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Muhammad himself was in daily danger of meeting Jesus's fate. After his
acceptance of the invitation from the people of Yathrib (subsequently
known as Medina)2 to become the head of their state, Muhammad proved
to be not only a prophet but also a political genius.
I Philip Bagby has derided me (in Toynbee and History, p. 105) for
stating this notorious fact in previous volumes of this book (e.g. iii. 467; v. 128 and 676),
as if I had made a ludicrous gaffe. The statement is, of course, a commonplace, It will be
found in every serious account of Muhammad's career. Muhammad was, in the end, a
conspicuously successful man, but he succeeded, not as a prophet, but as a statesman.
Islam, too, was, in the end, a conspicuously successful religion, but its spiritual fortune
was made by the converted descendants of Christians and Zoroastrians who had become
political subjects of the militant Islamic state. These equally notorious facts are also
mentioned by me in the contexts cited in the present footnote, In order to understand the
character and career of Muhammad and the history of the religion that he founded, we
have to distinguish (i) between Muhammad's success as a statesman and his failure as a
prophet, and (ii) between the immediate success of his Islamic state and the eventual
success of Islam itself as a universal religion.
2 I.e. Madinat-an-Nabi, meaning city of the Prophet.
Before his death he had compelled the commercial oligarchy of his native
city-state Mecca to capitulate to him, and had shown his statesmanship-and
also the generosity of his character-in the moderateness of the terms with
which he had contented himself.
In addition he had extended his rule from the city-state of Yathrib over a
large part of the Arabian Peninsula besides Mecca, and his troops had
made a probing raid on the Roman Empire's dominions in Transjordan.
This piece of audacity had met with prompt chastisement, but it was
premonitory of the sweeping conquests that were to be made by
Muhammad's immediate political successors. Within less than twenty years
of his death they had conquered the whole of the Sasanian Persian Empire
and the best part of the Roman Empire: that is to say, Syria, in the broadest
sense of the word, and also Egypt.
These dramatically rapid military and political successes of early Islam
have given some Western students of history the impression that the
epiphany of Islam made an unusually sharp break in the history of the
Old-World Oikoumene and that it had no antecedents and no precedents.
Christopher Dawson's dictum1 that history 'allows the whole world
situation to be suddenly transformed by the action of a single individual
like Muhammad or Alexander' has already been quoted in this volume.2
A. L. Kroeber has expressed the same view. 'Islam', he says,3 'had no
infancy and no real growth, but sprang up, Minerva-like, full- blown with
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The sources for the study of Islamic history, from Muhammad's lifetime
onwards, are copious, and many of them are of first-rate value from the
historian's professional point of view. Muhammad's career, unlike Jesus's,
can be followed point by point-and, in some of its chapters, almost day by
day-in the full light of history. nut these valuable historical records are all
in Arabic; and this pulls up short the Western historian who has been
following the history of South-West Asia and Egypt in Greek and Latin
records over a span of nearly twelve hundred years, beginning with the
antecedents of the establishment of the Achaemenian Persian Empire, as
recorded in Greek by Herodotus, and coming down to the campaigns of
the Roman Emperor Heraclius as recorded in the same language by
George the Pisidian (Who would have been Herodotus the Carian's
neighbour if they had been contemporaries). Then, at the advent of Islam
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The Arabs themselves had erupted out of Arabia twice before: in the
second century B.C., when the Seleucid Empire was losing its grip on the
Fertile Crescent, and, before that, in the seventh century B.C., when the
Assyrian Empire was beginning to labour under the weight of its
self-imposed military burdens. The Aramaean-Chaldaean-Hebrew
eruption in the thirteenth century B.C., when the New Empire of Egypt
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instance, the Parthians in Iran and 'Iraq and the Kushans in Bactria and
India.
By conquering 'Iraq and Iran as well as Syria and Egypt, the Islamic
state had made itself a successor-state of the Sasanian Empire as well as of
the Roman Empire. The economic pull of 'Iraq on its Arab conquerors
made itself felt when the Umayyad regime was replaced by the , Abbasid
regime, and when the capital of the Islamic state was moved from
Damascus to the new city of Baghdad. Under the' Abbasids the Islamic
state took its place in the long series of empires based on 'Iraq's economic
resources. The series stretched back through the Sasanian, Parthian,
Seleucid, Achaemenian, and Neobabylonian empires to the Empire of
Agade, which had given political unity to the Fertile Crescent in the third
millennium B.C.
