups-the state became increasinglyan imperialexpansion of the dominantSerbian group. In consequence,under the forceof outside
attack by Germany,it broke internally. Again, however,the commonsuffering
under foreigntyrannybroughtincreasedunityof feelingamong the three Slavic
groups. This rise of Yugoslav nationalismhoweverwas splitby the socio-political
conflictof communistrevolution,dividingthe countryby classes, ratherthan by
had thecapacityto win overtheadherenceof all thepeople
regions. If communism
of an area to its faith,thecountrymightattainnationalunityon thatbasis-but no
doubtonlyto be mergedin the largerunityof a CommunistEastern Europe. Today, dictatorialorders fromoutside have again awakened Yugoslav nationalism.
In the struggleagainstalien rule fromMoscow, the regionalnationalitiesmay conceivablybe mergedinto a genuineYugoslav nation-unless the class conflictinherentin communismdestroysthe possibilityof unityof the people of even the
smallestarea.
The United States,one of the moststrikingand intenseof nationalstates,pretype. The nationantedatedthe state,but was itselforiginally
sentsstilla different
onlya part of an older Britishnationthathad been developedby the United Kingdom. Separated fromits then larger part by the AtlanticOcean, the American
firesof
sectorbecame a new nation,broughtto high temperin the revolutionary
the War forIndependence. But this new nationfounditselfthennot organizedin
one state,but in thirteen. The Constitutional
Conventionof 1787 was broughttogetherto createa single state organizationto serve a nationrecognizedas already
in existence.
One furtherramification
may be brieflysuggested. Once the concept of a
nationhas beenwell establishedwithinan area, its spreadoutwardis notnecessarily
limitedby the frontierof the state-area. Thus, when the Frenchnationalarmyin
1792 enteredthe French-speakingregionsof Savoy, a regionthathad neverbeen
a partoftheFrenchkingdom,theyfoundthatthenationalconceptsof revolutionary
France had precededthem. The Savoyards,who had neverbelongedto a nation,
but had merelybeen subject to a feudalstate lackingin politicalideals, were preA Post-Mortemin Political
35 RichardHartshorne,"The Tragedyof Austria-Hungary:
XXVIII (1938):
Geography,"(abstract)Annalsof theAssociationof AmericanGeographers,
49.
116
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
pared to regardthemselvesas partof thenationof France. It would be interesting

