Journal of Psychology in Africa 2011, 21(3), 335348

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Journal of
Psychology in Africa
ISSN 1433-0237

A Psychology of Indigenous Healing in Southern Africa

Stephen David Edwards
University of Zululand
Address correspondence to Prof Steve Edwards, 3 Antigua, 32 Chartwell Drive, Umhlanga Rocks, 4320 South Africa. Email:
sdedward@telkomsa.net
Converging lines of evidence from various scientific disciplines consistently point to humanitys African roots. In this
context, the term indigenous healing is used to refer to universal forms of healing that began in Africa and were
developed further both locally and internationally. This article examines the notion of a psychology of indigenous
healing and suggests that investigations continually reveal essential structures and practices of a perennial psychology
underlying modern scientific, academic and professional forms of this discipline. Examination of such structures and
practices illuminates an original psychological theme in Southern African indigenous healing involving recognition of
Spirit as Source of Self that extends into transpersonal realms. Related themes include ancestral consciousness,
familial and communal spirituality, healers and specializations, illness prevention, health promotion and various forms
of empathy. The need for future in depth research into such psychological themes and issues is identified and
explicated.
Keywords: Perennial, psychology, indigenous healing, Indigenous Knowledge Systems, Southern Africa, ancestors, spirit
Trying to understand, conceptualize and apply psychology
in Africa is a great struggle, which brings fascinating experiences and wonderful relationships. Much of the content of this
article reflects deep, meaningful, lifetime friendships over many
years with many people, particularly University of Zululand colleagues. Over the years, we have been reflexively working towards a holistic, integrated academic and professional discipline, a universal psychology directed towards the best
interests of humanity, science and the universe. We believe a
universal psychology transcends and includes African, European, American and other forms of psychology. This article
seeks to examine the notion of a psychology of indigenous healing. It reports investigations that continually reveal essential
structures and practices of a perennial psychology underlying
modern scientific, academic and professional forms of this discipline. The presentation includes ancient and Southern African
healing with special reference to ancestral consciousness,
communal spirituality, psychodynamics, the role of dreams, music, song, rhythm and dance. There is special focus on the
methods of indigenous healers, their psychology of illness prevention and health promotion. Finally empirical research into
perennial components of traditional and modern healing, empathy, transpersonal spirituality, ancestral consciousness and African breath based psychotherapeutic workshops are
discussed.

cover, describe and interpret any such psychological data?

Other examples are those conceptual issues that surround the
meaning of the term African Psychology. Does this refer to an
original psychology? Does it refer to a universal form of psychology as practiced in Africa, typically but not exclusively by African people (Moll, 2002)? Does it refer to many diverse indigenous psychologies? Is it time for an integral approach that
includes and transcends diverse perspectives?

The Old and the New

Questions as to similarities, differences and relationships
between old and new forms of psychology, healing and medicine as understood, conceptualized, systematized and practiced in Africa and other continents need to be examined. For
example, the distinction has been made between structurally
dominant forms of psychology, healing and medicine typically
described as modern, scientific and Western contrasted to functional forms of indigenous, traditional, cultural and/or folk psychology, healing and medicine found in all countries and especially prevalent in the African and Asian continents (Edwards,
1986; Mpofu, 2006). Relationships between different systems
have been variously described in terms of oppression, disadvantage, collaboration and integration. Such issues need continual updating to nourish, empower, enrich, reinstate, optimize
and promote the vast spiritual, human, natural and many other
resources of a continent that has suffered much through slavThe notion of a perennial psychology of, and as revealed
ery, colonization, oppression and numerous other forms of huthrough, indigenous healing is an attractive and challenging
man rights abuses, injustice, violence and illness.
topic, which presents various issues: philosophical, conceptual,
cultural, environmental and practical.
A General Context of Indigenous Knowledge Systems
As in other continents, countries and regions, African forms
Philosophical Issues
of indigenous healing are informed by indigenous knowledge
Philosophical issues relate to ontological, epistemological,
systems, beliefs and practices knowledge, beliefs and pracconceptual, ethical and pragmatic questions surrounding a psytices, which are both perennial and changing in relation to varichology of indigenous healing. For example, if there is a psyous factors and contexts (Nsameng, 1992). For example, the
chology of indigenous healing, how is this known and what is its
psychology of indigenous healing includes methods used by infunction and value? What approach and method will best disdigenous and faith healers when treating persons with

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Edwards

HIV/AIDS (Madu, & Govender, 2005). It includes the psychology of oppression and liberation in Africa in relation to various
political movements and personalities such as Fanon, Biko,
Ramphele and Mandela (Biko, 2004; Fanon, 1963; Mandela,
1994, Ramphele, 1995). These are cogent African issues, requiring research depth and breadth to effect further social transformation and the liberation of human consciousness, both in
Africa and the wider international context, with all its political,
economic, spiritual and other problems and solutions.
Core Themes
Spiritual, communal and cultural issues and aspects of the
psychology of indigenous healing deserve special consideration. These include ancestral consciousness, beliefs and practices; local views on illness and healing; the role of cultural factors, dreams; sorcery; divinatory practices, indigenous
medicines, dance, music, ritual, sport, prevention, promotion,
community and transpersonal psychology. As many indigenous
healing methods have stood some test of time and cultural approval, their systematic explication could have explicit and implicit functions of honoring original, local, evidence based, best
practice, effective, research methodologies, diagnostic techniques and therapeutic modalities.
The remainder of this article is an attempt to answer some of
the above questions and unpack some of the issues. It attempts
to clarify terms and contexts, examines the notion of a psychology of indigenous healing and reports on investigations that
continually reveal essential structures and practices of a perennial psychology underlying modern scientific, academic and
professional forms of this discipline.
Indigenous Healing
One aim of this article is to illuminate some perennial psychological features of Southern African indigenous healing. Humanity has its roots in Africa, with South Africa a probable
source of early migration (Jobling, Hurles, & Tyler-Smith, 2004),
and thus there is the inferential implication as to the ultimate African origin of all forms of healing. The term indigenous healing therefore refers to universal forms of healing that began in
Africa and were developed further both locally and internationally (see also Sodi & Bojuwoye, this issue). The ensuing discussion centers on Southern African forms, with special reference
to the Nguni, especially Zulu, and, to a lesser extent, San cultural groupings. While these groups are not representative of
African healing in general or Southern African healing in particular, the available evidence points to such similar patterns in
other indigenous cultural groupings that some transferability of
findings can be assumed (Gumede, 1990; Edwards, 1985,
Oosthuizen, Edwards, Wessels, & Hexam, 1989). After all, indigenous, traditional healing has long formed the foundation for
all modern healing.
Health and wellbeing. The World Health Organization
views world health as not merely the absence of disease but a
holistic, energized and vital global state of physical, mental and
social well-being as aptly conveyed in the Nguni/Zulu/Xhosa
term impilo (Doke & Vilajazi, 1972; WHO, 1946; 1999). Graham
(1990) notes that the origin of the English term, "healing", is derived from the German terms heilin (whole) and helig (holy) as
well as related old English terms hael (whole), haelen (heal) and
halig (holy). Etymologically speaking, therefore, to heal is to
make whole or holy with the term holistically embracing both
physical and spiritual aspects of humanity. This is instructively
portrayed in the related Nguni/Xhosa/Zulu terms ukuphilisa or

