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A Handbook of

Eastern Han Sound Glosses


W. South Coblin

The Chinese University Press


Hong Kong

International Standard Book Number: 962-201-258-2

Contents

Copyright 1983 by The Chinese University of Hong Kong

All Rights Reserved


Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

ix

Abbreviations and Signs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

xi

Part I: Preliminary Questions


The Chinese University Press
The Chinese University of Hong Kong

Chapter 1: The Study of Eastern Han Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


1.1 Introduction [3J
1.2 Poetic Rimes [3]
1.3 Loangraph Glosses [4)
1.4 The SW Duruo Glosses [5)
1.5 Direct Sound Glosses and Fanqie Spellings [5)
1.6 Paranomastic Glosses [6)
1.7 Buddhist Transcriptions [7J
1.8 Han Dialectology [8)

SHATIN, N. T., HONG KONG

Chapter 2: Philology in the Eastern Han Period~The Nature of


Sound Glosses .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1 Background (9J
2.2 Loangraph Glosses (10)
2.3 The Duruo Glosses of SW (12)
2.4 Direct Sound Glosses [13)
2.5 Fanqie Spellings (14)
2.6 Paranomastic Glosses (14)

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Typesetting by The Chinese University Press
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Chapter 3: The Eastern Han Dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


3.1 The FY Evidence (19)
3.2 The Post-FY Evidence (20J

19

Chapter 4:
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8

27

Sources ofthe Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


Du Zichun (27)
Zheng Xing (27)
Zheng Zhong (27)
The BHTY [28)
Xu Shen [28)
Zheng Xuan [29)
Fu Qian [29)
Ying Shao (30)

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Contents

Contents

4.9 Gao You [30)


4.10 SM [30)
4.11 BTD [31)

Part II: Reconstructions


Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials ......... .
MC p, ph, b, m [43)
MC t, th, d, n [43)
MC t,th,~,l).[46)
MC 1[47)
MC ts, tsh, dz, s, z [50)
MC t~, t~h, d?:, ~ [53)
MC ts, tsh, iii, S, Z [54)
MC ji and dz [60)
MC k, kh, g, ng, x, ? (65]
MC l' andj (69)
Summary (75]

43

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals ......... .


6.1 The Medials (77]
6.1.1 EH *-w6.1.2 EH *-r6.1.3 EH *-j6.2 The Final Consonants (79]
6.2.1 EH *-p, *-t, *-k, *-kw, *-m
6.2.2 EH *-h, *-r, *-k-; *-hw, *-rw, *-kw6.2.3 EH *-t:, *-t6.2.4 EH *-r
6.2.5 EH *-ng, *-ngw
6.2.6 EH *-n
6.3 The MC Tone Categories (92]
6.4 The Vowels-Rime Categories (93]
6.4.1 The Zhi ZCategory
6.4.2 The You ~ Category
6.4.3 The Xiao i!f Category
6.4.4 The Yu ~ Category
6.4.4.1 The OC Yu f!,l, Group Finals
6.4.4.2 The OC Hou ~ Group Finals
6.4.5 The Ge ~ Category
6.4.6 The Zhi 5t: Category
6.4.7 The Zhi H~ Category

77

Chapter 5:
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9
5.10
5.11

vi

6.4.8 The Ji ~ Category


6.4.9 The Zheng rti: Category
6.4.10 The Dong ~ Category
6.4.11 The Dong Category
6.4.12 The Yang 1% Category
6.4.13 The Geng fit Category
6.4.14 The Zhen jJ!{ Category
6.4.15 The Yuan 5[; Category
6.4.16 The Tan ~ Category
6.4.17 The Qin ~ Category
6.4.18 The Zhi IIii\: Category
6.4.19 The Wo e::: Category
6.4.20 The Yao ~ Category
6.4.21 The Wu ~Category
6.4.22 The Duo ~ Category
6.4.23 The Xi mCategory
6.4.24 The Zhi 'l1t Category
6.4.25 The Yue ~ Category
6.4.26 The He :1 Category
6.4.27 The Qi mCategory
Summary (128)

6.5

Chapter 7: Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.1 EH Reconstructions (131]
7.2 Some Applications (132)
7.2.1 Problems in EH Dialectology
7.2.2 The Origins of the QY Language
7.2.3 The Reconstruction of OC
7.3 Closing Remarks-The Task Ahead (136)

131

Part 1II: The Data

.............................................

139

listing of the Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

145

Introduction
A.

1.
2.

3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Du Zichun (145)
Zheng Xing (147]
Zheng Zhong (148]
BHTY (154]
Xu Shen (158]
Zheng Xuan (198]
Fu Qian (219]
Ying Shao (223]

vii

Contents

9.
10.
11.

B.

Gao You [228]


SM [237]
BTD [240]
Index of Sanskrit Words in the BID Data

Preface

Stroke OrderIndex to the Data. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

261

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

311

During the past eighty years the study of Chinese historical phonology has
focused on the Middle Chinese (ca. A.D. 600) and Old Chinese (ca. 1000 B.C.)
periods. Work on the intervening span of over 1000 years has been less intense,
due in great part to the paucity and relative inaccessibility of relevant data.
Within this long interval the first and second centuries A.D., corresponding to
the ascendancy of the Eastern Han dynasty, promise to be important for
future research. linguistically this seems to have been a transition period
between the Old and Middle Chinese sound systems. Intellectually it was a
time of intense scholarly activity resulting in the compilation of several major
lexicographical works and many commentaries on earlier texts. Among the
philological devices used by the Eastern Han scholars were various types of
sound glosses and annotations. These seem to have been based on the pronunciations of those who formulated them and therefore reflect the sound
systems of a number of Eastern Han dialects. The object of this handbook is
to collect and make available to students of Chinese historical linguistics a
corpus of heretofore widely scattered Eastern Han sound gloss data. A further
source of information on Eastern Han phonology is the sizable body of
identifiable transcriptional forms found in Han Buddhist texts. Though these
are not sound glosses per se, they are of such importance for the study of
Eastern Han phonology that it seemed justifiable to include them in a reference
source of this type.
The handbook is divided into three parts. The first of these reviews previous
work in Eastern Han phonology and discusses the nature of the sound gloss
and transcriptional data. The second part analyzes the data and posits Eastern
Han phonological reconstructions. These reconstructions are offered not as
defmitive solutions but as suggestions on how the material might be interpreted. In Part III the data are arranged systematically according to source
and analyzed in a stroke order index.
It is a pleasure to acknowledge my gratitude to those who have made the
completion of this work possible. My teachers, F. K. Liand Paul L-M. Serruys,
first aroused my interest in Chinese historical linguistics and the language of
the Han period;and I have continued to benefit from their guidance. Throughout the past five years N. C. Bodman's advice and friendship have been a
constant source of encouragement and support. To E. G. Pulleyblank lowe
my interest in the Han Buddhist transcriptions and my appreciation of their
ix

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Preface

importance for the study of Han phonology. Work with these materials
would nevertheless not have been possible for me without the tireless and
patient collaboration of my colleague, S. I. Pollock. The following friends
and colleagues have also given me the benefit of their criticisms and suggestions: T. L. Mei, J. L. Norman, A. Schuessler, and P. H. Ting. Needless to say,
all remaining errors of fact and opinion are my responsibility.
Finally I should like to express my gratitude to the American Council of
Learned Societies and to the Office of Academic Affairs at the University of
Iowa for providing grants which made it possible for me to devote my time
to writing this book.

Abbreviations and Signs

*
**

AM

BHS
BHTY
BIHP
BMFEA
BSOAS
BTD
comm.
EH
EY

FSTY
FY

Gd.
GS
GSR
GY
GZSSJ
HGY

HHS
HJAS
HN
HQJJXB
HS
JAOS

Reconstructed EH Forms
Reconstructed OC Forms
Asia Major
Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (Forms cited after Edgerton 1953)
Baihu tongyi ~ J:1E ~~
Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica
Bulletin of the Museum of Ear Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London
Buddhist Transcription Dialect(s)
commentary
Eastern Han (A.D. 25-220)
Erya m~ (Cited according to Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, Supplement No.8, Index to Erh-ya.
Reprint: Taipei, 1966)
Fengsu tongyi ;.am-~~
Fangyan 1i
(1) Text attributed to Yang Xiong ifJ~t (53 B.C.-A.D. 18).
Cited according to Zhou (1951).
(2) Dialect, a journal of Chinese dialectology published in
Peking.
Giindhiiri (Forms cited after Brough 1962 unless otherwise indicated)
Grammata Serica (Karlgren 1940)
Grammata Serica Recensa (Karlgren 1964)
Guangyun 11( 1m
Guzhu shisanjing ttl1+::=:'~ (Edition: Xinxing shuju tfT!JliiffiJ ,
Taipei, 1966)
Hanguanyi ~1r~
Hou Hanshu ~if:ii (Edition: Zhonghua shuju tf:r~iifiij, Peking,
1965)
Harvard Journal ofAsiatic Studies
Huainanzi tit jff .r
Huang-Qing jingjie xubian ~m~Wf~~ ,1886-7
Hanshu i~ii (Edition: Zhonghua shuju, Peking, 1965)
Journal of the American Onlmtal Society

xi

Abbreviations and Signs

Abbreviations and Signs

Journal of Chinese Linguistics


Jiyun ~~
Liji ~~c (Edition: GZSSJ)
Liishi chunqiu ga;w:f:k
Lunyu .lifU~g
Middle Chinese or Ancient Chinese
Monumenta Serica
Old Chinese or Archaic Chinese
Pali
Prakrit (Forms cited after Pischel 1900)
Qinghua xuebao rrHtHJ;!*
Qunjing yinbian fl'Htl~{ftilt'
Qieyun W~
Sibu beiyao J79ffiHiIl!~
Sibu congkan J79ffil.fIJ
Shijing ~'f~
Jingdian shiwen ~:~U~)( (Edition of the Siku shanben congshu

JCL
JY
U
LS

LY

MC
MS
OC

P.
Pkt.
QHXB
QJYB
QY
SBBY
SBCK
Shi
Shiwen

J79.~*

SW
SWGL
SXMZ
SYHB
T
TP
TPYL
TSSD
WH
WJ
WX
YJ
YJXB

Western Han (206 B.C.-A.D. 24)


Wei-Jin ~ti" (A.D. 264-419)
Wenxuan )(~
Yijing ~~
Yanjing xuebao ~~J?:~*

SJ
SJZ
Skt.
SSJ

SSWXZ
SM

yp

YQJYY
YWU

ZGYW
ZL

Yili m~
Yupian 35:$
Yiqiejingyinyi -W~{f~ ofXuanying :z:J!!
Yiwen leiju f!;xM~
Zhongguo yuwen rpm ~g Y..
Zhouli mJ ijit

Shujing .~
Shiji Sl:.ilc (Edition: Zhonghua shuju, Peking, 1965)
Shuijingzhu *~it
Sanskrit
Shisanjing zhushu +::::.~itijlt (Nanchang ~ l edition of 1815.
Reprint: Taipei, 1965)
Shangshu wuxingzhuan f;';J.lifj~
Shiming ~i5 (Cited according to Bodman 1954 unless otherwise
indicated)
Shuowen jiezi wt)(WPf:
Shuowenjiezi gulin ~)(m*~",* (Ding 1928)
Zhongguo sixiang mingzhu r:pm,~,:l1ti5'iif , Taipei, 1959
Shiyun huibian +~1tm (Liu 1936)
Taisho Tripitaka
T'oungPao
Taiping yulan :;t:zr.fa!I. (Edition: Zhonghua shuju, Peking, 1960)
Taiwan shengli Shifan Daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan *~ fi ftffili

Shu

YL

iIm*~m)(li1f'Jem~fIJ

xii
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Part I

Prelil11inary Questions

CHAPTER 1

The Study of Eastern Han Phonology

1.1

Introduction

Though Han phonology has never been an intensely studied area of Chinese
linguistics, it can hardly be characterized as a neglected one. During Qing
times the traditional Chinese philologists, to whom later students of Chinese
historical phonology owe so much, collected a great deal of material bearing
on the Han period. More recently several monumental works and a number of
smaller studies have been devoted wholly or in part to Han problems. In the
present chapter we shall briefly review a number of previous contributions
which are important for the study of EH phonology.1

1.2

Poetic Rimes

Generally speaking, the Qing philologists seem to have viewed research on


Han riming practices as adjunct to the study of the OC rime categories. An
important exception to this was Wang Niansun :=E~1* (1744-1832), whose
extensive but unpublished work on Han rimes has been described by Luo and
Zhou (1958:2-3).
The first published work dealing exclusively with Han rimes seems to be
that of Wang (1933) who studied riming patterns in a number of Han yuejU
~Jff. A much more extensive listing of rime sequences in Han texts is given
by Yu (I936) in his Han Wei Liuchao yunpu i'HllA~~~? All previous
works in this area have now been superceded by Luo Changpei and Zhou
Zumo's monumental Han Wei lin Nanbeichao yunbu yanbian yanjiu llfJUf
rW ~t~~fflliY1~1iTf~ (Luo and Zhou 1958), which provides a comprehensive
listing of Han rime sequences accompanied by extensive and detailed analysis
and discussion. This work is the standard reference source for the riming
practices of Han times, and the system of rime categories it proposes has
usually formed the basis for subsequent discussions of the syllable fmals of
the Han period. Phonological reconstructions are not attempted by Luo and
Zhou, but on the basis of their rime categories Ting (1975:235-60) has
proposed tentative reconstructions for the Western and Eastern Han periods.
These reconstructions are viewed as evolutionary stages through which Ting
1 A useful discussion of work done in this area up until the late 1960s can be found in
Bodman (1967:23-8).
2 Pp. 47-120 of the 1970 reprinted edition.

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1.3 / Part I: Preliminary Questions

derives his reconstructed WI finals from those of the OC system proposed by


Li (I 971).
The material collected by Luo and Zhou has been carefully arranged
according to sources and is discussed in two separate parts of the book. Some
sources, which are felt to exhibit unique or ideosyncratic features, are treated
in Chapter 7, which is devoted to the problem of distinguishing different
dialects. The rest, which are thought to share a large number of common
features, are divided into Western and Eastern Han groups and discussed in
Chapter 4. Points where one or more of these sources show individual
peculiarities are always noted, but emphasis is placed on common features
which can be said to be distinguishing characteristics of the Han period in
general. Ting's Han reconstructions reflect this conflation of source materials.
An important task ahead is the reconstruction of actual phonological values
for the various dialect materials collected and studied by Luo and Zhou. It is
equally important that studies of this type be carried out for the major
individual sources (i.e. poets) discussed in Chapter 4 of Luo and Zhou's work,
for this will almost certainly lead to further discoveries regarding dialectal
features of the Han period. The basic analysis already done by Luo and Zhou
is immensely important; but phonological reconstruction is also a valuable
analytical exercise, which can clarify our understanding and highlight
problems that have hitherto escaped notice.
1.3

Loangraph Glosses 3

The major Qing compendium dealing with Han-time loangraph glosses is


the Han Wei yin (J!~N- of Hong Liangji i#<1tB (I 746-1809; Hong 1775). In
this work glosses from extant and fragmentary texts of the Han and Wei
periods are brought together and arranged according to the bushou ffi) fl of
SW.4 No attempt is made to analyze the data, and in order to be used they
must be extracted and arranged according to glossist or text. Another source
of Han loangraph data is Bernhard Karlgren's "Loan Characters in Pre-Han
Texts" (Karlgren 1963-7). In discussing the opinions of Han commentators
on pre-Han texts, Karlgren cites a number of EH sound-based glosses, some of
which are not included in Hong (1775). EH loangraph glosses have been used
as a basis for phonological reconstructions in several recent studies (Cob lin
1977-8,1979-80).
3 The nature and form of the various types of EH sound glosses will be discussed in
Chapter 2.
4 Another work of this type, mentioned by Luo and Zhou (1958:3), is the Hanyin
gouchen iJ.:{}j6Jm: of Hu Yuanyu i'i/lj[;:!i'. I have not been able to locate a copy of this
work. It would appear to deal exclusively with sound glosses of the Han period.

Chapter 1: The Study of Eastern Han Phonology / 1.5

1.4

The SW Duruo Glosses

The duma glosses of SW were of great interest to scholars of Qing and


early Republican times. Most of the major studies of this period are included
in SWGL. Two brief but interesting articles on the nature of the duma are
Takahashi (1936) and Yang (1947). The major modern study of the dumo is
Lu (I 946). In this work the author determines the rime categories of the
language of the SW author, Xu Shen, and arranges all the dumo glosses
according to the EH rimes of the glossed words. s EH reconstructions are
posited for each word and are derived from the author's reconstructed OC
forms. A gioss by gloss annotation of the duma data in the tradition of the
Qing philologists has been done by Zhou (I962). The duma have been used
to reconstruct the language of Xu Shen in two recent studies (Coblin 1978,
1979a).
1.5

Direct Sound Glosses and Fanqie Spellings

Direct sound glosses of the EH commentators Fu Qian and Ying Shao are
collected in Hong (I775).6 They have been partially studied in Coblin
(I 977 -8). A small number of fanqie glosses from Fu and Ying are also attested
but have never been used for phonological reconstruction. Direct sound
glosses occur in the LS and HN commentaries of Gao You.' These have not
been investigated. Direct sound glosses and fanqie spellings do not occur in
the extant commentaries of Zheng Xuan, but a number of such annotations
are attributed to him in Shiwen. 8 These presumably derive from several
phonological commentaries of Zheng Xuan which are mentioned by title in
Shiwen but have since been lost. 9 The glosses have been collected by Sakai
(1975), who is suspicious of the data (pp. 30-1) because the Shiwen author
Lu Deming ~~M, has stated (Shiwen 1.l7a) that "the Han people did no;
make sound glosses" (~A;;r;f'F{f). For this reason Sakai suggests that, while
the Zheng Xuan glosses in Shiwen represent the reading traditions of the
master, they were probably constructed by later followers of his school of
textual exegesis.
At the outset we must question Lu Deming's claim that the Han scholars
did not make sound glosses. The direct sound glosses of Gao You are integral
: On Xu S~en see ~apter 4, section 4.5 below.
7 On Fu Qlan and Ymg Shao see Chapter 4, sections 4.7 and 4.8.
On Gao You see Chapter 4, section 4.9.
:On Zhe~g Xuan see ~apter 4, s~tion 4.6.
These tItles appear In the first Juan ff of Shiwen in the prefaces to the various
works glossed in the text. For lists of the various titles see Kiinstler (1962:50-1) and
Sakai (1975:31).