to comparetheirattitudewiththatof theFrench-speaking
areas of Switzerlandand
Belgiumwhichwere likewiseconqueredat thattimeby the Frencharmies.
The Conceptof the"Core Area"
These considerationsshould enable us to look more criticallythan has hitherto
been done,I believe,at the conceptof the core area of a state. Commonlywe look
at France, England, Scotland,or Sweden-the classic cases in whichthe core area
appears so important,whetherin the historyof developmentof the state-areaor
thatof the evolutionof nationalunity. Or we contrastthe situationin thosecountries with that in Spain, where the centralarea, the Meseta, is relativelyweak.
But considerthe territory
of the old kingdomof Hungary,where the core-areaof
Magyar populationin the rich plain of the Mid-Danube would appear to provide
thenaturalfocusforsurrounding
smallerlowlandsand mountainhighlands. While
this situationno doubt facilitatedconquestand organizationof the large area included in the kingdom,nationalunitywas neverachieved.
In contrastthe manyscatterednuclei of the Norwegianpeople,connectedonly
by sea, providedthe basis for nationalunityand a modernstate. In the United
States, no one area ever functionedas a single core, but ratherthe associationof
a large numberof regions,closely interrelatedin an ever-shifting
balance, forms
the basis foreffective
unity.
Clearlywe mustdraw negativeas well as positiveconclusions. A core area is
neithersufficient
nor essentialto the evolutionof a nationor state. What is essential is a commonidea thatconvincesthe people in all the regionsthattheybelong
together. Historicallyin certainstatesa core area may have played a major role
in spreadingthat idea to otherregionsand it may continuetoday as in France,
Argentina,or Mexico, to focus the interestof the regionson itselfas the center
of what has becomea functioning
unit; but the commonidea for a state may develop whereno core area exists.
The Applicationof theState-Idea in Political Geography
Whateveris foundto be the raison d'etre,the underlyingidea of the state,it is
withthisconcept,I submit,thatthe geographershould startin his analysisof the
state-area. What use is he thento make of it?
His firstconcernis to determinethe area to whichthe idea applies,then,the
degreeto whichit operatesin the different
regions,and finallythe extentof correspondenceof thoseregionsto theterritory
actuallyincludedwithinthe state.
On this basis we may approachthe mostelementaryproblemin politicalgeogwithinthelegal confinesof its territory,
those
raphy-namelythatof distinguishing
regionsthat formintegralparts of the state-areain termsof its basic idea, and
thoseparts thatmustbe recognizedas held under controlin the face of eitherinor of oppositionon the part of the regionalpopulation.
difference
The vastareas ofthesubarcticlands,whetherin Alaska, Canada, Sweden,or the
-1950
FUNCTIONAL
GEOGRAPHY
117
Soviet Union, sparselypopulatedby primitivetribes,with a few scatteredsettlementsof civilizedpeoples,are organizedpoliticallyas thoughtheywere coloniesof
under the
an outsidestate,even wherethereis no break in the extentof territory
same flag. The same is true of tropicallowland areas, in almost all the Latin
Americancountries. In mostof the latter,theseessentiallyunorganizedterritories
creditedto the country.36
constituteover halfthe total area officially
A moredifficult
for
definition
is
raised in examiningthe areas of longquestion
settledIndian populationin the highlandsof tropicalAmerica-both in Central
Americanstatesand in the Andes. Are theseareas of nativelanguageand culture
to be consideredas integralparts of statesor are theynot stillcolonialareas subject to outsidecontrol,even thoughthe centerof controlis not in Spain but in the
neighboringdistrictsof Spanish-Americanculture?
A similarsituationmay be foundin more highlydevelopedcountries. Thus
duringthe centuriesin whichall of Ireland was recognizedin international
law as
part of the United Kingdom,its greaterpart was certainlyoperatedin fact as a
subjectarea, distinctfromthecontrolling
state. Much the same may be truetoday
of certainportionsof the Soviet Union, notablythe so-calledrepublicsof Central
Asia-but the difficulty
of determining
the actual operationsof the Soviet governmentmakedefinitestatementimpossible. On theotherhand,we have in theUnited
States clear-cutthoughtinyrelicsof internalcolonialismin the Indian reservations.
If the idea of the stateis based on the recognitionof the existenceof a nation,
then the major geographicquestion to consideris whetherthere is close correspondencebetweenthe area of the nationand that of the state. Are thereregions
withinthe statewhose populationdo not feelthemselvespart of the nation? Are
there regions of the nation that are not includedwithinthe state-the issue of
irridentism
?
It is not easy to measurethe area to be includedin a particularnationalgroup.
In manycases we mustapproachthe questionindirectly. If we can determinethe
essentialfactorsinvolvedin the particularnationality,
we may be able to measure
the area over whicheach of these factorsexists. On this basis we may establish
certainareas that are clearly includedin the given nation,and otherareas that
adherein termsof some factors,but not in termsof others.
The entirearea over which the nation extends,but in varyingdegreesof intensity,may thenbe comparedwiththe area presentlyincludedin the state. We
have thus determinednot only the areal correspondenceof state and nation,but
also the regionsin which the nationalcharacteris partial ratherthan complete.
We shall therebyhave presented,in part in map form,the basic factorsand relationshipsinvolvedin the primaryproblemof politicalgeography-the analysisof
the degreeto whichthe diverseregionsof the state constitutea unity.
36 For morecomplete
withan attempt
discussion,
to maptheseareas see RichardHartshorne,
"The Politicio-Geographic
Patternof theWorld,"Annalsof theAmericanAcademyof Political
and Social Science,CCXVIII (Nov. 1941): 45 ff.
118
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
Internal Organization
At this pointwe reach one otherproblemfor analysis-the relationof the internalterritorialorganizationof the state-areato the regionaldiversitieswe have
analyzed. Though all the regionsof a state are clearlyincludedunder the stateidea, have completeloyaltyto the overall conceptsof the nationalunit, regional
differences
inevitablycause some differences
in interpretation
and implementation
of those concepts.
If thesedifferences
are relativelyminor,as in mostof France or, I presume,in
froma singlecentralauthorUruguay,the regionsmay acceptunitarygovernment
ity. If the differences
are great,the attemptto imposesuch a uniformsystemmay
provokeoppositionendangeringthenationalunity. Since such regionaldifferences
are importantin most countries,but most states attemptto operateunder a uniform,centralizedgovernment,
the numberof examples of this type of problemis
very large. Spain, at the moment,providesone of the most striking.
Certainstatesrecognizeopenlythe need to permitdiverginginterpretations
of
the overall conceptsof that state and hence significantdifferences
in the institutions and laws thereunder. This is the system of the federal state, of which
Switzerlandprovidesthe oldest example,the United States the largest. In both
is guaranteedby the constitutional
cases, a notabledegree of regionalheterogeneity
divisionof powers.
In this countrywe are at the momentengagedin one of our periodiccrises in
determiningjust how much social and politicalautonomyis to be permittedthe
regions that are crudelyrepresentedby our so-called States. This crisis, incidentally,causes the Congress of the United States to work for the social and
politicalgeographer,producingraw materialusefulto us in measuringdifferences
in intensityof regionalattitudestowardsthe factsof racial composition.
The possible ways of organizingthe state-areaare not limitedto the unitary
and the federalsystems. The United Kingdom,for example,has evolved in the
course of its long historya mostcomplicatedsystemunderwhichWales, Scotland,
NorthernIreland,the Isle of Man, and the ChannelIslands-each has a different
degree of autonomyadjusted to its particularlinguistic,religious,economic,and
politicalgeography.
In determining
of a country,the studentmust
the methodof state-organization
not merelythe wordswrittenintoa constistudythe actual methodof government,
of the Soviet Union grants
tution. He will recognizethat while the constitution
on paper more independenceto its memberrepublicsthan is true of the individual
States of this country,and even thoughit encouragesand exploitsa great variety
of languagesand folkcultures,in everyotheraspect of economicand politicallife
it operatesits vast area of radicallydifferent
regionsas a highlycentralized,monostate.
lithic
ANALYSIS OF EXTERNAL FUNCTIONS
In a functional
approachto theanalysisof thepoliticalgeographyof a state,our
firsthalfwas concernedwiththe internalproblemsof the state-area. The second
1950
FUNCTIONAL
GEOGRAPHY
119
halfis concernedwiththe externalrelationsof the state-areato the otherareas of