elapha (heal) and philile (whole). Healing also typically involves

some transformation from illness to health. Such transformation
is graphically represented in the San notion of twe: a term which
explicitly captures the tensile, organic, healing experience of
pulling out an illness (Dent & Nyambezi, 1969; Doke & Vilajazi,
1972; Katz, 1982; Stewart, 1971).
In post-apartheid South African society, such transformation has also meant caring and humanity (ubuntu) and an ongoing everyday form of healing, beyond truth and reconciliation,
that is slowly making its way in the experience of generations of
people growing up together from childhood in freedom (Edwards, 2002). It has meant the harmonious collaboration of all
community helping resources in the struggle against illnesses
such as HIV/AIDS, poverty, unemployment, crime and endemic
in all its and myriad forms. At present there are approximately
six thousand psychologists, ten thousand social workers, thirty
thousand medical doctors and one hundred and twenty-five
thousand nurses to care for nearly fifty million people in South
Africa. This relative scarcity of modern, professional, healthcare
personnel means that other community helping resources do
the bulk of the work, especially some three hundred thousand
indigenous healers and over one million African Indigenous
Church (AIC) faith healers whose healing is essentially spiritual
in nature (Edwards & Edwards, 2008).
Indigenous knowledge. Indigenous healing refers to those
local, time honored, traditional, cultural ways of local people
employing local knowledge to survive. Though local in their
manifestation, indigenous knowledge systems may or may not
be based on evidence or essential scientific processes. However, they are of global interest for their heuristic, creative practicality, application and contextualization. Whether traditional,
conservative, dynamic, and/or activist in intent and effect, products of such systems inevitably originate in oral communities in
the absence of writing (Loubser, 2005). Breath based speech,
song, meditative, contemplative and/or intercessory traditions
form an essential and historical context for all forms of knowledge and culture (Edwards, 2009). Such richness has not been
given due recognition.
Recognition and appreciation of those oral traditions which
informed and shaped literature is critical in any hermeneutic endeavor involving experiential explication and mutual understanding. It is particularly crucial to understand the evolving role
of breath, speech and writing on the human psyche and consciousness. For example, compare Homers understanding of
psyche as ones breathing life force without which one was
dead, with the objective abstract consciousness involved in understanding the written word psyche (Polleti, 2002). Oral traditions have the advantage of revealing reality in freshly apprehended, proximal immediacy, whereas the written word is more
distant, encouraging further cognition. Indigenous knowledge
systems play an integral role in the experiential, behavioral, cultural and social life of communities as attested to by the unprecedented rise of the African Indigenous Church movement,
which readily incorporates and integrates traditional ancestral
and Christian orientated consciousness, beliefs and practices
(Oosthuizen et al, 1989). Through their immediate presence
and adaptability, which is obvious in every spoken, gestured
word, event and relationship, the vibrant living reality of such indigenous church groups reveal an authentic and original, contemporary and perennial psychology as described below.

Perennial Psychology Indigenous Healing

A Perennial Psychology
In contrast to such contemporary terms as "indigenous" or
"folk psychology", the term perennial psychology describes a
psychology that is at least as old as humanity. It includes such
essentially spiritual, original and holistic aspects of psychology
as implied by the above mentioned, original Geek meaning of
the term psyche as breath, energy consciousness, soul and/or
spirit that leaves people at death to continue in some other form.
In Zulu culture, the intimate relationship between the living and
the dead is revealed through the importance attached to the immediate apprehension, images and concepts of umphefumulo
(breath, soul), isazela (consciousness), umoya (spirit), isithunzi
(shadow), and the ancestors or living-dead (abaphansi,
amadlozi, izinyanya). The essential spirituality of this perspective is apparent in the inclusive understanding of umoya as
breath, wind, soul and spirit. Subtle distinctions are also recognized. For example umphefumulo (soul) generally refers more
to the individual expression of spirit and umoya (spirit) to the
universal expression of soul. Jung makes a similar distinction
with his images of the breath-body and spirit-body (Edwards &
Edwards, 2008; Judith, 2005; Jung, 1957) (see also Geils, this
Issue).
Similar to Huxleys (1958) perennial philosophy the term
perennial psychology has also been used by Ken Wilber
(1977, 2000) to describe a spectrum of consciousness model of
psychology that integrates all known approaches to psychology, psychotherapy, spirituality, and consciousness. The model
uses the analogy of a rainbow or an electromagnetic spectrum
to describe an approach, first called spectrum psychology,
then later integral psychology. Wilbers comprehensive research has pioneered a marvelous mapping of different states,
stages and systems of consciousness development, ranging
from the spiritual traditions of Hinduism, Taoism, Judaism, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam; though quantum physics and
transpersonal psychology to various postmodern and New Age
approaches. However, there appears to be a relative lack of
emphasis in Wilbers research on that above mentioned, oldest
overarching system of all (i.e., ancestral consciousness, beliefs
and practices). This has African origins and forms the underpinning essential context for all spiritual traditions and/or religious
systems (Bynum, 1984, 1999; Edwards, 1985, 2009; Edwards,
Thwala, Mbele, Siyaya, Ndlazi, & Magwaza, 2011; Fortes &
Dieterlin, 1965; Mbiti, 1970; Murdock, Wilson & Frederick,
1980; Myers, 1993; Ngubane, 1977).
As used in this article, the term perennial psychology therefore broadens Wilbers conception to include ancestral consciousness, beliefs and practices, as apprehended through direct experience, rites, customs and rituals in memory of
ancestors ranging from personal, familial and communal human
ancestors through animals and reptiles to ultimate sources and
contexts, including God and/or the Godhead, and beyond (Edwards, 2009; Edwards, Makunga, Thwala, & Mbele, 2009; Edwards et al., 2011; Gumede, 1990; Holdstock, 1979, 1981). This
umoya psychology is ultimately concerned with those typically
pre-personal unconscious, physiological, behavioral, lived, observed, verbal and non-verbal phenomena of life such as
breathing, sensing, imagining, gesturing, moving, talking, and
dancing. It includes all those experiential and relational aspects
of consciousness as interiority of breath and, most importantly, umoya includes those universal and transpersonal forms
of consciousness typically referred to as Spirit. It is epitomized
in the humanity (ubuntu) of an indigenous Zulu divine healer

337

(isangoma) who heals through ancestral energy (ukwelapha

amandla namadlozi) using a public divination method (vumisa)
involving a process of becoming whole again in all aspects;
body, mind, soul and spirit; in total cultural and ecological context. This will be discussed in greater depth later.
This perennial psychology implies an understanding of
Spirit as Source of Self that extends beyond ego into
transpersonal realms. Self includes ones individual self, familial
and universal human ancestors, the yet unborn, community, nature and the entire universe, where everything is interrelated
and every part is a microcosmic replica and reflection of the
whole (Hammond-Tooke, 1989; Hountondji, 1983; Mbiti, 1970;
Myers, 1993; Ngubane, 1977). More recently Koestler (1977)
and Wilber (2000) have described the fundamental links in this
universe or kosmos as holons, which are always both wholes
and parts of other wholes, in an ongoing process of evolution
and involution, ascending and descending currents in a great
nest of inter-being, linking, transcending and including forms of
consciousness experienced as matter, body, mind, soul and
spirit. Spirit is viewed both as ground and final level in the great
nest, the interior aspect to all material phenomena and psychology which includes the study of the structures, states, modes,
developmental, behavioral and relational aspects of consciousness and their manifestations in behavior such as breathing
(Edwards, 2009; Hammond-Tooke, 1989; Myers, 1993; Wilber,
1977, 2000). Working from this essentially spiritual orientation,
which includes accumulated evidence as to the common African, especially South African, origins of contemporary humanity
(Jobling, Hurles, & Tyler-Smith, 2004), let us examine early African forms of healing in greater depth.
Ancient African Healing
Myers (1993) has articulated fundamental philosophical assumptions of ancient African healing. The main ontological assumption is that reality is at once spiritual and material, with an
all-pervading spiritual energy as source, sustainer and essence
of all phenomena. Everything is spirit manifested where Spirit
is known in an extrasensory fashion via energy/consciousness/God and an extended Self-concept which includes ancestors, all of nature and the entire community. Spiritual healing
logic embraces polarities yielding both/and conclusions, with
axiology and ntuology respectively emphasizing the value and
interrelationships of communal, human, spiritual networks. This
is an essentially holistic worldview that has become increasingly
valued and recognized in modern forms of healing which take
into account the influence of relativity, quantum and holographic
theories, uncertainty principle and dissipative structures. This
results in a positive view of illness as a necessary re-ordering of
a system grown increasing coherent and complex, with greater
instability and potential for novel restructuring interactions. It
also leads to the possibility of perfect health through harmonizing all forms of spiritual energy (Capra, 1983; Chopra, 2000;
Graham, 1990).
Ancient Egyptian views on healing were based on the vision
of a harmoniously interrelated universe suffused with the energies of heaven and earth. The sun god, Ra, radiated cosmic
forces of light on microcosmic humanity, whose ultimate purpose in life was to become enlightened, through opening to the
light and channeling, distributing and merging this light with
earth energy, which was symbolized in the form of a rearing serpent. Successful energy channeling was depicted in Egyptian
paintings and sculpture as a snake rising from the forehead of
enlightened persons such as energy healers. The vital energies