1.6

I Part I: Preliminary Questions

Chapter 1: The Study of Eastern Han Phonology

parts of his commentaries and could hardly be interpolations. The glosses of


Fu Qian and Ying Shao are generally held to be authentic. IO It is therefore
quite possible that the direct sound glosses in the texts seen by Lu are
genuine. The Shiwen fanqie are, however, quite another matter, for Lu
Deming himself is known to have fashioned fanqie spellings on the basis of
loangraph glosses in Zheng Xuan's commentaries ,11 and it is possible that
some or perhaps all of the fanqie examples collected by Sakai were not made
by Zheng Xuan. 12 As a consequence they should probably not be used in
reconstructing Zheng's language.
1.6

Paranomastic Glosses

Paranomastic defmitions appear in many Han texts, and SM is in fact


primarily a collection of glosses of this type. Text editions, commentaries,
and traditional studies of SM have been discussed by Hu (1964:22-40) and
Fang (1978: 107 -55). The most important modern treatment of SM is N. C.
Bodman's A Linguistic Study of the Shih Ming (Bodman 1954) which is a
major contribution to the study of EH phonology. It is important not only
for its superb presentation and analysis of the SM data but also for the light
it throws on the nature of paranomastic glosses in general and the methodological foundations it lays for linguistic reconstruction based on sound gloss
data. Bodman's study deals only with the initials of the SM language. The
finals have been studied by Luo and Zhou (1958:104-12) who have arranged
all words in the data in rime categories. A phonological reconstruction of the
SM finals is forthcoming (Coblin Ms. 1).
Paranomastic glosses from texts other than SM were collected by Zhang
Jinwu ,*~~(1787-1829) in his Guang Shiming "~i5(Zhang 1816). In
this work glosses are arranged topically according to the chapter headings of
SM and must be extracted and arranged according to source in order to be
used. Zhang's collection, though quite extensive, is not comprehensive. A
useful alternate source for glosses from BHTY is Index I of Tjan (1949-53)
which includes examples of paranomastic word pairings. An extensive listing
of paranomastic glosses from SW is given in Zhang (1964/1974). This work is
valuable but must be used with caution since the author takes a very liberal
view of what should and should not be considered paranomastic glosses. EH
paranomastic glosses from texts other than SM have been used as a basis for
IOSee Zhang Binglin :/jiifiM, ap. Wang (1967:27) and Ogawa (1951:35-6).
11 See, for example, Karlgren (1963-7:#363) and Coblin (1978:70-2, note 21; 197980:278-9, notes 15 and 16).
120gawa (1951 :35-6) has also expressed doubts that Zheng Xuan ever used fanqie
glosses.

I 1.7

phonological reconstructions in several recent and forthcoming studies


(Coblin 1978, 1979a, 1979-80).
1.7

Buddhist Transcriptions

Early Chinese Buddhist transcriptions have been of interest to Sinologists,


Buddhologists, and Central Asian specialists for at least a century. In particular,
the works of Paul Pelliot contain numerous important notes on transcriptional
problems. Two more recent articles of considerable interest are Bailey (1946)
and Zhou (1956). However, the transcriptional studies which have had the
greatest implications for Chinese historical phonology are the numerous works
of E. G. Pulleyblank, which make extensive use of transcriptional evidence.
Most of the data bearing on EH problems can be found in Pulleyblank (1962).
It is probably safe to say that in this work most of the important conclusions
of earlier investigators have been collected and evaluated; but, in addition, a
great deal of new material is introduced. For example, though not expressly
stated, it seems clear that Pulleyblank has sifted the extensive Daoxing
bore jing ili:ffM:~~ (T. 224) for transcriptional forms. The transcriptions
are not presented as a discrete body but are cited throughout the study
wherever they can be brought to bear on particular problems. When all the
various forms, together with Pulleyblank's remarks on them, are cross~ef~renced and brought together they form an impressive corpus and a very
mSlghtful essay on the nature and interpretation of transcriptional materials.
Thus, the work as a whole, though directed primarily toward the reconstruction of DC, makes a significant contribution to the study of EH phonology.
Pulleyblank's use of transcriptional evidence in historical reconstruction
has been criticized by Karlgren (1963-7:18-19) and Ting (1975:32-3). It is
important to note that neither Karlgren nor Ting flatly reject the use of transcriptions as linguistic data. Karlgren says of them: "Some general phenomena
can be gleaned but details in the ancient Chinese pronunciation cannot be
~scertained through them ... "; and Ting remarks that they "may be used as
tmportant references, but may not serve as primary evidence for systematic
reconstruction." The consensus in the field today is probably expressed by
Bodman who says (1967:27) that transcriptions "can never be made the chief
basis for reconstruction" and ZUrcher who concludes (1977: 179), "I feel that
early Buddhist transcriptions can best be used as a secondary tool, corroborating (or invalidating) certain conclusions reached by other ways and means."
In sum, it would seem that the disagreement between Pulleyblank and his
critics involves the extent to which transcriptional evidence can be used
rather than the question of whether or not it should be used. Pulleyblank is
probably overly defensive in his assumption that transcriptions are "in
disrepute" (1973a:368) or that others are ''unwilling to consider the evidence

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1. 8

I Part I: Preliminary Questions

supplied by this kind of material" (1977a:131). On the other hand it may


well be true that his critics have not fully appreciated the degree to which
methodological advances in this area have enhanced the value of transcriptional evidence as linguistic data. As pointed out in the preface, Buddhist
transcriptions are collected and used in the present study. The position I
adopt with regard to the amount of phonetic detail one can recover on the
basis of them probably lies somewhere between that of Pulleyblank and his
critics.
1.8

Han Dialectology

Much valuable information on the dialects of the Han period can be found
in Chapters 6 and 7 of Luo and Zhou (1958). However, for definitive studies
on Han dialectology we must look to the works of P. L-M. Serruys. The most
important of these is The Chinese Dialects of Han Time according to Fang
Yen (Surveys 1959). Contributions on general problems of historical dialectology in China are Serruys (1960a) and (1962b). Studies on particular problems
in Han dialectology include Serruys (1952), (1953), (1958b), (1960b),
(1962a), (1967), and (1969). Another interesting article is Serruys (1961)
which, in reviewing Luo and Zhou (1958), concentrates on dialect questions.
Serruys' primary achievement has been that of identifying and grouping in
hierarchies the dialects and sub dialects of the early first century A.D. and of
determining how these groups expanded, contracted, and influenced each
other. His conclusions fOnTI a point of departure for the study of the dialectal
situation in China during the entire EH period, and his detailed discussions of
investigative techniques and procedures establish a methodology for the study
of Chinese historical dialectology.
In conjunction with his work on dialects Senuys has also proposed phonological reconstructions for the middle Han period. Here he has been strongly
influenced by the grammatological and reconstructive theories of P. A.
Boodberg and the ideas of the linguistic geographers. In addition he has
frequently worked from the premise that large numbers of synonymous
dialect words (of the bucket/pail type) included under the same FY heading
are etymologically related. His overall approach has differed from that of
most other investigators; and, unlike his conclusions on Han dialectology, his
phonological reconstructions are controve"rsial.

CHAPTER 2

Philology in the Eastern Han Period


-The Nature of Sound Glosses

2.1

Background

In the Han world view the universe was an all-encompassing hierarchy of


interrelated phenomena in which human society and the natural world
interacted in orderly and predictable ways. Han thinkers were much concerned
with demonstrating this order of the cosmos and classifying everything in it. l
The degree to which language, as a human activity, fell within the purview of
the Han consmologists has been described by Miller (1975: 1217):
No name of anything, no word in the Chinese language, was thought to be of and
in itself arbitrary, or in any way the result of an arbitrary agreement on the part
of the society employing it. Everything in the cosmos and on earth was the way it
was, and every word, or name, was the word or name it was, for a reason: and
that reason was a reflection of the cosmic order....

The Han penchant for relating different words in quasi-etymological puns or


paranomastic glosses was clearly a direct outgrowth of this view oflanguage. 2
Classical scholarship in the EH period was dominated by the controversy
between the New Text and Old Text schools. This rift in the learned world of
Han times has been discussed in detail by Tjan (1949-53:82-154) upon
whose remarks the following summary is based.
In 136 B.C. Confucianism became the only officially recognized state
doctrine in China. The Imperial University (taixue *~ was established as a
state-supported center for the teaching of orthodoxy and was staffed by
Erudites (bosh; j:\j) who taught Classical texts written in the current or
"new" script of the time. In the same period there were in circulation texts
written in archaic or "old" script which were not officially recognized. By
the end of the WH period students of the two different types of texts had
formed bitterly hostile camps, with the New Text faction stubbornly
defending its position of authority while the Old Text school struggled for
official recognition. The disagreements between the two groups involved not
only the scripts in which their texts were written but also their attitudes
toward scholarship and hermeneutics. It is their differences in philological
approach which are of special concern to us.
The New Text Erudites, as the upholders of orthodoxy, eschewed originality

1 See Fung (1953, Chapter 2).


2This point has been discussed in detail by Zhang (1976).

I Part I: Preliminary Questions

2.2

Chapter 2: Philology in the Eastern Han Period

and innovation of any sort. Tjan (pp. 142-3) says of them, "The (New Text)
po-shih and their pupils, chiefly concerned about the maintenance and
improvement of their positions, had long abandoned individual thought and
had gladly submitted to the discipline required of them, which consisted in
respecting the opinions of the former masters and expatiating on them." And
again (p. 147), "Official scholarship, refusing new stimulants and content
with the traditional ways, tended to become sterile and addicted to endless
and senseless expatiation." On the other hand the Old Text scholars were
unrestrained by official orthodoxy and accepted interpretations. Their texts
were neither sacrosanct nor immutable, and they could collate, edit, and
determine the best text versions and readings. Their freedom to follow their
own lights and develop independent critical approaches led naturally to an
interest in philological techniques of exegesis. Since a text had no orthodox
version or interpretation, it was possible to question its meaning, to suggest
that obscure points in it might be due to temporal or geographical origin, to
consider the possibllity that it might be corrupt, and to propose emendations
or new interpretations based on such suppositions. It seems very likely that
the EH loangraph glosses are products of the strongly philological approach
of the Old Text school. It can be no accident that at least five of the glossists
to be discussed in Chapter 4, i.e. Zheng Xing, Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Zheng
Xuan, and Fu Qian, are known to have been Old Text scholars. 3
With these points in mind we may now turn to an examination of the
various types of EH sound glosses.
2.2

Loangraph Glosses

In this category we place glosses in which the EH commentators suggest


that a graph in an early text is a loan (jiajie wm ) or an error for another
graph. In some cases glosses of this type are based on purely graphic criteria.
For example, in Zheng Xuan's commentary on LJ we fmd the following
passage: (All examples are numbered as in Part lILA below.)
Zheng Xuan 205 ij!~m. ~L~ilio
"lian 'to establish' (which occurs in the LJ text) is (to be) read asjian
'bolt of a lock.' It is a graphic (i.e. scribal) error."
Examples of this type are not sound-based and cannot be used as evidence in
phonological reconstruction. In most cases, however, loangraph emendations
seem to be based on phonological criteria, e.g.
3 See Tjan (1949-53:150, 152) and Miller (1953:34-5) on the school afmiations of
these individuals.

10
r-----

1--

--

(---

r-----

,-

2.2

Zheng Xuan 251 l"Hj'fm~~L~o


"Li 'chestnut' is read as lie 'to divide, cleave' as in 'to divide frayed silk'."
That Zheng believed a phonological substitution had taken place here is confirmed by the following example:
252 rIi"~~~~Ili.Ii!to
"In the sounds (=speech) of the ancients Ii and lie were the same."
Some loangraph relationships of this type were clearly felt by the Han commentators to be fallacious substitutions based on the phonological similarity
of the characters in question, e.g.
ZhengXuan 129 *~mlli. ~L~ill.o
"Cheng is (to be) read as zeng; it is a phonolOgical error."
On occasion a commentator suggests that such an error is the result of sound
similarity in a particular dialect, implying that the mistake can be ultimately
attributed to a speaker of this dialect, e.g.
Zheng Xuan 208 m~'&mrit, J!'f~ft~L~ilio
"In reading xian 'to present' it ought to be (taken as) suo 'sedge.' It is a
phonological error of the dialect of Qi."
In recent years it has been the practice to assume that the sound-based
loangraph glosses of the Han period reflect the phonological intuitions of
those who fashioned them. This, for example, was the position taken by
Karlgren (1963-7) in his study of loan characters in pre-Han texts, and by
Luo and Zhou (1958:73-4) in their discussion of Hanjiajie notes containing
dialect references. I have adopted this as a working hypothesis, with the
proviso that a later commentator may on occasion have accepted a loangraph
emendation of an earlier authority even though the proposed phonetic loan
was not entirely in agreement with the sound system of his own language.
In developing a phonolOgical interpretation of the loangraph glosses we are
hampered by our ignorance of how closely they reflect the sound systems on
which they are based. Put another way, we do not know how phonetically
similar two syllables had to be before the Han commentators would suggest a
loangraph relationship between them. This situation, which must inevitably
lead to differing interpretations of the data, is reminiscent of the problems
encountered in analyzing the OC phonetic series. But, though the same data
have served as the basis for a number of rather different reconstructions of
OC, the principle which seems to have guided most investigators is that
syllables which are placed in the same xiesheng series should be as similar in
sound as possible within the phonological system being reconstructed. We can
adopt this principle mutatis mutandis in our study of the syllable pairings in
11

r -------

2.3

Chapter 2: Philology in the Eastern Han Period / 2.4

Part I: Preliminary Questions

the EH sound glosses.


The following are some of the patterns used in EH loangraph glosses:
1.

x~. Y

2.

x~~Yx~~ ......

3.

x~.gr~y

4.
5.
6.
7.

x M'f'it; D, y
x 1lI;~~Y

ZY

x1ll;~Y}
x 1lI;f'F Y

8.
9.
10.

"X ought to be (taken as)y."

:n~Y}

"X is read like y ."

x~:tiY

x mSY
X~~yij

11.

"X is read (as) y."


"X is read as y." - "X is read as y in the
context ... "
"In reading x, in all cases (i.e. everywhere in
the text) it is (taken as)y."
"In reading x it ought to be (taken as)y."
"X ought to be read asy."

"X is read as y ."


"Xis read the same asy."

It is possible that each of these patterns had its own particular function

within the exegetical apparatus of the Han scholars. I have not been able to
identify such functions except in the case of pattern 3, which was used when
a suggested emendation was to pertain wherever applicable in a text. Perhaps
future studies will throw further light on this problem_
2.3

The Duruo ~

Glosses of SW

Among the loangraph patterns discussed in the preceding section pattern


8 x ~tmy is very common in the Han commentaries while pattern 9,x ~.*
y'is rather rare. It is thus surprising to fmd that glosses having pattern 9 occur
over 800 times in the SW text, while pattern 8 appears there only once.
These annotations, together with thirty-four which have pattern ll,x ~~y
ij , and several more with other patterns, are collectively known as the "SW
duruo glosses.,,4 The function of these glosses is not explained in the SW text
itself and has consequently been the subject of much discussion. The two
major theories advanced by previous investigators may be summarized as
follows:
1. The dumo are a full-blown system of sound glosses supplied to indicate
for readers the pronunciations of the glossed graphs.
2. They are jiajie notes indicating that the glossed items have been or may
be used as loangraphs for the glossing words.
Both of these hypotheses are convincingly refuted by Lu (1946:138), who
4 Por

a more detailed discussion of the duruo patterns see Coblin (1978 :29).

admits that he remains uncertain why the dumo glosses appear in SW. 5
Although we must agree with Lu that the problem of the exact function of
the duma glosses remains unsolved, it is nonetheless possible to draw several
conclusions about them. First, it seems clear from their forms that they are
closely related to the loangraph glosses of the EH commentators, and it is
therefore quite possible that the phonological criteria underlying both types
were similar. Analysis of the two types of material and phonological reconstruction based on them bears this out. 6 Secondly, the general picture which
emerges from the study of the SW duma and the paranomastic glosses and
poetic rimes of Xu Shen strongly suggests that these different types of
material reflect the sound system of the same language.? These points suggest
that the SW dumo annotations can be placed on a par with the EH loangraph
glosses and used as data for phonological reconstructions, despite the fact
that we remain uncertain about why they appear in the SW text.
2.4

Direct Sound (Zhiyin lliI M' ) Glosses

Most glosses of this type have the pattern x n y, "x has the sound of y."
They begin to appear in late EH texts and remain in use in the Six Dynasties
period, during which they are gradually supplanted by the more practical
fanqie spelling system. The primary function of these glosses seems to have
been to indicate for readers the pronunciations of graphs which were considered problematical in some way. For this reason they were almost certainly
more accurate phonetically than the loangraph and duma glosses and are a
valuable source of data for historical reconstruction. In using them we must
bear in mind, however, that they are not in the last analysis simply phonetic
transcriptions of characters but rather annotator's glosses indicating how a
graph should be interpreted and read in a particular passage. For this reason
they sometimes reflect the exegetical traditions and philological biases of the
commentators. Let us consider an example. To LJ,Neize 97 !'lP'a "egg sauce"
Zheng Xuan adds the following loangraph gloss:
Zheng Xuan 187 !'lP~.~ML
"Luan 'eggs' is (to be) read as gun 'fish eggs'."
5 For some elaborations on Lu's arguments see Coblin (1978:30). An interesting
conjecture, not mentioned by Lu, is that of Takahashi (1936) who suggests that all SW
entries originally had duruo annotations. Later, under the influence of the competing
fanqie glossing system, most of the duruo would have been lost from the text in an
irregular fashion, resulting in the seemingly haphazard distribution of glosses in the
current SW versions. There is unfortunately no way to substantiate this hypothesis.
6Compare, for example, Coblin (1978) and (1977-8).
?See Coblin (1978) and (1979a).