The Islamic state, in the first chapter of its history, was up in arms
against the political ascendancy of Hellenism in South-West Asia and
Egypt-an ascendancy that had been upheld there by Roman power since
the last century B.C. On the cultural plane, on the other hand, Islam
eventually equipped itself for playing its part as a universal religion by
drawing on Hellenic intellectual resources.1 Thus its attitude towards
Hellenism was the ambivalent one of attraction towards it on the cultural
plane coexisting with hostility towards it on the political plane. But this
ambivalence towards Hellenism was not peculiar to Islam. It was the
attitude of both Monophysite and Nestorian christianity at the time when
Islam first took the field; and, before that, it had been the attitude of
Catholic Christianity until the concordat with the Roman Imperial
Government had degraded this into being the 'Imperialist' (Melchite)
Church in the eyes of the Roman Empire's disaffected Syrian and
Egyptian Christian subjects. Before the days of Constantine and
Theodosius, the Catholic Christian Church had been anti-Hellenic and
philhellene simultaneously. It had won its converts from Hellenism by
presenting itself to them in an Hellenic dress. Islam was following these
Christian precedents when, after completing the expulsion of Hellenism
from South-West Asia and Egypt on the political plane, it proceeded to
provide itself with a theology by having recourse to Hellenic philosophy.
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I See p. 450, with footnote 2, above, and also pp. 471 and 671, footnote 1
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full-blown, with the life of one man',1 Islam, like Christianity, had a long
pre-natal history. A normal birth offers an apter simile for the epiphany of
Islam than the legendary birth of the goddess Athene. A normal birth is a
sudden and dramatic event, but it does not come out of the blue and is
therefore not inexplicable.
In the second part of his public career, beginning with his withdrawal
from Mecca to Medina, Muhammad successfully played the military and
political part for which the Jews, after their loss of their political
independence, had cast their expected Messiah.
The Jewish Messiah's designated task was, humanly speaking, a forlorn
hope. He was to overthrow a world-empire to which the Jews were
subject, and was to establish a Jewish world-empire in its place. It was
recognized that the Messiah could succeed only in virtue of his being
supported by Yahweh's almighty power. Left to his own human resources he would be foredoomed; and, in fact, as long as the Roman
Empire -lasted, every Jewish political leader who tried to play the
conventional Messiah's part brought a crushing disaster on himself and
on his community. The Roman power was invincible and ubiquitous. The
mere accusation of aspiring to be the Messiah was enough to procure a
death-sentence-as Jesus's Jewish enemies knew when they brought this
charge against Him in Pilate's court. As the story is told in the Gospels,
the charge against Jesus was groundless. Either He had not claimed to be
the Messiah in any sense, or He had made the claim in a non-political and
non-militant sense that changed the conventional concept of the
Messiah's role out of all recognition. Nevertheless, Jesus was put to death
by the Roman authorities. They were taking no chances. In fact, under the
regime of the Roman world-state, a prophet was doomed if he was even
falsely accused of intending to go into politics and to take up arms. His
only hope lay in a policy of strict nonviolence, and even this might not
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save him.
The regime under which Muhammad entered on his prophetic mission
was entirely different. He was a citizen of a turbulent city-state. In the
Mecca of his day non-violence certainly would not save the life of a
prophet who was preaching a doctrine that was objectionable to the local
ruling oligarchy.
I Kroeber, quoted on p. 462.
But, unlike the Roman Empire, the Meccan city-state was not ubiquitous.
Its jurisdiction was limited to a single oasis. It was practicable to withdraw
beyond the reach of the Quraysh's not very long arm; and thus, when
Muhammad was offered the political headship of the independent city-state
of Medina, he had found his effective retort to the Meccan oligarchy's
hostility. Since Muhammad at Medina turned out to be a political genius,
his retort, before long, became not merely effective but crushing. His
political career need not be considered further in this present context, as it
has been discussed at some length in a previous volume.1 It is sufficient
here to note that there is nothing in- explicable in it.