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Edwards

spectful names. Generically they are typically referred to as

amadlozi (spirits), abaphansi (those underground) amakhosi
(chiefs) izinyanya, izithutha, abangasekho (those who are
dead). Various special sacrificial ceremonies (umsebenzi) are
also typically performed, for example for thanksgiving
(ukubonga), scolding ancestors for misfortune (ukuthetha),
appeasement
(ukushweleza),
homestead
fortification
(ukubethela) and reintroducing the spirit of a relative to the local
ancestral body corporate (ukubuyisa). Emphasis is both on reSouthern African Healing
cently departed ancestors and the unbroken line that links all
African spiritual healing emphasizes the dynamic interrelat- ancestors directly to ultimate Being (Ubukhona), the Creator
edness of all life given through the ancestral sources of infinite (Mvelinqangi) or God (uNkulunkulu).
spiritual energy, revealed through dreams and the extended familial. communal unconscious (Bynum, 1984; 1999; Myers, Ancestral Communication
1993; Ngubane, 1977). Direct information we have about the
According to traditional Zulu culture, there is a continuous
earliest history of healing comes from rock paintings tens of relationship between the living and the living-dead
thousands of years old and located in many cave sites in South- (abaphansi). This becomes apparent when considering terms
ern Africa. It is therefore appropriate to describe a typical spiri- such as ukufihlwa and ukutshalwa that are used when burying
tual healing dance by the first or real people, as the Southern the dead. Ukufihlwa means burying an ordinary citizen while
ukutshalwa means burying a member of a royal family. SymboliAfrican Kalahari !Kung refer to themselves.
!Kung healing involves health and growth on physical, psy- cally, ukufihla and ukutshalwa relate to rebirth. The actual burial
chological, social and spiritual levels; it affects the individ- service/ process called umsebenzi wokumlanda signifies the
ual, the group, the surrounding environment and the cos- beginning of a new life as an ancestor who will always be presmos. Healing is an integrating and enhancing force, far ent in guiding the living. These concepts provide definitive demore fundamental than simple curing or the application of scriptions of the continuity of life in the Zulu context, which is
medicine. Sometimes, as often as four times a month, the also metaphorically likened to sowing and watering seeds of
women sit around the fire, singing and rhythmically clapping corn that will produce crops to feed both family and community.
as night falls, signalling the start of a healing dance. The enThe ukulanda process deserves special explication. In the
tire camp participates. The men, sometimes joined by the
case of a person who has died away from home, symbolic use is
women, dance around the singers. As the dance intensifies,
made of a special type of twig called ihlahla from a tree known
n/um (energy) is activated in those who are healers, most
as
umlahlankosi which acts as a communication link between
of whom are among the dancing men. As n/um intensifies in
the healers, they experience !kia (a form of enhanced con- the living and the deceased person. The job of carrying the twig
sciousness) during which they heal everyone at the dance. and communicating with the deceased person is assigned to a
The dance usually extends far into the night, often ending as close family member, usually an elderly person who is converthe sun rises the next morning. Those at the dance confront sant with the family tradition. For example, during the process of
the uncertainties of their existence and reaffirm the spiritual bringing the spirit of the deceased home from the site of an accidimension of their daily lives (Katz & Wexler, 1989, p. 23). dent, the elderly person drags the twig on a small cotton-like
San healers initially physically experience empathy in the thread, continually talking with the deceased person and reform of a lower abdominal gut feeling called gebesi, which is minding him or her to come home (Knight, 2010). While Westcritical to the experience of !kia as they unwind in the dance, ern psychiatry may reject this notion and/or negatively label the
open themselves (hxabe) and twe or pull the sickness out (Katz, related behavior as mental illness, in Nguni culture this is re1982). This gebesi experience is similar to that described as garded as respect for the completion of a process that links the
umbellini by Nguni people and kundalini amongst certain yogic living and the living dead. In addition to signifying respect for the
practitioners. Healers also describe an experience known as deceased and his or her recognition of existence after death as
kowhedili, which refers to an aspect of !kia where there is much an ancestor through bringing home and ceremonially integratpain experienced as they expel sickness from themselves ing the spirit of the diseased with the body of ancestral spirits
(Katz, 1982). Personal observations of such a dance attest to (ukubuyisa umsebenzi), this traditional ceremony has the addithe dramatic intensity and lived healing experience so carefully tional symbolic purpose of clearing and cleansing the environresearched and described by Katz (1982). These deep em- ment so that it becomes accident free for other users. In some
pathic, transpersonal connections are inextricably related to the traditional Zulu circles, elderly people still tell stories
drumming sound of energy (num) and altered consciousness (izinganekwane) about places where such accidents happened,
(!kia) in a mutually facilitative pattern of healing, which thus be- where the deceased were not properly removed and brought
comes a shared resource for all members of the community. home to rest and become good spirits. In this context, such
Organismically sensing vast chemistry and electricity of ances- teachings help in the process of instilling a love of culture and
tral, spiritual presence through nerves, guts and bone, healers the importance of the living dead ancestors. Children still find it
transmit an empathy which allows others to experience time- fascinating to spend time with elderly people in a learning proless, spaceless realms of ongoing self-exploration. Vast healing cess with regard to their own origins, creating a cultural beauty
and richness where sons and daughters remain young as long
is thus effected.
as they have their parents (Edwards, Makunga, Thwala, &
Mbele, 2009).
Ancestral Healing
In local Zulu folklore ancestors are addressed in many ways
Traditional Zulu people also perform a special purification
and various terms are used. The theme of respect ritual (inhlambuluko) a month after the burial of the deceased. A
(ukuhlonipha) is central and ancestors may be given special re- special herb is used for cleansing and a goat is slaughtered. Alof heaven and earth were believed to merge in a vital human,
spiritual, energy body called ka. The aim of the Egyptian Mystery System, some five thousand years ago, was to educate and
to enlighten humanity with regard to such beliefs and practices.
Healers were intimately acquainted with the cycles of the sun,
seasons, and especially those related to the flooding of the Nile,
and other rhythms of life, music and movement (Graham, 1990;
Gumede, 1990; Myers, 1993).