the world,whetherthose are also organizedas states,controlledby outsidestates,
or unorganized. For conveniencewe may group these relationsas territorial,
economic,political,and strategic.
TerritorialRelations
relationswe are of course concernedin the firstinstancewith
Under territorial
the degreeto whichadjacent statesare in agreementconcerningthe extentof territorywhicheach includes. Whetherthe area in questionis large or small,agreementultimatelyrequiresthe determination
of a preciseboundary.
Of all the problemsof international
relations,theseconcerningthe allocationof
of boundariesare the most obviouslygeoterritoriesand hence the determination
graphic. It is no doubtforthatreasonthattheyhave been the mostcommonobject of studyby geographers. In the last two decades Americangeographerscan
point to notableprogressin the developmentof genericconceptsand usefulgenboundaries.37
eralizations,if not definiteprinciples,concerninginternational
In muchof thisworkhowever,we stilltendto starton the wrongfoot. In the
initialclassification
of internalboundarieswe have, as geographers,looked firstat
the physicalcharacterof the zones in whichthe boundarylines are drawn. This
is not a classificationof international
boundaries,but ratherof the featureswith
which such boundariesare associated.
If we startwithwhat we are studying-thestate-areas-we can recognizethe
essentialfunctionof the boundaryfromits name: it is that line which is to be
is under the
acceptedby all concernedas boundingthe area in which everything
jurisdictionof one state as against areas under differentjurisdiction. In welldevelopedregionsof the world it mustbe determinedto the exact foot. (Considerationof the functionsof a boundaryzone, as an elementof militarydefense,for
example,is a separatequestionto be consideredelsewhere.)
is the degree
boundarytherefore
The firstthingto knowabout an international
to which it is acceptedby all the partiesconcerned-i.e., the adjacent states and
the populationwhose statehoodis determinedby the locationof the boundary.3S
Considerthe followingcases of international
boundaries;the boundarybetween
in thateach derivesmuch
37 The following
seriesis unusualin Americanpoliticalgeography
fromthe precedingstudiesand fromearlierstudiesby Europeangeographers:RichardHartshorne,"Geographicand PoliticalBoundariesin Upper Silesia," Annals of the Associationof
XXIII (1933): 194-228; idem,"Suggestionon the Terminologyof
AmericanGeographers,
an der Universitat
Leipzig,Heft
des Vereinsder Geographen
Mitteilungen
PoliticalBoundaries,"
XXVI
14/15(1936): 180-192;abstractin Annalsof theAssociationof AmericanGeographers,
Boundaries,New York, 1940; StephenB.
Boggs, International
(1936): 56 f.; S. Whittemore
A HandbookforStatesmen,TreatyEditorsand BoundaryCommisJones,Boundary-Making:
Press,1945.
sioners,ColumbiaUniversity
38 A consideration
boundariesfromthisapproachis given
of a largenumberof international
Aspects
"A SurveyoftheBoundaryProblemsof Europe,"in Geographic
in RichardHartshorne,
of Chicago Press, 1938,pp. 163-213.
Relations,C. C. Colby,editor,University
of International
120
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
Great Britain and France (includingthe Channel Islands with Great Britain);
thatbetweenFrance and Spain; thatbetweenSwitzerlandand Italy (includingthe
Ticino boundarythatreachesfar down the Alpine slopes almostto the Po Plain);
and, finally,the boundarybetweenthe United States and Mexico both east and
types of physicalzones.
west of El Paso. These run throughradicallydifferent
do
not. But from the
others
divisions,
ethnic
Some correspondclosely with
boundary,all are in the
pointof view of the primaryfunctionof an international
same category,namelythatof boundariescompletelyacceptedas finalby the states
themselvesand the people of the borderareas.
categoryis theFranco-Germanboundary(consideredas of 1930).
In a different
so by Germanyin the
Though this was fullyaccepted by France and officially
Treaty of Locarno, one could not assume that the Germanleaders intendedthat
acceptanceto be finaland by imprisoningcertainof the local leaders in Alsace the
its lack of faithin thecompleteacceptanceby the
demonstrated
Frenchgovernment
Alsatianpeopleof theirinclusionin the Frenchstate.
Still differentis the case of the German-Polishboundaryof the inter-war
period,whichneitherstateacceptedas morethana temporarydivisionof territory
claimedby both sides.
Where boundariesrun throughprimitive,essentiallycolonial,regionswhichat
presenthave very slightproductivevalue but offerpossibilitiesfor futureimporset of categories. Thus we may find
tance,we may need to recognizea different
themselvesto
while not committing
concerned,
cases in whichfora timethe states
in
the
wilderness,
an ultimateboundary,raise no questionconcerningthe line lost
but may at any momentchallenge,withthe forceof'arms,the line thathad apparentlybeen accepted.39
based on the primaryfuncIf we firstestablishsuch a systemof classification,
tion of boundaries,and only then seek to determineto what extentthose of partypesof features-e.g., on naturaldivides
ticularcategoriesare based on different
of population,on ethnicdivisions,or on boundariesantecedentto state development-we may hope to avoid one of our more commonformsof geographicdeterminism.
boundary(whetheror not it
The second questionconcerningany international
is fullyaccepted) is the degree to which its boundingfunctionis maintainedby
the borderingstates,the degree,thatis, to whichall movementsof goods and percontrolledby theboundaryofficials. In examinsons across theline are effectively
observethe ways in which the controlis
will
of
course
ing that,the geographer
by the characterof the zone throughwhich the
made easier or more difficult
boundaryline is drawn.
of a state
A special aspect of boundaryproblemsemergeswhere the territory
reachesto the sea. Though open to use by all, the seas are in factlittleused by
Territorialclaimsin theUpperAmazon,"in Geographic
39Cf. RobertS. Platt,"Conflicting
of ChicagoPress, 1938,pp.
Problems,C. C. Colby,editor,University
Aspectsof International
243-278.
1950
FUNCTIONAL
GEOGRAPHY
121
formostpurposesto definethe boundarysimplyas

