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University of Cape Town

Gender Studies

COVERSHEET
COURSE CODE:

AXL 2103S

COURSE NAME:

Gender And The Politics Of Development

STUDENT NAME:

Shivani Naidoo

STUDENT NUMBER: NDXSHI011

TUTORS NAME:

Mary Fawzy

TUT. GROUP #: 1

PLAGIARISM DECLARATION

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I know that plagiarism is wrong. Plagiarism is to use anothers work and pretend
that it is my own.
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contribution to, and quotation in this essay/report/project/ from the
work(s) of other people has been contributed, and has been cited and
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Signature:

Date:

28-08-2015

Drawing on Shireen Hassims analysis, discuss the debates that emerged around
whether to implement parliamentary quotas for women in South Africa during the
1990s.
During the 1990s, with the emergence of representative democracy, womens organisations
needs for increased participation and representation in politics and political parties became
clearly visible (Hassim, 2006, p 171). Movement towards democracy provide new
possibilities for women to have an impact on how democracy is generally conceptualised and
achieved in the sense that more inclusivity of women is generally an indication of increased
representation of their demands (Hassim, 2006, p 176). Furthermore, during the context of
the 1990s movement towards democracy within a multiparty electoral system, increased
womens representation and participation in various institutions was seen to be prescribed by
women activists (Hassim, 2006, p 175). Increased representation also had the advantages and
fulfilled the demands of firstly affording a degree of accountability to women in being able to
dismiss underperforming in government and politics through regulated institutional
procedures (Hassim, 2006, p 175). Secondly, representation gives legitimacy to democracy
through the strengthening of substantial rather than formal equality by having womens
interests represented, in the context of being a previously unfairly discriminated against
group ((Hassim, 2006, p 176). Lastly, representation provides an opportunity for the
movement towards better use of public resources to provide for womens needs (Hassim,
2006, p 177). Quotas had arisen as an alternative to traditional electoral processes that are
seen to fall short in increasing womens representation as well as being a mechanism by
which the progress of womens representation can be accelerated (Hassim, 2006, p 177). In
light of all these considerations, this essay will discuss the debates that emerged around the
implementation of quotas for women in South Africa during the 1990s, drawing on Shireen
Hassims analysis.
It is worthy to firstly note that the introduction of quotas as a mechanism by which to
increase representation draws its support from a compelling argument that it is
unconstitutional in terms of our new democracy for women to be under-represented (Hassim,
2006, p 177). Quotas however have been highly contested as to whether it is the most
effective means by which to realize this constitutionally protected representation ((Hassim,
2006, p 177). There are two major opposing approaches to the debate around quotas, which
can be considered as liberal on the one hand and social democratic on the other (Hassim,

2006, p 177). The liberal approach against quotas can also be seen as a formal equality
approach in that it draws its strength from the formal conception and implementation of
equality through democracy (Hassim, 2006, p 177). Institutions like the Inkatha Freedom
Party, Pan African Congress and Democratic Party are supporters of this liberal approach
which hold that the use of quotas undermines democracy. It is argued that officially
sanctioned and recognised institutions cannot be held responsible for the social and economic
inequalities that result in unequal power relations, whether they are race, class or genderbased (Hassim, 2006, p 178). These institutions are seen to be neutral in the liberal approach
and argues that free and fair elections provides an equal opportunity for all people regardless
of whether the outcomes are desirable in terms of womens representation (Hassim, 2006, p
178).
This approach can also be seen as procedural and a reliance on the individual rather than
having a consideration for the context in which these inequalities have arisen (Hassim, 2006,
p 178). Economic and social factors are seen to be external and therefore representation
should not be fixed and enforced through political representational mechanisms such as
quotas (Hassim, 2006, p 178). This approach is rooted in the belief that change will happen
over time rather than through sudden transitions such as enforced quotas. It is supposed that
as more women enter the economic sector and the once discriminatory practices and
employment prejudices are expelled, and equal education opportunities are afforded to both
genders, that there will be an increase of womens representation in the political arena as well
(Hassim, 2006, p 178). Criticism of this debate contends that this approach extends gender
inequality in public policy and leaves it up to procedural mechanisms (Hassim, 2006, p 178).
The liberal approach further argues that the governments scope and responsibilities are being
extended to the extent of regulating democracy as it is argued that there are more mechanisms
than what is sufficiently and constitutionally prescribed to enable women currently (Hassim,
2006, p 179). It is argued that too much state regulation of democracy will curtail individual
freedom in political participation which further undermines the concept of democracy
through the right of vote by affording a special standing to women (Hassim, 2006, p 179). It
is argued that quotas are unwarranted as there is no real accountability for government or
womens organisations who may hide behind the veil of representational agenda although it
may not necessarily achieve womens demands (Hassim, 2006, p 179). Furthermore, it is seen
as an insult to women in assuming their need special treatment and should rather be enabled

from the grassroots level rather than at the highest positions in institutions through self-help
mechanisms rather than political mechanisms such as quotas (Hassim, 2006, p 180). This
approach was adopted by radical populists during the 1990s however cannot be said to carry
much weight due to their inability to establish a following during the 1994 elections (Hassim,
2006, p 181). Other arguments that are not rooted in liberalism contend that quotas may result
in the strengthening of power of traditional elites, conservative, cultural or religious in their
approaches, who may be threatened by gender demands (Hassim, 2006, p 176). It is then
argued that increased representation through quotas does not address these economic and
social inequalities (Hassim, 2006, p 176).
The debate around the support for quotas is rooted in addressing the foundational issues of
representative democracy. It is contended that practically, quotas provide the temporary
mechanism that ensures gender equality in party leadership which in practice has also been
reported to be true (Hassim, 2006, p 180). This approach is supported by the ruling party
since 1994, the African National Congress as well as trade unions who hold that the
implementation of quotas for women fast-track the empowerment of women (Hassim, 2006,
p 180). Although, on the other hand, trade unions have also contended that there cannot be an
assumption made that women wont be elected due to the liberal political structure that
currently exists which puts a high importance on democratic accountability which may be at
risk through the manipulation of party elites of the quota mechanism (Hassim, 2006, p 181).
Personally from the arguments offered I think that there needs to be a middle ground that
accounts for the historical context of South Africa and the results of Apartheid as well as the
social and economic inequalities that resulted from that. A neutral approach to equality
disguises forms of bias and redress is needed if true equality is to one day be attained. Some
redress measures may be seen as quick fixes however I contend that these are necessary to
propel South Africa into a culture of reform which can later be removed once the playing
fields for previously disadvantaged groups has been levelled towards substantive equality
(Hassim, 2006, p 181).
1188 words
References
Hassim, S. (2006). Women's organizations and democracy in South Africa. Madison,
Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press.

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