Perennial Psychology Indigenous Healing

339

mechanisms, reasons and/or causes underlying phenomena, in

the form of visions, dreams and hallucinations, that may appear
to persons concerned with ancestral visitations. Such phenomena can become amplified under conditions of stress, death,
and bereavement. Nocturnal dreams lose their apparent distortions and intensity in the light of day, and gross reality becomes
clear and sharp after eating and sleeping well. Skilled helpers
Communal Spirituality
and personal insight may be needed to interpret reality as pheAncestors are known to dislike noise within the home nomena, which may seem confusing and threatening initially,
(umsindo ekhaya) and prefer emptiness, peace and silence become readily understandable.
(ukuthula), which is scarcely surprising as, besides their living
From a psychodynamic perspective, ancestral visitations
presence in the consciousness of their descendants, they also
and their communications will be as threatening or reassuring
occupy that timeless, space-less realm, which is pregnant and
as these personages had been in their former physical
full in its very emptiness. Bynum (1984) has described the famexistences and as perceived by the perceiver. For example,
ily unconscious in terms of an active, intense, and immediate
verbal abuse, corporal punishment and familial rejection by
shared energy field, characterized by affective interactional patpowerful parents and/or elders are clearly very threatening externs, communal dreaming, telepathy and various other psi
periences for a vulnerable child. Such experiences will remain
phenomena. Such phenomena are fully experienced in African
rooted in the consciousness of the child, be amplified and corextended family kinship ties, through ongoing communication
roborated by familial and sociocultural belief systems and, after
with the world of the recently deceased and older living dead anthe death of such elders, may assume gigantic proportions and
cestors, all of whom continue to be freshly experienced as rereadily manifest as abaphansi basifulathele (ancestors have
sponsible for shaping the lives of contemporary humanity.
turned away), requiring appropriate appeasement rituals. On
Family and communal spirituality and spiritual community the other hand, if parents and grandparents have been affirmare repeatedly affirmed in religious worldviews, communal ritu- ing, kind and loving, after their death, their continued recognials and sacrifices (umsebenzi) in remembrance of ancestors tion (abaphansi banathi), kindness and love is more likely to be
(amadlozi/izinyanya) and God (uNkulunkulu, uMvelinqangi). In experienced by future generations. In terms of reciprocal paraddition to those mentioned above Berglund (1976), Ngubane ent-child relationships, bad behavior is punished/rejected and
(1977) and Gumede (1990) have described a host of spirituality good behavior rewarded/praised. Children learn to bring about
orientated preventive and promotive health beliefs and prac- rewards of parental recognition, love and praise through proper
tices for the child and the adult, family and community. Such behavior. These are very good reasons for surviving generaoriginal indigenous forms of communal spirituality as located tions to continue to communicate and honor their ancestors, be
within traditional Zulu communal ways of living have also been well behaved and perform appropriate ceremonies to ensure
articulated in related papers (Edwards, Makunga, & Nzima, continued health, protection and prosperity.
1997; Makunga, Edwards, & Nzima, 1997). A central emphasis
From a local African perspective, ancestors are regarded as
is placed on related concepts such as intersubjectivity, mutualcustodians of the lives of future generations. They occupy a poity, humanization, socialization, as expressed in such terms as
sition of dignity and awe among their descendants. From time to
ubunye, simunye and ubudlelwane, and conveyed in such iditime through certain ritualistic procedures that differ from group
oms as: izandla ziyagezana (i.e., one hand washes the other)
to group, they are celebrated and consulted for guidance. As
and kuhlonishwana kabili (i.e., respect is mutual and should be
they are the living-dead, ancestors are believed to know more
reciprocated). This is a spiritually grounded community that enthan anyone alive, to have extra-ordinary powers and to be at
sures a form of humanism as revealed in the practice of ubuntu,
any place at any time. It is believed that they can bring good luck
which implies essential caring, respectful humanity and benefiand bad luck equally if they are pleased or angered respeccial humane relationships as will be discussed in detail later.
tively.
Inspirational spiritual healing occurs readily in everyday life
Spiritual healing through ancestors provides a sense of seand is especially common in ceremonial, ritual, communal spiricurity, anchoring and confirming their descendants identity,
tual gatherings (umsebenzi). For example, a sneeze is believed
sense of belonging and purpose in life. When a new person
to be an indication of ancestral presence and is followed by an
joins the family, s/he must be reported to the departed elders of
exhortation to the ancestors (makhosi!). A six-year-old child
the family (abaphansi); e.g., a new bride or a newborn child.
may be required to breathe deeply (ukuhogela) the burning
Bynums concept of the family unconscious and Jungs collecfumes of izinyamazane (pieces of animal skin and fat) as a pretive unconscious explicate different levels of this ancestral
ventive and strengthening tonic when being given a second
connectedness (Bynum, 1984; Ivey et al. 2002). It is reasonable
name, which characterizes his or her earthly existence to date.
and understandable that ancestors remain in high regard as
Men working together in slow motion, physical activity, such as
source of spiritual healing, custodians of the lives of future gendigging a trench, may chant in time to deep abdominal breathing
erations, occupying a position of dignity and awe among their
rhythms before taking a breather (ukukhokh umoya) in order to
descendants, are celebrated and consulted for guidance, beregain energy and strength. Such spirituality as expressed in
lieved to know more than anyone alive, to have extra-ordinary
deep breathing, rhythm and harmony is also a characteristic of
powers and to be at any place at any time, bringing good or bad
traditional singing and dancing.
fortune equally if they are pleased or angered. In addition, it is
also particularly understandable that those family and/or clan
Psychodynamics of Ancestral Healing
ancestors who were held in high regard in the community are
In this context, the term, psychodynamics, refers to an umespecially well-remembered and revered.
brella concept explaining the often hidden, unapparent, psychological, familial, social, cultural and spiritual tensions, forces,
though some Zulu people use sheep, goats still remain an important part of such a ritual. Only the immediate family members
are expected to attend inhlambuluko. This has however been
extended to church members who become part of the family
and sing throughout the night as a sign of acknowledging the
transition from ordinary life to the life of the living dead.

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Edwards

Healing Dreams
Buhrmann (1978, 1989) mentions Old Testament dreams
regarded as messages of great importance for the individual or
the community, with the best documented use of dreams for the
purpose of healing illnesses, coming from ancient Africa, Arabia
and India. In the traditional South African context, dreams remain in significant regard as communication from the ancestors
with regard to guidance, warnings and the appointment of
someone for divinity as in the process of becoming a diviner
(ukuthwasa) as discussed above. Once the dream message
has been made clear in indicating what is required of the individual, family or clan, it is acted on to prevent serious illness or misfortune (Chinkwita, 1993; Mfusi & Edwards, 1985; Ngubane,
1977; Thwala, Pillay, & Sargent, 2000). In traditional Zulu culture, people often report that they can physically sense that they
have been visited by abaphansi and warned against some misfortune. In such a case, the dreamer will try to remember the
content of a dream and go to a local dream interpreter for further
clarification for no charge. In the past, especially in rural areas,
grandparents performed dream interpretations. It seems both
logically and intuitively accurate to assume that grandparents
would have been trusted with such a role because of recognition
that their greater age would have allowed them more experience of all realms of consciousness along the gross- subtle continuum through waking dreaming and sleeping.
Healing Involving Music, Song, Rhythm and Dance
African healing typically includes a focusing of energy
through movement as in rhythmic, musical, hand clapping, singing and dancing in some form of ceremonial spiritual-communal
context. Zulu-speaking people are famous for their rich singing
voices and sense of rhythm. Dance in Africa, as many other
forms of behavior, is not an event in itself, but a connectedness
with others and the external world (Mkabela & Luthuli, 1997).
People dance in groups, singing, clapping and whistling. Zulu
dancing is very energetic when performed by men and unmarried girls. Men incorporate battle and hunting movements in
their dancing, banging their shields and sticks to great effect,
while women dance more modestly. Married women ululate as
they watch the dancing. In contrast with the many western
dance forms, Zulu dance has a downward directedness that ties
the dancer to the life-giving energy of the earth. Mens dances
are very energetic and demonstrate a warlike nature and regimental structure in choreography. In the old days, soldiers
(amabutho) would have a special song and dance for their particular regimental division (Knight, 2010). This collective movement energy provides sustenance and strength (Mkabela &
Luthuli, 1997). Through the rhythm of the dance, energy is mobilized, motivation sharpened, communal spirituality stirred and
the ongoing spiral of life and health amplified. Mthethwa (1989)
has noted that there are basically two types of traditional Zulu
dances, spectacular and spiritual. In contrast to indlamu (a
spectacular dance) which involves much rehearsal by a particular group, with steps not easily learned by new members, original ritual, ceremonial, sacred, and/or wedding dances (isigekle,
ukugiya, ukusina) have to be simple and slow to cater for all,
young, old, ancestors and God.
In isiZulu there is the saying, umsebenzi uyaphilisa (work
heals). The word for work (umsebenzi) has many connotations,
including physical exercise, health, therapy, sustenance, healing, sacrifice, love, function and traditional ceremony. In earlier
days, African womens work was primarily perceived to be preparation of food, bearing children and tilting the soil to get food.

