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constructions
of otherpeople's constructions forms, is its interdisciplinarynature.
of what they and theircompatriotsare up Qualitative researcherstend not to hold
to."
themselvesto a prioritheoreticalor analytic
Althoughvarious interpretive
frameworks perspectivesin seeking to understandthe
maydiffer
in theirepistemological,
ontologi- phenomena they study. This statement
cal, and methodologicalpremises,theyshare implies,for our presentpurposes,that not
in commonthe core beliefthatinterpretationonly do sociologists of education range
ofsocial lifeis valued highlyand valued more beyondtheirown disciplineand subdiscipline
than explanationand prediction.They all in doing interpretive
research,butthatscholassertthatreality
is at leastpartlysociallycon- arswho do not considerthemselvesprimarily
structedby people who are livingit. The sociologistsalso wander into and across the
meanings held by actors regardingtheir territory
of sociology.As a result,it is not
actions,whetherlatentor explicit,are prima- ofteneasyto determinewhatthesociologyof
ry.The researcher's
own interpretive
is educationis or who sociologistsof education
activity
always present,albeit bracketedand prob- are (Metz 2000). As thisbroadeningconverlematized.Evenmore,therecan be no fixed, sation develops, as the questionersand the
universallaws in the social sciences because perspectives
in partthroughqualitamultiply,
such generalizationsare fatallyunstable as tive research,the sociologyof educationhas
humanactorsadjusttheirown interpretationsthe opportunityto be-or runs the riskof
of their lived experience, and thus their being-transformed.
actions, in lightof the interpretations
presented by social science-a
"double
hermeneutic"that suggests that meaningmakinghuman beings are not unaware of CONTRIBUTIONS OF
othersmakingmeaningaboutthem(Giddens QUALITATIVERESEARCH
1984).
In all formsof qualitativeresearchthat I now turnto a discussionof some ways in
focus on developinginterpretations
of lived which qualitative research,especially that
interpretive,
experience,the methodsof data collection, which is most self-consciously
analysis,and reportingare intendedto help both withinand outsidethe sociologicaltrathe sociologyofeducauncoverand interpret
meaning.Althoughit dition,has influenced
has remained relativelyconstant regarding tion.Thisdiscussionis organizedaroundfour
themes:
this core purpose, interpretivequalitative overlappingsubstantive
researchhas undergonea rapidevolutionin * studies of inequalityand the differential
effectsofschoolingon students'academic
the pastseveraldecades, characterized
byferachievementand theirplace in the social
ment over issues, such as the politicsand
order,
ethicsoffieldresearch;different
methodsfor
gatheringempiricalmaterials;the relative * schoolingand the developmentof persons
(socializationto societal norms, values,
privileging
ofinformants'
own meaningstrucand rolesand identity
formation),
tures versus the interpretations
offeredby
and
researchers; power dynamics between * how schoolsfunctionas organizations,
researchers
and the researched;the represen- * policyissuesin education.
tationof researchin writtenand otherforms;
and the uses to whichresearchis put,includ- Research on Educational
social practice. Inequality
ing its role in transformative
These are powerfultensions,and they have
expanded the field such that different
dis- Sociologicalresearchon educationalinequalexaminedthe waysin which
course communities within qualitative ityhas primarily
researchdo not alwaysrecognizeone anoth- social background, including social class,
er.
and gender, is linkedto the
race-ethnicity,
One key featureof qualitativeresearch, distribution
of educationaland social opporespeciallyin its newerand more interpretivetunitiesand outcomes.A secondaryfocushas
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Riehl
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Riehl
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believewas a "benigntotalinstitution,"
built the dominantmiddle-classachievementideon the perceivedtruthof Christianfunda- ology in theirschool (a game thattheywere
mentalism but also, like Mansfield High likelyto lose), but ironically,
this resistance
oriSchool, capitalizing on the resonance keptthem bound to theirworking-class
between the school and students' home gins.The two groupsofyouthsthatMacLeod
worlds. In contrast,in Places of Memory, studied perceived differentpossibilitiesfor
Peshkin(1997) describedthe ambivalenceof theirfuture,but in doing so, both had to
studentsin a New Mexicopueblovillagewho reckon with their mediocre academic
were educated in an off-reservation
boarding achievement.The black "Brothers"came to
school, which providedappealing employ- believethattheycouldachievein school and
blamed themselves
mentand economicpossibilities,
butalso tore in laterlifeand therefore
the studentsaway fromtheirhome culture. for their poor performancein school. The
The studentsrespondedto thisdilemmawith white "Hallway Hangers" rejected the
persistent feelings of malaise and low achievementideologyoftheirschoolas unfair
and developed othersources
achievement,which,in turn,keptthemcon- and illegitimate
ofself-esteem,
buttheirbravadodid not prosignedto theirnativecommunities.
