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The Canadian foreign policy establishment sympathized with Israels concerns since its founding in 1948. But there
was an even-handedness in Canadian votes at the United Nations on Middle East issues that especially alarmed proIsrael advocates. In recent years the country edged into a closer orbit with Israel, starting in the last days of the
previous Liberal government and then ramping up further during the last 10 years of rule under Stephen Harpers
Conservatives. Closer military and economic links developed between Canada and the Jewish state, and in the 2011
Canadian election 52 per cent of Jews voted Conservative, according to an exit poll conducted by Ipsos Reid. In April
2011 before that election the Globe and Mail reported from another pollster Nik Nanos that in four of five ridings in
Toronto and Montreal with a sizable Jewish minority, the Liberal vote declined significantly between the 2006 and
2008 elections - at more than double the rate in the rest of the country.
As the new voice for Canadas Jews, the CIJA reflected this turn toward narrower concerns with a focus primarily on
defending the Jewish state at all coststo the point of equating criticism of Israel on university campuses and through
boycott campaigns as anti-Semitic. It continues to do that today. This fall for instance, the CIJA has attributed
responsibility for the horrific violence between ordinary Palestinians and Israeli Jews to only one side in the 100-yearold conflict.
All the explanations and equivocations we have heard this month refuse to acknowledge the primary cause of these
attacks: Palestinian incitement, writes David Cape, current CIJA president, in an email. In mosques, media, and
especially graphic social media, young Palestinians are encouraged to martyr themselves by attacking Israelisand
those inflaming the situation includes PA officials and activists from Fatah, the governing party in the PA,
In an article that I wrote for Inter Press Service in 2004. CIJA CEO Shimon Fogel described the occupied Palestinian
territories as disputed, rather than occupied. In addition, a few years ago his organization supported the massive E1
Jewish settlement project on Palestinian land in greater Jerusalem, despite criticism from Middle East experts that it
would undermine the establishment of a future contiguous Palestinian state in the West Bank. This downplaying of
the role and impact of the occupation appeared to be shared by both CIJA and the Harper government, says Sheldon
Gordon, a spokesperson for Canadian Friends of Peace Now.
Furthermore, the Harper government turned a blind eye to its own official opposition to the expansion of Jewish
settlements, Gordon notes.
Its rhetoric [was] extremely pro-Israel, which is fine, but they are not pro-two state solution. They had it
on their web site, the foreign affairs web site, but in a meaningful sense, they were not supportive of a
two state solution.
And although CIJA has representation from all the major political parties on its board, it was especially close with the
Harper government. By linking post-9/11 fears of terrorism with threats to Israel from the Arab and the Muslim world,
many of the harder-edge measures passed into law in Parliament by the Conservatives under Harpertougher antiterror measures (Bill C-51), restrictive refugee policies (Bill-31), and a more complicated path toward achieving
Canadian citizenship for landed immigrants (Bill C-24)were also in sync with how CIJA and the Israeli right viewed
politics.
We also support the introduction of measures to ensure that those who apply for Canadian citizenship actually intend
to maintain a meaningful connection to Canada after taking the oath, CIJA CEO Fogel told a parliamentary
committee on May 5, 2015.
Fogels clout on Parliament Hill in Ottawa during the Harper governments tenure was given credence by the Hill
Times, which described the CIJA CEO as among the most 100 influential political actors. A sister publication,
Embassy Magazine, stated Fogel was one of 50 people with the greatest impact on Canadian foreign policy.
CIJAs registration with Canadas office of the commissioner of lobbying reveals that its Ottawa office of 15 staffers,
including Fogel, regularly visit a host of federal government ministry offices to press their concerns about Israel and
anti-Semitism and more general subjects such as security, immigration, and refugee policy. Fogel is also listed on the
CIJA web site as having served as consultant to Parliaments Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and as a
member of the prestigious Round Table on Global Security under the Department of National Defense in Ottawa.
The CIJA functions in many ways like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. The difference is that AIPAC is
strictly focused on lobbying for Israel and does not purport to represent the full range of interests of the American
Jewish community. What adds to the confusion in Canada is that CIJA was represented before the recent Canadian
election at some public functions by a Conservative party representative on its board, former Harper government
cabinet minister and evangelical Christian, Stockwell Day. A letter writer to the Canadian Jewish News wondered
almost facetiously whether CIJA was in reality a Jewish representative body.