Women sang to lull their children to sleep (shushuzela izingane)

and sang while working through a field (bacula behlakula).
Through such activity women received strength to carry on despite life challenges they were facing. In Southern African countries, where they were used as migrant labor to do menial work
in road and railway construction as well as work in the diamond
and gold mines, men would leave their customary families in rural areas to live in the cities where they started new families. In
intense and emotionally charged groups, men danced and sang
praises to work, to inculcate awareness, amass strength, motivate one another and promote endurance under difficult conditions. A popular song of endurance, shosholoza is nowadays
sung to motivate players in sport to do well in a game (Roux, Edwards & Hlongwane, 2007)
Healers
San healing is typically communal and egalitarian, with healers typically operating synergistically during healing dances.
Healers have always been people of great respect in the community with multifaceted roles including that of diviner, priest,
medium with the ancestors at all ceremonies. Their functions include healing, fertility, life and death; protector and provider of
customs, cohesion and transformation, legal arbiter, ecologist,
specialist in preventive, promotive and therapeutic healing,
medicine and pharmacology. Universal characteristics of healing include healing dialogue, healing power, healing exchange,
focus on spirituality and use of community resources. A shared
world view encourages expectations of illness being healed,
emotional arousal, information exchange, healing approaches,
methods and techniques, new learning, change and transformation involving individual, familial, communal, social, economic, political and cosmic contexts..
In 1990, it was estimated that indigenous healers catered for
80% of the health needs of the African population. They are
usually consulted before modern doctors, particularly in the less
developed and rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal (Gumede, 1990;
Mpofu, 2003; Mpofu, Petzer, & Bojuwoye, 2011). Through recent legislation and establishment of a Traditional Healers
Council, the South African government has paved the way for
legal recognition of traditional practitioners and referrals between modern and traditional health care sectors (Edwards &
Edwards, 2008). Although various generalists and specialists
exist, there are basically three categories of indigenous Zulu
healer, the traditional doctor (inyanga) diviner (isangoma), and
faith healer (umthandazi) all of whom work with breath/soul
(umphefumulo) and spiritual power or energy (umoya).
Traditional doctors. Izinyanga are usually men who are
apprenticed to a practicing doctor, sometimes an older relative
and use mainly herbal medicines. Doctors (izinyanga) use a
wide variety of treatments including massage, steam baths and
poultices as well as herbal medicines used in a ritual and symbolic context. Medicines are typically classified by color and
given in sequence as follows: imithi emnyama refer to black
medicines given at night (e.g., ubulawo is a liquid medicine used
as an emetic or purgative); imithi ebomvu are red medicines
given at dawn or dusk (e.g., insizi or powdered herbs rubbed
into incisions); imithi emhlophe are white medicines given in the
day (e.g., intelezi or general liquid medicine used to free one
from imperfections after sickness is taken out by red and white
medicines). Other treatments include: izinymazane, which
mainly consist of animal fats for preventive care or immunization; ishilambezo, liquid medical tonics and preventatives for
pregnant women; ukuphalaza- emetics or purgatives for vomit-

Perennial Psychology Indigenous Healing

ing; ukuchatha, enema or laxative; ukugcaba, incisions made at
joints to strengthen vulnerable areas; ukugquma steam bath
and ukuthoba- fomenting treatment for muscular swellings and
pain. Arguably, although traditional doctors practice psychology, their main orientation is herbal and/or pharmacological.
Divine healers. The isangoma is a man or woman who experiences a calling by his or her ancestors to become a healer
and after an internship under a qualified diviner, practices
mainly divination. In traditional diagnosis, diviners (izangoma)
will work through their accepted mediumship with the ancestral
shades and close relationship with the ill, to identify the illness,
its cause and required treatment. Contemporary indigenous
Zulu healing is based on the spiritual energy of the ancestors.
This energy takes different forms as reflected in ukububula/
nokubhonga kwedlozi, the religious, spirit-power and supernatural force of the ancestors breathing through the Zulu divine-healer (isangoma). The energy is strengthened by healing
and good deeds, and is weakened by evil spirits and abuse.
During a typical divinatory session (vumisa), after contacting
the spirit of the ancestors, the isangoma may breathe this spirit
into the divinatory bones, before throwing them. Likewise clients may be required to inhale this ancestral, spiritual,
breath-energy from the bones and use it in various healing rituals. Depending upon the depth of the past evolutionary ancestral call, diviners may breathe like roaring lions (ukubhodla
kwengonyama) or even pythons in their silent communication
(inhlwathi igingile). However, typically the isangoma is breathed
by recently departed ancestors who had previously appeared to
her in dreams, called him or her to become a diviner and accompanied her through a creative illness in the form of a religious
conversion experience until he or she completed his or her apprenticeship under a qualified diviner in a spiritual rebirth
macro-process called ukuthwasa. This is a perennial way of society caring for and being cared by persons, first spiritually afflicted and then purified (Edwards, 1987, 2009; Makunga, Edwards & Nzima, 1997; Mfusi, & Edwards, 1985; Ngubane,
1977).
The micro-process of being breathed by the ancestors during divination occurs in response to a request by clients, who
consult the diviner for various reasons, such as illness prevention, health promotion, prosperity, and romance (Makunga, Edwards, & Nzima, 1997; Sokhela, Edwards, & Makunga, 1984).
While diviners differ in divinatory methods, the essence of the
process consists of the diviner invoking her ancestors and acting as medium for their messages concerning the client. In an
ongoing emotionally charged dialogue, clients verbal and nonverbal responses become progressively more enthusiastic with
the divination experienced as becoming more true and real, in a
form of consensual validation as to the assessment of the problem and solutions offered. The end result typically consists of
agreement as to some form of culturally accepted ritual ceremony for the ancestors, for example involving protection, appeasement and/or thanksgiving (Edwards, 1999; Gumede,
1990; Ngubane, 1977).
In everyday life the exclamation makhosi (ancestors) is
given after a sneeze in recognition of ancestral spirits working
their way through the descendent. Ancestors are experienced
as living-dead continuing to care for descendents in an extended link from the Source. Such consciousness may ultimately bring awareness of all humanity, world and inhabitants
of planet earth being breathed by Universal Breath. The spiritual
calling by recently departed ancestors and/or God often occurs