Earlystudies of socializationadopted a tectthemcompletelyfromfeelingsof shame
largelyfunctionalist
perspective
thatwas con- and failure.
sistentwith the accommodatingstructural- Otherstudieshavealso shownhow difficult
cast of much Americansocial it is formarginalizedstudentslikethe "lads"
functionalist
War11eras. and "HallwayHangers"to sustaina critical
theoryofthe pre-and post-World
However, as American society became consciousnessabout educationand achieveincreasinglydiverse,socializationprocesses ment.Fine(1991) describedhighschool stucame to be seen as less naturaland benign, dents and formerstudents,most of whom
forthe developmentof were culturalminorities,
who had attendeda
and theirimplications
was made to
were raised.As schoolwhereconsiderableeffort
group and individualidentity
the followingdescriptionsindicate,interpre- rendertheirexperiencesand even theirprestive researchhas drawnattentionto conflict ence invisibleand to silence theirvoices of
and opposition.She foundthatdropoutslosttheir
and contestationin controloveridentity
socializationand has explored how schools criticaledge and developed "immobilizing
are implicatedin these processes.
regrets"(p. 103) as theystruggledafterleaving school. R. B. Stevenson and Ellsworth
AchievementIdentityand Socialization In (1993:266) also found that dropouts
school, students learn important lessons "reclaimed for themselves the blame for
aboutwhattheymayachieveand wherethey dropping out," so they could recall their
are likelyto fitintothe largersocial structure school experiences positivelydespite their
of adult life;theydevelop achievementiden- postschool failures.Consistentwith these
titiesby fashioninginterpretations
of these studies, O'Connor (1999) found that the
lessons that are meaningful to them. high-achieving
AfricanAmericanstudentsin
Qualitative research has illuminatedhow herstudywere articulateabout the structural
on achievementthat race, social
challengingthismeaningmakingcan be for constraints
studentswho do not succeed in school and class,and genderpresented.In contrast,the
how much it reliesboth on structural
con- low-achievingstudentstended to minimize
straintsimposed on studentsand on stu- the impact of these social identities;they
dents' own choices and actions. Willis's citedhardworkand desireas moreimportant
male stu- explanationsfor students'achievementand
(1 977) studyofwhiteworking-class
dentsin Englandand MacLeod's(1987) study the lackof effort
and willas explanationsfor
of whiteand blackmales in Americaare two poor performance.
accountsof how stuprominentinterpretive
Socialization
dents develop a sense of themselvesin light Gender Identity and
in school. Willis's"lads" Qualitativestudieshave also providedinsights
of theirperformance
claimed an identitythatwas oppositionalto into how schools and schoolingshape the
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Riehl
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as
student, classmate, family member, and ers and discussedhow theircharacteristics
friend.Using the notionof discourseas an occupational settings sometimes were at
"identity
kit"oftalkand behaviorthatsignals odds with the educational purposes of
one's membershipin a particulardiscourse schooling.Thirtyyears later,Bidwell(1 965)
analysisofthe school
community,Lopez found withineach dis- presentedan influential
coursecommunity
a persistent
ignoranceand as a formalorganizationand reintroduced
devaluingof the otherdiscourses.It was not manyofWaller'sideas,includingthetroubled
surprising
that the boys encounteredmany relationshipbetween the organization of
natureof
problemstryingto negotiateamong these teachingas workand the intrinsic
competing discourses, with clear conse- teachingand learning.Recently,researchin
quences fortheirsense of selfand theiredu- thisdomain has examinedthe waysin which
schools are shiftingfrom being organized
cationaltrajectories.
studieshave also shown around routine, bureaucratized forms of
Finally,
interpretive
the interaction
betweenracial-ethnic
identity teachingto teachingas a complexand colleracial gial task.
