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Regional economy
Spatial structure
PARR J. B.
PARR J. B. Lconomie rgionale, la structure spatiale, et les systmes urbano-rgionaux, Regional Studies. Pour aborder la notion de
systme urbano-rgional, on porte une attention particulire dans un premier temps aux typologies de rgion plus connues. Il
sensuit un examen des particularits de lconomie rgionale, et on afrme que sa structure spatiale constitue un facteur
important. On peut caractriser la structure spatiale de diffrentes manires, dont la plus exhaustive est du point de vue dun
systme urbain. On lexamine primo partir des modles particuliers puiss dans la thorie de la localisation, qui fournissent
dimportants points de repre, et secundo dans le cadre de la cit-rgion daujourdhui.
Rgions
conomie rgionale
Ossature spatiale
Systmes urbano-rgionaux
PARR J. B. Regionalwirtschaft, Raumstruktur und regionale Stadtsysteme, Regional Studies. In dieser Untersuchung des Konzepts
des regionalen Stadtsystems richtet sich der Augenmerk zunchst auf die bekannteren Typen der Wirtschaftsregion. Anschlieend
werden die charakteristischen Merkmale der Regionalwirtschaft untersucht, und es wird die These aufgestellt, dass es sich bei ihrer
Raumstruktur um eine wichtige Dimension handelt. Die Raumstruktur lsst sich auf vielfltige Weise charakterisieren; bei der
umfassendsten dieser Methoden kommt die Perspektive eines Stadtsystems zum Einsatz. Diese wird zunchst mit Hilfe
bestimmter Modelle der Standorttheorie untersucht, die wichtige Anhaltspunkte bieten, und anschlieend innerhalb der
Umgebung der heutigen Stadtregion.
Regionen
Regionalwirtschaft
Raumstruktur
Regionale Stadtsysteme
PARR J. B. Economa regional, estructura espacial y sistemas urbanos regionales, Regional Studies. Al analizar el concepto del sistema
urbano regional, prestamos atencin a los tipos ms conocidos de la regin econmica. A continuacin se examina la naturaleza
distintiva de la economa regional y se postula que su estructura espacial representa una dimensin importante. La estructura espacial
puede caracterizarse de varias formas, y la ms completa de ellas emplea la perspectiva de un sistema urbano. Esto se analiza en
trminos de modelos especcos de la teora de la ubicacin que ofrecen puntos de referencia importantes y luego en el
entorno de la regin metropolitana de hoy da.
Regiones
Economa regional
Estructura espacial
John B. Parr
INTRODUCTION
The intention of the following discussion is to consider
some of the more important aspects of the urban system
within the context of a regional economy. There can be
no question that the regional urban system occupies a
prominent position within market economies, in
much the same manner that the metropolitan area
came to play a comparable role during the course of
the nineteenth century. The comments to follow are
based on four interrelated propositions, which collectively form the background motivation for this examination of regional urban systems.
First, despite the upsurge of interest in the region
within the social sciences over recent decades
(STORPER , 1995), the concept of the region remains
shrouded in uncertainty, with opinion sharply divided.
Some view the concept of the region as an inherently
vague one that dees precise denition (WREN ,
2009). Others (probably representing the majority
view) embrace the concept as a exible and therefore
convenient spatial scale that lends itself to a wide
variety of interpretations and applications, not recognizing perhaps that this very exibility may be a source of
imprecision. Second, the regional economy represents
a particular scale of economic organization. It is not to
be seen simply as an element of a disaggregated national
economy: the region contains an internal spatial structure of varying complexity, which is inuenced by the
course of economic and social change, but which may
also exert an inuence over such change. The nature
of the regional economy can only be fully appreciated
if there is adequate scrutiny of its spatial dimension.
Third, in understanding the signicance of regional
spatial structure, the urban system is an especially appropriate perspective, since it is able to incorporate a
number of different approaches. In this connection
much is to be gained from visiting or revisiting those
branches of location theory concerned with urban
systems. To a large extent such frameworks tend to be
overlooked, probably because these are thought to
have little relevance in a world that has undergone
rapid economic and technological change during the
last sixty years. Fourth, the urban-system view of
spatial structure takes on a particular signicance in the
case of the city-region, an increasingly important
feature of the national space economy. Although cityregions display a diversity of forms, both within the individual nation and among nations, striking commonalities are revealed when city-regions are seen through
the prism of the urban system.