CIJA has a low public profile here among Canadian Jews, in comparison to the now disbanded CJC or the former
head, Bernie Farber. He has re-established himself as a public commentator in print. CIJAs budget is also difficult to
track on its web site.
Harper vs. Trudeau
Before his election as the new Liberal prime minister, Justin Trudeauthe son of Pierre Trudeau, Canadas prime
minister for the most of the time from the late 1960s to 1984 always stressed his pro-Israel credentials. But he also
refused to march entirely in lockstep with the Harper governments 9/11 narrative. As a result, he became a subject of
suspicion in Jewish leadership circles in the run-up to the October election.
Trudeau had, for instance, supported US President Barack Obamas negotiated deal with Iran over its nuclear energy
technology programin contrast to both CIJA and the Harper government. Nonetheless, it was the Liberals leaders
denunciation of intolerance against Muslims in Canada and his drawing of parallels to Canadas exclusionary policy
towards Jews of an earlier time that drew the ire of CIJA CEO Fogel in March 2015.
We view this comparison as inaccurate and inappropriate, and we will communicate that sentiment to Mr. Trudeaus
office, Fogel wrote. In this regard, we note that the Government of Canada has appropriately and consistently
distinguished between marginal, extreme, terrorist elements of the Muslim community and the broader Muslim
community. Going further Jewish Canadian businessman and philanthropist Michael Diamond was quoted on Oct.
16, 2015 in the Globe and Mail as the federal election loomed: In electing a Liberal government we are increasing
the risk of giving power to those who may be tied to radical Islam.
Election Results
Canadian Jews did not follow Diamonds advice in the October election. We know this from looking at urban
parliamentary seats where pollsters tell us that the Jewish vote is significant. The Liberals won in Montreals Mont
Royal (36.3 per cent Jewish), Torontos York Centre (23.7 per cent Jewish) and Torontos Eglinton-Lawrence (18. 6
per cent Jewish). The one exception, Torontos Thornhill (36.6 per cent Jewish) stayed with the Conservatives,
partially because of a significant presence of orthodox Jews there, says Bernie Farber, the former CJC CEO.
Losing Harpers leadership in this area [i.e. supporting Israel] will not be an easy pill to swallow, Diamond wrote in
the Canadian Jewish News on October 29. He added later, Trudeau talks about a Canada for all Canadians. How he
interprets that, given the diversity of our countrys population will be the challenge.
Harper, in an attempt to drum up support from his conservative base, injected a dose of Islamophobia into the
electoral campaign. One of the hot-button issues involved the wearing of the full head covering or niqab during
citizenship ceremonies. The CIJA, normally an organizational chatterbox, did not speak out against the Conservative
Partys targeting of a handful of wearers of the niqab in the last desperate days of the election campaign. CIJA
spokesman Steve McDonald emailed that his organization was simply following Canadian law in not responding to
Because the niqab has become a partisan policy issue, Canada Revenue Agency regulations prohibit
CIJA [as an organization with charitable tax status] from commenting, particularly during the election.
As with most things though, our community does not appear to be of a single mind on the issue.
In the post-election fallout the CIJA seems reconciled to the Liberals taking power in Ottawa. CIJAs current chair
David Cape was quoted in CJN stating he and his colleagues are grateful for the positions taken by the new prime
minister on a host of issues including social justice challenges and a close Canada-Israel relationship.
But Bernie Farber is skeptical that CIJA can easily morph from its pro-Harper partisanship to a politically neutral
stance in the post-election period. I know CIJA denies that it is top down, I get all of that, he says. But the fact is it is
a tightly run, professionally run, advocacy group that made serious errors in judgment [during the Harper years].
The question for me is whether the small moves away from the stifling unity in the Canadian Jewish community are
sufficient when the violence in Israel and Palestine seems to be spiraling out of control.
Photo: Justin Trudeau interviewed by the CBC (courtesy of Alex Guibord via Flickr)
Paul Weinberg is a Hamilton, Ontario-based freelance journalist whose work appears in rabble.ca, Outlook, and the
Monitor, a publication of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.
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