Doujinshi and cosplay: Local appropriations of global fan practices

Nicolle Lamerichs

Introduction
Japanese popular culture unifies fans from different countries and backgrounds. The richness of
its participatory culture is beyond any other and flourishes around comics (manga), animation
(anime), games and music. Japanese storytelling showcases elaborate story worlds whose
characters are branded on many products. The uprising of Japanese fiction has not only changed
the Western television and comic culture but also considerably influenced the audiences of these
media. The sub genres of Japanese pop-culture, and the lingua franca of their audiences, shape
how contemporary Western audiences interpret both Japanese and Western content. For instance,
they may evoke the aesthetics of manga in their fan practices (e.g., fan art of Glee that mediates
visual cues of manga). Similarly, the structure of fan practices in Western countries is inspired
by the organization of Japanese anime and manga fandom (here abbreviated into anime
fandom). We cannot analyze the creation of fan comics without referring to doujinshi while
the art of dress-up as fictional characters, known as cosplay, has been influenced by the
Japanese appropriation of this activity.
In this article, I scrutinize the global dynamics of manga. I specifically focus on doujinshi
and cosplay as two fan practices in which the tension between locality and globalism emerges. I
have chosen to describe cosplay and doujinshi practices because they are cases that are seen as
prototypical for anime fandom and are often associated with Japan itself. However, the form and
content of fan works, and the organizational structure behind them, varies intensely per country.
In this article, I provide ethnographic views of diverse Western and Japanese fan sites to explore
how they organize and partake in these creative practices. Though I speak of Western or
European on occasion, it is my aim to show where this international identity may be located
while at the same time showing the heterogeneity of global fandom.

Global anime fandom

The global culture of manga has amply been studied. Japan exports a flow of products that is
widely recognizable and hailed by consumers all over the world. Fan studies often rely on the
assumption that the internet has made content and communities globally accessible. Anime

fandom exemplifies these dynamics. Scholars signify this flow as cultural globalism (Burn,
2006) , transculturalism (Hills, 2002; Jenkins, 2006b, p. 156) or even a global space
(McLelland, 2001). With the exception of McLelland (2001), the mentioned studies however
focus on examples of online, English-speaking sites or daily ethnographic situations that draw
out the figure of the Anglo-American otaku, the fan of Japanese pop-culture (e.g., Jenkins,
2006b). However, in anime fandom, language and cultural differences divide Japanese and
Western fans, online as well as offline. Even though Japanese fans pay homage to the same
fictional content, and in similar ways, as Western fans, the two communities exist separately and
are dispersed into sub-communities and traditions as well.
In these studies, a cultural dialogue is assumed because Western fans show an interest in
Japanese fan activity. Because much Japanese content does not cross the borders officially,
Western fans are prone to, for instance, translate content themselves (Denison, 2011). However,
Japan itself seems less interested in seeing how its market and audiences develop in other
countries, which makes the dialogue seem one-sided. Still, it would be wrong to portray this
dynamics solely as Western Japanophilia that expresses a longstanding cultural appreciation
and even obsession with Japan (Napier, 2007). In their own way, the Japanese are interested in
Western countries and their narratives too. Ito, Okabe and Tsuji (2012) rightly point out that
Osama Tezuka, Japans first manga author, was inspired by Disney productions in his work,
while todays most celebrated animator, Hayao Miyazaki, embraces European culture in his
movies.
The cultural dynamics of manga and anime raises many questions that might be answered
at fan events themselves rather than on online platforms. Decades ago fans were usually adults
who had the economic and social liberty of going to conventions or clubs (Jenkins, 1992).
Recently, the discourse on fandom has become entwined with that on new media audiences, who
are not only portrayed as younger, but also seen as exemplary of fandom despite their more
generic, online activities. This bias downplays the importance of traditional spaces in which fans
still meet up, often independent of or in relation to these online platforms. I discuss fan
conventions of Japanese popular culture as a site of research, and the fan products that are
exhibited there. The history and culture of fan conventions is only touched upon briefly in fan
studies even though these sites are flourishing at the moment. The San Diego Comic-Con, for
example, drew over 130.000 visitors in 2012.

Fan conventions are exemplary sites to observe the global dynamics of manga, and to
participate in the culture inspired by this Japanese media flow. Cosplay and doujinshi are amply
visible at these sites as practices that motivate fans to closely interpret existing texts, perform
them, and extend them with their own narratives and ideas. Previous research on media fans has
often looked at fan fiction and fan videos in particular (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Hellekson & Busse,
2006; Jenkins, 1992; Pugh, 2005). Doujinshi has mostly been researched in the context of
Japanese manga studies with some Anglo-American exceptions (McLelland, 2005; Thorn, 2004).
Cosplay is often described within wider discussions of fan cultures and not subjected to detailled
analysis (Bacon-Smith, 1992, pp. 3-43; Crawford, 2012; Pearce, 2009, p. 4; Taylor, 2006, pp. 111). Moreover, both practices have mostly been interpreted based on data from Japan and NorthAmerica. The continental crosscomparison that this article is concerned with attributes to an
undestanding of the cultural heterogeintiy of fan practices.
Within media studies, it is stressed that fan activities are part of a transmedia landscape
that enriches the narrative by furthering it on different media platforms (Dena, 2009; Jenkins,
2006a; Stein & Busse, 2012). Jenkins has described this narrative flow as transmedia
storytelling, a concept that has gained ground in professional circles as well as the creative
industry. This influential theory sketches the media text as a coherent narrative but downplays
the role of transmedia artefacts such as toys (Long, 2007), costumes or fan visuals. Moreover,
Jenkins (2003) assumes that the transmedia text forms a coherent whole with which viewers can
familiarize themselves, whereas I explore the transmediality of fandom that emphasizes local
interpretations, cultures and language traditons. This research hopes to attribute to the different
transmedia texts that fandom offers, while at the same time outlining their local media ecology. I
suggest that these local artefacts and performances cannot be equated with the global narrative
flow that concepts as transmedia critiques highlight.
Thus, I examine global fan activities as culturally-specific texts. Though online accounts
often pre-suppose internationality, the data that I gathered at fan conventions suggests that a
Western fan identity should not be taken at face value. Differences of local culture and language,
and practicalities such as travelling or financials, still hinder fans in their participation in fan
events abroad. Anime fandom should not be treated as one global language and fan community
but rather be seen as a heterogeneous cultural dynamic. Even though the language and tradition
of European countries differ, they find common ground in the shared capital of fandom itself.