In the following discussion the perspective adopted
will be largely of an economic character. As a consequence, important aspects of a political, sociological
and institutional nature are not emphasized. Each is sufciently substantial as to merit separate treatment, and
under ideal circumstances these various strands would
be drawn together. Such a synthesis has yet to emerge,
It will be apparent that each of the regional types discussed above may display a considerable variation in territorial extent or relative scale, so that a given regional
type may be seen as occupying a particular position
along a continuum. To emphasize this point, consider
the case of the nodal region. Toward the lower end of
the continuum there exists the functional urban
region (FUR) (KARLSSON and OLSSEN , 2006),
which is often used in labour-market analysis. As with
all nodal regions, the FUR has a corehinterland structure. The core is regarded as a centre of employment,
and is taken to be either the central municipality of an
urban area or the entire urban area, while the hinterland
consists of a series of directly or indirectly adjacent
municipalities. Various methods have been used to
dene this type of FUR. One method is to include
each municipality in the hinterland if it has a
minimum number of jobs per hectare, and if there are
more commuters travelling to the relevant core than
to any other (CHESHIRE and HAY , 1989, p. 15). A less
sophisticated method is to include a hinterland municipality, if at least a certain percentage of its workforce is
employed in the core, this percentage being as low as
10% in a study of European FURs (BRUNEL , 2002).
Toward the other end of the continuum of nodal
regions is the major city-region, a sub-national unit
comparable with those based on urban concentrations
(and not simply their political cities) such as Barcelona,
Birmingham, Bordeaux, Milan and Munich in
Western Europe, and Boston, Denver, Kansas City,
Seattle and Vancouver in North America. Here the
core is represented by a larger city or metropolitan
area that acts as an important centre of ownership,
decision-making and communications, as well a provider of goods and services to the hinterland, sometimes
of considerable extent. Simultaneously, the hinterland,
which contains an urban as well as a rural population,
supplies the node with agricultural goods, raw materials,
and semi-manufactured or nished goods as inputs to
production, and is increasingly associated with the provision of services involving recreation, amenity and
retirement. Under no circumstances, however, should
the city-region be viewed as a closed system or selfsufcient entity, particularly since it invariably has
extensive interregional as well as international linkages.
The term city-region appears to have been rst used
by DICKINSON (1947), and the concept was also examined in considerable depth by BOGUE (1950). Bogue
referred to it as the metropolitan community, and
somewhat later DUNCAN et al. (1960) used the
expression metropolitan region. Whereas Dickinson
and Duncan et al. tended to regard the hinterland in
general terms as an area dominated by the core,
John B. Parr
the national economy, social accounts provide important information on the regional economy. In output
terms the gross domestic product of a region (corresponding to the gross domestic product of the nation)
is the value of all goods and services produced within
a region. By contrast, the gross regional product (corresponding to the gross national product) is equal to the
sum of gross domestic product and net external payments, that is, the dividends, rents, wages received by
residents and rms of the region from outside the
region and transfers from the central government,
minus comparable payments made by residents and
rms to outside the region, and payments made to the
central government.
Against these similarities between regional and
national economies need to be set the equally important
differences. For example, the divergence between gross
domestic product of the region and gross regional
product is usually more pronounced than the divergence at the national level. In addition, the economic
performance of the region in terms of the growth rate
of income or employment is likely to be above or
below that of the nation, depending inter alia on the sectoral composition of its economy and the performance
of its individual sectors. Similarly, the temporal uctuations of the regional economy (with respect to the
length and amplitude of the trade cycle) can be expected
to differ from those of the national economy.
As an economic unit the region typically represents a
small, open economy. The relative openness of the
regional economy is reected by the fact that exports
(visible and invisible) from the region usually account
for a greater proportion of its gross domestic product
than is the case for the nation in which the region is
located. Associated with this relative openness of the
regional economy is the high level of interregional
factor movement, particularly in the case of capital and
skilled labour. Such a characteristic, together with the
existence of economies of scale in production, causes
trade among regions to take place on the basis of absolute advantage, a tendency that partially explains the
presence of problem regions. These are unable to capitalize on their comparative advantage, and are vulnerable to competition from successful regions.
