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The government in place along with the international group believes it is only a matter of election for which
the process must find finality. Here is the chasm between the two entities. Is it possible to have a OAS
convincing the international community that Haiti de facto apartheid country can and must usher into a
democratic nation where the needs in sane institutions and adequate infrastructures is spread for most?
These are the following issues:
1- This Transition must lead to a government that sets Haiti in the right orbit of development. To do so
the negotiating team must inspire from the Constitution of 1987 in its article 149 that reads as
follows: In case of vacancy of the Presidency of the Republic for any reason whatsoever, the
President of the Court of Cassation of the Republic or, in his absence, the Vice -President of the
Court or, failing this, the judge the oldest and so on in order of seniority, is invested temporarily
with the office of President of the Republic by the National Assembly duly convened by the Prime
Minister. The ballot for the election of a new President for a new term of five (5) years has held
forty-five (45) days and ninety (90) days after the opening of the vacancy, in accordance with the
Constitution and the Electoral Law.
Article 149 basically calls for the President of the Court of Cassation to be invested in the office of
the Presidency in case there is a vacuum of executive power. It is true however that the Amended
Constitution of 1987 (amended in 2011) called for the President of the Parliament to assume the
office of the presidency in case by February 7th an elected President has not been chosen. But the
amended Constitution in Article 284.2 clearly states: The amendment passed may enter into force
only after the installation of the next elected President. In no case the President under the
Government that the amendment has taken place cannot enjoy the benefits that result from it.
Consequently at this time the Constitution of 1987 still holds the President of the Court of
Cassation must assume power in case of absence of an elected president but still raises the issues
of a National Assembly that should be convened by the Prime Minister. Again another imbroglio
to resolve if not to scrap it all and start from scratch with the President of the Court of Cassation
who is the only individual representing the only Institution which is closer to the Constitution of
1987.
2- The second issue is how to convince all the stakeholders in regards to several proposals that have
been put on the table that called for one headed Transition Government led by the President of the
Court of Cassation or for a Counsel of Government made of the President of the Court of Cassation,
the President of the Parliament and a designated member of all the political candidates (one who
will accept not to present him or herself in the next election). This proposition has the advantage of
respecting the concept of the three powers balancing each other for the benefit of democracy and
the population.
3- The third issue is how long the political transition will last. The sorting government and the
international community call for a short transition while the opposition would prefer a long
transition of at least 24 months to put in place structural mechanisms to construct a nation that has
been a failed one at least for the past sixty (60) years. The choice in any case should be one
guaranteeing a time frame long enough that will assure a template of real changes.
Where the OAS will stand? Will it facilitate the incubation of a legal, just and friendly transitional
government for the Haitian population? Or will it facilitate the same template of more things change the
more they remain the same?
Haiti has been for a long time the Waterloo of not only great powers but as well of great institutions and
great leaders, commencing with Napoleon Bonaparte. For the OAS and the Chairman Mr. Ronald Sanders
of the negotiating team to apprehend the whole situation and succeed the Haitian political imbroglio they
must use the wisdom of Solomon that hear profoundly the voice of 9 million Haitian people (out of 10
million) that vegetate in complete desuetude amongst the indolence and the insouciance of a ruling
government allied with a well off class that believes the mass can live indefinitely in misery without revolt
or a revolution.
We the signers of this memorandum on behalf of those we represent remind the Chair and the OAS that
their mission even seen as controversial is the last chance for this institution to facilitate the rebirthing of a
vibrant Haiti before it is too late!
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M. Saintfard C. Charles
Affaires Politiques
FORCE DMOCRATIQUE HAITIEN INTGR
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