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A part of the question to be reviewed by the Court is whether the JBC properly initiated
the process, there being an insistence from some of the oppositors-intervenors that the
JBC could only do so once the vacancy has occurred (that is, after May 17, 2010).
Another part is, of course, whether the JBC may resume its process until the short list is
prepared, in view of the provision of Section 4(1), Article VIII, which unqualifiedly
requires the President to appoint one from the short list to fill the vacancy in the
Supreme Court (be it the Chief Justice or an Associate Justice) within 90 days from the
occurrence of the vacancy.
ISSUE: Whether the incumbent President can appoint the successor of Chief Justice
Puno upon his retirement.
HELD:
Prohibition under Section 15, Article VII does not apply to appointments to fill a
vacancy in the Supreme Court or to other appointments to the Judiciary.
Two constitutional provisions are seemingly in conflict.
The first, Section 15, Article VII (Executive Department), provides: Section 15. Two
months immediately before the next presidential elections and up to the end of his
term, a President or Acting President shall not make appointments, except temporary
appointments to executive positions when continued vacancies therein will prejudice
public service or endanger public safety.
The other, Section 4 (1), Article VIII (Judicial Department), states: Section 4. (1). The
Supreme Court shall be composed of a Chief Justice and fourteen Associate Justices. It
may sit en banc or in its discretion, in division of three, five, or seven Members. Any
vacancy shall be filled within ninety days from the occurrence thereof.
Had the framers intended to extend the prohibition contained in Section 15, Article VII
to the appointment of Members of the Supreme Court, they could have explicitly done
so. They could not have ignored the meticulous ordering of the provisions. They would
have easily and surely written the prohibition made explicit in Section 15, Article VII as
being equally applicable to the appointment of Members of the Supreme Court in Article
VIII itself, most likely in Section 4 (1), Article VIII. That such specification was not done
only reveals that the prohibition against the President or Acting President making
appointments within two months before the next presidential elections and up to the
end of the Presidents or Acting Presidents term does not refer to the Members of the
Supreme Court.
Had the framers intended to extend the prohibition contained in Section 15, Article VII
to the appointment of Members of the Supreme Court, they could have explicitly done
so. They could not have ignored the meticulous ordering of the provisions. They would
have easily and surely written the prohibition made explicit in Section 15, Article VII as
being equally applicable to the appointment of Members of the Supreme Court in Article
VIII itself, most likely in Section 4 (1), Article VIII. That such specification was not done
only reveals that the prohibition against the President or Acting President making
appointments within two months before the next presidential elections and up to the
end of the Presidents or Acting Presidents term does not refer to the Members of the
Supreme Court.
Section 14, Section 15, and Section 16 are obviously of the same character, in that they
affect the power of the President to appoint. The fact that Section 14 and Section 16
refer only to appointments within the Executive Department renders conclusive that
Section 15 also applies only to the Executive Department. This conclusion is consistent
with the rule that every part of the statute must be interpreted with reference to the
context, i.e. that every part must be considered together with the other parts, and kept
subservient to the general intent of the whole enactment. It is absurd to assume that
the framers deliberately situated Section 15 between Section 14 and Section 16, if they
intended Section 15 to cover all kinds of presidential appointments. If that was their
intention in respect of appointments to the Judiciary, the framers, if only to be clear,
would have easily and surely inserted a similar prohibition in Article VIII, most likely
within Section 4 (1) thereof.
De Castro v. JBC
Facts:
This case is based on multiple cases field with dealt with the controversy that has arisen from
the forthcoming compulsory requirement of Chief Justice Puno on May 17, 2010 or seven days
after the presidential election. On December 22, 2009, Congressman Matias V. Defensor, an ex
officio member of the JBC, addressed a letter to the JBC, requesting that the process for
nominations to the office of the Chief Justice be commenced immediately.
In its January 18, 2010 meeting en banc, the JBC passed a resolution which stated that they
have unanimously agreed to start the process of filling up the position of Chief Justice to be
vacated on May 17, 2010 upon the retirement of the incumbent Chief Justice.
As a result, the JBC opened the position of Chief Justice for application or recommendation,
and published for that purpose its announcement in the Philippine Daily Inquirer and the
Philippine Star.
In its meeting of February 8, 2010, the JBC resolved to proceed to the next step of announcing
the names of the following candidates to invite to the public to file their sworn complaint, written
ISSUES
W/N mandamus and prohibition will lie to compel the submission of the shortlist of nominees by
the JBC?
RULING
Petitioners have legal standing because such requirement for this case was waived by the
Court.
Legal standing is a peculiar concept in constitutional law because in some cases, suits are not
brought by parties who have been personally injured by the operation of a law or any other
government act but by concerned citizens, taxpayers or voters who actually sue in the public
interest. But even if, strictly speaking, the petitioners are not covered by the definition, it is still
within the wide discretion of the Court to waive the requirement and so remove the impediment
to its addressing and resolving the serious constitutional questions raised.
PROHIBITION UNDER SECTION 15, ARTICLE VII DOES NOT APPLY TO APPOINTMENTS
TO FILL A VACANCY IN THE SUPREME COURT OR TO OTHER APPOINTMENST TO THE
JUDICIARY.