Perhaps the most fundamental difference between
the regional economy and the national economy lies
within the area of economic sovereignty. Here the position of the region is greatly constrained. Even if the
region has a government or administration (and this is
the exception rather than the rule), it is unable to
pursue a meaningful macro-economic policy. Thus,
there can be no monetary policy, simply because the
region lacks the ability to issue currency, and as a
result the region cannot follow an external economic
policy, involving exchange-rate adjustment. While
under certain conditions it is possible for a region to
pursue a scal policy, the prerogative of taxation and
expenditure has been increasingly surrendered to (or
John B. Parr
Four major inuences underlie the form of the Christaller urban system. First, the demand for all central goods
is dispersed, and in varying degrees is sensitive to distance from the point of supply. Second, the supply of
these goods is closely related to this demand, and takes
place at points centrally located within their respective
market areas. The frequency of these points (and thus
John B. Parr
The work of TINBERGEN (1961, 1968) stands in contrast to the ChristallerLsch tradition. TINBERGEN
(1968, p. 65), who was apparently unimpressed with
previous attempts at modelling the urban system,
offered an alternative structure. This considers N
goods (or N sets of goods), N levels of centre, as well
as N levels of market area (where m = 1, 2, , N).
Also included is a level 0 good, which is supplied from
the rural area (level 0) to the rest of the system. Tinbergen introduced a successively inclusive hierarchy that
resembled the Christaller structure, but only to the
extent that a centre of level m supplies goods of levels
1 to m to itself. As far as exports are concerned, the
centre of level m only supplies the level m good to its
single market area (its level m market area), comprising
part of level 0 (the rural area) and centres of levels 1 to
m 1. This assumption results in an arrangement of
centres and market areas different from that in the Christaller system, and also a distinctive pattern of trade
(MULLIGAN , 1982). To appreciate this, we may consider a household or rm within a rural area in the
immediate vicinity of a centre of level m. By the assumptions of the model this rural location would be supplied
with a level m 1 good from the nearest centre of level
m 1, and not from the closer centre of level m, despite
the fact that this centre would be supplying the level m
1 good to itself.
Such a pattern indicates a relaxation, but not the
abandonment, of the requirement of centrality,
although it is not at all obvious how such a pattern
could be sustained in a market economy. What the Tinbergen model does illustrate, however, is that centres of
level m of the hierarchy have a particular export specialization, namely, the level m good. This is consistent with
the observed tendency for certain industries to be
located at particular size classes of centre. It is also consistent with the presence of agglomeration economies of
the localization type (ISARD , 1956). These factors
suggest that the model is best suited to explaining the
location of intermediate goods that have a particular
input supply, that is, where the input is supplied from
level 0 or from a higher-level centre. As with the Christaller model any centre of a level m < N only exports to
lower levels and only imports from higher levels. No
balance-of-payments problem arises, however, since it
is specically assumed that there exists a rural area
(level 0), which exports the level 0 good to one or
more of the urban levels of the hierarchy.
Before moving to the next section, a general
comment is included, regarding a particular aspect of
the models outlined above. It will be observed that
each model treats the urban system as existing within
an unchanging equilibrium. The principal reason for
this is that in the development of these models it was
convenient for time to be held constant, so that attention could be focused on spatial structure. Obviously,
levels of centre, only three of these had centre populations that could be considered urban in any practical
sense, that is, in excess of 10 000 people (ULLMAN ,
1941). With some exceptions, the present-day hierarchy
of urban centres typically consists of three or four levels.
The successively inclusive hierarchy continues to be
present, but it is less clearly dened, being partially
obscured by the supply of non-central goods.
It will be recalled that in the urban system of Christaller the location of all non-rural economic activity is
governed exclusively by the principle of centrality
with respect to the location of demand. As a consequence a given level of urban centre only supplies
central goods, with the number of sets of goods supplied
corresponding to the number of market areas being
served. For the modern city-region this pattern tends
to hold for centres of lower levels. Centres of
medium-to-high levels, however, commonly supply
particular non-central or specialized goods (to national
and international markets), in addition to central
goods (largely to regional markets). It will be argued
shortly that the structure of the hierarchy is not immutable, and may thus be subject to change.