and achievementidentity,
particularly
Qualitativeresearch has illuminatedthe
and ethnic minoritystudents'motivesand
teachconditionsthatfacilitate
behaviorsregardingtheir academic perfor- organizational
mance. Fordham (1 996) found that the ing as a professionalactivity,specifically
Americanstudentsthatare exploringstructures,processes,and norms
actionsof African
schoolsas professional
as evidenceof lazinessor thathelpto constitute
typically
interpreted
for
the
teachers
and identifying
communities
a lackofintelligence
could be viewedas politcommubarriers
that
can
restrict
professional
icalactsofresistance
groundedinthe maintenanceofa blackidentity
thatavoidsthewhite nity (e.g., Little 1982; Louis et al.1995;
"other."This more sophisticatedaccount of McLaughlin, Talbert, and Bascia 1990;
1998). Forexample,Little(1982)
identity
construction
extendsthe well-known Westheimer
"burdenofactingwhite"argumentshe devel- described how shared normsof collegiality
in schools encouraged
oped withOgbu (Fordhamand Ogbu 1986). and experimentation
Fordham (1993) also explored the links teachersto take risksand learnto teach difIn a follow-upstudy,Little(1990)
between gender, racial-ethnicidentity,and ferently.
was unlikely
achievement,
notingthatsome blackfemales showed thatgenuinecollegiality
werethe mostsuccessfulstudentsat "Capital to occur in schools unlessteacherswere able
teachingrolesand
High,"but also the leastvisible,because they to pursueinterdependent
tasks.
Louis
and
her
associates
(1995) drew
were"passing"forsomeonetheywerenotby
on
of
to
describe the
case
studies
schools
thedominantculturalimageofthe
mimicking
social
and
resources
as trustand
human
(such
white Americanfemale and ultimatelythe
and the
and
facilitative
leadership)
respect
whitemale.
conditions(likeadequate commustructural
and
nicationstructures,physicalproximity,
Researchon How SchoolsWork
schoolautonomy)thatsupportteachers'proInterestin featuresof the school as a social fessionalism.In contrast,Siskinand Little's
organizationwas evidentwhen the sociology (1995) collectionof studies of high school
of educationemergedas a distinctsubdisci- subjectdepartmentsexploredthe barriers
to
pline, and researchactivityin this area has professionalismimposed by departments
continuedto thrive.In thisoverview,I focus functioning
thatfosas separatecommunities
ofqualitativeresearchto ter fragmentedversionsof learningthrough
on the contributions
justtwo aspectsofthiswork:theorganization balkanization
and the exerciseof power.
relaand characterof teachingand authority
In the midstofthisattentionto the organitionsin schools.
zationalconditionsofteaching,therehas also
been an increasein interpretive
researchon
The Organization and Character of the natureof teachingand the meaningsit
Teaching Waller's (1932) early treatise holds for teachers themselves,a topic to
have been relatively
slowto
describedschoolsas workcontextsforteach- whichresearchers
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Riehl
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125
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Riehl
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Riehl
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129
widercomparison,
forexample,orforemphaedge, includingnormative
and abstracttheosizingdifferent
aspects of social life- strucry and applications,that responds more
ture,action,culture,power,function,
etc. The
directly
to the problemsof educationalpracpoint
is
to
see
the
process
as
basic
and
never
tice ("educationalsociology").The liveliness
ending,
and
to
subject
it
to
our
continuing
and utilityof the sociology of education
criticalattention,ratherthan to imaginethat
depends on how it positionsitselfregarding
it is somehow settled once and for all, or
thesealternatives.
merelya matterof operationaldefinition.
Finally,it should be clearfromthisreview
thefutureof
that qualitative research that is situated Ifpastevidenceis anyindication,
squarelywithina sociologicalframeworkis the sociologyof education will be won, at
enlivenedbythe encounterwithstudiescon- least in part, by the effortsof qualitative
to definetheirown new objectsof
ducted frommore distant,but relatedper- researchers
spectivesand disciplines.Pursuinginterdisci- study.
plinarity
carriesrisksby weakeningthe "selfcorrecting
contextofa disciplinary
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132
Riehl
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Brid es to theFuture
133
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Riehl
134
CarolynRiehl,Ph.D., is AssistantProfessor,
Department
of EducationalLeadership
and Cultural
Hermainareas of
Foundations,
Schoolof Education,University
of NorthCarolina-Greensboro.
ineducation,
relationships,
schoolorgainterest
aregenderand cultural
diversity
school-community
how schooladministrators
nization,and administrative
practice.She is currently
investigating
working
in multicultural
contexts
engagethepublicin educationalpolicyand practice.
and critTheauthorthanksMaryHaywoodMetzand AnnaNeumannfortheirhelpful
comments
of
icismson earlierversions
ofthisarticle.Addressall correspondence
to CarolynRiehl,Department
ofNorthCarolinaat Greensboro,
P.O.
Educational
Leadership
and Cultural
Foundations,
University
Box26171, Greensboro,
NC 27402-6171; e-mail:cjriehl@uncg.edu.
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