341

in dreams. The calling is followed by a spiritual rebirth experience until completion of an apprenticeship under a qualified
diviner in a macro-process called ukuthwasa. Thereafter the divine healer experiences being breathed by the ancestors and/or
God during the divine healing process (Edwards, 1985; Edwards, Makunga, Thwala, & Nzima 2006; Mfusi & Edwards,
1985; Ngubane 1977). With their time honored spiritual healing
traditions, as evident in such isiZulu terms as umphefumulo
(breath/soul) and umoya (spirit), divine healers essentially
honor the subtle energetic functions of the breath as consciousness, psyche, soul and spirit, in both immanent and transcendent form. For example, during his initial isangoma apprenticeship, Credo Mutwa (2003) graphically describes his maternal
grandfathers teaching as follows:
He taught me the art of breathing properly. He taught me the
secret art of joining my mind to that of the great gods in the
unseen world. He taught me how to sit still - very, very still
and eliminate all the thought from my mind and call upon the
hidden powers of my soul. In short my grandfather taught
me the Zulu version of what is called in English, meditation. How to breathe softly and gently like a whisper until
you feel something like a hot coiled snake ascending up
your spine and bursting through the top of your head a
fearsome thing that is known as umbilini. This umbilini, my
grandfather told me, is the source of the sangomas powers.
A sangoma must be able to summon this umbilini at will
through the beating of the drum and through meditation,
very, very deep meditation (p.13).
Faith healers. The African Indigenous Church (AIC) movement, whose earlier religious roots also formed part of the foundation for the African National Congress in 1912, deserves special mention for its role as buffer in preventing violent civil war
between warring political groups during and after the Apartheid
struggles (Edwards, 2002; Nyembe, 1994; Oosthuizen et al.,
1989). AIC churches promote communal spirituality and practical public health in the form of food, money, surrogate family
and work to anyone who asks for help (Bakker, 1996; Dube,
1989; Nyembe, 1994; Oosthuizen et al., 1989). Church activities represent a healing highway of truth, reconciliation, celebration of diversity, wisdom and love (Louw, 2011). A Xhosa Zionist
healer has described such healing in terms of different levels of
consciousness (Edwards, 1989). As opposed to isazela
esifileyo (dead consciousness), isazela esiphilileyo refers to
that form of living consciousness of prayerful, close connection
to God, with isazela sengquko implying a transpersonal level
(e.g. clear conscience and Christ consciousness). Illness is understood in three forms: as arising in the unconscious, in conscious awareness and through consciousness (e.g., anxiety or
trauma).
African Indigenous Churches meetings can be found at any
time throughout Africa. In their bright and symbolically colored
clothing, groups gather wherever convenient, at the river or the
mountain, near the sea, at a vacant plot in town or at the bus
stop. Spiritual energy (umoya) is invoked through bible reading,
prayer and singing in a healing circle. In more formal meetings
held in churches, community halls or houses, faith healers or
prophets (abaprofethi) may close windows and doors to keep
out distractions and amplify spiritual energy for an evening, day
or weekend of intense individual, family and community healing
and spiritual purification (ukuhlambuluka) in a religious ceremony which includes rituals, music, drama and dance
(Nyembe, 1994; Oosthuizen et al., 1989). As in the San and
countless other examples of spiritual healing, illusions of a sep-

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Edwards

arate, individual identity are shed as such empathic experi- origin respectively (Ngubane, 1977). This is similar to the natural:
ences and practices facilitate enhanced transpersonal collec- supernatural distinction made when considering lay theories of illness in an international perspective (Edwards et al., 1983).
tive consciousness and shared healing.
The calling of faith healers and prophets may occur in tradi- Umkhuhlane refers to illnesses that just happen such as a fever or
tional Zulu cultural context and resemble that of the traditional senile dementia. While the role of psycho-socio-cultural and relidiviner (isangoma), with a Christian orientation. The Holy Spirit gious factors are recognized in such illnesses, these latter factors
is said to impart various gifts such as prophecy, teaching and are especially prominent in the ukufa kwabantu forms, where three
healing, which are essentially inspired gifts as denoted by the main forms may be distinguished.
Illnesses associated with spiritual relationships includGreek word theopneustos, meaning God-breathed or God-ining
ancestors and/or other spirits. Some illnesses are bespired. The fruits of this inspirational inbreathing include love,
joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentle- lieved to be related to ancestral displeasure (abaphansi
ness and self-control. The vital importance of this inspirational basifulathele). This may have been because certain rituals were
function of the Holy Spirit was dramatically and literally empha- forgotten or customs neglected (ukulahla amasiko). What is resized in the words of the early Church father Origen, who ex- quired in such cases is to perform an appropriate ceremony
horted followers of Jesus Christ not to allow any inappropriate (umsebenzi) in order to re-establish balanced relationships with
desire to draw breath in his or her heart (Deist & Burden, 1980; the ancestors. Alternatively, an individual may receive a call by
Graham 1978). The communal spiritual healing function of the the ancestors to become a diviner (isangoma), which is followed
Holy Spirit becomes readily and dramatically apparent to any- by a creative illness or religious conversion phenomenon that
one who has participated in, experienced or even simply ob- occurs in many religious systems (ukuthwasa). This spiriserved a public African Indigenous Church meeting in South Af- tual/cultural rebirth experience does not necessarily preclude
rica, whose Christian faith embraces ancestral spiritual energy the diviner belonging to another religion, such as an African In(umoya), and Holy Spirit (Umoya Ongcwele). Any petty, doctri- digenous Church (AIC) or Western-style Christian church. Hownaire, theological conflicts are usually not apparent. Christ is ever, this creative illness needs treatment either to bar the spirit
typically regarded as the ancestral, divine, Son of God The (ukuvala idlozi) or to allow the neophyte (ithwasa) to undergo
peace, truth, power, love and wisdom in inspirational African in- training to become a diviner under a qualified divine healer
digenous healing is experienced at one and the same time and (isangoma). A third type of illness with regard to spiritual relaplace in the body and breath of any particular individual in com- tionships generally occurs via alien spirit possession through
munal ancestral spirituality as graced and mediated by God, the spirit of a person who has died away from home and for
Christ and Holy Spirit. Christs two great commandments of lov- whom no ceremony was performed to integrate this persons
ing God and neighbor become immediately and publicly demon- spirit with the body of family ancestral spirits. The ceremony has
strated (Dube, 1989; Edwards, 2009; Nyembe, 1994; been described above and is referred to as ukubuyisa. Indiki
and amandawe are other examples of such alien spirit possesOosthuizen et al.,1989).
sion. In this case treatment with both ancestral ceremony and
With approximately 11 million local members, African Indig- treatment by a healer who had experienced similar alien spirit
enous Church members form spiritual healing groups that can possession is needed to restore psychological, social, cultural,
be found at any time and place throughout South Africa. In their spiritual and community equilibrium and promote health
brightly colored attire, such spiritual communities gather wher- (Gumede, 1990; Mpofu et al., 2011; Ngubane, 1977).
ever convenient, at the river or the mountain, near the sea, at a
Illnesses associated with human relationships.
vacant plot in town or at the bus stop, where inspirational, spiritual breath-energy is invoked through bible reading, praying, Ubuthakathi refers to all forms of destruction, especially those of
singing and dancing in a healing circle while invoking the Holy malicious human beings, witches and sorcerers who are believed
Spirit through chanting woza umoya (come spirit). Such to employ magic, familiars and noxious substances to harm their
churches and their faith healers (abathandazi) have become in- victims. Such disordered relations are recognized as occurring in
creasingly popular in modern times as they are able to provide situations characterized by jealousy, rivalry, conflict, aggression
their local community with a communal-spiritual circle that ad- and violence. Freud subsequently recognized human destructivedresses many needs; traditional ancestral reverence, old and ness as a basic cause of illness with the concept of thanatos.
new testament inspirations, a substitute extended family, assis- Common types of illness attributed to sorcery are as ufufunyane/
tance with employment contacts, caring psychological experi- amafufunyane and umeqo. Ufufunyane/amafufunyane was origience of family and sense of community. Healing rituals are ac- nally attributed to the use of grave dirt but today is more often ascompanied by music, drama and dance. This is a marvelous sociated with auditory hallucinations and culture contact stresses
form of communal spirituality where community development, where the ill person is disturbed through hearing voices of persons
healing and education are harmoniously integrated. As the larg- of different racial and ethnic groups (Edwards, 1999). Umeqo typiest organized religious group in KwaZulu-Natal and in Southern cally refers to hemipharesis or conversion disorder believed to be
Africa, such groups are responsible for most local, everyday related to stepping over the harmful concoction of a sorcerer (Edspiritual healing and practical help (Edwards, Makunga, & wards, Cheetham, Majozi, & Mkhwanazi, (1985). These and other
theories as well as treatment by traditional healers have been exNzima 1997; Oosthuizen et al. 1989).
tensively discussed elsewhere (Berglund, 1976; Edwards, 1985;
Psychology of Illness Prevention and Health Promotion
Gumede, 1990; Mzimukulu & Simbayi, 2006; Ngubane, 1977).
Indigenous Zulu psychology of illness and health is a holistic Treatment by traditional healers and/or modern therapists essencosmological matter characterized by forces of creation, espe- tially consists in re-establishing spiritual, human and environmencially ancestors (amadlozi) and destruction (ubuthakathi) tal relationships, performing appropriate rituals to both protect and
(Berglund, 1976; Gumede, 1990). However distinctions are made strengthen the vulnerable individual, family and community as well
between those illnesses, which are relatively more natural as promote their future health, well being and fortune.
(umkhuhlane) and psycho-cultural-spiritual (ukufa kwabantu) in