Methodology
This study seeks to unearth the convention as a site of potential research. Methodologically, most
events that I attended were located in Germany, The Netherlands and Belgium. This selection
allowed me to compare fan events in neighbouring countries. These analyses are enriched by
ethnography that I performed at larger events overseas. I rely on ethnographical data (20102011) obtained at various fan conventions and include interviews and conversations with staff
members as well as visitors. I used additional documentation (e.g., web sites, fan zines and
doujinshi) to also get a more historical grip on these events.
This chapter is based on insider ethnography that I performed the last four years as a
researcher and also draws from my experiences before that time. My data stems from my
participation in fan conventions in Europe, North-America and Japan. I focus on two European
countries: The Netherland, where data was gathered at Animecon, Abunai, YaYCon and
Tsunacon (2009-2012). In Germany, I attended Dokomi (2010-2012) and Animagic (2009-2010)
and in North-America, Otakon in Baltimore (2011). I also went to Japan (2012) for the fandriven doujinshi events Comic City, Comiket and the international World Cosplay Summit
(WCS) hosted by TV Aichi. It is my aim to show that these fan cultures are individual, local
events with their own ecologies, not to signify the influence of the nation-state on fan practices.
Thus, though I for example speak of German and Japanese fans, I am more interested in
their language cultures and the site-specifity of the fan events, rather than the national identity of
these fans. I use these denominators to create coherence throughout the article but I realize that
these fan spaces also draw participants from other countries and non-fan visitors.
In the various fan events, my stance varied from that of a critical insider to a more
observant outsider. As an insider, I have participated in the Dutch anime scene as a researcher
from 2010 onward. Before that time, I attended the conventions already as a cosplayer and
doujinshi artist of OpenMinded. Even from 2010-2012, my role was still that of an organizer and
creative. In that time I was also a staff member at YaYCon that arranged the internal
communication and organized events. In Japan, however, I was more of an outsider, who only
understood parts of the language and observed rather than participated. During the WCS, which
brought together fans of different nationalities, it was easier for me to talk to people and
participate partly with the permission of the international organizers. Here, I also was employed
as Dutch press for the anime magazine Aniway to communicate the event to our home country.

Doujinshi
The Japanese word doujin stands the self-publication of fan works in mixed media (e.g.,
games, music, comics) while doujinshi refers to self-published manga which include comics,
light novels and fan art. Doujinshi can be homages to existing texts, inspired anime, manga or
game and even Western texts (e.g., Harry Potter, CSI), or be originals that feature original
characters and stories. Doujinshi are self-financed, self-published fan manga that circulate within
fan communities of Japanese popular culture.
This account of doujinshi will focus on what the selected countries themselves treat as
doujinshi but takes fan-created manga as its lead. This includes printed, exclusive fan art that
may be a comic or a reproduction of art (e.g., print or poster) or a hand-made drawing (e.g.,
commission or painting for sale). In Japan, fans can locate these artworks as specific doujinshi
markets, but in Western countries, this art is generally found in artists alleys that take up a part of
the convention. Doujinshi are often described as amateur manga (Kinsella, 1998), a term that I
prefer not to use, because doujinshi include local, and even professional manga in many
countries outside Japan. What I examine is what the local actors describes as doujinshi, which
often refers to the local illustrations and comics that spark from anime fandom but can also entail
games or other media. The very definition of the concept, and how it is understood in local
manga fan cultures, is thus examined as well.
Creating doujinshi has been an important fan practice in Japan since the seventies and is
intimately related with the popularity of certain fan events, notably Comiket. Though doujinshi
are often believed to be amateur work, doujinshi are also created by popular mangaka (e.g.,
Ozaki Minami of Zetsuai) while other mangaka have started out as doujinshi artists (e.g.,
CLAMP). Globally, the relation with the industry within global doujinshi practices can be
problematic and varies from upholding a fan stance, to creating doujinshi alongside ones
professional activities, to the professionalization of fan labour itself. The common denominator
of these fan creations is not their amateurism then but the fact that they are created as a labour of
love for and by fans rather than for financial gain.