Two constitutional provisions seemingly in conflict:
The first, Section 15, Article VII (Executive Department), provides:
Section 15. Two months immediately before the next presidential elections and up to the end of
his term, a President or Acting President shall not make appointments, except temporary
appointments to executive positions when continued vacancies therein will prejudice public
service or endanger public safety.
Although Valenzuela came to hold that the prohibition covered even judicial appointments, it
cannot be disputed that the Valenzuela dictum did not firmly rest on the deliberations of the
Constitutional Commission.
Moreover, the usage in Section 4(1), Article VIII of the word shall an imperative, operating to
impose a duty that may be enforced should not be disregarded. Thereby, Sections 4(1)
imposes on the President the imperative duty to make an appointment of a Member of the
Supreme Court within 90 days from the occurrence of the vacancy. The failure by the President
to do so will be a clear disobedience to the Constitution.
The 90-day limitation fixed in Section 4(1), Article VIII for the President to fill the vacancy in the
Supreme Court was undoubtedly a special provision to establish a definite mandate for the
President as the appointing power, and cannot be defeated by mere judicial interpretation in
Valenzuela to the effect that Section 15, Article VII prevailed because it was couched in
stronger negative language.
Second. Section 15, Article VII does not apply as well to all other appointments in the Judiciary.
There is no question that one of the reasons underlying the adoption of Section 15 as part of
Article VII was to eliminate midnight appointments from being made by an outgoing Chief
Executive. Given the background and rationale for the prohibition in Section 15, Article VII, we
have no doubt that the Constitutional Commission confined the prohibition to appointments
made in the Executive Department. The framers did not need to extend the prohibition to
appointments in the Judiciary, because their establishment of the JBC and their subjecting the
nomination and screening of candidates for judicial positions to the unhurried and deliberate
prior process of the JBC ensured that there would no longer be midnight appointments to the
Judiciary. Indeed, the creation of the JBC was precisely intended to de-politicize the Judiciary by
doing away with the intervention of the Commission on Appointments.
Third. As earlier stated, the non-applicability of Section 15, Article VII to appointments in the
Judiciary was confirmed by then Senior Associate Justice Regalado to the JBC itself when it
met on March 9, 1998 to discuss the question raised by some sectors about the
constitutionality of xxx appointments to the Court of Appeals in light of the forthcoming
presidential elections. He assured that on the basis of the (Constitutional) Commissions
records, the election ban had no application to appointments to the Court of Appeals. This
confirmation was accepted by the JBC, which then submitted to the President for consideration
the nominations for the eight vacancies in the Court of Appeals.
Fourth. Of the 23 sections in Article VII, three (i.e., Section 14, Section15, and Section 16)
concern the appointing powers of the President.
Section 14, Section 15, and Section 16 are obviously of the same character, in that they affect
the power of the President to appoint. The fact that Section 14 and Section 16 refer only to
appointments within the Executive Department renders conclusive that Section 15 also applies
only to the Executive Department. This conclusion is consistent with the rule that every part of
the statute must be interpreted with reference to the context, i.e. that every part must be
considered together with the other parts, and kept subservient to the general intent of the whole
enactment.
Fifth. To hold like the Court did in Valenzuela that Section 15 extends to appointments to the
Judiciary further undermines the intent of the Constitution of ensuring the independence of the
Judicial Department from the Executive and Legislative Departments. Such a holding will tie the
Judiciary and the Supreme Court to the fortunes or misfortunes of political leaders vying for the
Presidency in a presidential election. Consequently, the wisdom of having the new President,
instead of the current incumbent President, appoint the next Chief Justice is itself suspect, and
cannot ensure judicial independence, because the appointee can also become beholden to the
appointing authority. In contrast, the appointment by the incumbent President does not run the
same risk of compromising judicial independence, precisely because her term will end by June
30, 2010.
Sixth. The argument has been raised to the effect that there will be no need for the incumbent
President to appoint during the prohibition period the successor of Chief Justice Puno within the
context of Section 4 (1), Article VIII, because anyway there will still be about 45 days of the 90
days mandated in Section 4(1), Article VIII remaining.
The argument is flawed, because it is focused only on the coming vacancy occurring from Chief
Justice Punos retirement by May 17, 2010. It ignores the need to apply Section 4(1) to every
Seventh. As a matter of fact, in an extreme case, we can even raise a doubt on whether a JBC
list is necessary at all for the President any President to appoint a Chief Justice if the
appointee is to come from the ranks of the sitting justices of the Supreme Court.
Sec. 9, Article VIII says:
xxx. The Members of the Supreme Court xxx shall be appointed by the President from a list of
at least three nominees prepared by the Judicial and Bar Council for any vacancy. Such
appointments need no confirmation.
xxx
The provision clearly refers to an appointee coming into the Supreme Court from the outside,
that is, a non-member of the Court aspiring to become one. It speaks of candidates for the
Supreme Court, not of those who are already members or sitting justices of the Court, all of
whom have previously been vetted by the JBC.