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ANTIQUITY, L,

1976

The end of the Greek Bronze Age

PHILIP P. BETANCOURT

Philip Betancourt is Associate Professor of Art History at Temple University,

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where he specializes in the pre-Classicalperiods of the
Aegean. He has excavated in both Greece and Italy, and is at present field director
of the excavations at Castelliere di S. Fedele, near Siena. He is the author of The
Aeolic Style in Architecture now being printed by the Princeton University Press.
Here he asks the question whether the end of the Greek Bronze Age was due to a
local cause.
Many scholars have examined the changes that
occurred in Greek life around the twelfth
century BC. After a period of great prosperity
during Late Helladic 111 B, there followed an
era of war, uncertainty, and cultural disintegration that was part of a general upheaval
extending from Italy to the Near East. In
Greece the disruption was especially pronounced, and many areas were left relatively
unpopulated. T h e ensuing Dark Age witnessed
the birth of a profoundly different society.
The movements of population within the
Mycenaean sphere of influence were extremely
complicated. There were destructions at most
of the major centres at the end of LH I11 B,
and many sites were abandoned during LH I11
C (&in, 1962; Mylonas, 1966, 218 ff.; Desborough, 1964, 1972; Hope Simpson,
1965 ; Snodgrass, 1971). Fairly up-to-date
statistics (Desborough, 1972, 19-20) show the
following figures : in the south-west Peloponnese, a drop from about 150 to 14 sites; in
Laconia from 30 to 7; in the Argolid and
Corinthia from 44 to 14; in Attica from 24 to 12;
in Boeotia from 27 to 3; in Phocis and Locris
from 19 to 5. On the other hand, the abandonment was not absolute. Excavations at Mycenae
(Mylonas, 1968a, 1970, 1971) and Asine
(Frodin and Persson, 1938; Styrenius and
VidCn, 1971) have revealed a considerable
recovery during LH I11 C ; substantial continuity can also be traced at Salamis (Wide,
1910; Styrenius, 1962), at Perati (Iakovides,

1969-70) and elsewhere in Attica (Desborough,

1964, I 12-1 19; 1972, 363-4; SourvinouInwood, 1974), in Thessaly at several sites
(Desborough, 1972, 368-9), especially Iolkos
(Theochares, 1961), in several of the Greek
islands (Desborough, 1972, 370-1), particularly
Naxos (Kondoleon, 1958, 1959, 1960, 1969),
Kos (Morricone, 1965-6), and Rhodes (Maiuri,
1923-4; Jacopi, 1930-I), at Lefkandi in
Euboea (Popham and Sackett, 1968; Themelis,
1969), and at a number of other places where the
evidence is not conclusive or is not yet well
published (&in, 1962; Desborough, 1964,
1972, 361ff.; Hope Simpson, 1965). These
sites declined considerably during the course of
LH I11 C, and the larger number of local
pottery styles (as opposed to the Koine of
LH I11 B) suggests a breakdown in communication. In some areas, as in Messenia
(McDonald and Hope Simpson, 1972, 142-3;
Tegyey, 1974), depopulation during LH 111 C
seems to have been almost total. Elsewhere, like
Achaia (for reference see Desborough, 1972,
375) and the island of Kephallenia off the west
coast of Greece (Kyparisses, 1919; Marinatos,
1932, 1933), there was evidently an actual
increase in population, presumably from
refugees. Many groups emigrated to the East
as well where they settled in Cyprus and
elsewhere.
T h e traditional explanation (Herodotus, 9.26;
Thucydides, I.IZ), which still has many
proponents, attributes the collapse to the
Dorian migrations. One variation would see all
of the Greeks arriving at this time (for reference