Exclusivity in Japan

In Japan, fan works have an authentic status and high visibility compared to the West. Doujinshi
come in limited copies and primarily circulate at widely attended doujinshi conventions that are
often organized by fans themselves. They are not dismissed as amateur productions or copies,
but rather viewed in a discourse of original creations in their own right, with exclusivity and
authenticity. Fan artists can achieve a high status as authors of exemplary fan texts. As a result of
the high status of some fan authors, and the tendency towards limited and exclusive copies of
doujinshi, some products are rare and can be sold for high prices online and offline.
Though doujinshi are non-profit items, some publications can be found at second-hand
stores such as Mandarake or online sites such as the Japanese Amazon. Rare comics are
sometimes sold for a prize ten times as high as the original one. The fan texts that circulated in a
gift economy (Hyde, 1983; Mauss, 1970), a model of free exchange that is now
commercialized by third parties. However, this economic flow also preserves fan works,
documents them, and makes them culturally accessible as opposed to the Western grassroots
movement in which fan works still largely circulate underground or online.
Fandom in Japan constantly lingers between the industry and the fans themselves who
circulate their own content. Many upcoming doujinshi artists become professionals (not always
as mangaka but also as assistants), but many of them do not achieve nor want this. Doujinshi
grants artists a certain liberty to create what they want and at the same time, prestige as fan
artists. These derivative texts are seldom placed in a discourse of amateurism but are perceived
to be art in their own right. The Japanese are selective and suit fan texts that suit their desire and
that fulfill elements of the source-texts that appealed to them. They look for specific characters,
pairings and genres, and take pride in having an extensive doujinshi collection that reflects their
interpretations and imagination.
Comiket heavily influenced the status of fan comics and the institutionalization of fan
practices in Japan. Comiket shaped the history of manga itself since many professional artists
debuted there (for a detailled history see Tamagawa, 2012). The first Comiket was held on
December 21, 1975, about 32 participating artist groups or skuru (circles) and an estimated 700
attendees (Comiket, 2012). By now, half a million visitors attend Comiket every edition. Though
the event is very popular and well-received, Comiket is still run by a non-profit organization of
volunteers, the Comic Market Committee. It is still, in other words, a fan organization at heart
and not a commercial enterprise. By now, different comic markets flourish in Japan that are

modeled after Comiket while the culture around Comiket has been parodied in many manga and
anime. Comikets own catalogue, that features gags about the traditions at Comiket and the
etiquette of its visitors, helps solidify this cultural status even more.
Comiket views doujinshi as exclusive objects. As the organizers of Comiket state in their
catalogue and online: The Comic Market (Comiket) is a marketplace where individuals can
offer their own self-produced creations to a community that appreciates and supports such
creative personal activities. Comiket primarily focuses on acting as a communal exchange place
for self-published books, known as dojinshi. Japanese dictionaries define dojinshi as selfpublished material aimed toward likeminded individuals (id.). To equalize the event, the
organizers use the term participants to denote buyers, sellers, cosplayers, and organizers that
all take part in the circulation of fan content (Fanlore, 2012).
Though doujinshi commonly refers to self-published comics, Comiket offers all kinds of
media and hosts different artists every day. Most doujinshi are comics, inspired by existing texts,
some artists also sell games, music, jewelry, non-fiction (e.g., essays about manga and anime;
yoga tutorials) and comics or photos of their pets. The doujinshi that are sold at Comiket are
often exclusive as some circles hardly reprint their material. The lines for particular artists and
booths are therefore very long. While Comiket highlights the diversity of fan products, Super
Comic City emphasizes doujinshis origin as a comic medium. Super Comic City draws a largely
female crowd of all ages. Though there are also some men, a few head counts show that one out
of every eight visitors. The main comic genre is boys love, a type of emotional gay romance
that particularly caters to women and explores (existing as well as original) juvenile characters.
Super Comic City resembles Comikets Saturday which is colloquially known as girls day.
While Comiket shows new repertoires every day, and also caters to men with erotic heterosexual
and lesbian comics on boys day, Osakas event appeals to women.
In terms of global culture, what stands out is that the Japanese fan artists also publish
doujinshi about Western series (e.g., CSI, X-Men First Class, and Pirates of the Carribean). The
comics queer heterosexual characters, such as Will Turner and Jack Sparrow, Professor Xavier
and Magneto but also Holmes and Watson, and Kirk and Spock. Similar queer pairings are also
popular in Western slash fan fiction, a Western gay fan genre which also emerged in the
seventies, parallel to the rise of boys love doujinshi. Though the Japanese fan community
developed autonomously, similar interests in queerness have thus flourished since the seventies

in both cultures (Thorn, 2004, p. 175). The emergence of homosexual fan genres in East and
West is a happy coincidence but the fact that the formula appeals to women in modern,
industrialized societies is perhaps not. Their interest in male characters shows that ultimately,
women in fiction are still marginalized and perhaps not suitable for re-interpretation, while the
homosocial relationships between men construct emotional subtext (e.g., rivalry, complicated
friendship) that could be explored. The romance between male characters allows for the
emergence of new (social) problems in the narrative, the struggle to accept ones desires and
deeper issues about masculinity. Moreover, drawing the masculine body as the Other provides
young, modern women more distance to experiment with their sexuality.
Even though the anime community in Japan takes place in a separate tradition with its
own language and traditions, it corresponds closely with some developments in Western
societies. The fannish reception shows that both industrial traditions have more in common than
we might presume. Still, we should not exaggerate the dialogue. While fans may connect through
manga and show similar narrative interests, the cultures still operate in isolation. However, at
times it seems that the Japanese fans also want to further relationships with Western fans. For
instance, at Comiket I buy a travel book from a young man that details his experiences of
German convention and provides travel information to other Japanese fans. This minor example
shows that some Asian fans are also eager to share experiences with Western fans.