Perennial Psychology Indigenous Healing

Illnesses associated with environmental relationships.
As indicated before, ordering and harmonizing environmental
relationships are viewed as critical for preventing illness and
promoting health. Specific examples of disordered environmental relationships include umkhondo omubi, which refers to a
dangerous track or ecological health hazard such as lightning.
Various practices, such as covering water and mirrors during a
thunderstorm and planting lighting conducting rods rather than
trees near the home, were followed to prevent being struck. In
addition, ukubethela ceremonies performed by heaven herds
(izinyanga zezulu) were to protect the home and promote health
(Berglund, 1976; Gumede, 1990). Umnyama refers to darkness; contagion or pollution associated with stresses of major
life and death events e.g. birth, death, menstruation, sexual intercourse and fatal accidents. Health is promoted and illnesses
prevented if moderation and abstinence is practiced during bereavement. In this way stress is minimized and social support
enhanced. People who do not respect such taboos stand much
greater chance of illness, trauma and crises, a common example being ukudlula, a form of obsessive compulsion.

343

stitutes the epitome of the human, empathic, interpersonal, social and transpersonal encounter. In theory and practice ubuntu
constitutes social empathic patterns through consensual cultural dialogue which adds significantly to the feeling and meaning of all concerned, through accurately encouraging depth of
communication of feelings and social healing, as evident in the
following discussion.
For everyday practical purposes, ubuntu may be simply
translated as meaning humanity or beingness (Mpofu,
1994). Etymologically, ubuntu is the abstract form of the terms
umuntu (a human being) and abantu (people), derived from the
root ntu, which has various connotations, such as African, way
of life, human nature, language, one with human feelings and diaphragm (Dent & Nyambezi, 1969). However, in its
abovementioned depth, ubuntu connotes a vast interconnected
sense of community. It encompasses all social relations and
communal spirituality. Special emphasis is on humanity in
modes of being both human and humane.

Traditional views on survival, life and health are inextricably

interrelated through emphasis on ensuring proper relationships
with the body of ancestors and God. People work at this relationship through ceremonial and ritual gatherings to prevent illness and promote health. Such gatherings become communal
spiritual labors of love as conveyed by the term umsebenzi
where ancestors are appropriately remembered in the provision
of spiritual protection and social support for the collective. A
great variety of ceremonies to mark special occasions have
been extensively discussed (Ngubane, 1977; Gumede, 1990).

Ubuntu implies fundamental existential questions as to the

meaning of life in general and human existence in particular.
Firstly, ubuntu implies that meaning in life is only possible
through human relations as poetically expressed in the saying
umuntu umuntu ngababantu. Secondly, ubuntu implies that
meaning in life is dependent upon the quality of human relationships, on creative good quality dialogue as found in empathic,
humane relationships. Ubuntu is revealed in everyday meeting
and lived dialogue. It is found in authentic affirmation of another.
Thirdly, ubuntu implies communal spirituality in family ceremonies. As emphasized above, traditional Nguni views on survival,
life and health are inextricably related in the emphasis on ensuring proper relationships with the body of ancestors and God.
People work at this relationship through ceremonial and ritual
gatherings to prevent illness and promote health. Fourthly,
ubuntu implies involvement in the humanity of caring, helping
and healing. As members of a sacred tradition, either in the form
of a spiritual calling as in the case of divine healers (izangoma),
or of a caring practice, passed on over generations in a family
recognized as healers in the community, as in the case of traditional Zulu doctors (izinyanga). Such ubuntu in healing is an essential, central, necessary and sufficient highway to authentic
practice. Genuine healers will always know this and distinguish
true professionalism as characterized by the ubuntu of committed, human care, from the more problematic and corruptive influences of economic and political aspects of professionalism.
Fifth, ubuntu implies some essential ingredients of such essentially human and humanly essential relationships. Ubuntu
means humanity in all its universality, differentiality and uniqueness. It is everyday empathy in practice. Six, isangoma divine
healing epitomizes that quality of empathic understanding that
Gendlin (1962, 1996) has succinctly described as sensing the
meaning which the client is experiencing so as to help the client
focus on that meaning.

Empathic human relationships. In Nguni contexts this

deep social empathic process is known as umuntu umuntu
ngabantu, which literally means a person is a person through
others, I only become an I through you, and I am because we
are all of which refer to what Martin Buber has termed: I-Thou
relationships (Buber, 1958; Edwards, Makunga, Ngcobo, &
Dhlomo, 2004). Ubuntu refers to humane care, dignity and cultured humanity, developed through processes of mutuality, humanization, socialization and communal spirituality (Edwards et
al. 2004). Ubuntu in the sense of the I-Thou relationship con-

Wholeness and life. The holistic nature of preventive and

promotive practices cannot be overemphasized in spiritual, human and environmental relationships. It is believed that people
are most vulnerable when in new environment/s, exposed to different climatic conditions, situations of conflict and strife and neglect of important ancestral ceremonies. On the other hand if
appropriate rituals are performed to ensure ancestral care
(abaphansi banathi) and promotive treatment is taken (umuthu
wokuqinisa) to prevent sorcery and environmental hazards,
harmony and balance result. Health is highly prized. Ceremo-

Ngubane (1977) and Gumede (1990) have extensively described how traditional Zulu worldviews are permeated with
such beliefs and practices related to ecological influences on
community health. Families and communities have a ongoing
responsibility to strengthen themselves against such ecological
hazards as lightning (ukubethela ceremony) and various forms
of social conflict, jealousy and sorcery (ubuthakathi). Traditional
healers, diviners (izangoma), doctors (izinyanga) and faith healers (abathandazi) are extensively consulted in order to balance
and order the environment (ukulungisa endaweni).
The Psychology of Healthy Relationships
The psychology of healthy relationships is given special emphasis in the everyday practice of respect (ukuhlonipha). Being
alive and healthy (impilo is used for both concepts) implies
healthy relationships with God (uNkulunkulu/Mvelinqgangi), ancestors (amadlozi/izinyanya), other people (abantu) and the
natural environment/world (endaweni/emhlabeni). Health is
thus a collective responsibility to harmonize such relationships
by finding the right tune or path (indlela) towards the ideal of
beneficial humane relationships filled with dignity and respect
(ubuntu) (Dube, 1989; Oosthuizen et al., 1989).