Page 2
see Snodgrass, 1971, 353 n. 9), and another
would suggest the invasion of a Northern
European but non-Greek people (Sandars,
1964; Bouzek, 1974). Yet there is little evidence
for a take-over by invaders in LH I11 C. As
several scholars have noted (for recent analyses
see Desborough, 1972, 15 ff.; Snodgrass, 1971,
305 ff., 1974), an invasion can only be suggested
if one assumes the invaders, even though completely victorious, withdrew immediately from
the conquered territory. A possible alternative
is the view suggested by Snodgrass (1971, 312)
that the Dorians were completely indistinguishable culturally from the Mycenaeans. It is

difficult to see, however, how the subsequent

depopulation would then be explained. To
complicate the theory of invasion still further,
it has been pointed out that refugees from the
Peloponnese apparently moved in the direction
from which future attacks from the north would
have come, whether they came by sea (i.e. to
Kephallenia in the northwest and the Cyclades
in the east) or by land (i.e. to Achaia in the
north-west and to Attica in the northeast)
(Carpenter, 1966, 38 ff.). In addition, the
pattern of coastal, not inland, destructions look
to many like the work of naval powers rather
than nomads from the north.
In response to these problems, some writers
(see the discussion of Finley, 1970, 58 ff.) have
argued in favour of a foreign invasion, distinct
from that of the Dorians, perhaps of elements
from the same Sea Peoples who attacked
Egypt in the reigns of Merneptah and Rameses
111. Yet many of the same objections raised
against the Dorians apply here also. Except for
one class of domestic pottery (Rutter, 1975)
and for a few bronzes of disputed ancestry,
either local (Snodgrass, 1974) or northern
(Bouzek, 1974), no new elements appear in
Greeceat this time, and some of the Mycenaeans
Aed to the East, toward the most disturbed
areas.
Another theory, proposed by Rhys Carpenter
(1966), has suggested a change in climate made
Greece too dry for successful agriculture (for
favourable evidence from Anatolia see Kuniholm, 1974). The situation is possible as far as
weather patterns are concerned (Lamb, 1967;
Bryson, Lamb and Donley, 1974), but it fails to
explain all the population movements within
Greece itself (Dickinson and Bryson, 1974).
Why, for example, did the Argolid enjoy more
recovery (Styrenius, 1967, 127 ff,; Desborough,
1972,161 ff. and 364-5; Mylonas, 1968a, 1970,
1971; Frodin and Persson, 1938; Styrenius and
VidCn, 1971) than Messenia (McDonald and
Hope Simpson, 1972, 142-3) where there
should have been much more moisture in this
type of weather pattern (Bryson, Lamb and
Donley, 1974, fig. I) and where the preliminary
evidence does in fact indicate no major change
in climate (Loy and Wright, 1972, 40; Wright,
1968; 1972; McDonald and Rapp, 1972)?
An additional possibility has been raised by
Pomerance (1970, 1971), who has proposed a

c. 1200 BC date for the volcanic eruption of

Thera. Objections to the theory include the
fact that a few coastal sites, as in the Cyclades,
show continuity between L H I11 B and LH XI1
C, while several inland settlements were
destroyed (Biers, 1971 ; Warren, 1973). In
addition, the first collations between the
tephra deposits and the archaeological record
suggest an earlier date for the eruption, in Late
Minoan I (Cadogan, Harrison and Strong,
1972; Rapp and Cooke, 1973; Rapp, Cooke and
Henrickson, 1973; Vitaliano, 1974: against
which see Pomerance, 1975).
Other theories (for discussions see McDonald,
1967,414-16; Snodgrass, 1971,304-13) include
the possibility of an epidemic or plague (but
there are no mass burials), the problem of
erosion (which is not confirmed by pollen
studies), and a disruption of trade with the
East (which would not explain the destructions
in Greece). Uprisings by slaves or other elements in the population would be difficult in
the face of the rich and well-armed governments revealed by the tablets, and they do not
explain the desertion of so many sites both
large and small. Earthquakes arecommon in the
ancient world but do not normally cause the
extreme destructions associated with this
period. A change to a cooler and wetter rather
than to a warmer climate has also been suggested, but the change would have been a very
gradual one (discussion in Snodgrass, 1971,
THE END OF THE GREEK BRONZE AGE
41