American prints and commissions

The artist alley in Otakon (2011) however shows very different trends in doujinshi. Most artists
sell prints and commissions rather than comics. It appears that Americans do not have a large
tradition of printed doujinshi, even though their small-press, independent comic scene seems to
have flourished for many years. The artist alley consists of prints, posters and fan made
merchandise. Buttons of characters from anime, but also of Western series such as My Little
Pony form visual signs of fandom. The different visual styles and genre inspirations at Otakon
stand out, and reflect the remediation of both Western and Japanese content (e.g., ponies in
manga style, realistic interpretations of manga characters).
Many artists also sell prints of original works in styles inspired by manga, cartoons, and
even fantasy art (e.g., as drawn by Victoria Frances or Louis Royo). They also offer
commissions of popular characters to other fans, that is, they draw exclusive artwork for other

fans for a small amount of money. The artists may work on their commissions during Otakon,
but if they get too many commissions they will send them to the fan by post. At Otakon, I
observe that commissions seem to go quite well and popular artists sometimes draw a line of fans
that have specific requests. This thriving commission culture opposes that of The Netherlands
and Germany, where commissions at conventions are often expected to be done on the spot as
sketches for a small price. Especially in Germany, a culture developed in which fans bring their
own dummies and let fan artists and newly met friends illustrate in them for free. At YaYCon
(2012), Anne Delseit, the editor of German publishing house Fireangels, explains that this also
puts professional artists in a tight position to ask money for their services (pers. comm., 1 April
2012).
The absence of fan comics at Otakon does not imply that this genre is absent. For instance,
I fervently collect the yuri anthologies from AMC publishing, run by Yuricons chairwoman
Erica Friedman, but I have bought these online. Some self-publications seem to be sold outside
the artists alleys in small-press boxes in the main dealer room. Aside from making works
available online, American fans publish fan comics online at media platforms as SmackJeeves
and Deviantart. Some of these are original works within manga genres such as the boys love
comics Teahouse (Emirain, 2012) and Star Fighter (Hamletmachine, 2009-2012). On occasion, I
do spot a printed web comic in the artist alley, Ensign Sue must die, a popular web comic that
parodies the Mary Sue phenomenon in fandom as an overly idealized, original character (Mosley
& Bolk, 2009). The web comic features short gag comics that star the original Mary Sue
character who occurred in a Star Trek fan text of the seventies (Verba, 2003).
While Americans participate in fannish comic creation, they do not print these as doujinshi
or organize as extensively in artist circles as the Japanese do. Most of the tables are run by
individual artists or shared by two of them. The alley features many visual tokens of fandom merchandise, drawings and objects - rather than fan narratives. Whereas the fan merchandise is
not treated as exclusive as in Japan, a trend towards fan authorship manifests in the selfpromotion of individual artists as well as in the interest in commissions as personal, requested
gifts that express the imagination of the commissioner and artist.

Professionalizing manga in The Netherlands

Dutch doujinshi had its first wave in the late nineties in fan zines such as Onomaga (of the fan
club Oranda no manga), FAniManga, Aniway and the semi-professional AnimeniA which was
published by the company Gamesworld, now known as Futurezone. Simultaneously, solo-artists
such as Karin Barend and Andr Massee provided self-published works for free or small prices
at the earliest Dutch fan conventions (pers. comm. Lon van Hooijdonk, 3 November 2012). The
earliest Dutch manga show tendencies towards original comics which stayed an important
characteristic of Dutch doujinshi until today. Many of these fan zines disappeared after a few
issues with the exception of Aniway. Since 2001, when Goldfish Factory was founded, Dutch
doujinshi experienced its second wave and organized in the Japanese model of circles. The
foundation of three major circles (OpenMinded, Cheesecake Studios and Neutral) coincided with
Aniways Fanthology (2004) project that published the best Dutch fan comics and generated
interest in the creation of doujinshi.
Dutch circles include as little as two artists (e.g., Circle Pegasi) and go up to over ten artists
(e.g., Cheesecake; OpenMinded). Whereas some European countries such as Germany publish
local manga in their own language, The Netherlands has notably published in English. The
tendency in The Netherlands is to create original doujinshi with unique characters and plot lines.
There have been fan comics about Sailormoon (Goldfish Factory), Black Butler (OpenMinded;
Celestial) and Clamps oeuvre (Neutral) but these are outweighed by original work. This is
comparable to tendencies in Germany, where doujinshi is also associated with original German
manga. However, the Germans often publish in their own language, and except for circles also
run small professional publishing companies so that they can pay their artists.
These Dutch manga remediate Japanese fiction in several ways. First, they may partake in
Japanese genres. OpenMinded, for instance, publishes yaoi and yuri, while Popsiclesuicides
prominent gag doujinshi, Magical Cow Girl Marieke (featured in FAnimanga, Orandoujin and
later, the mascot of J-Pops Animecon) is a local parody of the magical girl genre and
Dutchness. Second, Dutch doujinshi artists appropriate the panelling of manga and its
cinematographic viewpoints or its formats, such as the four-panelled gag comics yonkoma.
Third, the Dutch doujinshi are often drawn in an art style that reflects Japanese qualities. In some
cases, the artist uses a more American-inspired style or develops a hybrid style, but feels
affiliated with the fan community of manga and anime, and thus chooses to publish doujinshi