13
12

Glapter 2: Philology in the Eastern Han Period / 2.6

2.5 / Part I: Preliminary Questions

etymological or cosmological link between two words was presumably


phonetic similarity of some sOt. 10 Viewed from a modern standpoint many
of the etymological relationships suggested in the paranomastic glosses seem
amusingly far-fetched; but, as Bodman (I 954:8) and Miller (I 975: 1226) have
pOinted out, there can be no doubt that the early glossists took them very
seriously. This is quite understandable given the position language occupied in
the world view of the early Chinese cosmologists.
Paranomastic glosses take many forms, but there are several patterns which
occur often enough to be considered typical:

Zheng took the LJ expression to mean "fish egg sauce" and believed luan was
a loan for gun. In his now lost phonological commentary on LJ he made the
following direct sound gloss, preserved in the QJYB: 8 IJI1
"Luan has the
sound of gun." It is thus clear that since Zheng believed luan was a loan for
gun in the LJ passage, he felt that it should actually be pronounced as if it
were gun when reading the text aloud. In effect the direct sound gloss is loangraph gloss 187 in a different guise.
Another interesting example of this type involves the place name Guaichui
t}~ which appears in HS (p. 1890). To the second character in this name
Ying Shao adds the following gloss:

n-m

32 .H-~o
"Chui (MC ijwe) has the sound of bao (MC pau:).,,9
As argued in detail in the notes to Part II1.A.8 it is probable that Ying Shao
considered ~ to be a corruption of ffi, which occurs in variant forms of the
name Guaichui and was read there as MC pfiu: by at least one school of early
HS commentators. Ying Shao's note is therefore probably not a true sound
gloss but rather the outgrowth of a graphic emendation of some sort. This
attitude of the EH commentators, whereby they freely assigned phonological
readings on the basis of their interpretations of particular text passages, must
be kept in mind when using direct sound glosses as historical linguistic data.

m. m

Paranomastic Glosses

Glosses of this type have been discussed in detail by Bodman (1954:7-10).


They are in effect punning defmitions where one word is glossed by another
which was thought to be cognate to it. The basis for assuming such an

lOin a small number of cases paranomastic glosses may have been based on purely
graphic similarities between the paired items. See Bodman (1954:128-9, nn. 274 and
347), Downer (1957). and Coblin (1978:50).

SEdition of the lifu congshu AlUiliilll, 5.9a.


9 On the MC reconstruction used here see the introduction to Part II below.

15

14
r--- -.

x Zi, y(m)

These basic equations are often followed by statements explaining in greater


detail why the two terms of the gloss are to be considered cognate. It is not
unusual for a word to be glossed by several different terms in the same passage,
e.g. x ~. y
z
"As to the term x, it is equivalent to y and to z."
Paranomastic glosses appeared in Zhou texts and remained very popular
throughout the Han period. Once a gloss had been formulated it became a
philosophical verity which could be repeated by anyone who subscribed to it.
For example, the gloss }t. IDttll. "The hexagram dui means 'pleasure' ," which
occurs in YJ, ShuogtJaIDt#, also appears in SW and SM. The gloss ~, em
"The term sang 'burial, funeral rites' means 'to disappear, die' " occurs in
BHTY, SW, and Zheng Xuan's commentary on YL. SM, as the ultimate
"paranomasticon" contains a number of paranomastic word pairings which
also occur in earlier works. It seems to serve as the final repository for many
glosses which had been passed from text to text in earlier times. The fact that
paranomastic definitions could be transmitted in this way has important
implications for their use as linguistic data, for it means that though they may
appear in a particular text or be attributable to a particular glossist it is
always possible that they originated from some other source and reflect
sound systems which differ diachronically and/or regionally from that under
investigation.
Determining the degree of phonetic similarity between glossed and glossing
words in the paranomastic defmitions is a fundamental and particularly

Fanqie spellings are phonological annotations whose function in the EH


commentaries was the same as that of the direct sound glosses. Their usual
pattern is x {f y Z i5Z "As to the sound of x, it has the initial of y and the final
of z." It was traditionally believed that {anqie annotations were originated by
the Wei dynasty scholar, Sun Yan I* ~, in his now lost phonological commentary on EY, but this is no longer accepted (Zhang Binglin, ap. Wang
1967:27; Ogawa 1951 :35-6). Fanqie glosses occasionally occur in the fragmentary commentaries of Fu Qian and Ying Shao, and there seems to be no
reason to doubt that they are genuine.
2.6

4.

"X is equivalent to (or: means)y."


"As to the term x, it is equivalent to y."
"As to the way x constitutes a word, (it is
equivalen t to) Y ."
"As to the way x is spoken, it (is equivalent to)

y."

Fanq;e i5ZV) Spellings

2.5

3.

x,ytll.
x~, y til.
x Zm", Y til.

1.

2.

,---

r-------

r--------

r--------

----".

2.6

I Part I: Preliminary Questions

Chapter 2: Philology in the Eastern Han Period

vexing problem. Bodman (1954:65) assumes that in most of the SM glosses


there is "sound similarity in the total phonemic structure of the paired words:
initials, vowels, final consonants, and tone"; but he points out (p. 8) that
while agreement in finals is a common factor in the glosses, there are many
anomalous contacts among the initials. In some cases he has concluded that
examples of this kind point to the existence of initial consonant clusters in
the SM language, but in others he has suspected that the paired words were
linked merely on the basis of rime similarity (e.g. p. 125, no. 175). Downer
(1957 :396) agrees with this interpretation and has even suggested that a
number of the glosses used by Bodman to reconstruct earlier clusters were
really simply riming pairs. A strong objection to the views of Bodman and
Downer has been raised by Serruys(1958a:142) who remarks, "This suggestion
is nothing more than an easy escape from the difficulty of reconstructing a
form which would explain the pairing of the two words." He then uses many
of the problematical pairings as the basis for reconstructions which are
considerably more complex than those posited by Bodman. The approach of
Bodman (and Downer) has the advantage that it allows us to posit simpler
and linguistically more plausible EH forms. That of Serruys is methodologically more consistent, since it allows a more uniform and objective approach
to the data. There seems to be no way to decide between the two positions
on the basis of the SM evidence alone, for we have no other corroborative
material which can be convincingly shown to represent the same language as
that which underlies the SM glosses. However, if we turn to material from
other sources the prospects are more promiSing. The EH commentator Ying
Shao was the author of the FSTY, a text from which we have extracted fiftyone paranomastic glosses. In addition to these we also have from this same
individual ninety-two direct sound and /anqie glosses from his commentary
on HS. It is probable that glosses of the latter type adhere very closely to the
sound system of Ying's language, and for this reason they may serve as a
fairly reliable standard by which to judge the initial pairings in his paranomastic material. If we examine flIst the sound glosses we fmd that there are
only two cases among them where initials from different MC articulatory
classes are paired:
32
84

ijwe

pau:

!lIN tshjwok

{IE

t~Mk

We have noted in section 2.4 that gloss 32 reflects a graphic emendation and is
probably not a sound gloss. As we shall see in Chapter 5, section 5.6, MC t~h
in 84b probably derived from EH *tshr-. There are thus no initial pairings in
the sound gloss data of Ying Shao which could be considered peculiar or
anomalous.
16

2.6

Moving to the paranomastic material we find that the situation is rather


different, for here we discover a number of unusual initial interchanges:
95
110
112
114
124
128
143

1/1.

lji":

!tij ngjwo:

#1Ii iizju
Iff pju:
IX: iiijung
".?; dieng
~:k diek

II: !Sfi:
Wi! jiwo:
r~ khju
~ dzju:
1ft', xjwong
'l~ bjwlmg
j}f pjlik, bjlik

The number of cases of this type is particularly striking when we consider


that the paranomastic glosses of Ying Shao are fewer than the sound glosses
by almost half. One might perhaps argue that these examples reveal complex
initial configurations which simply were not reflected in the sound glosses,
but this seems unconvincing. Why would the "paranomastic language" of
Ying Shao have been so much more complex than his "sound gloss language"?
It is perhaps possible that some of our anomolous pairings may ultimately
reflect features of Ying's language which have thus far escaped detection, but
it is difficult to believe that every one of them could be explainable in this
way. One is drawn ineVitably to the conclusion that something other than
Bodman's matching of "total phonemic structure" has occurred here. In my
view it is very likely that many of these examples represent riming pairs and
that this sort of sound similarity was an acceptable if less common criterion
for the construction of paranomastic glosses. This is an alarming conclusion,
for, as foreseen by Serruys, it makes the use of paranomastic glosses a risky
and subjective business. How are we to decide when a pairing involves both
initials and finals? Ultimately we must conclude that paranomastic glosses are
most useful when a significant number of them can be brought to bear on a
particular problem or when they can be used in conjunction with other types
of evidence. A single unsupported paranomastic equation is a very slim reed
upon which to base the reconstruction of a syllable initial.
In investigating the SM language Bodman (1954) has left a number of
anomolous initial pairings in the text unexplained. I shall adopt a similar
approach in working with paranomastic glosses in the present study. Thus, in
discussing the initial system of the SM dialect in Chapter 5, reconstructions
are suggested which may explain some of the curious initial contacts in the
data, but no attempt has been made to account rigorously for every one of
them. The question of whether they represent simple rime pairings or reflect
as yet unrecovered features of the SM initial system must await future studies.

17

CHAPTER 3

The Eastern Han Dialects

Evidence on the dialects of the EH period can be found in a number of middle


and later Han texts. The purpose of this chapter is to use this material to
determine the geographical distribution of the major EH dialect groups.
3.1

The FY Evidence

An invaluable source of information on Han dialects is FY, which is


attributed to Yang Xiong -/!JU$ (53 B.C.-A.D. 18).1 This text is a collection of
regional words and expressions, identified by geographical areas. By analyzing
the geographical terminology in the text it is possible to ascertain with
surprising precision what the Chinese dialect areas of the early first century
were. Then, on the basis of shared vocabulary items, one can determine which
areas represented subdialects within the major dialect groupings. Luo and
Zhou (1958:72) have briefly discussed the FY terminology, but the defmitive
treatment of it is that of Serruys (1959:77-100). We shall now summarize
and slightly modify his proposal (pp. 98-9) for a six-group division of FY
dialect areas: 2

1. Western Dialects: Guanxi IUljllj3 -Qin ~, Jin tf

,4

Liang-Yi Ul~ Shu-

HanU~

2. Central Dialects: Guandong ImJR in general


Western Group: Zhou f;!ij ,Zheng ~ ,Luo ,Han ~ft , Wei ~ ,s Zhao U! 6

IOn the authenticity, authorship, and text history of FY see Serruys (1955).
2The following conventional spellings are adopted in this chapter for the names of
two dialect areas: iii Weih, ~ Yanh.
3Serruys (1959:80-1) remarks that the western dialects designated by the general
term Guanxi, "West of the (Han-gu iiN:e: ) Pass," form a fairly uniform block. On the
other hand, the term Guandong, "East of the (Han-gu) Pass," does not imply a unity of
this sort, for it can refer either to the non-western dialects as a group or to smaller units
limited by other eastern areas.
4Serruys (1959:86-7) notes that the position of Jin in the classification is somewhat
ambiguous. Though it had been almost completely absorbed by the Qin dialect, occasional
contacts reveal affinities with the northern and northeastern dialects. For this reason he
places it in both the western and northern groups. Luo and Zhou assign it exclusively to
the western group, and I follow them.
sSerruys (1959:88) remarks that Wei has close afrmities with the Zhou Zheng Luo
Han group of central dialects.
6 Zhao seems to have been a pivotal area. Serruys groups it with the northeast dialects,

19
r~

--~~

r -

r---

~--~

r-----.

----

r-------

,-------

3.2 / Part I: Preliminary Questions

3.
4.
5.
6.

Eastern Group: Song-Weih*ffM, Lu~, Qi ~


Northern Dialects: Van ~ , Dai f\:: , Bei Van ~t~
Eastern Dialects: Dong Qi *Jl!f, Haidai /flj11t, Huai tit, (Xu f;f;
Southeastern Dialects: Wu ~, Yang t!; , Vue ~
Southern Dialects:
(a) Northern Type: Chen ~JI[ , north part of Chu ~
(b) Eastern Type: J iang-Huai iU1t
(c) Southern Type: southern part ofChu, Nan Chu IYi~

Chapter 3: The Eastern Han Dialects / 3.2

The geographical locations of the FY dialect areas can be seen in Map I,


which is a much simplified and slightly modified version of Serruys (1959:
Endpaper). Map 2 shows the approximate boundaries of the six major dialect
groups.
3.2

The Post-FY Evidence

From the FY material we can develop a satisfactory picture of the Chinese


dialect divisions at the beginning of the EH period. Unfortunately, evidence
on the middle and late EH dialect areas is not nearly so abundant or detailed
as that found in FY. As noted by Luo and Zhou (1958:73, n. 1) the dialect
terminology used in SW, though far less rich, is almost identical with that
found in FY and implies a very similar grouping and subgrouping of dialect
areas. Whether this indicates that the dialect divisions of Xu Shen's time were
the same as those known to Yang Xiong seems somewhat uncertain, for it is
possible that Xu's usage was influenced by the terminology employed in FY.
The dialect terminology used by the EH commentators and glossists other
than Xu Shen differs from that of FY and SW in that it relies more heavily
(though by no means exclusively) on the names of EH administrative regions,
in particular the provinces (zhou 1-1'1 ).8 Map 3 shows the approximate borders
of the EH provinces according to Cheng and Xu (1955:16-17). To what
extent political borders coincided with dialect boundaries is of course quite
uncertain. The administrative regions can be roughly correlated with dialect
while Luo and Zhou place it with Wei. In Serruys' tabulation (1959:87) it has eighteen
contacts with Wei and the central dialects and thirteen with the northern and northeastern
group. For this reason I tentatively place it with Wei among the central dialects. The
point is problematical.
7 Huai and Xu seem to have occupied very much the same area. See 8erruys (1959:
206, Map 4; and Endpaper).
8 Most of the pertinent dialect references of this type are collected in the Xu Fangyan
Kf/11 of Hang Shijun tli:t!t~. Examples cited in the following discussion are sometimes
taken from the data in Part Ul.A below and are numbered accordingly. 8M examples
follow the numbering system of Bodman (1954).