anyone. Hence, it is sufficient
followingthe coast,as mosttreatiesdo. But forcertainpurposes,notablyfishing,
of the line in the waters
bordercontrol,and naval warfare,the exact determination
law eitheras to
may be critical. There is no overall agreementin international
as
part
of
of
sea
included
the possession
waters-the
zone
of
territorial
the width
of the borderingstate-or as to the mannerin which the off-shoreline bounding
thosewatersfollowsthe indentationsof the coast. The literatureon thisproblem
is voluminous,but among geographers,Boggs, so far as I know,is the only one
who has made special studyof the problem.40
The use of territorialwaters by merchantships of a foreignstate,commonly
forthe purposeof enteringthe portsof the countryconcerned,representsthe most
commonoccurrenceof use of territoryof one state for the purposes of another
state. In this case the purposeis mutual. In other,more special cases, problems
of a
arise fromthe desireor need of the people of one stateto utilizethe territory
foreigncountryin orderto have access to stillothercountries,or in some cases to
a different
part of theirown state. Both Canada and the United States have perwhose major
of railroadsacross portionsof theirterritories
mittedtheconstruction
purpose was to connectregionsof the othercountry-e.g., the Michigan Central
across Ontario fromDetroit to Buffalo,or the Canadian Pacific across the State
of Maine fromMontrealto St. John,New Brunswick. European countriescommonlywill not tolerateforeignrailroads across their territories,but the Polish
railroadsin the inter-warperiod operated,for Germany,throughtrainsbetween
East Prussia and the main part of Germany.
Nearlyall statesrecognizethe need of providingtransitservicefortradeacross
of
betweenstateson eitherside, thoughthis involvesa multiplicity
theirterritories
minor problemsof control. Most importantare provisionsfor transitfroman
inland state to the seacoast in orderto have access to the countriesof the world
accessibleby sea routes. The Grand Trunk Railroad of Canada, now a part of
the Canadian National Railways,not only crosses New Hampshireand Maine to
reachthe sea, but,when the winterice closes the St. Lawrence,uses the harborof
Portland,Maine as its portof shipmentforforeigntradeof interiorCanada, which
constitutesmost of the total trafficof that Americanport. In certainEuropean
seem necessary:a sectionof a port,as at Trieste
cases morespecificarrangements
or Hamburg,may be allocatedexclusivelyto handle the transittrade of a foreign
country.*
Economic Relations
Trade in commoditiesamongstatesin an essentialpart of the fieldof economic
trade for which defigeography,treatedusuallyas simplya formof interregional
economicreof
international
forms
nite statisticshappen to be available. Other
etc.,mightno less logicallybe studiedin ecolations,as in services,investments,
40 Boggs, op. cit.,pp. 184-192.
* Air Transporthas ofcourseaddeda newvarietyoftransitproblems.
122
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
nomicgeography,but as yetfewgeographershave attemptedto do this. While it

is obviousthattheseeconomicrelationsbetweenindividualsor corporationsin one
state and those in othersare somehowsignificant
to the statesconcerned,it is by
no meanseasy to determinewhatthatsignificance
is. In consequencemanywriters
in politicalgeographysee no alternativebut to throwin a sectiontreatingthe internationaltrade of the countryin standardeconomic-geographic
fashion.
In the analysisof a state-areathe need to considerits economicrelationswith
outside areas arises fromthe fact that in many respectsa state operates,must
operate,as a unit economyin relationwith other unit economiesin the world.
The difficulties
arise because,while it must operatecompletelyas a politicalunit,
a state-areaoperatesonly partiallyas an economicunit.
The firstproblemis to determineto what extentthe economyof one state-area
is dependenton thatof others,thoughthe mereanalysisof self-sufficiency
is onlya
beginning. If one says thatthe United States producesa surplusof coal and iron,
but is dependenton foreigncountriesfor much of its supply of tin, nickel,and
manganese,of sugar and rubber-such a statement,
even in precisepercentagefigures,tell us directlylittleof importance. If a countryhas plentyof coal and iron
it can normallysecure the other metals mentionedfromwhereverin the world
theyare produced. Under abnormalconditionsof war, or threatof war, it is essentialto knowthatthe manganesenormallycomes fromthe Transcaucususin the
Soviet Union, the tin from British Malaya (but can be obtained in Bolivia),
whereas the nickel comes fromadjacent Canada. Natural rubber supplies are
availablein adequate amountsonlyin one remoteregion-Malaya-East Indies-but
nearbyCuba can supplymostof our sugar needs.
In general,the geographerwill analyze the economicdependenceof one statearea on othersin termsof the specificcountriesconcernedand theirlocationand
politicalassociationin relationto the state he is studying.
Since all sound tradingis of mutualadvantageto bothparties,to say thatone
stateis economicallydependenton any othernecessarilyimpliesalso the converse.
But the degree to whichany particularcommoditytrade,shippingservice,or investmentis criticallyimportantvaries in termsof the total economyof each of the
two states concerned. It is only in this sense that the commonquestion "Is a
particularstate economicallyviable?" has any validity,since everystate above the
mostprimitivelevel is in some respectscriticallydependenton others.
The problemis far fromsimple,but perhaps we can suggesttwo generalizations. As betweentwo countriesthat differgreatlyin the size of theirtotal national economy,the economicrelationshipsbetweenthem are more criticallyimportantfor the lesser country(though this mightnot be true under war conditions). This is true because these economicrelationships,
whichmay be takenas
equalized throughinternational
balance of payments,will forma largerproportion
of the totalnationaleconomyof the lesser state. An obvious exampleis foundin
the relationof Eire to Great Britain,of Cuba to the United States.
The second generalizationrests on the factthat the criticalsignificanceof the
1950
FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH
IN
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
123
trade dependson the possibilityof alternatives,