(e.g., Roderick Leeuwenhart; Andr Massee). Thus, sociality with the fan community can also be
a reason to publish a comic as doujinshi, or both as a doujinshi and a web comic.
The Dutch landscape shows a tendency towards original comics rather than merchandise or
fan art. Though some artists offer prints, cards, painted mugs, pillows and prints, the overall
emphasis seems to be on comics. What is quite unique to The Netherlands is that many of these
fan works are published not as thin volumes but as larger anthologies of 100-300 pages (e.g.,
work of Neutral, OpenMinded, Cheesecake) or as magazines that are published on a regular basis
(e.g., Tea Tales magazine; Orandoujin). Some circles offer commissions at conventions, but
certainly not all of them. The Dutch artists have a habit of signing their booklets with small
drawings for free, which is also not a given in other countries. The past three years, it seems that
merchandise at the stands has increased and that the products are becoming more diverse. Circle
Pegasi, for instance, also started to publish visual novels.
The role of doujinshi artists cannot be seen separately from the promotion of anime and
manga altogether, which is a young phenomenon in The Netherlands. Anime conventions are a
fairly new phenomenon in the country altogether, where Animecon hosted its first edition in
1999, inspired by English anime conventions (Niels Viveen, pers. comm., June 20, 2012). The
past years there has been an increase in conventions that last for a day rather than a weekend.
Dutch conventions are generally attended by a few hundred (YaYCon, 2012) to three thousand
people (Tsunacon, 2012). Unlike the other countries, The Netherlands hardly broadcasted anime
in the nineties, with the exception of some titles (e..g, Pokmon, Dragonball Z), and early anime
titles that target young children (e.g., Sinbad The Sailor; Remi). The main publishing houses are
Glnat, who published Dutch manga since 2006, and Kana, who offered Dragonball since 2001.
Fan conventions and doujinshi thus helped showcase Japanese popular culture. Because the
Dutch market for manga arose rather late, and is still limited, many fans read English translations
and the overall portion of manga sold at conventions is Anglo-American.
Dutch doujinshi artists partake in the comic industry at large. This is not exceptional within
Europe as, for instance, Germany has a thriving publishing culture in which amateur manga is
scouted and published, and in which fan circles professionalized as publishing houses that can
pay their artists (e.g., Fireangels). In The Netherlands, however, this role is very specific. With
the interests in comics declining in The Netherlands, doujinshi artists help to promote comics as
a medium. The doujinshi artists have always added general comic markets or stripbeurzen to

their activities (e.g., stripbeurs Haarlem). The artists organized themselves on external events as
Mangafique, which was formalized in 2006, to signify a collective interest in local manga and to
represent the fan communities that they come from. Their status on comic fairs is problematic
where they are situated among young professionals that are inspired by European and Western
comics, and who have different ideas about comics and labour altogether. This may also be part
of the reason why the focus on original doujinshi is more common in The Netherlands, since it
can help cater to audiences that are not familiar with the characters from existing narratives.
Since 2011, the Dutch manga award has been organized as a ceremony at Animecon. The
judges are editors of Dutch comic magazines and publishing houses and artists that have some
affinity with manga. The award strives to unify fandom with the mainstream comic discourse.
This is, I would say, typically something that can only be done in The Netherlands where these
two cultures interact deeply, and where there are tendencies towards fan comics as well as
original works. The award nominates various small-press authors with the idea that doujinshi
does not necessarily originate in anime fandom but can also be self-published alternative comics.
This formulation shows that the interpretation of doujinshi as fan works is not self-evident and
brings together different grassroots practices under the umbrella of fandom. Just as characteristic
was the provocative Dutch panel at Animecon organized by Mattijs De Jong (2012) called the
future of comics is manga! which united publishing houses and manga experts as Helen
McCarthy to discuss local and Japanese manga as an important player in the European comic
scene.

Cosplay
The different local cultures of doujinshi show their own traditions and ethos. Doujinshi
flourishes within specific fan cultures of countries that may vary widely. Cosplay, however, has
shown a tendency towards increased internationality, especially in terms of contests, that
suggests a different global fan identity. Within these sections I pay attention to the different local
structures of cosplay but also the nexus that they share.
Historically, the fan tradition of dressing up better known as cosplay has a long history,
dating back to American science fiction conventions in the '60s and 70s at which fans wore
outfits from series such as Star Trek or Star Wars. Another subtype of fan costumes in Western
culture is inspired by the tradition of Renaissance fairs and historical reenactment which have