20

Map I. Early EH Dialect Areas According to FY


(Based on Serruys 1959: Endpaper)
21

Chapter 3: The Eastern Han Dialects I 3.2

3.2 I Part I: Preliminary Questions

Map 3. Provinces of the EH Period


Map 2. Major EH Dialect Groups according to FY

23

22

,-

--

r ---

Chapter 3: The Eastern Han Dialects

3.2 / Part I: Preliminary Questions

area which covered the region formerly occupied by the eastern


dialects and the Qi and Lu branches of the central group. The Qing-Xu
area is clearly set off from dialects to the west by several important
SM glosses (1067/1068: Yu Si Yanh Ji II Qing-Xu and 1256/1257:
Yanh Yu Si II Qing-Xu). Numerous other examples of contrasted or
opposed terms indicate that the division between this area and the rest
of China was a fundamental one, e.g. Qi II Chu; Qi II Guanxi; Qi II
Yanh-Ji; Qi II Ru-nan Huai-Si zhi jiani'RIl/itil'!1~IHl; Qing-Xu 1/

areas recognized in the FY/SW terminology as follows:

corresponds to Qi and Dong Qi of the FY terminology. It is


1. Qing
also called simply Qi. The term Dong Qi is never used. The expression
Qi-Lu J!1f~ appears often enough to suggest that this was an important
dialect area (e.g. Zheng Xuan 59,95, 106). It is thus possible that the
Lu area should be considered part of Qing.
2. Xu tf< includes Haidai and Huai of the FY terminology.
3. You ~ corresponds to the Dai, Yan, and Bei Yan areas.
4. Ji ~ corresponds very roughly to Zhao and Wei of the FY system.
5. Yanh tf~ probably encompassed the FY areas of Weih and Song. it
may also have included Chen, since Chen and Song sometimes occur
together as the name of an area, Chen-Song (e.g. Zheng Xuan, commentary to LJ, GZSSJ 181). Unlike FY, the later commentators never
identify Chen and Chu as a common group. A problem arises from the
fact that Song and Lu also form a group (e.g. SM 1221), for, as we
shall see presently, the areas of Yanh and Qing are clearly separated
by phonological isoglosses. Since all known Song-Lu pairings involve
shared vocabulary, it seems best to assume that phonological and
lexical isoglosses had diverged in the area between Yanh and Qing.
6. Yu ~ corresponds roughly to the northern part of the Jiang-Huai area
ofFY.
7. Si PI (i.e. Sili PJ~). The eastern portion of this area corresponds to
the Zhou Zheng Luo Han group of FY. The western portion extends
west of the Han-gu Pass to include the Chang-an ~'R area. As we shall
see below, it is unlikely that the eastern and western parts of Sili
could have formed a common dialect unit.
8. Jing fflJ corresponds to the Chu area of FY.
9. Yang m corresponds to the region occupied by the southeastern
dialects of FY. In addition, its northwestern corner includes an area
northwest of the Yangtze River which was part of the earlier JiangHuai area.
10. Bing ff:, Liang fut, and Yi i.i): correspond to the Guanxi area of FY.
Smaller units within this region which are sometimes mentioned are
Qin ~ (also called Guanzhong fUl9='), Sanfu::::'ijl (the area around
Chang-an), Yi ~ , and Shu yu .
These areas can be grouped into the following larger divisions:

I 3.2

Nanyangim~.

2. Central Dialects: The areas of Yanh and Ji tend to be mentioned


together, and Si and Yu are sometimes also included, forming a group
of central dialects.
3. Southern Dialects: The Chu area can be considered the nucleus of the
southern dialects. Within this area the northernmost portion tends to
be mentioned separately using the names of local administrative areas
such as Nanyang, Ru-nan i'RiW, Ruying i'R~, and Huaiyang 11t1l%';.9 This
may indicate that that portion of the Chu region lying north of the
Han tJ! River had a separate northern sub dialect corresponding to type
(a) of the FY southern dialects. Ru-nan is linked with Huai-Si zhi jian
(the northern part of the FY Jiang-Huai area) in a note ofYing Shao
quoted in the Jijie :!t:M commentary to SJ (p. 343). This may indicate
that Jiang-Huai was still part of the southern dialect area in late EH
times.
4. Northern Dialects: These are the dialects of the You area and correspond to the northern dialects of the FY system. Ji is sometimes placed
together with You (e.g. Gao You's commentary on LS, SBCK edition,
2.1a-b). This is reminiscent of the situation observed in FY, where the
northernmost branch of the central dialects (i.e. Zhao) tends to share
features with the northern dialects (cf. note 6).
5. Western Dialects: These are the dialects lying west of the Han-gu Pass
and correspond to the western or Guanxi dialects of the FY system.
Information on the southeastern dialects of FY is virtually non-existent in
the post FY/SW materials. They correspond to the Wu ~ or Jiangdong i'I:lR
dialects of the WJ period, which, in the time of the commentator Guo Pu n~
(276-342), were still felt to be quite different from the speech of other areas
(Serruys 1962b:326-7). Approximate boundaries for the later EH dialect
regions are sketched in Map 4.

1. Eastern Dialects: Qing and Xu are frequently placed together as QingXu in SM. Qing occasionally appears alone but Xu never occurs except
in combination with Qing. It seems clear that there was a major dialect
24

9 See

Serruys (1959: Endpaper) for the locations of these areas.

25

3.2 / Part I: Preliminary Questions


CHAPTER 4

Sources of the Data


NORTHERN

The data upon which the reconstructions in Part II are based originate from
eleven different sources. We shall now examine these in detail.

4.1

Du Ziehun H Tlf

Du Zichun (fl. late first century B.C.-early first century A.D.) was a native
of Goushi ~L\; (about forty-five kilometers southeast of Luoyang). Shiwen
1.22a states that he was a student of Liu Xin j{IJfj~ (ob. A.D. 23) and, on
completing his studies, returned to his native place to teach. Both Zheng Xing
(section 4.2) and Zheng Zhong (section 4.3) studied under him. It is probable
that he spoke his native dialect and was also familiar with the language of
Chang-an, where he must have gone to study with Liu Xin. Du wrote a now
lost commentary on ZL, passages from which are preserved in Zheng Xuan's
ZL commentary. Sixty-five loangraph glosses of Du Zichun occur in our data.

WESTERN

4.2

Zheng Xing

~!J!.!

Zheng Xing (fl. A.D. 15-35; HHS biography, pp. 1217-23) was a native of
Kaifengrm.tt . After pursuing an official career in various parts of central and
west China he retired and died in his native place. He wrote a no longer extant
commentary on ZL which is occasionally quoted in Zheng Xuan's ZL commentary. He is always referred to by his official title, Zheng Dafu*~, in
these citations. Thirteen of his loangraph glosses occur in our data. This
corpus is too small to serve as the basis for a phonological reconstruction; but
if we assume that Zheng Xing spoke the same language as his son, Zheng
Zhong, we can then combine their material and reconstruct one dialect for
both of them.
4.3

~~

Zheng Zhong (ob. A.D. 83; HHS biography pp. 1224-6) was the son of
Zheng Xing, with whom he studied the classics as a child. He may have been
familiar not only with the language of Kaifeng but also with dialects of other
areas such as Luoyang where his father and he himself lived and held office.
Zheng Zhong wrote a now lost commentary on ZL, fragments of which survive
in the ZL commentary of Zheng Xuan. Zheng Zhong is always referred to by
his official title, Zheng Sinong TIJI.l, in these citations. One hundred thirty

Map 4. Middle and Late EH Dialect Groups


26
r -

Zheng Zhong

27
f

--

r -

r --

r------

r- -

r- -------

Chapter 4: Sources of the Data

4.4 I Part I: Preliminary Questions

loangraph glosses and six paranomastic equations of Zheng Zhong occur in


our data. In addition to these, eight poetic rime sequences survive.
4.4.

The BHTY F31:tilliTh

The authorship, authenticity, and text history of the BHTY have been
thoroughly studied by Tjan (I949-53). The following brief comments
summarize his findings (Vol. 1, p. 36 and pp. 154-76). The BHTY was
compiled by Ban Gu .F!F.1i'il (A.D. 32-92) as an abstract of discussions on the
meanings and interpretations of the Classics held in A.D. 79 at the White
Tiger Hali (Baihu guan Sffl'.Il!.) in Luoyang. Ban Gu did not personally take
part in the discussions. The names of at least eleven of the participants are
known (Tjan, p. 163), and these individuals hailed from various different
parts of China. The style of the text is catechetical. A question is posed, after
which follows a reply. Then other differing opinions are appended. The
material in the text is thus not from one hand or source but records different
views and exegetical traditions. As a consequence it is very likely that the
paranomastic glosses in the BHTY represent more than one EH dialect and
perhaps also reflect stages of the language that predate the White Tiger Hall
discussions. One hundred twenty-six paranomastic glosses from the BHTY
occur in our data.
4.5

Xu Shen 8q:~

Xu Shen (fl. A.D. 100-20;1 HHS biography, p. 2588) was a native of


Zhaoling in Ru-nan ltz:ffiE~ (east of modem Yancheng, He-naniilJmOOS.lJit,
about two hundred kilometers southeast of Luoyang). He probably grew up
in this area, and it is known that he died there. Occasional references in SW to
the speech of Ru-nan suggest that he knew his native dialect (cf., for example,
SWGL 4026a). In his memorial on presenting the SW text to the throne (dated
A.D.121), Xu Shen's son,Xu Chong frP states (SWGL 6764a) that his father had
been a student of Jia Kui .~ (A.D. 30-101; HHS biography pp. 1234-41),
a native of Fufeng .j:)(kB.(in modem Shaanxi) who spent most of his career in
the Luoyang area. Xu Chong further notes (SWGL 6764b) that Xu Shen had
formerly served as a collator in the Eastern Hall (Dongguan *Ill.) which was
located in Luoyang. These facts indicate that Xu Shen had at some time in his
life resided outside the Ru-nan region and that he had been exposed to the
dialect of the Luoyang area. His postface to SW was written on January 29,
100 (SWGL 6758a),giving us an exact date for the completion of the SWtext.
1 The

dates of Xu's birth and death have been widely discussed but never conclusively
determined. For a thorough review of the problem see Miller (1953 :67-9).

28

I 4.7

Seven hundred ninety-two duruo glosses from SW occur in our data. Paranomastic glosses, primarily from SW but in a few cases from preserved fragments
of Xu's lost commentary on HN, number four hundred fortyeight. Finally,
there are twelve rime sequences from SW.
4.6

Zheng Xuan

~l<

Zheng Xuan (A.D. 127-200; HHS biography, pp. 1207-13) was a native
of Gaomi ,:":i* (on the Shandong peninsula, approximately sixty kilometers
northwest of modern Qingdao). 2 As a young man he served as bailiff (se[u
Nit*:) in his native place. Later he entered the Imperial University at
Luoyang and subsequently traveled west of the Han-gu Pass to study under
Ma Rong .H~r.l1! (A.D. 79-166). After completing his studies he returned to his
native place where he spent most of the remainder of his life. Since Zheng
spent his formative years in his native area we may assume that he spoke
the dialect of this region. This is confirmed by frequent references in his
works to the speech of Qi. However, his sojourn in central China must have
made him familiar with the dialects of this area as well. Zheng Xuan was
the author of many works containing phonological glosses, only some of
which survive today. Extant texts which have served as sources for our
data are Zheng's commentaries to LJ, Shi, YL, and ZL. Lost works known
only from quotes in other works include Eo wujing yiyi !~Ji.;f~'/(.:&,Zheng
zhi 11ft:, and commentaries to LY, Qiankun zaodu illl;.lif!lol:rrt , Shi, Shu, YJ,
and ZL. Two hundred sixtynine loangraph glosses, one hundred fifty-three
paranomastic glosses, and fifty-eight direct sound glosses of Zheng Xuan
occur in our data.
4.7

Fu Qian nli~

Fu Qian (HHS biography, p. 2583) was a native of Yingyang ~~ (about


eighty kilometers east of Luoyang). In his youth he studied at the Imperial
University in Luoyang. In the Zhongping ~fl7J~ era (A.D. 184-9) he was
appointed governor of Jiujiang JUI. He was later dismissed and fled to avoid
political disturbances, dying shortly afterwards. Fu Qian wrote now lost
commentaries on HS and Zuozhuan tLfIf., one hundred direct sound andfanqie
glosses from which are preserved as quotes in other sources. One loangraph
and one paranomastic gloss survive from the Zuozhuan commentary.

2 For a complete translation of the HHS biography of Zheng Xuan together with a
comparative study of other materials relating to his life, see Kiinstler (1962).

29

Chapter 4: Sources of the Data / 4.11

4.8 / Part I: Preliminary Questions

4.8

(1954:9) has shown, there can be no doubt that Liu Xi was familiar with the
dialects of his native area and its neighboring regions, for he makes a number
of references to them in his glosses. However, to what extent the eastern
dialects form the basis for the sound glosses of SM is a perplexing question. In
a number of cases it can be s\lspected that the major language underlying the
SM data was not an eastern dialect. 6 At other points the SM language
resembles the dialect of Zheng Xuan, whose home was about one hundred
kilometers from BeihaL 7 Hence it seems possible that the SM language (as
opposed to Liu Xi's native speech) was phonologically a mixture of feaiures
derived from more than one EH dialect.
Bodman (1954:7-9) noted that in compiling SM Liu Xi borrowed sound
glosses from earlier sources, but he nonetheless made the following assumption
(1954:8):

Ying Shao ff]F;@

Ying Shao (HHS biography, pp. 1609-15)3 was a native of Nandun in Runan It< fYi fYiiffi (north of modem Xiangcheng, He-nan iOJ mJj{.j$;, about 275
kilometers southeast of Luoyang). He served for a number of years as an
official in central and east China where he met and was rebuked by Zheng
Xu an (HHS, p. 1211). Ying Shao wrote a now lost commentary on HS,
fragments of which are quoted in other works. Ninety-two direct sound and
fanqie glosses from this text occur in our data. Two further works of Ying,
FSTY (partially extant and partially fragmentary) and HGY (fragmentary)
are the sources for fifty-three paranomastic glosses in the data.
4.9

Gao You

Ir~~

Gao You (fl. Jian-an jI$.: period, A.D. 196-219) was a native of Zhuojun
area around modern Zhuo, Hebei iOJ ~tt~, about sixty kilometers
southwest of Peking). In the preface to his commentary on HN he states that
from childhood he studied this text with a teacher from his native district
named Lu (i.e. Lu ZhilltOO, HHS biography, pp. 2113-20. Lu was a native
of the town of Zhuo and had studied together with Zheng Xuan under Ma
Rong). It is probable that Gao You spent his childhood in his native district. In
his commentaries on HN and LS he makes frequent references to the speech
of this area. In the HN commentary he also mentions the language of the Chu
area on a number of occasions, and it is possible that he had some first-hand
knowledge of the Chu dialect. Two hundred five loangraph, eleven direct
sound, and thirty-five paranomastic glosses from the HN and LS commentaries
occur in our data.

As pointed out in Chapter 2, section 2.6, the assumption made in the


present study differs from that of Bodman in that I suspect Liu Xi may have
felt free to adopt from revered earlier sources paranomastic glosses based on
sound systems which differed in various ways from that of the SM language.
As will become clear in Chapters 5 and 6, such an assumption makes it possible
to account for a number of otherwise anomalous contradictions in the SM
data. s
Bodman's index of SM paranomastic glosses (1954:69-121) contains 1274
entries. 9 These will be cited here according to his numbering system.

4.10

4.11

Although Liu Hsi could naturally not fail to be influenced by already existing
sound glosses any more than his thought could by current patterns of thought and
scholarship of his day, I believe his sound glosses reflect his own personal beliefs
as to correct pronunciation.

7~m\ (the

SM fM5

The studies of Bodman (1954:1-19) and Luo and Zhou (1958:104-7)


provide a thorough review of the relevant information regarding the nature
and contents of the SM text, its date and authorship, and the various extant
editions of it.4 Our remarks on these points will therefore be brief. To begin,
the author of SM can be confidently identified as Liu Xi ~fj~ (fl. A.D. 200),
who was a native of Beihai ~tTllJ (on the Shandong peninsula, approximately
one hundred kilometers northwest of modern Qingdao).s As Bodman

BTD

4.11.1 The development of Buddhism in China during the EH period is


treated in two important works, Tang (1938) and Zurcher (1959). Of particular
importance for the study ofEH Buddhist translations is the more recent article,
Zurcher (1977). The following brief remarks are based on Zurcher's fmdings.
6 Cf., for example, Coblin Ms. 1, sections 2.7 and 2.24, and also Chapter 6, section
6.2.6, and Chapter 7, section 7.2.1 below.
7 U., for example, Chapter 5, section 5.7.
81n particular it should be noted that no attempt will be made to explain problematical sound correspondences in the SM data when the passages where they appear can be
shown to predate the SM text or to number among several alternate glosses on the same
word. Such cases can always be suspected of representing extraneous material of some
sort.
9 As pointed out by Bodman, one gloss is mistakenly listed twice.

3 Giles (1898: # 2498) speculates that Ying Shao died in 195; but, as pointed out by
Pelliot (1920:328-9), this is impossible, because HHS (p. 1614) indicates that he was
alive in 197.
4Cf. also Wang (1967:24-50), Sun (1956), Hu (1964), and Fang (1978).
5 A very lengthy study of the life of Liu Xi has been done by Kobayashi (1956), who,
however, adds little of a substantive nature to the conclusions of Bodman (1954).

31

30
r -

r----

r----

r------

4.11

I
Chapter 4: Sources of the Data

I Part I: Preliminary Questions

The EH Buddhist translations with which we are concerned are probably


the products of a number of foreign missionaries working with Chinese or
sinicized assistants. Zi.ircher (1959 :31) gives the following description of the
10
way the translation work was carried out:
The master either had a manuscript of the original text at his disposal or he recited
it from memory. If he had enough knowledge of Chinese (which was seldom the

case) he gave an oral translation, otherwise the preliminary translation was made,
"transmitted," by a bilingual intermediary. Chinese assistants-monx:s as well as
laymen-noted down the translation, after which the text was subjected to a
final revision.