Page 3
309-10) which would not have caused the
sudden results visible in the evidence.
Because it would seem no single theory can
explain all the known facts, several writers have
suggested many separate causes were involved,
with war playing a major role (discussions
include Vermeule, 1964, 269 ff.; Mylonas,
1966, 226 ff.; 1968b, 28-30; Betancourt, 1969,
2-3). Yet the problem remains that the economic collapse in southern Greece was far more
complete than one usually expects from warfare, and the subsequent depopulation still
requires explanation. Many questions remain
unanswered.
It is here suggested that some of the answers

to these questions may lie in the nature of the

Mycenaean economy and in the ways in which
it was or was not prepared to meet a disruptive
challenge. Clues to the economic situation and
the foundations on which it rested are only
generally known, but outlines are gradually
emerging from a variety of sources, including
the archaeological remains, the Linear B
tablets, and evidence from pollen analyses,
geology, land-use patterns, and other studies.
The information from many disciplines must
be collated and balanced because only by
observing the larger picture can a proper
estimate be made.
Archaeology provides much evidence for
prosperity and increase in population during
LH I11 B. New settlements, new building
operations, new houses including some outside the citadels, and many overseas colonies
attest easily to the prosperity of the times.
One is fortunate in an investigation like the
present one because the most thoroughly
documented and studied region in this regard
is Messenia, and this area was also one of the
most severely affected during the period in
question. A case in point is the bureaucracy,
now revealed in somewhat sketchy outline by the
Linear B tablets (general studies include
Palmer, 1963,1965; Heubeck, 1966; Wundsam,
1968; Chadwick, 1970, 1972; Ventris and
Chadwick, 1973). The bureaucracy is known
most fully from Pylos where the administration
was apparently organized on a geographic basis
(Finley, 1957; Palmer, 1963, 65-77; Chadwick,
ANTIQUITY
42
1963, 1972, 1973; Shelmerdine, 1973; Ventris
and Chadwick, 1973, 142-5 and 415-17). The
tablets paint a picture of a king (the Wanax)
with a considerable economic power over his
domain. Royal holdings were efficiently administered by professional overseers, a system
surely duplicated in miniature by lesser powers
we know little about, and the success of the
system may perhaps be judged by the prosperity it brought to Greece. Yet any land can
support only a finite number of persons using
Bronze Age agricultural methods. Given an unchecked birth rate and a stable economy, there
must inevitably come a time when the population will outstrip the capability of the land
to support it. The parallel events in Greece

itself during the late Geometric and Archaic

periods are so well known they require little
comment; population increased at such an
alarming rate many communities were forced
to send their young men abroad as colonists,
sometimes against their will. The widespread
pattern of overseas expansion in LH I11 A-B
(Stubbings, 1951; Taylour, 1958) may or may
not suggest a similar situation, but certainly
Greece as a whole was supporting a far larger
population than it could have without the
efficient marshalling of resources by the
Mycenaean kingdoms. The population peak
was in LH I11 B, just before the destructions.
The available evidence permits a tentative
estimate of population only for Messenia.
Although a maximum of 170,000 to 300,000
people could theoretically be supported in this
region with optimum land use (Van Wersh,
1972, 186)~ it is unlikely Bronze Age farmers
could produce anywhere near this amount of
food. From the archaeological remains, a
minimum figure of 50,000 has been inferred for
LH I11 B (McDonald and Simpson, 1972,141).
but this is based on an analysis of known sites
only, and the figures should surely be pushed
somewhat higher, though probably not over
IOO,OOO (McDonald and Rapp, 1972, 256).
From the tablets, an estimate of 80,000 to
IZO,OOO has been proposed (Chadwick, 1972,
I 12-13). Interestingly, this figure corresponds very closely with an estimate of the
maximum population in Classical times,

Page 4
THE END OF THE GREEK BRONZE AGE
112,500 (Roebuck, 1945, 162-3). While the
larger land capability implies there may have
been a surplus of food to use for export during
the Late Bronze Age, this is still an extremely
large population. It must have presented a precarious situation if there was crop failure,
especially if Messenia was helping to feed
other parts of Greece as well.
Cereals, particularly wheat and barley, were
clearly major staples in Bronze Age Greece.
They were raised extensively, disbursed as
rations by the palaces, and (by one widely
accepted interpretation of the tablets) even
used as a measure of land (i.e. the amount of
seed required for a plot afforded an indication