also resulted into practices as live-action role-playing. In the latter, enthusiasts base costumes on
genre-fiction (e.g., fantasy) or historical periods in a co-creative game for which original
characters are designed and reenacted. The term "cosplaying" was coined in the eighties by the
game designer Takahashi Nobuyuki when he encountered the costuming practices of American
fans on a visit to the United States (Bruno, 2002; Winge, 2006, pp. 6667).
In Japan cosplay has become very prominent. Many Western fans nowadays learn about
costuming not through science fiction or fantasy genres, but through Japanese fiction. As a fan
practice, cosplay is associated with Japanese fans of anime (cartoons), manga (comics), and
games, who are called otaku (Hills, 2002; Kinsella, 1998). In Western settings, there seems to be
much overlap between cosplay and other forms of dressing up such as (live-action) role-playing,
but also customizing ones avatar. In cosplay, games are embodied and transposed to new,
physical settings. Players explicitly relate their own body and behaviour to fictional characters
(Lamerichs, 2011).
Though fans wear their outfits in the hallway of conventions, they also use them in
specific settings or events such as cosplay competitions, fashion shows or photo shoots. The
competitions, also known as masquerades, are often theatre skits that involve a performance in
which the player really acts out the character. Fans enjoy having their picture taken in their
outfits. Amateur photographers in turn can specialize in photographing cosplayers as a creative
hobby. Though a cosplayer can perform the character in part, for instance by walking around
with his or her attitude, the overall idea is a visual one. Cosplay is based on recognition, more
than reenactment. The various countries are compared based on how they facilitate cosplaying
(e.g., competitions) and the different roles that cosplayers and other participants (e.g., spectators,
photographs) take up in the process.
Cosplay culture and regulations in Japan
The cosplay ethos in Japan clearly demarcates in which spaces it is accessible to cosplay and in
which it is not. Cosplay is restricted to the event space or specific urban locations. It can be
appropriate in Japan to buy a costume, as long as the fan expresses that it is bought (Okabe,
2012, p. 234). This is generally favoured over individual attempts to make a costume that is
ultimately flawed. Though in Western communities, making a costume yourself grants status,

and is often considered to be inherent of cosplay, in Japan modeling seems to be highlighted

more. This also shows in their fan events, and more specifically I shall focus on Comiket.
Comiket motivates cosplaying but does so within careful boundaries. At Comiket,
visitors should wear regular clothing and they can rent lockers for 800 yen. There, they can dress
up in their cosplays and then move to the cosplay area; the courtyard of the building where
they can pose and get their pictures taken. Tokyo Big Sight itself is too crowded to cosplay,
leaves little room for photography and is generally too warm. Moreover, some cosplayers may
want to bring props (e.g., fake swords, shields) which also pose a safety issue (Comiket, 2012).
Though these rules may seem strict, they are necessary because of the immense size and
crowdedness of Comiket. Casual cosplays are tolerated at the market area and during my
ownvisit to Comiket, I see wigs, school girl outfits and detailed suits flash by. The cosplayers in
2012 draw from Tiger and Bunny, Shoujo Kakumei Utena and Pokmon, amongst others. Many
of the cosplayers are women. Crowds of men and occasionally some women line up to take their
pictures. Some of these clearly kameko, as Okabe defines: men who show up at events with
professional-quality cameras to photograph cosplayers and women working the booths at
industry events (2012, p. 241). Though they ask for permission, in line with Comikets policy,
they are not always considerate. Some kneel near the women to take panty shots of their
underwear and scarcely clad women draw all the more fans. The guide lines also warn cosplayers
to be careful with this: Exposing too much skin may cause legal problems, so if you do wear
clothing that is very revealing, wear tights or something that matches your skin color to avoid
accidental excessive exposure. The legal problems here seem to be phrased deliberately broad,
not only to refer to nudity but also to possible sexual harassment.
The cosplayers however do not hide any embodied, sexual connections but further them.
The women press their femininity by portraying female characters in short skirts or bikini tops.
Not all cosplayers favour this trend; more modest cosplayers describe the women as torareta;
attention seekers (Okabe, 2012, p. 241). Though these erotic connections are more visible in
Japan, they are by no means exceptional. Otakon, for instance, also featured a cosplay burlesque
event that carried erotic connotations. However, this event was clearly portrayed as involving
mildly erotic content and was thus labeled 18+.
In Japan, cosplay is not only furthered through visuality but also through merchandise.
Some cosplayers sell photographs at Comiket that may be more mainstream or erotic. Though

most content is geared towards men, some women also sell boys love photography or photo
comics. The cosplayers sell these visual texts on DVDs, that may include movies or slide shots,
or as actual photographs or cards. Furthermore, Japanese cosplayers also unite at different
competitions and events. The annual WCS is also held in Japan, drawing cosplayers from all
over the world. The standard of competitions as WCS influences the local cosplay landscapes in,
for instance, The Netherlands.

American and European competitions

In the Western fan events, however, cosplay has a fully different function than at Comiket.
Cosplayers wear their outfits everywhere, are dressed up in line for conventions and within the
surrounding shopping malls and town areas. Otakon emphasizes photography more than
European countries that I visited, but is still largely a self-organized fan activity that is less
structured than at Comiket. The American fans organized their own large photoshoots according
to the fandom that they were in. They often met up in the large hall of the building and then went
outside, or possibly stayed indoors at The Baltimore Convention centre. In Germany, I have seen
similar arrangements at Animagic, where fans of the same series met up to get their pictures
taken together. Sometimes, they also planned this on the convention itself.
Within The Netherlands, shoots are more private, and often held within small groups of
friends, but when it is known through Facebook or Aniway that a series is well-represented, some
fans may suggest a time and place for a shoot. The Netherlands has a few renowned
photographers that scout for interesting cosplayers or take separate shoots of fans that they know.
Often, the conventions in The Netherlands employ these or other photographers to take
impression shots of the event. The ethos of photography in Western countries seems to be similar
to Japan and emphasizes that you can only take photographs with a cosplayers permission. In
Dutch events that also focus on sci-fi or fantasy (e.g., Elf Fantasy Fair, FACTS), this ethos is less
common, not clearly mentioned in the guide lines, and photographers will also take shots from a
distance, or even up close, without permission.
Whereas Japanese cosplay is restricted to specific (urban) domains, the activity seems
more spontaneous and linked to fashion culture. Though cosplay seems to be more liberal in
Western countries, the activity itself is very structured and clearly linked to fan events. At a
convention space, cosplay can be liberally walking through the hallways, but can also involve