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Edwards

nies are gratefully performed to give thanks (ukubonga). These at the center of the heart, expanding into spirit permeating the
gatherings constitute a marvelous form of community health entire kosmos.
psychology. Animals killed for the occasion provide much
Oneness. As consciousness expands, the experience of
needed protein.
being breathed by the Holy Spirit, brings awareness of the interWhen a person is ill traditional doctors attending are not connected inter-being of everything, the shared, collective
paid. Historically, only a small fee was given (ugxa) for the doc- ground of Oneness.
tor to open his bag (ukuvula isikhwama), a practice that has
In a pilot study investigating the effects of Shiso on spiritualbeen retained by some traditional healers. A traditional doctor ity perceptions and experiences with a small group of nine proonly expects to be paid when health is restored to his clients, fessionally registered psychologists findings indicated signifiwho are often taken in to his home for an extended period cant improvement in self-perceived ratings of spirituality on a
(Gumede, 1990). Such beliefs and practices are found through- standardized scale by all participants. Individual student deout Africa. Indigenous healers are sanctioned by the community scriptions and focus group discussion indicated significant
as accepted medium with the universe especially in terms of transformations of consciousness. The pilot study findings led
spiritual, human and environmental relationships. As mentioned to further workshops with enlarged samples. Quantitative findabove, Myers (1993) has referred to as such relationships as ings from three workshops involving a total sample of fifty-nine
ntuological, rather than technological. I once visited a traditional participants, indicated statistically significant increases in spirihealer in Uganda, who cared for over a hundred clients in a tra- tuality perceptions as measured on the standardized scale and
ditional hospital. All clients had relatives staying with them in the as compared to a control group of forty one subjects. Each of
hospital. Over time, the patients had built different hospital three workshops were significantly more effective than a control
rooms with various purposes, e.g. divination, demon exorcizing, group in improving spirituality perceptions. Qualitative findings
massage, purifying steam baths. All clients were treated free of again indicated significantly improved spirituality experiences.
charge and would pay the healer in some form according to their
The sequential format of the workshops is valuable in elicitconscience after becoming healthy. Without any formal profesing
various perennial aspects of the great chain of being
sional qualification, the healer was a community health psychologist gifted by his spiritual calling, community recognition and (Wilber, 2000), especially immanent Spirit, which is always altherapeutic effectiveness in facilitation of the community of pa- ready present (Umoya), body in the form of heart (Inhlizyo),
mind as image (Umcabango), soul as breath (Umphefumulo)
tients in healing themselves.
and the collectivity of transcendent spirit (Ubunje). It is possible
Empirical Research
to hypothesize from a qualitative, transpersonal, spiritual perThe psychology of indigenous healing is a fertile field for fu- spective that the workshops were dealing with the integration of
ture generations of psychology researchers, teachers and prac- what have been described as typical, universal human dualisms
titioners. There is need for further in depth qualitative and quan- of self-other, life-death, body-mind and ego-shadow as well as
titative, conceptual and empirical research into various facilitating psychic, subtle, causal, unity and/or non-dual conpsychological themes and issues, such as perennial compo- sciousness transformations. Further empirical research is
nents of traditional and modern healing (Edwards, 1986; Frank, needed in this regard. Finally, while it is recognized that such
1972; Torrey, 1972; Oosthuizen et. al., 1989), empathy (Ed- changes may simply reflect transitory states, the evidence from
wards, 2010; Edwards, Makunga, Ngcobo, & Dhloma 2004; various spiritual and psychotherapeutic traditions is that such
Mkhwanazi, 1989), and transpersonal spirituality, especially an- an experience can lead to spirituality stage changes and procestral consciousness (Lumsden-Cook, Edwards, & Thwala, found healing effects (Corsini, 1989; Edwards, 2009; Ivey,
2006; Lumsden-Cook, Thwala, & Edwards, 2006). For exam- Andrea, Ivey, & Simek Morgan 2002; Wilber, 1977, 2000;
ple, an African breath psychotherapeutic workshop (Edwards, Wolberg, 1977).
2009) was developed around the concept Shiso, an ancient
Summary and Conclusion
isiZulu respectful (hlonipha) term for a human being (Doke &
Vilakazi, 1948), which became an acronym for a particular
This article has considered various philosophical, concepbreath-based healing method, standing for Spirit (Umoya), tual, cultural, environmental and practical questions in relation
Heart (Inhlizyo), Image (Umcabango), Soul (Umphefumulo) to the notion of a perennial psychology of indigenous healing
and Oneness (Ubunje). The workshop takes the form of five within the general context of indigenous knowledge systems It
steps, one for each letter of the acronym.
has examined ancient and Southern African healing with speSpirit. Umoya is invoked through dancing in a circle chant- cial reference to ancestral consciousness, communal spiritualing woza umoya in a breath-coordinated way. This can also be ity, psychodynamics, continual communication, the role of
done in standing or sitting positions, using a cleansing and puri- dreams, music song, rhythm and dance. The roles and methods
fying technique (ukuhlambuluko) of continuously exhaling using of various local healers were discussed in depth. The psychology of illness prevention described interrelated spiritual, human
diaphragmatic breathing while aspirating woza umoya.
and environmental relationships. The psychology of health proHeart. An emphasis on heartfelt experience begins through
motion focused on healthy human relationships with special refstanding or sitting with hands over ones heart and feeling its
erence to ubuntu, wholeness and life. Finally empirical research
beat as energy, oxygen and blood is circulated.
into perennial components of traditional and modern healing,
Image. The next stage involves forming an image of the empathy, transpersonal spirituality, ancestral consciousness
subtle energy system of the breath/soul/spirit-body.
and African breath based psychotherapeutic workshops were
Soul. Contemplative focus on the soul-body follows. For ex- discussed.
ample, initially this can be kinesthetically visualized as a spark

The aim of this article was to answer some pertinent questions about the cultural authenticity of indigenous healing. I con-

Perennial Psychology Indigenous Healing

345

clude that structures and practices involved in Southern African Dube, D. (1989). The search for abundant life. In G. C.
Oosthuizen, S. D. Edwards, W. H. Wessel, & I. Hexam
indigenous healing do indeed illuminate an essential, perennial
(Eds), Afro-Christian religion and healing in Southern Africa
psychological theme that is essentially spiritual and communal
(pp. 111136). Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellin.
in nature, especially in relation to the all pervading role of the ancestors and their ultimate spiritual healing Source, preventing Edwards, F. S. (1989). Healing: Xhosa perspective. In G. C.
illness and promoting health. Ancestors are experienced as livOosthuizen, S. D. Edwards, W. H. Wessel. & I Hexam (Eds),
ing-dead continuing to care for descendents in an extended link
Afro-Christian religion and healing in Southern Africa.
from this Source, the practical consequence for all concerned is
Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellin.
continual work (umsebenzi) to ensure human, spiritual relation- Edwards, S. D. (1985). Some indigenous South African views
ships characterized by harmonious order, dignity, respect, emon illness and healing. Series B, No. 49. KwaDlangezwa:
pathy and ongoing healing.
University of Zululand.
Investigations continually reveal essential structures and Edwards, S. D. (1986). Traditional and modern medicine in
practices of a perennial psychology underlying modern scienSouth Africa: A research study. Social Science and Meditific, academic and professional forms of this discipline. This aucine, 22, 1273-1276.
thentic psychology has a vibrant living reality, an immediate Edwards, S. D. (1987). The isangoma and Zulu customs. Unipresence as revealed through every living, spoken, gestured
versity of Zululand Journal of Psychology, 3, 43-48.
word, ephemeral event, experience, behavior and relationship. Edwards, S. D. (1999). Community psychology: a Zululand perThis is an original psychology of breath, consciousness, enspective. KwaDlangezwa, South Africa: University of
ergy, soul and spirit animated with ancestral presence
Zululand.
(amadlozi/izinyanya),
Being
(Ubukhona)
and
God
Edwards, S. D. (2002). Health promotion: community psychol(uNkulunkulu, uMvelinqangi) in that living, full empty silence of
ogy and indigenous healing. KwaDlangezwa, South Africa:
original Spirit (Umoya). These are vast, deep realms where
University of Zululand.
much remains to be remembered, discovered and described.
Edwards,
S. D. (2009). The description and evaluation of an AfThis is an infinitely fertile field for future generations of psycholrican breath psychotherapeutic workshop. Journal of Psyogy researchers, teachers and practitioners.
chology in Africa, 19(2), 253260.
Edwards, S. D. (2010). A Rogerian perspective on empathic
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