Nor is there any mystery about the causes of the early Islamic
state's swift and sweeping military successes. The key is to be found in the
division of the territories once conquered from the Achaemenidae by
Alexander between two rival empires: one of them based on 'Iraq and the
other centred on the Mediterranean. This political constellation had been in
existence for 700 years by the time when Muhammad's second political
successor, the Caliph 'Umar I (imperabat A.D. 634-44) over- threw the
Sasanian Persian Empire and wrested from the Roman Empire its
dominions south-east of Taurus. The two empires had brought these
disasters upon themselves by allowing the chronic border-warfare between
them to boil up, from a limited competition for the possession of frontier
fortresses and provinces, into a life-and-death struggle in which the very
existence of both powers was at stake. Most of Muhammad's lifetime
(vivebat circa A.D. 570-632) was occupied, in the heart of the Oikoumene
immediately to the north of Arabia, by two long- drawn-out and
devastating Romano-Persian wars (gerebantur A.D. 572- 91 and 603-28)
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that ended, as far as the two belligerents' mutual relations were concerned,
in nothing more constructive than a re-establishment of the status quo ante.
The effective consequent change was in the balance of power between the
two empires and the Arab barbarians beyond their southern frontiers. Both
empires emerged from this double great war exhausted. By contrast, the
Arabs emerged notably enriched and instructed. They had earned money
by serving as mercenaries on both sides; they had invested much of it in
buying up-to-date military equipment; and, most important of all, they had
learnt by
I iii, 466--72.
practice how to use this equipment and how to conduct military operations
with large forces on the grand scale. This speeded up and completed a
process that had been going on for some centuries past. For religion was
not the only element of 'civilization' that had been seeping into Arabia.
Military equipment and skill had been seeping in as well, even before the
long history of Romano-Persian warfare had mounted to its fatal climax.
The most potent new weapon that the Arabs had acquired in the
Pre-Islamic Age was the horse,1 and horsemanship had made the Arabs
militarily formidable-as it was to make the Plains Indians of North
America when they had acquired the horse from the Spaniards.2
Thus, by the time of Muhammad's hijrah to Medina, the Arabs already
possessed all the requisites for becoming world-conquerors except one,
and that was political unity. When Muhammad had given them this it was
inevitable that they should erupt and that their eruption should sweep
away everything in its path. Few Arabs ever became devotees of Islam for
its own sake, and most Arabs strongly objected, at first, to having the
political rule of the Islamic state imposed on them. Why should they
submit to being ruled by the people of Yathrib in league with a handful of
Meccan refugees? The news of Muhammad's death in A.D. 632. was the
signal, in Arabia, for a widespread war of secession (riddah); and this
might have been difficult for Muhammad's political successors to suppress
by force of arms alone. The dissident Arabs were reconciled to the rule of
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the Islamic state by the realization that, under this unified command, they
had it in their power to conquer the Oikoumene and plunder it. The misery
of the war-stricken Persian and Roman empires, which was so keenly felt
by their subjects, represented incredible wealth when appraised by the
standards of their starveling Arab conquerors.
In making the Arabs' potential military ascendancy tell by giving them
political unity, Muhammad did for them what Philip of Macedon had done
for the Hellenes. These had established their military ascendancy over the
Achaemenian Persian power as far back as the years 480- 479 B.C., when
they had so signally defeated Xerxes' attempt to conquer Continental
European Greece. The successful march of Cyrus the Younger's 10,000
1See L. Caetani: Studi di Storia Orientale, vol. 1 (Milan 1911, Hoepli), r. 346, cited
already in viii. 17. footnote 5.
2 See viii. 637-9.
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later, for the universal religion of their Christian subjects, if these subjects
had not, meanwhile, insisted on making of Islam a new higher religion for
all men on the pattern of the' Christianity that the Christian converts to
Islam had formerly professed.
This eventual harvesting of Islam's potentialities as a universal religion
was an immense cultural, as well as religious, achievement. It was
comparable to what had previously been done for Christianity; and it was
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done by the same people and by the same means. The people whose good
offices enabled Islam, as well as Christianity, to grow to its full spiritual
and cultural stature were the South-West Asian heirs of the combined
Syriac and Hellenic heritages. As we have seen in the preceding chapter,1
both the Syriac and the Hellenic Civilization's continuity had been
broken-the Syriac Civilization's by the impact of Hellenism, and the
Hellenic Civilization's by the impact of a Syriac-Hellenic religion,
Christianity. The former participants in the two civilizations had lost their
consciousness of their distinctive cultures, but they had not lost their
cultural fertility. On the contrary, the Syriac and Hellenic cultures, in
losing their distinctive identities, had blended into a culture- compost
which had an unrivalled nutritive power. The feat of nursing not only one
but two higher religions into a maturity at which each of them makes a
universal appeal is an achievement that it would be hard to match.