competing with other cosplayers in a competition or fashion show. At Dutch conventions, the
time for skits is often limited to two or three minutes when there are many contestants, so that
the event can take place in an hour or slightly longer. Specifically Dutch is a separate fashion
show for those that only want to do a short stroll over the cat walk, whereas in many countries
such performance are allowed in the competition or masquerade itself. At Otakon (2011) the
skits could be up to five minutes and the event lasted for several hours. A large arena was
booked just for the competition and concerts. At Animagic, individual and duo acts tend to be
separated from group acts that are generally two or three minutes, but ample opportunity is
provided for large show groups to perform one or two hours. One of the most famous groups,
Tsuki no Senshi (since 1998), originally a Sailormoon musical group, has not only performed at
Animagic and Konnichi, but also abroad.
Interestingly, cosplay events are increasingly internationalized and, along with online
platforms as cosplay.com, construct global cosplay communities. Events such as WCS (2012)
involve twenty participating countries and increasingly grow bigger. Within Europe, the most
important competitions are the EuroCosplay Championships, held at London MCM Expo with
twenty three competing countries, and the European Cosplay Gathering (ECG), held at Japan
Expo in Paris, with eleven competing countries. ECG offers both an individual track as well as a
group competition. The two biggest fan conventions of The Netherlands focus on electing
candidates for these competitions, and may offer minor prizes to those that do not want to
compete internationally.
The past years, participations in Dutch competitions became eligible for these
international competitions, which restructured Dutch fan activities. For instance, only two
cosplayers can go to WCS, which contributed to the near-disappearance of larger group acts at
Animecon (2011; 2012). The emphasis is now on shorter skits that fit the international formula
rather than five minute pieces. The local Dutch ethos, which used to be a mix of various
theatrical pieces and spontaneity, now emphasizes costume craft and an ethos of fidelity towards
the source text which is a rule standard at international competitions as WCS. This results in the
absence of more transformative acts at larger conventions (e.g., cross-overs between texts;
parodies of the source text and Western TV formats; queer interpretations). In contrast to other
European countries, Dutch organizations usually host their acts in English and this has remained
to be the case. However, there was little tradition in pre-recorded acts as can be seen at some

Western conventions. With the new standards for international competitions that required prerecorded audio there has also been a decrease in live performances and microphone use. The
emphasis now is more on structured show and spectacle that earns international prestige which
comes with the prize that more spontaneous and subversive expressions are rendered absent.
Smaller conventions have noticed that there is less interest in cosplay competitions (e.g. pers.
comm. at Anigenda meeting) and even cancelled the competition or fashion show altogether
because of lack of interest (Tsunacon, 2012). Perhaps this partly depends on their lack of large
prizes or the general reputation of acts as structured expressions.
It seems that the internationalization and professionalization of cosplay as a type of
sportsmanship also distances some fans from the activity, especially as it can be lived and
performed on stage. A stroll through a Dutch convention shows that there are ample visitors
cosplaying, but many of them are not interested in expressing their affinity on stage. They rather
socialize with friends, have shoots of their own and express their desire through casual roleplaying. A few selective talks show that some cosplayers do not compete in competitions
because they consider themselves to be casual, are not interested in stage activities or
international competitions, or creatively resent some of the rules, such as the limited amount of
cosplayers within the acts.
Though this ethnography reveals some local tensions within the cosplay scene, more
interviews could help clarify how fans make sense of cosplay practices in light of these
international competitions and structures. Whereas some organizations hope that European
conventioneers go abroad and motivate this, many fans show a different attitude that is not
concerned with these global tendencies. They want to stay within their own language climate,
hang out with friends that they have met throughout the country, and express their dress
otherwise, for instance through photography. This is furthered by the age of Dutch convention
visitors, that is estimated to be about 22 years old at Animecon, the biggest convention in The
Netherlands, and even younger at other conventions (e.g., Tsunacon). This suggests that many
visitors may have limited funds to travel, even if the convention sponsors part of their travelling
expenses.