of findingothersourcesforneeded
suppliesor othermarketsforproductswhichmustbe sold to maintainthe national
economy. Most popular discussionstend to thinkonly of the former,whereas
under the capitalistprofit-system
under which most internationaltrade operates,
it is the latterthat is more significant.The reason is thatfor most commodities
of worldproductionthereare alternativesourcesof supplyat moderateincreasein
cost; theremay not be alternativemarketseven at greatlyreducedsellingprices.
Finally we may note thatrelativelyfew areas of the worldnow producea surplus of manufactured
goods requiringa high degree of technologicaldevelopment
and theseconstitutetherefore
a relativelylimitedmarketforthe surplusof primary
productsof farm,forest,and mine whichcan be producedwidelyover the world.
Consequentlythe countriesproducingprimaryproducts,even the very necessities
of life,may findit moredifficult
to findalternativemarketsfortheirproductsthan
the industrialcountriesproducingarticlesless essentialto life. With widerspread
of industrialization
over the world,this situationwould of course be altered,conceivablyreversed.
It shouldnot be assumedhoweverthatthese roughgeneralizationswill provide
the answerin any givencase. Considerthe problemposed by the independenceof
Austria afterthe dissolutionof the Habsburg empire-a problemwhich Austria
stillfaces. T'o surviveas a viable economicunit,Austrianeeded to maintainwith
theadjacent regions,re-organizedas independentstates,a highdegreeof economic
relationship. Its positionin competitionwith otherwisemore favoredregionsof
industrialEurope, made it peculiarlydependenton marketsimmediatelyto the
east. For these easternneighborssuch relationshipswere also necessaryfor the
maximumeconomicprogress,but were not vitallynecessaryto economiclife. If,
for political reasons, and to develop their own industriesat greater cost, they
preferrednot to tradefreelywithAustria,theyhad the choiceof the less profitable
plan, whereasfor Austria the alternativewas economiccollapse.
In the nineteenthcentury,internationaleconomicrelations,thoughboth supportedand retardedby stateaction,were generallyoperatedas the privatebusiness
of individualsand corporations. With the depressionof the 1930's, the rise of
totalitarianstates,and the last war, therehas been an increasingtendencyforthe
state itself to direct the operationsof internationaltrade and investment. In
these respectsstates functionincreasinglyas economicunits so that the economic
relationsamong them become increasinglyimportantin the politico-geographic
analysisof the state.
Political Relations
is
The mostobviousformof politicalrelationof a stateto any outsideterritory
that of effective
politicalcontrol-as a colony,possession,dependency,or "protectorate." Commonlywe recognizeonly a small numberof states as colonial,or
imperial,powers: eight or nine in western Europe, togetherwith the United
in islands
States, Japan,Australia,and New Zealand (the two latterfunctioning
124
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
of the SouthwestPacific). Germanywas eliminatedfromthe list by the First

World War, Japan by the Second. If, however,we recognizethe colonialreality
of areas adjacent to a state and legallyincludedin its territorybut actuallynot
formingan integralpart of that state (as discussedearlierin this paper), the list
is far longer-includingCanada, Norway, Sweden, the Soviet Union, China, the
Union of South Africa,andmost of the Latin Americanstates. A new-comerto
subjectto it in theprimithislist is the IndonesianRepublic,withlarge territories
tive areas of Borneo,Celebes,Xetc.
The legal formsof colonialrelationshipvary widely-even withina single empire, such as that of Great Britain. Further,these legal formsmay or may not
the degreeto whichpoliticalorganizationis
expressthe realityof the relationship,
imposed and operatedby the outside state. It is the latter,I presume,that is
our concernin politicalgeography.
One characteristic
of colonialareas thatis of particularconcernfromour pressystemof the home state
entpointof view is the degreeto whichthegovernmental
process of fullyincoris
in
the
is extendedover the colonial territory. France
France, but othersonly
poratingcertainformerlycolonialareas into metropolitan
partially. Many imperialpowers have always extendedtheirlegal systemsinto
colonial areas so far as citizens fromthe home countryare concerned,so that
withinany colonialarea theremay be an overlappingof two authorities-onehaving jurisdictionover citizensof the home state,the otherover nativepeople.
in
Many countriesrecognizedby treatyas independentstates,and functioning
large degree as such, are nonethelessunder some particulardegree of political
controlby an outsidepower. This may be limitedto utilizationof small fractions
usuallythe armed services,of the
of the territory
of one stateby the government,
other-e.g., Great Britain in militarycontrolof the Canal Zone of Egypt, the
United States Navy at GuantanamoBay. The most important,relatively,is the
Americancontrolfor essentiallyan indefiniteperiod,of the Panama Canal Zone,
across themostpopulouspartof the Republicof Panama. In othercases, the outbut ratherexerciselimited
side countrymaycontroldirectlyno partof theterritory,
especiallyforeign
of
government,
aspects
control,as throughan adviser,over major
has
in thepast exerStates
The
United
budget.
national
relations,customs,or the
cised such controlfor limitedperiods over small states in the -Caribbeanarea; a
group of outside powers for years operatedthe tariffcustomsof China to raise
moneyto pay the Chineseforeigndebts. The clearestcase of politicaldomination
of supposedlyindependentstatesby an outsidestatetodayis foundin the obvious
controlby the Soviet Union over the internalpolicies as well as foreignpolicyof
the "satellite"states on its west,fromPoland to Bulgaria, even thoughthis relationshipis expressedin no formaltreaties.
Generallyspeaking,recognitionof independentsovereigntyof a state by the
other states of the world presumesthat that state will maintainsimilarpolitical
relationswithall friendlystates,will not be bound by special politicalassociations
withany particularstates. Numerousexceptionshoweverare widelyrecognized.
1950
FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH
IN
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
125
are recognizedas havingemerged