The prevalent depreciation of Islam in the West is a relic of anti-Islamic
Christian prejudice. This stubbornly survives even in modern Western
minds that feel an obligation, in their intellectual work, to correct the
Christian bias in their cultural heritage, and that imagine themselves, in
their unfavourable appraisal of Islam, to be acting up to their own high
standard of detachment and to be condemning Islam objectively, on its
own demerits. Kroeber, for example, has given an interpretation of Islam
as an historical phenomenon in the light of an hypothesis of his about the
history of the course of civilization in the Old World. Kroeber likens
Old-World civilization to a fire that started in the Fertile Crescent and that
then spread, as fires are apt to spread, in a progressively widening circle
from its point of origin. The flame keeps alight round the circle's
ever-advancing circumference, long after it has died away and left nothing
but cold grey ashes on the spot which was its original hearth. This
hypothesis has some
1 On pp. 446-54.
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3 On pp. 447-8.
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Ibid.
creativity. The fusion of the diverse elements of the Syriac and Hellenic
civilizations had already provided a fertile compost from which
Christianity had sprung; and its fertility now proved great enough to
produce a second crop, of com- parable value, in the shape of Islam. Have
there ever anywhere been 'constructive cultural impulses' that have
produced finer fruits than this pair of higher religions with a message for
all men?
Islam, in succession to Christianity, came to maturity in the heart of the
Oikoumene in an age in which this heart was still beating as vigorously as
ever. If Kroeber had been willing to recognize Islam as being the peer of
Christianity that it is, he would not have seen it, through jaundiced eyes,
as a 'reduced, retractile, civilization, an anti-Hellenic, anti-Sasanian,
anti-Christian civilization. ...without art, without much intellectual
curiosity or profundity, without many of the aspirations customary in
civilizations'.1 He would not then have been led to explain Islam's
imaginary inferiority by making the unwarranted assumption that the
region in which Islam came to maturity was by that time a cultural waste
land. Whether or not we accept his simile of the outward spread of a fire,
leaving a burnt-out centre, as a valid key to the geographical history of
civilization in the Old World, it is certain that the fire had not been
extinguished in its original hearth either before the conquest of SouthWest Asia and Egypt by the primitive Muslim Arabs or during the subsequent formative centuries when Islam was being brought to maturity
there by local non-Arab converts from among the conquered Christian and
Zoroastrian population. Even during the previous age of political division,
'Iraq had been the power-house of the Sasanian Empire, and Syria and
Egypt of the Roman Empire. The potency of all three countries was
notably enhanced when the Arab conquest reunited them politically for
the first time since the break-up of the Achaemenian Empire, nearlya
thousand years back. Under the Umayyad and' Abbasid regimes, SouthWest Asia and Egypt were still the heart of the Oikoumene, as they had
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The potency of this region was derived, and is derived once again today,
from two assets: its local productivity and its geographical location at the
centre of the Oikoumene's network of communications. In the past its
staple production was agricultural: the crops raised on its irrigated fields.
Today its staple production is mineral: the oil got from below its surface.
The region is estimated to contain the major part of the World's oil
reserves, as, in the past, it produced the major part of the World's annual
cereal harvest. As for this region's geographical role as the central node of
the World's communications, the permanent features of the World's
geography are so favourable to South-West Asia and Egypt that this
region is now recovering its natural position as the mid-point of the
Oikoumene less than four hundred years after the date at which the
Oikoumene was thrown out of its normal geographical balance by two
almost simultaneous revolutionary Western achievements: the discovery
of a New World west of the Atlantic and the discovery of the
uninterrupted sea-route from the Atlantic coast of Western Europe to
Southern and Eastern Asia round the Cape of Good Hope. Since 1869 this
roundabout route has been short-circuited by the cutting of the Suez
Canal. This has reopened the direct passage for ships between the Indian
Ocean and the Mediterranean which existed in the Achaemenian Age after
the Emperor Darius I's engineers had cut his canal from Suez to the head
of the Nile Delta. The Suez Canal offers the shortest sea-route between the
two main concentrations of population in the twentieth-century world: one
in Southern and Eastern Asia and the other in Europe and North America;
and in our day it has been supplemented by a bundle of air-routes which
bunch together where they traverse the land-bridge between Eurasia and
Africa.