Local and global fan cultures

Though some conventioneers cross borders, many conventions still have their own local
traditions. Doujinshi and cosplay are just two examples of how different localities may
understand fan practice. The balance between the local and international identity of fans turned
out to be delicate, and varied in both fan practices. Doujinshi, for instance, appeared to be
grounded in nationality, especially in the European countries. The artists from Holland and
Germany demonstrate locality and ties with the mainstream industry. They influence the comic
industries of their own countries. Whereas in America, graphic novels already tend to display
hybrid visual and narrative styles, the continental countries see it as their project to innovate and
diversify their more traditional, local comic industry.
Many artists in Germany and Holland do not want to make fan comics per se; they also
want to produce original German and Dutch manga, and participate in the mainstream industry
with this. Such locality is also expressed in prizes as the Dutch manga award or Carlsen Comics
endeavours to scout new talent. However, these local manga artists differ from other comic
artists in that they have the ties to, and recognisability of, anime fandom. Many of these artists
also have considerably prestige online and a market there which also influences their status
offline, as some fans at a convention might recognize their work from platforms as DeviantArt.
Cosplay however shows very different tendencies. The rise in European cosplay events
shows that in some fields a community is in the making but the fact that there are two big
European competitions already suggests that this is a problematic and spread community.
Though cosplay shows international aspirations, we should carefully examine where these
affinities are located and how they add up to the global interests and sentiments that are
expressed, and possibly exaggerated, online. Doujinshi is shared and circulates online, but these
are often Japanese works or quality fan work. In Western countries, as well as in Japan, much
activity takes place in traditional publishing models as a grassroots activity and is seldom shared
in other domains. The locality of doujinshi is not surprising because the narratives are bounded
by language and genre traditions. However, The Netherlands and Germany show a strong
tendency to validate manga in the comic landscape.
These activities can be contrasted to the international aspirations in cosplay, which is less
tied to language and locally specific genres and references, and relies more on visual strategies
and performance. However, language barriers also occur within the cosplay scene. Japan Expo
has long been renowned for presenting its competition in French, and obviously, competence in

English is required at other competitions. Though WCS is international, and tries to provide
some information in English, a basic understanding of Japanese helps. The acts themselves are
also performed in Japanese to cater the largely Japanese audience of this broadcasted live show.
The candidates, before they go to Japan, have to record their act in Japanese. This means that
local organizations need a good translator that can help the candidates voice their characters
well. Though these rules are understandable, they also distance the interested fans at the home
country that may be more qualified in English or their local language.
The cultural dynamics of transmedia fan practices is not only shaped by these different
language traditions, but also by the production of local meanings. The interpretation of doujinshi
(and printed fan art), for instance, differs widely per country. Whereas in Japan, a small fan
comic or book is a collectors item by itself, in Western countries the tendency is to treat it as an
expression of fandom that is not different from online fan fiction or fan art. Western traditions of
doujinshi steer towards thicker anthologies more than Japanese doujinshi, and features a
tendency to publish short stories in fan magazines or online. Though Western fan comics are also
printed and created with much care, they are not collected for their materiality. Western fans
rather seem to collect fan signifiers and keepsakes that visualize their fandom, such as buttons or
prints, or request commissions that represent their favourite characters as they like them.
Similarly, bought costumes seem to have a lesser status than in Japan where buying is sometimes
favoured over failed individual attempts (Okabe, 2012, p. 235)
Reasons for these differences are located within the discourse of amateurism or
consumption culture in the whole. Western discourses of authenticity can be traced back towards
an emphasis on DIY in Western fandom at large and its thoughts on individual creativity
(Gauntlett, 2011). It could be argued that these go back to the function of the individual author
that dates back to Romanticism and provides an aura of authenticity to an artwork that the
reproduction possibly lacks (Benjamin, 1996). The Western creative ethos celebrates individual
creation, effort and authorship over commercial, popular goods. The Japanese model however
also makes room for authenticity of the reproduced, material artefact. In this model, doujinshi
and costumes are also treated as a market of their own, uphold by fans and the industry, in which
consumerism of goods at large is seen as an exclusive act that expresses individuality.
The Japanese transmedia products are also intimately interwoven with ideas on characters
and stories that can be shared and expressed anew, a thought that Azuma has furthered as a

database of narrativity (Azuma, 2009). This metaphor suggests that Japanese stories are
increasingly dispersed and exist out of small databases or elements consisting of characters and
tropes, rather than grand narratives that signify socio-political engagement and world-building.
These Japanese trends, also represented in the fannish affect towards character features (or
moe), reveal specific traditions of storytelling and reader involvement. This ethos thus
fundamentally differs from Western thoughts on transmediality which increasingly display a
desire for world-building and complex narratives (Jenkins, 2006a).

Conclusion
Based on ethnography at several fan events and documentation, I gave an overview of local fan
practices and signified some of their notable differences, based on representative fan events.
There is certainly much more to be said about these local cultures, but for the purpose of this
article, a few aspects were selected that strikingly differed in terms of creativity and fannish selforganization.
This leads to two important findings. First, through the fan practice demonstrate a
common denominator, they reveal culturally-specific thoughts on the identity of the fan author,
and local interpretations of manga culture and ethos. Second, internationality plays a different
role in these two fan practices. Whereas doujinshi circulates widely online, offline there is little
evidence of its internationality. In fact, especially the European artists emphasize locality and
innovation of the mainstream comic industry over internationality. In contrast to doujinshi, the
organization of cosplay strives for more international organization and prestige in the offline
realm, which results in a more common, global standard for fan activities. However, this activity
also confronts cosplayers with local differences such as language. Moreover, the international
standards are also met with response in The Netherlands, where cosplayers seem to shy away
from official cosplay activities and rather organize their play bottom-up.
Anime fandom successfully demonstrates a circulation of global visuals and social
protocols. Even in these different industrial contexts, reception studies reveal similar affective
patterns and concerns (e.g., queerness to explore a text; an ethos of small-press). However, the
language of manga is culturally appropriated in new local contexts where, for instance, it may
cross over with the aesthetics of the graphic novel or explore new narrative structures. The fan
texts thus cannot be separated from the cultural context in which they emerge.

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