Zurcher (1959 :30 -32; 1977: 177) holds that these translations were made .in
the Luoyang area, which he believes was the seat of the early Buddhist
"Church of Luoyang." Of the seventy-eight texts in the Taisho Tripi{aka
which are attributed to Han translators, ZUrcher (1977: 177-8) has selected
twenty-nine which he feels "may be safely regarded as genuine Han translations made at Loyang between ca. 150 A.D. and ca. 220 A.D. by five
different translation teams."ll
It is well known that the Han Buddhist translations teem with transcriptions of foreign names and terms. A basic problem in working with these
materials is that of deciding what Chinese dialect or dialects served as the
"target language(s)" of the translators. As will become apparent in C~apters 5
and 6 there is evidence that more than one dialect may have been mvolved,
but it is my belief that the material is homogeneous enough to be treated as a
single source, which I call BTD. ZUrcher (1977: 179) has concluded that
lexically and grammatically the Buddhist translations "form a somewhat
formalized but nevertheless closer reflexion of the living language of second
century Loyang." As a working hypothesis I have supposed that most of the
transcriptions in these texts may reflect the sound system of the Luoyang
dialect of the same period.
An equally important and even more difficult problem is that of.iden~~fying
.the original languages upon which the transcriptions are based, WhICh Zurcher
says (p. 179) "may be Sanskrit, any kind of Prakrit, or even ~ome. Cen~ral
Asian idiom." In fact it may not be possible to make such an IdentIficatIon
with certainty. However, it is my belief that by careful inspection of the B!D
material and the judiciOUS use of those facets of the MC sound system WhICh
are reasonably well understood it may be possible to develop a sketch of
certain salient features of the underlying language (or, more probably,
languages) which may then be used to throw light on the phonology of BTD.
10 See

also Hrdlickovii (1958) for a discussion of Han Buddhist translation procedures.


11 Zurcher's selection criteria are outlined only briefly. A forthcoming article is
promised in which these criteria will be discussed in detail.

4.11

A sketch of this sort is attempted in section 4.11.3 below.


Several further potentially obscuring factors pointed out by ZUrcher
(p. 179) are: (1) possible distortions introduced into the pronunciation of
Indic words by Central Asian missionaries, (2) imperfect perception of
foreign sounds by the Chinese assistants who made the transliterations, (3)
difficulties involved in segmenting foreign polysyllabic words in order to
transcribe them with Chinese characters. These problems make it very difficult
to arrive at exact values for the sounds of BTD. In many instances it is
necessary to guess what these may have been on the basis of what we know
about other reconstructed EH dialects. This is the principle which has been
adopted in the reconstruction of BTD in Chapters 5 and 6.
4.11.2 The procedure used in assembling the BTD data in Part I1LA.I I was
to arrange according to translators the reliably datable texts listed by ZUrcher
(I 977 :202-3), to place them in roughly chronological order, and then to
extract the transcriptions from them. Once a term had been excerpted it was
usually ignored when it occurred again in later texts. However, certain items,
when occurring as parts of larger compounds, appear repeatedly in the data.
Variant forms of the same term were included in most cases. A number of
texts were eliminated entirely from the corpus because they merely repeated
transcriptions which had already been found elsewhere.
The next step was to identify foreign (usually Sanskrit) equivalents for the
Chinese transcriptions. In many cases standard handbooks, dictionaries, and
glossaries were used for this purpose. Previous studies, especially that of
Pulleyblank (I 962), were also very helpful. Some items in T 224 were identified
by comparison with lists of names given in Kirfel (I920) and with parallel
passages in the Sanskrit version of the A~{asahasrikaprajifiipliramitii. For two
texts Sanskrit forms were reconstructed by comparison with later Chinese
translations of the same works where the terms in question were either transliterated in different ways or translated rather than transliterated:
I. T 224 was compared with T 225 and 226 .
2. T 280 was compared with T 278 and 279.
For T 313 some Sanskrit forms were reconstruCted on the basis of Chinese
semantic glosses or marginalia inserted after the transliterated terms. 12 All
reconstructed Sanskrit forms given in Part lILA.11 are starred. 13 In citing
Sanskrit, Pali, GandharI and certain other forms in Part lILA it is not my
claim that the original texts were written in anyone of these languages. On
120n the origin of notes of this type see ZUrcher (1959:31).
is a pleasure to acknowledge again the help of Professor S. I. Pollock without
whose collaboration the comparison of Sanskrit text versions and the reconstruction of
Sanskrit forms would never have been possible.
13It

33
32

4.11

Chapter 4: Sources of the Data

I Part I: Preliminary Questions

4.11

with Sanskrit or was more similar to one or more of the Prakrits. When care is
taken to avoid circularity, information obtained in this way can, I believe, be
safely used in the reconstruction of BTD. We shall now consider several
features of various Middle Indic dialects, which mayor may not have existed
in the underlying language(s) of the Chinese Buddhist texts, and which are of
particular importance for the interpretation of the BTD material. All examples
from the BTD data are numbered as in Part lILA. 1 1.

the contrary it is merely hoped that these forms may serve as starting points
from which we can begin to visualize what approximate phonetic shapes the
original words may have had in whatever languages they represent. Only
transcriptions which could be identified with a reasonable degree of certainty
were included in the final BTD corpus. Many items remain problematical or
completely unidentified and deserve further study.
The BTD data in Part II1.A.11 derive from sixteen texts which are ascribed
to the following translators:

1. Sanskrit dental stops + y often correspond to Prakrit palatals (Woolner


1928:21; Pischel 1900:197, section 280; Burrow 1937:15). In the BTD data
Sanskrit dental + y clusters invariably correspond to MC palatals, e.g.:

A. An Shigao *litf.Ii (ZUrcher 1959:32-4) was a Parthian who in A.D. 148


settled at Luoyang, where he spent more than twenty years.
1. T 13 Chang ehan shi baofajing *l\PJ1!;--Hai'*~
2. T 14Ren benyu shengjing A*1lX/I:~
3. T31 Yiqieliusheshouyinjing --IjJVfEm';fll:l~,'f
4. T 32 Si dijing (1BilM~
5. T 98 Pufayijing -~i'*~~
6. T 150 Qi chu san guanjing -e~.:::.ft~
7. T 602 Da anban shouyi jing *'tCJW:'i1' ,~:~
8. T 607 Daodijing m.tt!!,~
B. Zhi Loujiaqian 3i:.~~ /Lokalqema (?) (Zurcher 1959:35-6) was an
Indoscythian who arrived in Luoyang during the period A.D. 168-88.
Among his collaborators were one Indian and three Chinese laymen, one
from Luoyang, one from Nanyang (He-nan), and one from Nanhai (Canton).
1. T 224 Daoxing bore jing illrr~~~
2. T280Doushajing 9'el1-'~
3. T 313 Echufoguojing l\PJrl1~m~
4. T 418 Banzhou sanmei jing JW::1lt .:::.'*~
5. T 458 Wenshushili wen pusa shujing x7t~lifljrp'l:gj?jf~~
6. T 626 Esheshi wang jing l\PJA!lttt E~
C. Kang Mengxiang JjJti&~ (Zurcher 1959:36) was a Sogdian who worked at
Luoyang at the end of the second and the beginning of the third century,
indicating that the Buddhist community had survived the devastation of
the area in A.D. 190. He worked with two Indian collaborators.
1. T 184 Xiu xing benqijing ~rr*tg~
2. T 196Zhongbenqijing 9=t*tg~

!*jA!l
27
166a j)oJ}jfij~

dijwet ija
?atSjanda

Skt. vidya; cf. Cd. vija


Skt.atyanta;cf.P.accanta,
Cd. acada

The MC palatals are widely thought to have developed from OC dental stops,
but in BTD they regularly correspond to Sanskrit palatals, e.g.:
185
186

~m
~~

ijen na
!Sjet ta

Skt. jina
Skt. citta

It therefore seems safe to conclude that earlier dentals followed by y had

become palatalized in the underlying language(s) of the BTD texts.


2. Sanskrit intervocalic c and j were often lost in the Prakrits (Woolner
1928:11). In ClindharI they became -y- (Burrow 1937:6; Brough 1962:86).
In the BTD data Sanskrit medial c and j often correspond to the MC palatals
and occasionally also to the sibilants, e.g.:
160
233
251

l\PJAIJ
l\PJAIJ t!t

h'n1U

?11 zja
?a ija Sjiiijiu zjwen

Skt. aclira
Skt. ajatasatru
Skt. yojana

It is thus unlikely that earlier -c- and -/- had been lost in the language(s)

underlying the BTD texts.


3. Sanskrit medial p, t, k, and c are voiced in some Prakrits (pischel 1900:
143, section 192 and p. 149, section 202; Woolner 1928:12; Burrow 1937 :6).
In the BTD data Skt. -t- and -c- are represented fairly consistently by MC dand
e.g.:

z-,

37
330

4.11.3 Bailey (1946) has shown that the MC readings of early Chinese
transcriptions can be used to make deductions about the languages of Buddhist
texts translated into Chinese in Han times. Since a good deal is known about
the sound systems of various Middle Indic dialects and the ways they differed
from that of Sanskrit, the Chinese forms sometimes allow us to guess whether
the original language of a particular text had a certain feature in common

~:gt'l!
#tJllt~

sju bwo diei


bu ljwet da
kju

Skt. subhiiti
Skt. kolita

160 (see item 2 above).


Skt. -p- and -k- are often rendered by MC b- and g- but there are exceptions
to this tendency, e.g.:

34

35
r --

,---

r-------

--

r-----

,----

r---

4.11 / Part I: Preliminary Questions

67a
329

fJf~~

221

mtt\f.Il~

105

~1iJ}!J!!t\\II(;

fJtiBl~

?j:m bwii sak


?jau pwii thieiIii lien nii gjat
?ii kja fizi- taka

Chapter 4: Sources of the Data / 4.11

Skt. upasaka
Skt. upati~ya
Skt. ratnakara
Skt. akaniHha

Sanskrit medial -t- and -c- were probably voiced in the underlying language (s).
The extent to which -p- and -k- were voiced remains problematical.
4. Sanskrit intervocalic p sometimes became -v- in the Prakrits (Pischel
1900: 147, section 199; Woolner 1928:14; Burrow 1937 :8; Brough 1962 :87).
in a number of cases Skt. -p- is rendered by Me -,W-, jw-, and jiw- in BTD.
These initials are regularly used to transcribe Skt. v, e.g.
15

~m~

148

jt~~

62

iBlJfBfiJW

253

fiJffifi

291

~*lmilti

344

*lilti

kja Iii jwut


ka
gjun: diijwut
gjan
pwii jia /'wii diei
zja
/,wii Ijw:m
lwankja jiwi Iii jwliika
jiwijwai-

fAJfBIlt

kju jia I].jak


zja
sam pje zje:

~~
IlW~~

sju diit
na diei kja jiap
ka

Skt. gandhavatT

184

f~8f'lm:t~

Skt. prajapati
Skt. varul)a
Skt. kapilavastu
Skt. vipasyin

Skt. godan"iya
Skt. satppadl

Skt. sudatta
Skt. nadikasyapa

mwii gjat diei


jiwi sjau da
niei- gju da
I].i bu
kju

Skt. magadha 14
Skt. visodha
Skt. nyagrodha; cf.
P. nigrodha

It seems questionable to what extent either Skt. -dh- or -d- became spirants
in the major underlying languages represented in the BTD data.
6. The Sanskrit diphthongs au and oi often became Pkt. a and e respectively
(Pischel 1900:58-62, sections 60 and 61 ;Woolner 1928:26). Skt.ou frequently
corresponds to Me u and au, suggesting that ii had become a back rounded
vowel in the underlying language(s) of the texts, e.g.:

tfi1Jii

Skt. -dh- is never transcribed by Me affricates or fricatives in our BTD


material. On the contrary, it corresponds to Me d- in the following examples:
36

ffitf'.!~

54

On the other hand, in dozens of cases it corresponds to Me d-, e.g.:


248
324

~YiH1f

'Htf't~

Skt. kulapati

5. In Giindharl earlier intervocalic dh -<lh-, -th-) is thought to have


developed to [z] through the intermediate stage of [6] (Brough 1962:94).
Bailey (1946:777) and Pulleyblank (1962:217; 1973a:370) have suggested
that such a development may be reflected in certain early Chinese transcriptions. There is also sporadic evidence for the development of intervocalic d to
a fricative in Giindhiirl (Brough 1962 :94-5). Sanskrit intervocalic d is rendered
by Me fricatives in at least one and perhaps two examples in the BTD data:
189

154
286
292

kau jiak
kju
kju dam /'wiit diei

Skt. kausika
Skt. gautamapati

We may guess that the development was to 0 as in the other Prakrits. Skt. oi
corresponds to Me e in a number of examples, e.g.:

'llffttJ

40
183

~~~

mjie lak
xjwie laujilin

Skt. maitreya
Skt. vairocana

It had probably become e in the underlying language(s).


7. Sanskrit intervocalic if often became! (pischell 1900: 172, section 240;
Woolner 1928: 15), and this was sometimes also true of -[- (Pischel 1900: 171,
section 238). Sanskrit intervocalic if and {usually correspond to Me 1- in the
BTD data, e.g.:
}!J!!~m

85
175

tfi1flJ

kja lau la
kau lijkju

Skt. garuqa
Skt. koti

8. Sanskrit intervocalic bh often became Pkt. -h- (Woolner 1928:13). In


the BTD data Sanskrit intervocalic bh occasionally corresponds to Me X-, e.g.:
97

1iliiJ

sjau xii

Skt. subha

In GandhiirI, Sanskrit intervocalic bh sometimes became -v- or -vh- (Brough


1962:66,96-7). In BTD Skt. -bh- sometimes corresponds to Me /,w- andjiwwhich, as we have seen above, are commonly used to transcribe foreign v, e.g.:

Miff 8

68
107
9. Skt.

Mm=f~

?a /'wiii- sjwan
?ii jiwi sam bjwat

Skt. abhasvara
Skt. abhisaf!lbuddha

yields Pkt. ri initially and various vowels elsewhere {pischel

14The Chinese transcription may reflect aderivative such as the feminine adjectival
form, miigadhika.

37

4.12 I Part I: Preliminary Questions

Chapter 4: Sources of the Data

I 4.12

1900:51-7, sections 47-56;Woolner 1928:25-6). Similar changes had probably


occurred in the language(s) underlying the BTD texts, as can be seen from the
following examples:
Skt. grdhrakuta; cf. P.
gji zja gjw3t
35
gijjhakuta
Skt. avrha; cf. P. aviha
?a jiwi phwan
101 Mtf~i*
Skt. sudfSa; cf. P. sudassa
sju tiei103 :{!m
Skt. *f~isaptama; cf. P.
182 Ii~ flR) gill Zje- ~i sat gj3m
isisattama, Gd. i~i
~dt
(= Skt. !~i)
This brief sketch touches only on certain salient points regarding the
originallanguage(s) of the texts translated by the EH missionaries. The data
bristle with problems which require further study.
4.11.4 In Part II below it will be convenient to differentiate BTD from
those dialects reconstructed primarily on the basis of sound glosses. For this
reason the latter will be collectively referred to as "gloss dialects."
4.12

Summary

The relative periodization of the eleven sources discussed in this chapter is


diagrammed in the appended table. Points of origin for the various sources are
located geographically in Map 5, in which the boundaries of the major EH
dialect areas are also outlined.
Western Han
20 B.C.

I'

C. . . .

Du Zkhun
A.D.: .. ..

r' r' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Zh'ng x;ng .........

L,
.

Zheng Zho""

L"

BIlTY _79

r'

Xu Shen
100

L,

Eastern Han

120
140
160

180
200

220

1127
Zheng Xuan

L~

l,
"
L,
"

Fu Qian

Ying Shao

"

C UUC,I'

G,o

IISO
BTLD

..................................................................................................................

220

W~-Jin

Table: Periodization of the EH Data Sources

Map 5. Points of Origin of the EH Phonological Data

39

38
r

1----.

r--- - -..

Part II

Reconstructions
Data from each. of the eleven sources exanlined in. Chapter 4 show varyiIlg
degrees of internal consistency, and each body of material tends to have its
own distinguishing characteristics. As a working hypothesis I shall assume
that each source reflects the sound system of a particular EH ideolect, which
in turn may represent a real EH dialect.
The reconstructions posited for these dialects in Chapters 5 and 6 are
backward projections of the MC sound system as reconstructed by Kadgren
(1954; GSR) and emended by F. K. Li. This system is summarized in Li
(1971:4-7) and (1974-5:224-7). The following further notational changes
have been made:
1. '- will be written as ?-.
2. q and will be written as a.
3. ewill be written as e.
4. Medial-u- will be written as -w-.

OC reconstructions follow the system devised by Li (1971) and (1976)


unless otherwise indicated.
The system of EH rime categories adopted here is essentially that proposed
by Luo and Zhou (1958: Chapter 3). All departures from their arrangement
are noted.
Following suggestions of Baxter (1977 :33) initial velars and laryngeals, as
members of a natural class, will be termed "gutturals." Velars, laryngeals, and
labials, which share privileges of occurreQce, will be called "grave" initials,
with the remaining consonants designated as "acute" initials.
In citing sound glosses as examples, the glossed word will be referred to as
a and the glossing word as b. For example, in the following gloss,
Zheng Zhong 100

iWJ 13k

the word iWJ is l00a while tJJ is lOOb. Additional glossing elements will be
called c, d, etc. Characters in BID transcriptions will also be identified with
letters. For example, in BID 36 J~~"l, ~ is 360 and ilnJ is 36b.
All examples are numbered as in Part lILA below.
41

CHAPTER 5

Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials

5.1

Me p, ph, b, m

In the gloss dialects contacts between the MC labials and initials of other
articulatory classes are extremely rare. Contacts among the different labial
stops occur but reveal no systematic patterns. Contacts between MC m- and
the labial stops are rare. In the BTD data the MC labials tend to correspond to
Indic p, ph, b 'V bh, and m respectively. The MC labial stops occasionally
correspond to Indic v. Cases of this type show no correlation with those MC
labial initials which later became labiodentals. We may therefore reconstruct
the MC labials as EH *p-, *ph-, *b-, and *m- for all dialects in the data.

5.2

Me t, th, d, n

In the gloss dialects the MC dental stops frequently interchange with each
other, while contacts between them and Me n- are rather rare. It is therefore
possible to reconstruct the MC dentals as EH *t-, *th-, *d-, and *n- in the
majority of cases. In BTD the MC dentals t-, d-, and n-correspond for the
most part to Indic t, d 'V dh, and n 'V 1J and can be reconstructed as EH *t-,
*d-, and *n_.l In addition to these general tendencies, however, there are
several further questions which require discussion.
First, we may note that MC th- has a contact with n- in the glosses of Gao
You:

2
Li (l971 :14-15) has suggested that MC th- in words like 2b should be
reconstructed as an OC voiceless nasal, **hn-; and such a value would
account well for the contact in Gao You's gloss. On the other hand the
following example from the glosses of Zheng Xuan indicates that EH *hnshould not be set up here for Zheng's dialect: 2

226
MC th- has contacts with /- in the following examples:
1 The behavior of MC th2 Zheng's language may,

in BTD will be discussed presently.


however, have had EH *hn- in MC Division III words. See

section 5.7.

43
r

-~

~~-~-

,-

,-

,--

5.2 / Part II: Reconstructions

Xu Shen 578
1163
Zheng Xuan 333, Gao You 229
Zheng Xuan 333b, SM 903

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.2


;ff;

JJ.

f'i tham

thiem
13m
MI. liei:
ITt~ liei:

ljam

1m thiei:
\1':1 thiei:

Following Li (1971 :15) we may guess that MC th- here should be derived
from EH *hl-. This supposition is supported by the fact that 11630 and b,
both meaning "to covet," are probably cognates with etymological ties to
other words such as t# (MC lam) "to covet" and t\l\i (MC lam-) "to covet,"
(lam) "to look covetous.',3 MC th- also has contacts with velars in Xu Shen's
glosses:
37
595
lI50b

tf./ thau
;1X kham:
IfijJl thien:

j:lJ khjau:
n: tham
}l! kien-

The fact that the word & occurs among these examples suggests that contacts
of this type could also be explained by reconstructing EH hl- as the origin of
MC th- here. It is further possible that SM 60 ~;: khwo: III: thwo:, thwo-,
discussed by Bodman (1954:29), should be reconstructed with EH *hl-. More
recently Bodman (1980:102) has in fact posited OC '**hl- for (MCthwo:).
In addition to th-, MC t- and d- have the following contacts with gutturals
in the glosses of Xu Shen:
564
826

113 dam:, dam

tau:, tau-

-a- -yam, -yam15 kau-, kwok

Initial interchanges of this type, though relatively rare, are recognized in OC


and have occasioned a good deal of discussion (Dong 1949 :42, 1954: 176-7;
Pulleyblank 1962:118-19; Benedict 1976:188; Bodman 1980:108-12).
Pulleyblank derived the dental stops in question from OC velar clusters with
**-0-, but has since abandoned this idea (1979a:33). Benedict reconstructs
OC **s + velar clusters. Bodman posits OC clusters of the type **k-l (>t),
**kh-l (>th), etc., which presumably differed from OC **kl-, **khl-, etc. in
some way. His approach has the advantage that it offers a single solution,
involving clusters with -1-, for all velar/dental contacts; and it is supported by
a number of interesting examples of possible early Chinese loanwords in other
languages, e.g. (Bodman 1980:112, example 205):
Proto-Yao *glaang 2 "pond, lake" -Wi **g-lang > dang
"dam, dyke," currently
"reservoir, pond"
3SW (SWGL 4739b) states that northwards from He-nei iDJf'3tJ~t one said mrather
than 1t. In FY 1/14 we fmd the comment that in Chu the word for mwas 1t, while in
Southern Chu and Xiang fljl one said l!4:: (kham < *khbm 1).
44

To this we may add the observation that our word 564a "to eat" may be
cognate to I~ (MC lam) "appearance of eating." However, if with Bodman
we reconstruct, for example, EH *g-l- (> d-), then we are left with the
problem of how this cluster differed from EH *gl- (> 1-), to be discussed in
section 5.4 below. It seems possible that Bodman's **k-l- type initials may
actually have involved more complex clusters such as **skl-. The problem
requires further study.
Finally we turn to two well-known SM passages:
1067
1068

k. thien
k. thien

Mfi xien:
fll. thfm:

These glosses, which have been thoroughly discussed by Bodman (1954 :28-9)
and Pulley blank (1962: 117), are accompanied in SM by comments on dialect
pronunciations and appear to indicate that in Liu Xi's time the word for
"heaven" was pronounced with initial h- or perhaps x- in central China and
with th- in the eastern (i.e. Qing-Xu) area. This may indicate either that there
had been a general *th- > *h- shift in the central area, or, alternatively that
certain words like k. had had an earlier initial which became *h- in the
central area and merged with *th- further east. Examining our data we may
safely conclude that no unconditioned merger of *th- with *h- had occurred
in the gloss dialects, for MC th- interchanges freely with t- and d- in all of
them. The following examples are also of interest here:
*~ (*tj- tSjen: 4'& xien:
Zheng Zhong 69
Gao You 125
.J% xien:
II~ (*tj- tSjen:
(On the reconstruction of EH *tj- in 690 and 125b, see section
5.7 below.)

The word 4'& belongs to an OC phonetic series which had dental stop initials;
and its MC reading, which appears only in GY, is thus anomalous from the
standpoint of OC. Since the word is extremely rare it is probable that in MC
times its pronunciation was known only through an exegetical tradition of
some sort, and we may guess that this reading pronunciation derives ultimately
from a dialect which had substituted h- for th-. In any case it is clear that the
dialects of Zheng Zhong and Gao You were not of this type and that they
read ~ with a dental stop, probably EH *th-.
The following occurrence of the word k. in the data indicates that it must
have had a dental stop initial in the languages of the BHTY and Xu Shen:

k. thien
(*tr- >) tjenBHTY 83
(On the reconstruction of *tr- in b, see section 5.3 below.)
Xu Shen 1116
k. thien
M tien

45

Oiapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials

I Part III: Reconstructions

5.3

33
329

thien tjuk
tuk
twok
na thiei?jau pwa thiei-

j("-":

mlH
f~iRl

MC

Skt. nam
Skt. upati~ya

BHTY 12, Xu Shen 84511: thjau:

~
7(

1m
~t

fit 41:

iA
f.'i

f\iRk

nm

'Tu

dientwat
~ tang
it niem-

Ul

'*'

r --

r ------ --

II:

thjau:

Me 1

M{ ljwo
~ dwo
III liei-, ljiifu <;lje
~G QjiiiIYf. ljuk
f~ ljwen
rl1 tjwen
~ lam
~ dam
~ ljam:
it (*dj- dijam:
(On the reconstruction of the EH initial in 610b see section 5.7
below.)
~ ljuk
636
~ gjuk
821
'If; 41ljl~
856
diiu
j~
lieu
Pt
933
~t lje, ljer~ Qje
115
247
319
427
591
610

1m

5 Some examples are: BTD 44, 66,90,105,169,229,257.


6 A similar situation may have existed in the language of the WJ period. See Coblin
(1974-5:305).

4EH medial *-r- will be discussed in more detail in Oiapter 6, section 6.1.2.

r------

thjau:

In the glosses of Xu Shen MC /- has a number of contacts with dental and


retroflex stops:

Cases of this sort are common in OC phonetic series and it is now widely
believed that the majority of MC retroflexes evolved from OC dentals followed
by a medial element which served as conditioning factor. Pulleyblank (1964:
205), Li (1971: 11), and others reconstruct this medial as 0 C **-r-; and I
follow them in positing *-r- for the EH period as well. 4 In most cases we can

r --

*,iJ. I.lj:m:

In fact, BHTY 12/Xu 845 dates from at least WH times, occurring already in
HN and SJ, Liishu f It t~, so that it may not even be a valid reflection of the
BHTY language.
In BTD the MC retroflexes correspond to Sanskrit dentals, retroflexes, and
to clusters such as tr, fr, dr, ~fh, etc. s We may reconstruct them as EH *tr-,
etc. and guess that they were phonetically retroflex allophones of the EH
dentals, conditioned by the presence of *_r_.6

Qjiin
thieu
tiendai:
Qjengwet
gung
l).jlim

46

Xu Shen 62

The MC retroflex stops and nasal have a number of contacts with the
dentals in the gloss dialects, e.g.
dan
Qau-, Qak
thien

lji

This allows us to posit *hnr- (after Li 1971 :15) for 12b in the BHTY language.
However, this reconstruction is not possible for Xu Shen's language because
of the following counterexample:

5.4

j:lf!i
.tl

,f~

Here, following Li (1971 :15). we may suppose that MC {h- developed from
earlier *hlj-.
MC fh- has a contact with n- in the following BHTY and SW gloss:

t, th, 4, J].

Du Zichun 50
Zheng Zhong 15
BHTY83
Xu Shen 811
Zheng Xuan 183
Fu Qian 97
Gao You 231
SM 1226

lit thjak, thjuk, xjuk

622

Old Iranian hindukka


'V hinduka

Items 33 and 329 suggest that MC th- was a dental stop in BTD, while 29
appears to indicate *h- as the correct value. It is of course possible that the
situation in BTD reflects EH reflexes of different earlier initials which
ultimately merged as th- in the dialect(s) ancestral to MC, but I do not
consider this probable. BTD 29 has been discussed in considerable detail by
Pulleyblank (I 962 :90, 108, 117) who observes (p. 108) that its occurrences
in the HHS account of the Western Regions indicates that it must have been
current in China by A.D. 120, almost thirty years before the first BTD translators began work at Luoyang. The underlying form, Hinduka, was already
known to the Chinese in Western Han times (Wu 1928;Pulleyblank 1979a:33).
It is thus quite possible that this transcription does not reflect the sound
system of the major transcriptional dialect(s). For this reason it is probably
wisest to reconstruct MC th- as EH *th- in BTD.
5.3

5.4

reconstruct the MC retroflexes as EH *tr-, *thr-, *dr-, and *nr-. In the glosses
of Xu Shen, however, MC {h- has the following contacts with MC /-:

MC th- is rare in the BTD materials and occurs only in the following
transcriptions:
29

i
)--

47

5.4

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.4

Part II: Reconstructions

Jill diUo dieng


filO ljwen

947
1069
1087

,..,J-"

1m liei-

lieng

Mi

~hjwen

Several similar examples occur in SM:


~

ria lal<

183
306
792
948

,..J

Iii l

t~

duk
Ijwlit
lwai,ljwi

4ek
~* Ijwok
JI}t thwat, dwat
fft thwai, tShwi 7

ii is possible on ihe basis of these giosses to posit EH dental + -1- clusters here,
but a simpler solution would be to assume that in the dialects in question EH
*1- was a lateral tap or flap (cf. Ladefoged 1971 :50-52). Sounds of this type,
corresponding to MC 1-, have been reported in modern dialects of the southern
Min area and are said to have a distinctly d-like quality (Yuan 1960:244). It
is possible that the pronunciation of 1- in these dialects represents a survival of
the same phonetic feature we posit for the languages of Xu Shen and SM. For
the remaining gloss dialects we may suspect that EH *1- was a simple lateral.
In BTD MC 1- usually renders foreign 1 and r,8 but in a few cases it also
corresponds to dental stops, e.g.

73
133

fMli'fflJ

mMml

jilim bj au IjiIa Ijen na

144

f6JXm

kaumjwanla

Skt. jambudvTpa
Skt. ratna; cf. P. and
BHS ratana, Pkt. radal!a,
IadaJ?a
Skt. kumuda

It is thus possible that MC 1- was a flap or tap in BTD.


In a number of gloss dialects MC 1- has contacts with gutturals:

Du Zichun 20
BHTY6
Xu Shen 7
254
514
568
576
587

kwa:
*C kji:
j[l -ywai-, xwaiHi lwai:
*Il ?wan:, ?wankharn, khj1!m
F'"
~
~~ Ijam
~ liem

Ik

lwa:

Jil' Iji:

11* laingiet
~Ii lwan:
~ la.m
Ili khiem:, -yiem:
~ khiem:
~

7 For 948b the original SM text read fIE (MC gwi), which has been emended to Jl by
the SM editor, Bi Yuan 'lUi:.
8 In a number of cases MC 1- also corresponds to Skt. t and q, but as noted in Chapter
4, section 4.11 it is possible that these sounds had become lor! in the language{s) of the
original texts.

48

588
f~ -yiem
Effi: Ijam
:if; khiu:
829
tau:
1t
1155
Ijam,
Hem
~ kiem
Ii
lwin:
Zheng Xuan 187
~Ii
m kwan
ljwok
238
1'1 kak
I@.J lak
~g khak
395
400
~ luk
~ kuk
445
(:s'L (*g- jwil1lL lji(On the reconstruction of the EH initial of 445a see 5.10 below.)
Fu Qian 62
T!rii ljwen
~J'!! kwan.
Ying Shao 132
'J{ -yien
Effi: ljam
Gao You 119
ffii gjwen:
Uli ljwen
153
6~ kam
Effi: ljiim
155
~ Ijiim:,ljam xj1!p
SM 37,41,47,244,289,459,472,685,989,1172,1195,1210,1252,
1265
(For discussion see Bodman 1954, Chapter 3.)

**

Contacts of this type are found in a number of OC phonetic series and have
long been taken as evidence for velar + -/- clusters in OC. I follow Karlgren
(1954:280-81) and Li (1971 :18) in reconstructing MC 1- in such cases as EH
*gl-. Downer (1957:396) has suggested that the SM examples listed above
might simply be riming-pair paranomastic glosses and therefore may not
constitute sufficient evidence for the reconstruction of clusters for the late