Thus thedominionsoftheBritishCommonwealth
fromcolonialto independentstatus,even thoughtheycontinueto be held together
with the United Kingdom,extendingto
in continuouslyvoluntaryconfederation
each othernumerouspoliticaland economicprivilegesnot extendedto otherstates.
Likewise outside states have long recognizedthe special politicalconcernof the
United States forthe Latin Americanrepublics,a concernnow finallyexpressedin
treatyas a mutualpolicyof association. Likewise theyhave recognizedthe longstandingpoliticalinterestof the United States in the negrostate of Liberia. The
recentNorthAtlanticPact, thoughintendedprimarilyformilitarypurposes,conwould tendto createa specialpolitical
tainspoliticalclauses which,if implemented,
associationof the United States,Canada and the statesof westernEurope.
Finally,of course,nearlyall the statesof the worldhave acceptedcertainpolitiin joiningtheUnited Nations; insofaras thisapplies to all states,
cal commitments
are universal,ratherthan geographicallydistinctive.
such commitments
StrategicRelations
In no phase of politicalgeographydoes the geographerexperiencesuch diffihis geographicpointof view or in keepinghis eye focussedon
cultyin maintaining
problemshe is competentto studyas in the fieldof strategicrelations. Strategy
obviouslydependson nationalpowerand thisis a subjecton whichthe geographer
feelsreadyto contributehis share,in "geographicfoundationsof nationalpower."
But in so doing he is migratinginto a fieldwhose core and purpose is not geography,but militaryand politicalstrategy. Further,to answerthe questionsraised
in thatfield-e.g., "How strongis a state?"-one must analyze not only the geographicconditions,but a wide host of otherfactorsincludingthe effectof party
of
troops,effectiveness
systemson the conductof foreignpolicy,moraleof fighting
planes.
personalleadership,size of standingarmies,and numberof fighting
It is thereforenot merelyan intellectualexerciseto attemptto distinguishbetweenpoliticalgeographyand the studyof the power of states (to whichgeography has muchto contribute);it is a problemof practicalimportanceforthe individual geographerconcernedto outlinea unitaryfieldof political geographyin
whichhe maycompetently
work.
The literatureof politicalgeographyprovidesno clear answer,so far as I can
find,to this problem. Certainlythe developmentof Geopolitikgreatlyconfused
the problemfor the Germangeographers,and those of our own colleagues who
have hoped to establisha purifiedfieldof geopoliticshave inheritedthat confusion.
Some writersevidentlysolve the problemby simplyomittingany considerationof
strategicrelations. But surelythisproducesan incompletestudy. In the analysis
of the externalrelationswith otherstate-areas,we must certainlyrecognizethat
the state-area,as a unit,has vitallyimportantstrategicrelationswith the other
areas of theworld.
I therefore
approachthisproblemwithno assurancethatwe have a satisfactory
126
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
answer.41 But in this progressreport,it may be appropriateto presentas current
thinkingeven verytentativeconclusions.
Every state-areain the world lives in a strategicsiutationwith otherstates,a
situationthatmay be in part createdby its own actionsand policies,but in major
partis determined
forit by thoseotherstates.
Thus Switzerlandin moderntimes has been a unit area of relativelysmall
offensivepower,thoughnot inconsiderabledefensivepower,situatedin the midst
of a group of largerneighbors,each fearfulof expansionof power by the others.
In this situationSwitzerlandhas foundits best hope for securityin a policy of
armed neutralitybecause such a neutralizedarea was in the mutual interest,defensively,of the neighboringpowers. In a much earlierperiod,in the sixteenth
and seventeenthcenturies,when Austria was the only major power bordering
Switzerland,and manyof its neighborswere small states,the Swiss Confederation
allyingitselfwith
followeda verydifferent
policyof strategicrelations,frequently
any of various neighborsin conflictwiththe others.
The strategicrelationsof a state,in otherwords,mustbe adjusted to the particular strategicsituationin which it findsitselfat any time. With the unification of'Germanyin 1871, the strategicmap of Europe was changedno less than
the politicalmap. Because thatnew unitincreasedin economicproduction,population,and power fasterthan any of its neighbors,and was able to "establishclose
strategicrelationswith Austria-Hungary,forminga solid block of power across
CentralEurope,all the otherstatesof Europe includingGreat Britain,were forced
to changetheirstrategicrelationswith each other.
Withinthe last fiveyearsthe United States has founditselfforcedto abandon
one of its most time-honored
principlesof internationalrelations-that of having
no strategicrelationsin peacetimewith any states outside of the Americas. The
new relationships
enteredintounderthe NorthAtlanticPact followedan appraisal
of the new patternof space-relationships
of power as createdby the changedsystem of states in Europe. It mightbe significant,
though now too late, to ask
whetheran equally realisticappraisal of that situationin 1938 or 1939 would not
have shownthe need fora similarstrategicassociationat thattime.
Whateverreactionthe readermay have to that idea, our concernin this theoreticaldiscussionis merelyto illustratethe typeof problemthatseems appropriate
forinclusionin the analysisof the politicalgeographyof a state-area. In studying
the relationswhichsuch an area, operatingas a unit,entersintowithotherareas,
we are concernedwith engagementswhich it has, or has not, made with other
purposes. Interpretation
of theseassociaunits,whetherfordefensiveor offensive
tionsncessarilyinvolvesan appraisal of the space relationshipsof all the strategic
41 As examples
ofattempts
to handlethisproblemin specificcases,reference
maybe madeto
two studies,by the writer,one writtenearlyduringthe last war (thoughpublishedsomewhat
later), the otherjust afterthe end of thatwar: "The UnitedStates and the 'ShatterZone' of
Europe,"in Hans W. Weigertand V. Stefansson,
Compassof the World,New York, 1944,pp.
203-214;and "The GeopoliticalPositionof theUnitedStatesand the SovietUnion,"Education,
(October1946): 95-100.
1950
FUNCTIONAL
APPROACH
IN
POLITICAL
GEOGRAPHY
127
of passage. The problem