of size and productivity). In Messenia (Van

Wersh, 1972; Chadwick, 1972, 114-15) there
was surely enough surplus for export. We know
less about the productivity of other areas,
but we may assume grain was planted extensively where soil and climate were favourable.
The archaeological remains of fruits and
vegetables are very scanty, but they hint at a
considerable variety in the diet with the
cultivation of beans, lentils, peas, vetches,
figs, pears, and several other crops (Vickery,
1936, 50-1; Howe, 1958, 51). More indirect
evidence like linguistic etymologies, references
in the Homeric epics, and artistic ornaments
can expand the list even more, with the
addition of apples, pomegranates, parsnips,
and other items. Both the tablets and the
archaeological record attest to grape production.
Olives were also raised in quantity (Bennett,
1958; Ilievski, 1963) though there are indications they were not as important as they
would be in later times. At Osmanaga Lagoon
in Messenia, the peak of olive pollen occurs
during the Dark Age after a very low percentage during LH I11 B (Wright, 1972,
195-6). Apparently in this locale, at least, the
olive did not become a major crop until after the
Mycenaean period was over. Figs were raised
at Pylos, as was flax (Chadwick, 1972, IIS),
which was used for both linen and linseed (unless the Na series of tablets refers to some other
commodity, Palmer, 1963, 306-13). Fruits and
vegetables could have formed a significant part
of the diet. Howe has even suggested they were
perhaps more important than grain (Howe,
1958, 54), but this view seems to be denied
by the evidence from the tablets. Whatever the
earlier picture, the expanded population during
LH I11 B must have made cereals into an
important crop.
In turn, agriculture supported many industries engaged in the processing of natural
products. Flax implies the making of linen
cloth. Grapes supported a wine-making industry, and an olive oil base was used for
perfumes and ointments. Once processed,
the commodities needed to be stored, shipped,
and marketed, which required additional personnel. One can thus assume a relatively large
percentage of the population was being supported by agriculture either directly or indirectly,
through an economic network managed by the

palaces.
T h e evidence for livestock is widespread and
extensive. The organization of the flocks of
sheep is best known from Knossos (Killen,
1964, 1968-9; Young, 1965, 1969) where the
tablets recorded large flocks, principally of
castrated males, raised for wool. Other livestock included goats, cattle, horses, and swine
(Vickery, 1936, 61-73; Howe, 1958, 54;
Palmer, 1963, 164-85; Lang, 1966a). Meat was
surely a major staple, and, like the agriculture,
animal husbandry must have supported many
satellite industries like spinning, weaving,
tanning, leather working, and the making of
cheese.
Much less evidence exists for the exploitation
of naturally occurring resources. At least a
little hunting is implied by the mention of deer
on the tablets. There are also many references
to hunting in art and in the epics of Homer
(Wace and Stubbings, 1962, 5267; Vermeule,
1964, 318-19), but it is difficult to distinguish
between hunting for sport and for economic
livelihood from this type of evidence. Surely
by the end of the Bronze Age the population
was too large for wild game to do more than
augment a diet drawn largely from other
sources. The tablets also briefly mention
lumbering (Chadwick, 1972, 115; Ventris and
Chadwick, 1973, 123 and 350), but its extent
is not known. In Messenia the pine forests
43

Page 5
ANTIQUITY
had been cut down during MH times and
only oak remained in the Late Bronze Age
(Wright, 1972). The inland kingdoms probably
did not fish as much as one may assume for
coastal or island communities. Greece is as poor
in metallic ores as it is in precious stones and
other types of mineral wealth.
There is, however, extensive evidence for
metalworking in Mycenaean Greece (the
archaeological evidence is well known; for the
tablets see Lejeune, 1961 ; RuipCrez, 1963;
Palmer, 1963, 279-89; Pugliese Carratelli,
1963; Geiss, 1964; Lang, 1966b; Ventris and
Chadwick, 1973, 352-9 and 508 ff.). The basic
metals were undoubtedly imported. This is
clear on geological grounds (Cooke, Henrick-