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Thus the heart of the Oikoumene has now surmounted the crisis by
which it was overtaken when the fifteenth-century Western maritime
adventurers made their momentous geographical discoveries. Thanks to
the striking of oil, South-West Asia is now well on the way towards
recovering from the previous blow that it had suffered in the thirteenth
century of the Christian Era when the Mongols had committed genocide
against its population and had also cut the roots of its agricultural
productivity by giving the coup de grace to the 4,000-years-old watercontrol system in 'Iraq.1 The degree of
1 See iv, 42-43.
the devastation that was inflicted by the Mongols on South-West Asia east
of Euphrates can be measured by the contrast between present-day
agricultural Egypt, which has continued, without a break, to be a going
concern since the unification of its water-control system round about 3000
B.C., and present-day agricultural 'Iraq, which even today is only just
beginning to recover from the blow dealt to it by the Mongols 700 years
ago. The wholesale destruction of human life was still more disastrous
than the wrecking of Man's engineering works. Visit Khurasan, the northeasternmost province of the present kingdom of Persia, and take your
stand in the vast empty space within the four-square walls of the PreMongol city of Tus or the Pre-Mongol city of Nishapur. You will realize
that, even after the passage of 700 years, South-West Asia is still prostrate
under the blow that it received from the Mongols in the thirteenth century.
The thirteenth-century Mongol devastation of South-West Asia, followed
by the fifteenth-century West European diversion of the World's sea-routes
away from the Levant and the Red Sea, explain, between them, the
decline and eclipse of South-West Asia and Egypt in the sixteenth,
seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. This makes the recovery of this
region in the nineteenth century and there- after all the more remarkable
and impressive. In the present context the significance of this temporary
eclipse and subsequent recovery is that both events have been subsequent
to the epiphany and maturation of Islam. And this matter of chronological
fact would appear to refute, decisively, Kroeber's imaginative thesis that
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civilizations-in this case, not the Hellenic Civilization but the Nestorian
Christian, the Monophysite Christian, and the Zoroastrian Iranian. It is
true that the Christian minority in the Roman Empire lived in the
catacombs, whereas the Muslim minority in the Islamic world-state lived
in the camps and the palaces. But this Muslim minority was in the same
position as the Christian minority in the essential point that it was living in
a world that it had not created and in which it was not at home.
After the epiphany of Islam, as after the epiphany of Christianity,
centuries had to pass before the new religion could mother a new
civilization; for the necessary pre-condition for that was that the minority
should have become the majority. In the circum-Mediterranean world this
happened in the course of the three centuries ending in the seventh century
of the Christian Era; in South-West Asia and Egypt it happened in the
course of the three centuries ending in the thirteenth century of the
Christian Era. Before that, the Muslims-including the Arabs' converted
non-Arab subjects as well as the Arabs themselves-had been only a
minority in the dominions of the Islamic world-state. The Islamic state's
Zoroastrian subjects in Iran and in the Oxus-Jaxartes basin had gone over
to Islam more quickly, in larger numbers, than its Christian subjects west
of Zagros. But the mass-conversions to Islam did not begin to take place
in any of the Islamic world-state's dominions till the Islamic state was
harried by barbarian invasions. It was the Crusades and the subsequent
irruption of the Mongols that moved the mass of the population of
South-West Asia and Egypt to rally to Islam as a spiritual force that might
perhaps hold society together in a cataclysm in which 'Earth's foundations
fled'.
I therefore continue, on reconsideration, to maintain that the Islamic
Civilization--or civilizations-arose after the thirteenth century of the
Christian Era, when the last remnant of the' Abbasid world-state had been
extinguished by the Mongol war-lord Hiilagii. In order to locate the place
of Islam in history, we have to distinguish clearly between three different
things: the Islamic religion that was founded and compromised by the
Prophet Muhammad and was then salvaged by his political successors'
converted non-Arab subjects; the Islamic state that was founded by the
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statesman Muhammad and that swiftly grew, like the proverbial grain of
mustard-seed, into a tree that overshadowed the Earth;1 and the Islamic
Civilization (or civilizations) that has been a cultural by-product of Islam
in the same sense in which the Christian civilizations have been cultural
by-products of Christianity. If we do not keep these three different things
clearly distinct in our minds, we are likely to go astray in our
interpretation of Islam and of its political and cultural by-products.
1 The personal union of absolute political with absolute religious authority in the
person of Muhammad died with him. His political successors did not inherit his
prerogatives in the field of religion. Decisions about Islamic practice and doctrine on the
basis of the Qur'an and the traditions are reached by a consensus (ijma) of the learned
('ulama) in the sacred law. Their role and standing correspond to those of the rabbis in
Judaism.
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