Han period. However, we should note that the non-SM passages cited here
include not only paranomastic equations but also loangraph, duruo, and direct
sound glosses, suggesting that something more fundamental than mere rime
similarity must have been involved in these examples.
Syllables reconstructed with EH *gl- sometimes have further contacts with
MC I-initial words in our data. For example, Gao You 155a appears in the
following gloss:
Gao You 152

lam

(*gl- Ijiim:, Ijlim-

It is my belief that when interlocking examples of this type occur within the
same EH source EH *gl- may be safely extended to all members of the
resulting "chain." On the other hand, when such chains link different sources,
the case for reconstructing clusters seems less certain. For this reason, words
belonging to chains of the latter type are reconstructed with *(g)l- in Part III
and are supplied with cross references in the notes.
Having reconstructed EH *gl- we may now wonder whether or not MC
guttural initial syllables paired with EH *gl- words also had *-1- clusters in the
EH period. This is certainly a possibility; but, since we are unable to establish
49

5.5

Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials

with certainty that simple guttural initials could not freely interchange with
clusters such as *gl- in the Han glosses, it seems best to leave the matter open
for the nonce. 9
There is no evidence at all for reconstructing *gl- in BTD. Consequently,
in this respect BTD resembles the languages of the Three Kingdoms and WJ
periods rather than the EH gloss dialects (cf. Yu 1979:14; Coblin 1974-5:
306).

5.5

MC ts, tsh, dz, s,

For the gloss dialects MC ts-, tsh-,dz-, and s- can in most cases be projected
back to the EH period unchanged. This is also true of MC Z-, which regularly
has contacts with MC sibilants in most of these dialects, e.g.

Du Zichun 2
BHTY 58
Xu Shen 1112
1207
Zheng Xuan 119
407
Ying Shao 101
SM325
1177

to
~

rg

mi
[61

Ji!.
i

jE

tsi:
zjwong
zjenzjiik
zwisjiik
zj:m
tsjwok
sap

ilJIi
fiT
~
~
/y
~

fll
~

ii:
sjwong
sjen
dzjiik
swizjiik
dzjau
zjwok
zjap

Gao You 164

zjam

dam

In OC phonetic series MC z- frequently interchanges with dental stops, and


Li (1971 :11, 1976:1146) has suggested that it be reconstructed as **rj- or
**sdj- in such cases!O I tentatively posit EH *rj- for 164a "a bank where the
water is deep" on the grounds that it may be etymologically related to ~
(**hrjam > $jam) "deep" (cf. Coblin 1979b:203 and 208, note 34).
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan we fmd the following items:
118
364

~
~

zwidwan

The first example suggests that 118a might have had a dental stop initial of
some sort in Zheng's language, but doubt is cast on this by gloss 119 cited
above. As argued elsewhere (Coblin 1977-8:240-41), the wording of 118
may indicate that Zheng considered the phonological correspondence between
a and b to be inexact. Example 364, which is a paranomastic gloss, may reflect
an EH stop initial or cluster in 364b, but how this should be reconstructed is
uncertain. If we reconstruct EH *sdj- or *rj- in this word then we must
assume that MC z- was the reflex of different OC initials, not all of which had
merged as EH z- in Zheng's language. In fact, some of the gloss dialects reveal
that MC z- did indeed have at least one further origin:
Zheng Zhong 72
wll xjwan,\WII zjwen
Xu Shen 480
~fiJ (*g- riwen1U zjwen
1142
nt zjwan
1m (*g- jwiin
(On the reconstruction of *g- in Xu 480a and 1142b, see section
5.10 below.)
1U zjwen
1$ kjwen
Zheng Xuan 165

Li (1971 :20; 1976:1147) suggests that when MC z- interchanges with velars


in OC phonetic series it may derive from OC **sgj- and **sgwj-. For our
three EH dialects we can posit *sgj- as the origin of z- in these examples.
MC s- has a number of interesting contacts in the glosses. First, it interchanges with EH *n-:

Surprisingly, in the glosses of Gao You MC z- occurs only once:

....

dwai-

00 zjwen

Zheng Zhong 22
f{; (*nr- l).jwo
~ sjwo26
fuiq (*nj- fizju
Wfi sju
Xu Shen 270
f1: (*nj- fiiwi
~ swi
Zheng Xuan 141
.fIlili sjang gjan:
.~rr (*nj- fiZjang gjai
(On the reconstruction of EH *nj- in the above examples see
section 5.7 below.)
These examples suggest that MC s- may derive from EH *sn- in the Zheng
Zhong and Xu Shen glosses (cf. Li 1971 :19). However, in the case of min
Zheng Xuan 141 a the situation is less certain, for this word also appears in
the following paranomastic gloss:
Zheng Xuan 351

9In one SM gloss, however, the reconstruction of such a cluster enables us to reconcile
seemingly contradictory evidence: SM 382
l:!i f{ ?ai. On the basis of this example we
might reconstruct 382a with EH *gl-. However, in SM 947 this word glosses
(Me
lwai-, Ijwi:) which, as we have seen above, is in turn glossed by }It (Me thwai, tShwz) or
f1t (Me dwi). For this reason I prefer to reconstruct 382a and b with EH *1- and *71respectiv~ly and assume that these might occasionally interchange in Liu Xi's language.
IOLi (1971 :10) uses his **r- to represent a "flapped d." See section 5.8 below.

'*

50

I 5.5

fI'j sjang

m sjang

rn

(*z- zjang

In this passage 351 band c both gloss a, and if we assume that b (and by
implication a) had EH *sn- then we must assume that MC z- in c developed
from an EH *n- cluster of some sort. Rather than complicate matters in this
way it seems best to assume *s- for 351 a and b and consider the initial
contact in Zheng Xuan 141 to be exceptional.
MC s- has several contacts with m- in the data:
51

,-

r ------

,-

,----

r-------

5.5 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.6

BHTY 63, Xu Shen 1006, Zheng Xuan 344


BHTY 121, Xu Shen 1215 EX: sjwet ~ mjiat

.~

sang, sang- L mjwang

Here following Li (1971 :19) we may reconstruct MC s- as EH *sm- for the


BHTY dialect. Xu 1006 and 1215 may well be quotes from the BHTY, and it
is thus uncertain whether or not *sm- should be reconstructed on the basis
of them. However, as we shall see in section 5.6 below, Xu Shen's dialect
probably had a cluster *smr-; and this suggests that *sm- may also have
existed in his language. On the other hand, for the language of Zheng Xuan,
who may have borrowed his gloss 344 from either BHTY or SW, there. is n?
way to confirm the reconstruction of *sm.-; and it seems unsafe to pOSit U"uS
cluster in his dialect.
When MC s- interchanges with velars in OC phonetic series, Li (1971 :20;
1976:1146-7) reconstructs it as **sk- and **skw-. Two cases of this type
occur in Xu Shen's glosses:
~

982
1235

sjwiii-

.!jl,t s~p

(*g- jwt!t

&.

gj~p

For MC s- in these examples we can tentatively reconstruct EH *sk-.


MC sibilants also have contacts with dentals in the SW materials:
Xu Shen

200
747
780

~ dzi, tshi,
1:: tsjat
1/11 s~p

d~al

dzi-

lit biJi.- bi-

~ dzw~i:
f,}. bi..

dzi-

f- bi-

(B and c both gloss a.)

In these examples we may tentatively posit EH *sb- as the origin ofMC dzfollowing the suggestions of Pulleyblank (1962: 135) and Bodman (1973 :391).
In the BTD data words having MC ts-, tsh-, and z- are very rare. MC tshcorresponds to Indic s in BTD 179. In BTD 136 Skt. -stin is rendered by
Chinese IDt (MC tsjen:, dzjen:). As noted by Pulleyblank (1962: 133) this
example should probably not be taken as evidence of an *st- cluster in BTD.
MC z- corresponds to Skt. -j- in the following transcription: 11
251

~1a)

jiu zjwen

Skt. yojana

MC s- corresponds frequently to Skt. s and occasionally to s in the BTD


data. It is probably safe to project the MC dental sibilants back to BTD
unchanged.

,Z

5.6

;;1} d~p

Contacts between the MC retroflex and dental sibilants are common in the
gloss dialects, e.g.

Bodman
**st> s
**sd >ts
**sth> tsh
**sdh>dz

For 780a above we might, with Li and Bodman, set up EH *st- as the origin
of MC s-. Li's formulation cannot account for MC ts- in examples such as 747.
Bodman's system can do so but requires the reconstruction of two different.
types of voiced stops (Le. **d- and **dh-) in OC. I am uncertain whether or
not this step is valid for the EH period (cf. section 5.10 below). For 200a one
could perhaps set up clusters such as *sd-, *sth-, and *sdr- to account for the
MC initials in question. Unfortunately, 747a and 200a are both rare words
regarding which it is difficult to adduce etymological or other supporting
evidence. In view of the multitude of problems and paucity of evidence
involved I consider the reconstruction of *s- + dental clusters in Xu Shen's
52

283
949b
962

Q! 4i
tjlit, tiwat

To account for initial interchanges of this type in xiesheng series Li (1976:


1145-6) and Bodman (1980:57) set up somewhat different OC systems:
Li
**st> s
**sth >tsh
**sd>dz

language very conjectural.


Finally, we should note the following contacts between MC dz- and b-:

MC t~, t~h, d~, ~

Du Zichun 13

ftl tsjwo

"'<tEl

ZhengXing 4
Zheng Zhong 17
BHTY77
Xu Shen 399
ZhengXuan 4
YingShao 84
Gao You 189
SM 1091

fljI)

ffi dzjak

d~jwo-

ffi sieu
i"l: sjiingfli tEng
~

!E,

~u

1: ~t!ng
If! tsjang

ts~i-

~}

llJi tshjwok

JII

t~wo

t~i-

thak
tl'{ tsiek
(,IE

t~Ek

JI, tshjen

Ul!

t~jen-

In parallel with our conclusions regarding the MC retroflex stops we may


account for examples such as these by assuming that the retroflex sibilants
developed from EH dental sibilant + -r- clusters: *tsr-, *tshr-, *dzr-, and
lIThe characters Jftl and lll> (both MC jia, zja) occur in various BTD transcriptions.
Since they frequently transcribe Indic palatals and never correspond to Indic dental
in the BTD materials. See
sibilants, I suspect that they were to be read as MCjia
section 5.8 for the reconstruction of EH *z-.

*z-)

53

5.7 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.7

*sr-. However, the following glosses point to yet another EH origin for
BHTY 68
Xu Shen 1019
1029

~jang

1ti

~ang

~ang

MC~:

mjwang
:i~ (*sm- sang, sangI!H mjwung

Following Li (1971 :19) we may suspect that MC ~- in these examples derived


from EH *smr-.
Words with MC t~- and d t - do not occur in the BTD data. MC ~- renders
Indic ~,s, s, and sr. MC t~h- corresponds exclusively to Skt. k~ (e.g. 58, 83,
268). Pulleyblank (1964:207) suggests that in these cases MC t~- may have
been *khs- or *k~- in earlier periods, but this seems unnecessary. One can
assume that the Chinese used t!jh- *tshr-) to represent Indic k~ for want of
a better substitute. We may consequently guess that in BTD the MC retroflex
sibilants were retroflex allophones of the dental sibilants conditioned by *-r-.
5.7

MC ts, tSh, iii,

s, i

Words having MC t8-, tsh-, and i- interchange with EH dental stop initial
words in four of the gloss dialects, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 43
68
Xu Shen 146
159
Fu Qian 99
Gao You 154
179

rus
fl

tiei:
tSjen, tSjen:
11' 4jwo:
ira tau
m tSjet
fif tsjiim
Jjij tSjwok, ijwok

t!S: tsje:
~ dien-, dieng;m tSjwo:
tlI Zju:, zju~ get, tiet
~ dam

ma

~8k

Contacts of this type are well attested in OC phonetic series; and, since the
MC palatals occur only before medial -j-, Li (1971 :8-9) concludes that in
examples like those just cited MC ts-, tsh-, and i- developed from OC **t-,
12
**th-, and **d- under the influence of the following medial. This solution
explains well the initial contacts found in our four EH dialects, which we
shall now refer to as "*tj- dialects."
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan and Ying Shao the situation is quite different.
Here MC ts-, tsh-, and i- interchange only rarely with the EH dental stops
(Zheng 170,414, 426; Ying 102) and in each case where such contacts occur
they appear to represent quotes from earlier texts such as SW (reflecting *tjdialects) or are explainable in other ways.13 On the contrary, these MC initials
seem to have an afrmity for the EH dental affricates in the dialects in question:
12EH medial *-j- will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 6, section 6.1.3.
13 Por details see the notes to the glosses in question in Part III.A.6 and 8.

ZhengXuan 106
202
285
303
409
Ying Shao 98

tsi
zjan:
tsj;}u:

fl.,!

tsjau-

ill tsjwo-

tsjau

t~ek

tSi:

Taken together these points suggest that the three initials in question were
affricates in the dialects of Zheng and Ying, and it consequently seems best
to reconstruct them as EH *ts-, *tsh-, and *di-. We may refer to languages
possessing these initials as "*ts- dialects."
MC tsh- does not occur in the BTD data. MC t8- and i- usually correspond
to the Sanskrit palatals c and j or to ty and dy 'V dhy, which had probably
become Pkt. c and j in the underlying language(s) (see Chapter 4, section
4.11). It is thus fairly certain that BTD was a *ts- dialect.
In investigating the SM initials Bodman discovered MC Sibilant/palatal
contacts of the type we have observed in the glosses of Zheng Xuan and Ying
Shao and concluded, correctly I think, that the SM language was what we
have chosen to call a *ts- dialect (1954:30). However, he also noted (p. 29) a
number of MC palatal/dental and palatal/retroflex stop contacts which seem
to contradict his conclusion. I believe cases such as this can be best explained
in terms of the probable heterogeneity of dialect material in the SM text,
as suggested in Chapter 4, section 4.10. As an example we may note the
following gloss:
SM 715

?f. twong

*?f tSjung

This passage occurs in BHTY (see BHTY 51) and must date from even earlier
times since it is ~nown from fragments of the late Zhou text, Shizi F-'f- (ap.
TPYL, p. 127 and GY, rime?f.-). It probably reflects a language much older
than that of the SM author. Perhaps the other *tj- dialect glosses in SM are
also of this type.
In the BHTY material three examples seem to represent *tj- dialects (51,
52, 59) while three others reflect dialects of the *ts- type (2, 48, 82). This
state of affairs is almost certainly due to the composite nature of the BHTY
text. In Part III.A.4 alternate *tj- and *t8- forms are reconstructed for words
with MC ts- etc., except where the initial contacts in particular glosses clearly
point to one form or the other.
In the gloss dialects MC fii- interchanges with MC n- and 1J-, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 1

54

-'1;
1'( tsi
'iff
n dzjiin:
ifIj
fiIfl zjau
(B and c both gloss a.)
;fIR
m t~wo(B and c both gloss a.)
~ tSjiik, Sjak ftl.
11.
1f zi:

JJ nai:

{]J

iiZjang
55

r-------

r--------

r---

,----

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.7

5.7 / Part II: Reconstructions

'r nien
r/v: ilijap
Wj ilil
~ I}jwo

BHTY 84
Xu Shen 772
ZhengXuan 8
Gao You 32

ilij:mg
Mi I).jap
1~ nang, nai
!i5 ilijwo

Since fli- occurs only before MC -j-, we can reconstruct it as EH *n- and
suppose that it became palatalized to iii- through the influence of the
corresponds four times to Skt.
following medial. In the BID material MC
n (42, 45, 176, 269) and once to n (105). We can assume that it was a palatal
allophone of EH *n- and reconstruct it as in the gloss dialects.
in the glosses of Xu Shen Me s- has ihe following contacts with ihe EH
dental stops and with MC x- :

ni-

A. Dental Stop Contacts

tJ1. je
~ (*dr-> )qje
~ (*thj- tshje: iJll! Sje:
1if jeIIi!f: tiei, diei
*51 (*dr- <;ljen: iff;. jen:
m tau:
-=f Sjau:
(B and c are alternate glosses on a.)
jau:
M dau
847
Ii Sjwo
~ (= '1') (*tr- tjwo-, tjak
896
M dau
Sjau:
913
F si
~ <;ljen
953
7.K Wi:
$ (*tj- tSjwen:
956
214
229
242
450
828

1063

Sjang-

illi thung

Sje:
xieng
khwa
khwan

B. MC x- Contacts

231
418
890
1077

~
~
!rp

~t

xjei, xjei:
Sjang
Sja
jen

s-

Li (1976:1145) has reconstructed MC as OC **hrj- (where **-r- represents


a dental flap), and this value accounts well for the examples just cited. Other
dialects where one can derive MC s- from EH *hrj- are those of the BHTY
and Gao You:

BHTY 26
30
33
Gao You 243
246
56

?J~

(*g-> )ju:
.11!!. diF si
F. thien
M (*dr-> ) <;ljan

247
248

{JJ

fir Sjwo
~

Sje
~ <;ljen
~ sjen
~ Sja-

;\'k (*dj- ijam:, ijamM5Z

(*thj- tShjuk

tm

sjam, sjamSi:

In BID MC - corresponds almost exclusively to Skt. s, and we may thus


reconstruct it as EH *s- for this dialect. This reconstruction is also suitable
for the gloss dialects of Zheng Xuan, Ying Shao, and SM where MC s- has
contacts primarily with the EH sibilants and palatal affricates, e.g.

fit tshjwong
1"B sjen~ sje:
~~ si"

ZhengXuan 136
172
Ying Shao 118
SM 417

~tl

~ sjwong
1$ jen
~ je, sjeZ tSI
,~, sjak

si:

In the SM glosses MC s- has several contacts with EH dental stops (SM


113, 703, 758), but all of these examples appear to be quotes from earlier
texts (see notes to III.A.lO). I suspect that two examples of this type in the
glosses of Zheng Xuan may also be based on reading traditions reflecting
dialects which had EH *hrj- rather than *8-:
130
196

71- Sjang

jan

It tang
~ xieng

In the glosses of Zheng Xuan MC 8- has a contact with EH *n- :


143

iN nzjang, nzjang:

5 sjang; sjang:, jang-

Following U (1971: 15) we may account for this by reconstructing the initial
of 143b as EH *hnj-. In the SM glosses the matter is more complex, for there
we fmd the follOWing examples:
1169
1170
1183

m I).jap
ili I}jap
tI\ tSjap

m sjap
lilli sjap
lilli sjap

It seems possible that glosses 1169 and 1170 represent Uu Xi's own dialect
which, like that of Zheng Xuan, preserved U's OC **hnj-, while 1183 reflects
another dialect where earlier *hnj- had merged with EH *s- in 1183b.
In the glosses of BHTY, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, and SM the MC palatals
have contacts with gutturals:

BHTY lOb
80
Xu Shen 73
839a
848

fflJ tsjau
1'"'- ijen
~ tSjau{]L gjau
,,.r ijau:

X kau
~

'f

"
~

kien
kjiau
ijau
kjau:
57

5.7 / Part II: Reconstructions

1t khien

l2: ijen
I\: -yiwet

1092
1221
Zheng Xuan 16
210
389
SM

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials I 5.7

shifted toward their later forms. It is thus possible that the situation in EH
times was analogous to that in the modern dialects. In some, like the dialects