Non-central or specialized goods comprise a highly
diverse and evolving group of activities, which includes
mineral exploitation, a wide array of manufacturing
industry, a range of business and commercial services,
as well as numerous specialized consumer services. In
the case of non-central goods the locational orientation
of production or supply is not primarily to the market
but variously to sources of raw materials and manufactured inputs, to major ports and international airports,
to supplies of skilled or semi-skilled labour, etc. (BECKMANN , 1968). However, the predominant location of
these kinds of economic activities is in urban centres.
This is largely a reection of the co-location of rms,
in order to gain agglomeration economies, not simply
of the urbanization type but also of the activitycomplex type (PARR , 2002a). In addition, there is a tendency (consistent with the Tinbergen analysis) for
certain activities to be associated with particular levels
of the urban system, suggesting that the relevant rms
benet from agglomeration economies of the localization type (BERRY and HORTON , 1970; EVANS ,
1972; ISARD , 1956). This tendency is not present in
all city-regions, however.
Economic ows within the city-region
10
John B. Parr
CONCLUSIONS
Attention may now be drawn to some of the main issues
that have emerged from this discussion, beginning with
the notion of the region. This represents an important
scale of analysis (intermediate between the locality or
urban centre and the nation), although its signicance
and utility have been called into question. Unfortunately, the region as a unit of analysis is not always
well dened and can thus become a source of confusion.
At the very least, it would seem desirable that whenever
the term region is being used, some working denition
should be provided. More generally, it would be helpful
if urban and regional analysis had at its disposal a
language (or simply a grammar) by which this confusion
could be avoided. Various elds of the medical and biological sciences, for example, have availed themselves of
such a facility for centuries, and to good effect.
It has long been maintained that for economic (and
other kinds of) analysis the nation is too unwieldy a
unit, which should be disaggregated into regions, in
order to understand more adequately the spatial and sectoral variability of economic performance. By extension, it may be claimed that the region is too crude a
focus, and that its economy should be considered at a
sub-regional scale or preferably in spatial-structure
terms, so as to gain insight into its internal operation
and evolution over the long run. As was argued,
spatial structure represents a partial determinant of
regional economic change as well as a reection of it,
the latter emphasis being the more conventional view.
Consideration of spatial structure thus goes some way
to understanding the nature of the regional economy
and its ability to adjust to external inuences.
In the analysis of spatial structure the contributions of
location theory are substantial, although there has been a
tendency for these to be underestimated. While particular aspects of location theory have assisted our understanding of urban systems, the formulation of a general
theory has nevertheless proven elusive. Further progress
can be expected, and the continued development of the
New Economic Geography (NEG), stimulated by the
work of KRUGMAN (1995, 2009) and FUJITA et al.
(1999), is of potential importance in this connection.
It must be added, however, that while NEG models
are able to provide powerful insights into the operation
of an economy over space, the treatment of the region
requires further elaboration and specication, not least
in terms of its spatial structure (GARRETSEN and
MARTIN , 2010; OVERMAN and IOANNIDES , 2001).
11
NOTES
1. As an economic unit, the origins of the nodal region can be
traced back to the work of von Thnen (VON THNEN /
WARTENBURG , 1842/1966). In Part I of this study his
Isolated State consisted of a single urban core and a hinterland, the core representing the single market for agricultural commodities produced in the hinterland, to which
it supplied goods and services.
2. Currently, the term polycentric tends to be employed
indiscriminately. Naturally, all regions can be regarded as
polycentric, in the narrow sense that each contains a
number of (sometimes many) urban centres, and to this
extent the term is redundant. On occasions the term polycentric is used as a shorthand means of describing a region
that is not monocentric, that is, not excessively dominated by a particular centre.
3. Two further L-systems were included: those based on
Frankfurt and Strasbourg. Since these extended beyond
the boundary of the area of the case study (Southern
Germany), only part of the L-system was included in
each case.
4. Christaller was certainly aware that goods and services
were produced in Southern Germany which were not
12
John B. Parr
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