areas involved,whetheras power unitsor as territories
is logicallyinherentin the politicalgeographyof states and its geographicquality
seems clear.
It is equally clear fromour examples howeverthat in makingsuch a study,
of which
one must assume as given quantitiescertainfactorsthe determination
here
formsa main part of the studyof nationalpower,the fieldwe are attempting
not inherentin most,
to separatefrompoliticalgeography. But is this difficulty
if notall, branchesof geography? We are constantlydependenton otherfieldsto
provideus, as resultof lengthyresearch,withconclusionswhichwe acceptand use
as established.
Ideally,the studentin politicalgeographywould have at his commandconclusions alreadyarrivedat in studiesof the potentialmilitarypower of states,upon
which he would base his interpretation
of the strategicrelationsof the state he
has under study. If such studies have not been made, the political geographer
may findit desirableto make themhimself;as a geographerhe has commandof
much of the basic materialnecessaryand with the help of colleaguesfromother
fieldsmay be able to reach reasonablyreliableconclusions. But if our distinction
betweenthe two fieldsis valid, the generalrequirement
that a studentshould not
lose his orientationin referenceto the core of his fieldis of particularimportance
in this case; for otherwisethe attractivenessof studyingquestionsof such great
momentas nationalpower may resultin his never returningto the fieldin which
by trainingand experiencehe is fullycompetent.
Relationof Territorial,Economic,Political,and StrategicRelations
For purposes of organization,we have consideredseparatelyfour different
typesof associationswhichthe state-areahas withotherareas of the world. It is
also necessaryto see them togetherin their interrelationships.If one were to
suppose that there would generallybe a high degree of correspondenceamong
them,theexaminationof concretecases would reveal many discrepancies. Thus,
popularthoughtassumesthatGreatBritain'smostimportanteconomicassociations
and Empire,but actuallyher largest
are withthe countriesof the Commonwealth
and most criticaleconomictrade is with the United States. Argentinais more
importanteconomicallyto Great Britain than any of her African possessions.
Throughoutour history,the dominanteconomic and strategicconcern of the
United States was with European statesand our major territorialproblemswere
settledwith those states. And yet until 1949, the United States carefullyabstainedfromany continuouspoliticalassociationwith any European states. But
it was primarilyour strategicconcerntowardEuropean statesthatled us into our
special relationshipwith Latin America under the Monroe Doctrine. On the
otherhand our politicalguardianshipof Liberia was unrelatedto any territorial,
economic,or strategicconcern until the Firestone Tire Company utilized that
foreconomicpurposes,in its projectforrubberproductionin
politicalrelationship
the 1920's, and in the last war we discoveredat least a temporarystrategicvalue
in the need forairportsin West Africa.
128
RICHARD
SUMMARY
HARTSHORNE
AND
JUNE
CONCLUSION
Political geography,as a distinctunit branch of geography,is to be justified

neitherin termsof politicalaspects of geographynor in termsof geographicfoundationsof politics,since each of those constitutesbut a collectionof partial solutions separatedfromthe problemsinvolved. The core of politicalgeographyis
of areas,
the study of one distinctivephenomenonin the total differentiation
is
namelythe sectionsof area organizedas politicalunits. Areal differentiation
both most markedand most importantin respectto units of land at the level of
state-areas.
The state-area,like a farmor an industrialplant,but unlikethese sectionsof
area thatwe ordinarilystudyas "regions,"is an organizedunitof land and people,
organizedby man accordingto a particularidea or purpose. Though in no proper
sense an organism,the state-areais an organizationthat has genesis, structure,
the analysisof a state-areamay be approached
and function. Logically,therefore,
fromany or all of thesethreeviewpoints. In contrastto genuineorganisms,there
is no close mutualrelationshipbetweengenesison the one hand and structureand
functionon the other; on the contrary,states have tendedto add pieces of territorywheneverit was possibleto do so, regardlessof need,and thento adapt function to the automaticallyresultingstructure. Hence the study of the genesis of
state areas tendsto be largelyhistoricalin interest,throwinglittlelighton structure and function.
Likewise, in contrastwith such areal units as farmsor industrialplants,the
stateis not able to plan or evolveits regionalstructure,
but mustsimplyoperatein
whateverstructureits historyand geographyhave happenedto produce. Since
the attemptto
thesevary for everystate,not in minordegree,but fundamentally,
finda generalprincipleof regionalstructureof state-areasis futile. Further,the
state-area,thougha genuinegeographicphenomenon,is not a concreteobject exforits own sake. Hence the morphological
citingdirectinterestin its morphology
approachto the studyof the state-areais eithera dull and lifelessdescriptionof
somethingthat appears real only on a map, or, if used as a methodof approach
of function,temptsthe studentto naive formsof geographic
to the understanding
determinism.
State-areas are important,both in the practical and in the academic sense,
primarilyin termsof theirfunctions:namelywhatthe state-areaas a whole means
deterto its partsand its relationsas a wholewithoutsideareas. These functions,
minedby the human forcesthat operatethe state-areaas a unit, are greatlyaffectedby the structureof the state-area,whichof course is the currentproductof
its past dvelopment. In a sequence of cause-and-effect
relationships,science can
safelyproceedfromcause to effectonlyin those situationsin whichthe relatively
of similarcases makes possible the essmall numberof factorsand a multiplicity
tablishmentof reliable scientificlaws or general principles. These requirements
are lackingin politicalgeography.
1950
FUNCTIONAL
GEOGRAPHY
129
Consequentlywe concludethat the rational,scientifically