son, and Rapp, 1972), and it is substantiated by

philology (Muhly, 1973, 171-9 and 2407) and
by the absence of references in the tablets to
mines or mining. Since the metal-working
industry could be maintained only as long as
adequate supplies of raw materials and
concomitant trade relations to dispose of the
finished goods were maintained, it would come
to an end with any major breakdown in trade.
Little can be said of other industries. Especially in regard to craftwork, which figures so
prominently in the archaeological picture, the
importance of a balanced view derived from
many types of evidence becomes crucial. The
tablets pay little attention to the actual production of craft items, and one may wonder
if they played much role in the economy of the
kingdoms as a whole. They were surely of
little impact in comparison with agriculture
or animal husbandry.
While there was thus a considerable diversity
in occupations, one must note the rather
narrow base on which the economy was founded.
Subsistence crops like olives, nuts, or fruits,
which require little care and produce for many
years, seem to have been of less importance
than grain. Even less may be said for the exploitation of continuing natural resources like
mineral wealth, fish and other sea life, lumber,
or herds of wild animals. Instead, the long
period of prosperity and stability seems to
have encouraged the production of high-yield
crops like wheat and barley, and the raising
of livestock, especially sheep. Mycenaean
industry used raw materials that had to be carefully raised or that were imported from abroad,
and apparently foreign trade depended on the
same type of goods (Iakovides, 1970, 297).
In fact, the Mycenaean economy (at least
on much of the Greek mainland) seems to
have been particularly subject to destruction.
If an economy is based on the exploitation of
resources which are locally available for a
substantial period of time, it has the capability
to withstand minor or even major temporary
setbacks and still survive as a viable economic
unit. In other words, if buildings or crops
are destroyed, a community can best survive
if it has something like mining, fishing, lumbering, or hunting to fall back on.
The Mycenaean kingdoms seem to have been
too specialized to react quickly to any economic

disaster. Too high a percentage of their

agriculture may have been based on just a
few items, especially grain. Thus a failure in
one crop could not be alleviated by good
harvests in others which would mature a little
latter. If one adds the pressure of a rapidly
increasing population, perhaps already approaching the size the land would support at the
height of the Classical period, the situation
begins to look threatening. The highly specialized system could have held the seeds of its own
collapse.
Thus a destruction or a series of crop
failures from any cause would not only have
eliminated much of the food supply for an
entire year, it would also have seriously upset
the industrial picture and the trade that depended on it. If the population was as large as
preliminary estimates indicate, the situation
would have spread to other areas very quickly.
Local reaction would not have been uniform.
Regions like Messenia that depended heavily
on one or two crops would have been the
hardest hit, while more diversified economies
would have fared better. Attacks on neighbouring regions which still had food would
have been inevitable, with recovery difficult.
Once the sheep and goats or the seed for the
next planting were eaten by a starving populace
or an angry enemy, the economy was ruined.
44

Page 6
An attack on a nearby town could bring temporary relief, but it would also displace additional persons and add to the general disaster,
disrupting trade and creating more havoc.
The key may also have been the collapse of
the central bureaucracies. The tablets show
the economic structure was directed and
administered by the palaces who efficiently coordinated the entire system. As Imre Tegyey
has pointed out (1970, 1974), the centrality of
the Pylian bureaucracy severely discouraged
self-reliance in outlying areas. Without central
guidance, there may have been no way local,
disorganized forces could have effected a
recovery sufficient to feed the population then
living in Greece. Flight to other areas could
have been the only remaining alternative, with
raids and coastal destructions the natural con-

sequence. It is this situation which may account

for the new population elements visible at this
time in Kephallenia, in Cyprus, and elsewhere.
In conclusion, it must be emphasized that
this theory is not intended as an all-encompassing explanation to supersede all other views.
On the contrary, the writer holds the opinion
that no single factor can totally account for the
complexity of the situation. It seems likely,
however, that local economic circumstances
would have played an important role in any
situation of this magnitude. Three basic
factors in the Mycenaean world-the greatly
expanded population, the reliance on a central
bureaucracy, and the susceptibility to destruction of much of the overly specialized
economy-can only have aggravated an economic depression in ways that would not have
been so intense in most other parts of the
Mediterranean basin. Whether one chooses
invasion, local war, or natural disaster as the
first step in the end of the Bronze Age, it is
here suggested an economic cause must be
included as well.
THE END OF THE GREEK BRONZE AGE
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