reliable,and realistic
approachto the studyof state-areasis to startwiththe phenomenawithwhichwe
are mostconcerned-thefunctionsof the state-area-to determinehow these have
been affectedby the characterof the area itself,its structureand contents,and to
utilize historicfactsof genesis insofaras those aid us in understanding
structural
featurespreviouslydeterminedto be significant.
There is howevera practicalsituationin which we may be forcedto reverse
this procedure. If plans are being made for the constructionof an entirelynew
state-area,or for major territorialalterationsin an existingone, one is forcedto
attemptsome predictionof the capacityof such a projectedorganizationto function effectively
as a unit. Political geographerswill be able to claim superior
competencein attempting
predictionsin such cases only if theyhave establisheda
of the reasonswhy presentor past state-areashave
high degreeof understanding
or have not functioned
effectively.
The fundamentalinternalfunctionof the state-areais to establishitselfas an
effectiveunit in fact,ratherthan merelyin internationallaw. T~hisrequiresthe
conceptionand establishment
of an idea of the state,a purposeor set of purposes,
tendenciesresultinginevitablyfrom
sufficiently
strongto overcomethe centrifugal
the separateand divergentinterestsof the diverseregionsthat are included,in a
particulargeographicpattern,in the structureof the state-area.
Externally,the state-areafunctionsas a unit area in friendlyor unfriendly
relationswith other state-areasand other outside areas, relationsthat may be
classifiedas territorial,
economic,political,or strategic. Its specificrelationswith
any one outsidearea may involvea complexof all these and furthertheyare interrelatedto its similar relationswith all otheroutside areas in a world system
whichformsa singlewhole. The studyof these interrelations
among state-areas
is primarilya study in space relationshipsamong unit-areasdiffering
in internal
character,production,and power.
I trustthat the categoricalmannerin whichthese conclusionsare stated will
misleadno one to suppose thatthis paper is intendedas a blue-printwhichfuture
studiesin politicalgeographyshould follow. We are not readyforthat,if indeed
we ever should be. Rather the attempthas been to suggest how we may constructa systemforthe studyof state-areas,a systemthatmustbe sufficiently
flexible to be bent to the differences
that distinguisheach state-areafromall others,
but whichmay enable studentsto workcumulatively,
to build upon what has been
producedby previousstudents.
Because the themeof my paper is limitedto one branchof geographyit might
appear to be addressedto onlya limitednumberof our members. I hope thatwill
prove to be a large number,since we need the combinedeffortsof manyto work
out more effectivemethodsof study. But this is not a call to all geographersto
leave whatevertheyare studyingto work in thisparticularfield.
In anothersense howeverthe paper is addressedto all geographers,certainly
to all geographerswho specialize in any foreignareas. In your regionalstudies
130
RICHARD HARTSHORNE
JUNE
you inevitablycome face to face with problems in political geography. As

specialistsforyour particularregionyou know more about the underlyingfactors
in its politicalgeographythan does the studentof politicalgeographyin general
who is not at home in your region. In order that such knowledgemay be analyzed and organizedintostudiesusefulto otherstudents,lastingcontributions
both
to regional geographyand to political geography,we need to develop effective
methodsfor study that will give political geographyan organized structureof
knowledge,clearlyintegratedinto the fieldof geographyas a whole. This paper
is a progressreportof effortsto achievethatgoal.

Hartshorne, R, Functional Approach in Geography

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The Functional Approach in Political Geography

Author(s): Richard Hartshorne

TI SHE subjectof thispaperand thatof PresidentRussell'saddressof last

From this commonviewpoint,let us cast a criticaleye over the progressof

FUNCTIONAL APPROACH IN POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY

somehowhas a lot to do with internationalaffairs,and the politicalgeographer

to study this topic, whetherhe be historianor geographerby profession,must

FUNCTIONAL APPROACH IN POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY

may stillbe uncertain,in bothcases, as to whethersuch studiesforma necessary

of farmsas organizedunits of production,we

politicalarea-the sovereignstate,even thoughthat ignoresthe large part of the

One finalstatementon the purposeof thispaper. Will it providea methodby

For discussionofthisproblemin generalsee The Natureof Geography:378-386,431-434,

on a basis thatwould make it possibleforthe manynationalitiesof thatcontinent

of the author,or of such a characteras to arouse animosityin foreigncountries

unityof economicorganization. At the minimum,it establishesuniformcurrency,

"Trans-PyreneanSpain: The Val d'Aran,"ScottishGeographical

Magazine, 1933: 217-228.

FUNCTIONAL APPROACH IN POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY

Marx to the contrarynotwithstanding,

graphicunitsof Europe forthe developmentof a state. Yet Italy,as an Austrian

individualruler. In the attemptto perpetuatethe bindingidea of loyaltyto a

of thevisiblefacts-the fields,silo,corncrib,or cow-barn. But to knowforcertain,

In mucholder states,we mayexpectto findthatan indigenousraisond'etrehas

loyaltyon a higherlevel thanthatof culturalkinship-i.e., theyhave not been able

ethnicregionsof whichit was formed,but ratherbecause thatstate neverevolved

pared to regardthemselvesas partof thenationof France. It would be interesting

halfis concernedwiththe externalrelationsof the state-areato the otherareas of

formostpurposesto definethe boundarysimplyas

nomicgeography,but as yetfewgeographershave attemptedto do this. While it

trade dependson the possibilityof alternatives,

of the SouthwestPacific). Germanywas eliminatedfromthe list by the First

are recognizedas havingemerged

answer.41 But in this progressreport,it may be appropriateto presentas current

of passage. The problem

Political geography,as a distinctunit branch of geography,is to be justified

Consequentlywe concludethat the rational,scientifically

you inevitablycome face to face with problems in political geography. As

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