of the modern Min group, the problematical velars may have merged completely with the plain velars, while in others, like the present day non-Min
dialects they might have merged with other initial types. It may be that in
none was there any trace of the earlier factor which had occasioned the
separate dialectal developments. In other words, dialects such as those of Xu
Shen and SM might belong typologically with Proto-Min on this point, while
others such as those of Ying Shao and Gao You could be viewed as precursors
of the MC system. It may be that no EH dialect was ancestral to both dialect
types. Having recognized this possibility, I nevertheless feel that in positing
EH reconstructions it is worthwhile to mark in some way those velars which
correspond to MC palatals; and I have chosen to do this with a modified
version of Li's OC clusters, i.e. *k(rJj- > ts-, *kh(rJi- > dh-, etc. In reconstructing initials of this type it is important to note that they cannot be
automatically posited for all MC palatal words belonging to OC palatal/velar
series. Indeed, there is clear evidence that some words of this type defInitely
did not have velar initials in our *k(rJi-type dialects, e.g.

:IJ tshjwet

xji:
~8 tshiiJiin:lYJ
kjiingWf
~'(i zJan1Y) kjiingif;; (*di- ijiin: 14
(B and c are both glosses on a.)
For examples see Bodman (1954:27-8).

Interchanges of this type are well attested in OC materials, and a number of


phonetic series in which they occur have been identified (see, for example, Lu
1947:289-99; Dong 1949:16; Pulley blank 1962:98). That they are valid
reflections of an earlier feature in the language is clear from the fact that MC
palatal initial words in the pertinent OC phonetic series sometimes have velar
initials in modern Min dialects (for examples, see below); but what this
feature may have been is uncertain. Dong (1949: 17) reconstructed a separate
series of OC palato-velars to account for such contacts. This solution, which
necessitates the assumption that initial series with different points of articulation could interchange fairly freely with each other, has been rejected by
most later investigators. Pulleyblank (1962:98-100) posited plain velars and
explained their development to MC palatals in terms of conditioning factors
in the fmals, but he has since abandoned this idea (1979a:33, 34). Li (1971:
20) reconstructed the MC palatals in question as OC clusters **skj-, **skhj-,
etc. but later gave up this approach in favor of deriving them from a different
type of cluster: **krj-, **khrj-, etc., based on the distribution of **-r- in his
OC system (1976:1143-5).15
In our EH glosses we note that while there is clear evidence for earlier
velars in the examples we have cited, there nevertheless seems to be nothing
in our data which would enable us to account for a later merger between
these velars and the MC palatals. It is possible that this is because the data are
not sensitive to whatever factor was involved. On the other hand, it may well
be that no such factor was present in the dialects of this period. Perhaps it
had been lost at some earlier time. In considering this possibility we should
fust note that there are a number of gloss dialects for which there are no
palatal/velar contacts of the type we have been discussing. In these dialects
MC palatal initial words belonging to our OC mixed palatal/velar phonetic
series interchange, depending on the dialect, with EH dental + -j- or palatal
initial words, suggesting that the earlier problematical velars had already

Zheng Xuan 129

ffi (**grj;mg zj~ng

~ dz:mg

As the OC reconstruction indicates, 129a is a member of an OC mixed


phonetic series, but there can be little doubt that its EH initial was *di- in
Zheng Xuan's language. From examples of this sort we may conclude that
while OC **krj-type words may have formed a discrete class at some point ~
the OC period, such a class did not survive intact in our EH gloss dialects.
This may be due to the synthesis by individual glossists of material from
different exegetical traditions. Gloss 389 of Zheng Xuan cited above seems to
be an example of this. On the other hand, it is possible that through interdialect contact some *k(rJi- forms had succumbed to pressure fmm *tSj_
forms and been displaced in the EH dialects. Such a course of events seems to
be reflected in the patterns of occurrence of k (=MC t..) forms in the Min
dialects, e.g.t 6
Amoy

tJi ki-l
tfII khi-3

ki-5

Fuchow
ki-I
khi-3
tsei-5

Kienyang
ki-I
tshi-3
tsi-5

MC
tSje
thi:
tsi-

In the BTD data there are no conclusive examples where MC palatals

14 That

389c should be reconstructed with EH *d- is indicated by the following


example: Zheng Xuan 202 i\l dzjiin: ~ ijlin:
Bac **-r- would have had a "centralizing" effect on preceding initials, causing
dentals to become retroflexes and velars to become palatals.

16

. I ~ grateful to Professor Jerry Norman who kindly supplied these Min forms. For
a diSCUSSIon of heterogeneity in Min dialects see Norman (1979).

58

59
r -

1----

r -----

r---

r------

r-- - -

5.8

I Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials

correspond to Indic velars. 1 7


5.8

342
410

MC ji and di

In the dialects of Zheng Zhong, Fu Qian, and Ying Shao MC ji- has
contacts with EH dental stops:
Zheng Zhong 132
Fu Qian 43
81
98
Ying Shao 121

Ml (*tj- tSjwen:, tSjwen-

*,t!
~rI:i

(*dr- qi:
jilim
(*thr- thjwet
jii

jiwiin~ jii
:I:rI:i tiem~ jiliiM tiei:

In Fu Qian's glosses it also has the following contact with MC 1- :


93

jiwok

I.l. luk

Contacts with dental stops led Karlgren to reconstruct ji- as OC **d- in


many phonetic series (1954:273). Li (1971 :10) suggested that the OC initial
in question may have been an r- or I-like sound and speculated that it might
have been a dental flap of the sort found in American English ladder or latter.
Since he reconstructed OC**d- as the origin ofMC d-, he chose to represent
the OC origin of ji- as **r-. A flapped consonant of the type envisaged by Li
would account well for the contacts in our EH examples. I prefer to transcribe
this initial as *r- in order to distinguish it from EH *1- (> MC 1-), which has
no contacts at all with dental stops in the dialects of Zheng Zhong, Fu Qian,
and Ying Shao.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan an entirely different picture emerges, for
here MCji- has contacts with EH *s-, *z-, and *di-:
34
71
111
117
166
176
317
326
331
338
341

~ jiau,ji:m:
It jiwo~ jiwi
~ si~ zjwen
m (*di- ijen
~ jie
~ jii
~ zwi~ jiangjiwong

?Ii- jiwong
M jie-

Cases of this type are also quite numerous in the SM glosses and have led
Bodman (1954:31-3) to conclude that MC ji- should be reconstructed as EH
*i- for the SM language. I believe this is correct and that Bodman's EH *ican also be posited for Zheng Xuan's dialect. A small number of contacts
between MC ji- and the EH dental stops occur in the glosses of Zheng Xuan
(77, 179,451) and SM (584, 682, 751, 842, 843,915). Non-phonological
explanations for some of these are offered in the notes to II1.A.6 and 10.
Others probably represent extraneous material from earlier periods or from
dialects such as that of Fu Qian, where MCji- is reconstructed as EH *r-. For
example, SM 842 is a quote either from SW (Xu 975) or perhaps ultimately
from YJ, Shuogua. This may also account for the following example, which is
reminiscent of Fu 93 cited above:
Zheng Xuan 14

lli. IjI:

jii':

In the glosses of Xu Shen and Gao You MCji- has contacts primarily with
the EH sibilants:
~j;

Xu Shen23
93
387

d~'i:

jiliu
Ii jiang:

sjau

tt zja\IjI
~

rG'
51
~

F
~

itS
~

zjwe
jiijiwlin
jien:
Sje
Si
jiwisungzjwong-

. 17 Pu1leyblank (1962:106) cites an example of this type from a transcription in T 4.


This text is not included in our BTD materials. cr. our note to BTD 133.

60

IT! zjwongsiek

I 5.8

*zV*zjV18 This

MCjiMCzj-

parallels the development suggested by Li (1971 :11) for his OC **r-. i.e.

**r- > ji-; **rj- > zj-.

61

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.8

5.8 / Part II: Reconstructions

a fricative or affricate of some sort in BTD. It is not possible to interpret


correspondences of type A as indications of a glide value for ji- in BTD
because there are cases where one and the same Chinese ji- initial word
corresponds both to Skt.y and to the palatals and the dental sibilants, e.g.

Several contacts between MC ji- and the EH dental stops occur in the glosses
of Xu Shen (898, 910, 975) and Gao You (66). Xu 975 is a quote from Yl
(see notes to IILA.5), and it is probable that the other exceptional examples
also represent extraneous material of some sort.
In the glosses of Du Zichun we find the following example:

Ii!' si-

34

~I!

jii-

Since it is uncertain whether or not a palatal series of initials existed in the


language of Du Ziehun, it is not possible to determine whether MC ji- should
be reconstructed as *i- or *z- in this dialect.
In the BHTY glosses MCji- has the following contacts:

lif. xjam

IT jiam
~ jiau:
F jiwen:

~
~

khjau:
jwen

~1U

mwa xa jilin:
jilinjiu zjwen

Skt. mahayana
Skt. yojana

ml~Htl
715~
m~~
jmJ~
1\iiJ~

i3tAAff

80

j:l!!Jji

34

mOOj!;

58

003Z

192
335

I
f{iJI/E

ifl (used by
277
286

B. Skt. c,j, S, and s Correspondences


73
172
183
256
300
317

f{iJ~

ji1im bjau Iji')'wat jiet


xjwie laujilin
kjajiiip
?ajii
jiwlit dau dan

Skt. upasika
Skt. viciira

kaujiak
kju
kjajiak
ka

Skt. kausika
Skt. kiiyika

la jiwiit gjie
tSje
jiwlit t~a

Skt. rajagrha
Skt. yak~a

ji1im
bu ji1im nieikju

Skt. yama
Skt. kausiimbI

Sanskrit initial y- became j- in a number of Prakrits (pischel 1900: 179,


section 252; Woolner 1928:10). To account for the BTD data it seems
necessary to assume that earlier y became a fricative or affricate both initially
and medially in the language(s) underlying our texts, and this has in fact been
proposed by Pulleyblank (1962: 115). He further suggests that MC ji- was *iin the language we have called BTD, and this seems quite reasonable. Two
words having this initial are frequently used to render Indic V,19 e.g.

A Skt. y Correspondences

251

54

1it~m

Li (1976:1144) has suggested that in certain environments MCji- may derive


from OC **grj-, and it is possible that these glosses represent examples of this
type. Whether or not we should reconstruct ji- as EH *grj- here is of course
uncertain.
In BTD MCji- corresponds to Skt.y,s, and the palatalsc,j, andi, e.g.

'" llnJ1fi

mi$~

Skt. brahmakayikii

fJ!I

It seems probable that examples 15 and 117 represent EH *r- dialects while
example 39 reflects a dialect having EH *z- or *i- for MC ji-.
In the following examples ji- has contacts with MC gutturals andj- *g-):

48

67b
177

bjwem kja jii


ka
?jau bwajii
jiwijii Ii

14

lau:
jfl jiwi~ jilik

Zheng Zhong 99
Xu Shen 67
Zheng Xuan 171

AJ:tYl!! ;X;

ji:m:
zwiS;k diek

15
39
117

53

Skt. jambudvrpa
Skt. vajra; P. and BHS vajira
Skt. vairocana
Skt. kaSyapa
Skt. asita
Skt. suddhodana

*w.

Lokak~ma)

ifflt'm
iff i'l/tt

jiwi mwa Ii
jiwi sjau da

(used by Kang Mengxiang)


340 *W.Jflllillt
jiwi jia Ije
zja
jiwijwlii344 *w.~

Skt. vimala
Skt. viSodha
Skt. vaislilI
Skt. vipaSyin

19In several cases they are also used for Sanskrit intervocalic -p- and -bh-, which may
have become -v- in the underlying language. See Chapter 4, section 4.11 above.

To account for examples of type B it seems necessary to reconstruct MC ji- as

63

62
r---

r ----

5.8 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.9

Both these words have the MC labial medial -w-, which I also reconstruct
for the EH period?O and their use in transcribing foreign v was probably
occasioned by the lack of initial v- in BTD. We shall return to this question in
section 5.1 0 below.
Pulleyblank (I962) and Li (1971) have convincingly argued that MC di(which Pulleyblank writes as i-) did not have a distinct origin in OC, with
Pulley blank (1962 :68) suggesting that it may have arisen as a dialect variant
of MC ji- and Li (1971 : 12) considering it a variant of MC i-, derived from his
OC **dj-. I suspect that it may derive from both earlier sourCes. In dialects
where MC ji- and i- are reconstructed as phonologically verY different EH
initials, we are in a position to determine ~hat the ~arli;r origin of di- was.
On the other hand, in EH dialects where the two MC initials were similar this
is not the case. MC di- words which occur in the gloss dialect materials (other
than SM) are listed below. For each occurrence the reconstructed EH initial
with which MC di- interchanges is also given:

A. 1. ;jil\1 Xu Shen 1090 *th-, 1096 *hrj-, 1097 *hrj-, 1099 *hrj-, 1249
(rime sequence); Zheng Xuan 370 *i-; Ying Shao 130 *s-, 131 *s2.
Xu Shen 131 *z3. HWi Xu Shen 1082 *s-, 1089 *zj-; Gao You 240 *84. Iff Xu Shen 1091 *t-, 1104 *tj5. 1f Xu Shen 1217 *nj-, 1219 *hrj-; Zheng Xuan 255 *ts-, 414 *d(quoted from LJ); Ying Shao 144 *t86. m! Gao You 117 *zB. 7. ,l:.i; BHTY 38 *r-/*z-/*i8. lJ~ Zheng Xuan 120 *ts9. j)lti Zheng Xuan 254 *zj10.~ Zheng Xuan 256 *zjII.ft FuQian41 *r-

In the dialects of Xu Shen and Gao You we have reconstructed MCji- and
i- as EH *z- respectively. Consequently, when MC di- has contacts with
sibilants in these dialects, we may with confidence reconstruct it as EH *z-.
On the other hand, when it interchanges with stops or *hrj- it can be reconstructed as EH *dj-. This step then allows us by extension to predict what its
value should be in the remaining gloss dialects. For the words in section A of
our list we may thus reconstruct as follows:

MCji- type:
EH *z- (= *i- or *r- in other dialects):
20 For

64

*. J\1f{. till

a discussion of this medial see Cliapter 6, section 6.1.1.

MC i- type:
EH *dj- (= *di- in other dialects): 'lil\I, Irf
For the words in section B the situation is unfortunately less certain. In
the dialect of Zheng Xuan MC ji- and i- are reconstructed as *i- and *direspectively. Since words 9 and 10 have contacts with EH fricative *z- we can
guess that they had *i- in Zheng's language, and in the same vein we can posit
EH *di- as the initial of word 8. Unfortunately, however, we cannot positively
exclude the possibility that 9 and 10 actually had *di- which then interchanged with EH *z- and *i- in Zheng's glosses, or the possibility that 8 had
*z-- W n'I'C'n coma mlercnange WIt'n *t"$-. 2 1 LlKeWIse,
T 01

. l 11
1 1
we can guess t.h
at .
WOfu
had EH *r- in the dialect of Fu Qian, but it is nevertheless possible that it had
*dj- instead.
MC di- occurs in four BTD transcriptions:
11

27
89
215
274

......

f*,jf~J

dzjwet zja
t:m dzjwet dil
nil dzjwet
dzja bji

9'C1JF.i/Yt:
!Jf\f*'i

*f!l:;

Skt. vidya; cf. Gd. vija, P. vijja


Skt. tu~ita
Skt. nayuta
P. jhapita

The use of iJJ;i to transcribe Indic v in example 27 is identical to the way


labialized MC ji- initial words were employed in the BTD examples discussed
above, and we may consequently guess that it had EH i- in BTD. This agrees
well with our guess regarding its behavior in Zheng Xuan 254. We have concluded above that
is a "MC ji-type" word and can reconstruct its EH
initial as *i-.

5.9

MC k, kh, g, ng, x,

In the gloss dialects MC k-, kh-, g-, and ng- can be projected back to the
EH period without change. In most cases this is also true of x-, which I
transcribe as EH *h-.
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong MC x- has the following contact with
EH *ng-:

ffi ngje

93

Where examples of this type occur in OC phonetic series Li (1971 :15) derives
MC x- from OC **hng-, and this reconstruction accounts well for the initial
contact in Zheng Zhong's gloss. With this in mind we should now examine the
following example:
Zheng Zhong 12
21 The

I].au

xieu

same problem arises, of course, in the interpretation of the SM glosses.

65

5.9

I Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials I 5.9

12b is a word for which Li would posit **hng-, and it seems possible that it
also had this initial in Zheng Zhong's language. Having made this assumption
we can then guess that MC Q- in 12a developed from a cluster such as *sngr-,
as suggested by Chang and Chang (1976:606).
MC x- has a number of contacts with EH s- in the glosses of Zheng Xuan:

m xje

90
91
195
206
207
208

t'l;

~a

"- sjwan

xjwe
.f!F sjan
~ xj-en~ xjun~ xj-en-

r'?

xj-en-

t'l;

~a

swa
lij; swii

jiJ

To gloss 208 Zheng adds the comment that the substitution of a for b
represents a "sound error" ('rf.~~ ) in the language of Qi. It is thus clear
that we are dealing here with a special feature of Zheng's own dialect. With
this in mind it is interesting to note that all the MC x-initial words in these
examples are of the type Li would reconstruct with OC **hng-. We may
therefore gU6$S that where OC and Zheng Zhong's dialect had hng-, the Qi
dialect had EH *s-. The MC readings presumably derive from dialects which
earlier had *hng- (> *h- > x-). Chang and Chang (1976 :590) have suggested
that words of this type originally had initial **sng-. We might thus suppose
that the development of this earlier mitial was as follows: 1l
EH dialects
MC
*hng(Zheng
Zhong)
~
x**sngj-~
*h~
*s- (Qi dialect)
MC x- has contacts with EH *m- in the glosses of Gao You:
95
106

xwiing, xwang:
t~ xw;}n
M xw;}n
1i1r..

107

r""
&

mjwangmw;}nmjw;}n-, mjen

Here we may suspect with Li (1971 :14) that MC x- derives from earlier *hm-.
However, we should also note the following examples:
Gao You 70
71
The word

~
~

xjwei
xjwei

could hardly have been its initial in Gao You's language. Indeed, it would
appear to have begun with a sibilant in his dialect, and we can guess that this
sound Was EH *s-. Another case of this sort occurs in SM:
1115

l2This possibility was also suggested to me independently by Professor N. C. Bodman


before the appearance of Chang and Chang (1976). See also Bodman 1980:68-70.

66

xw;}n

m sw;}n:

These examples may indicate that words reconstructed with OC **hmactually had more than one earlier origin. For example, we might envisage a
scheme such as the following:
MC
EH dialects
-~" **hm- ~
*hm
**hm- ------.,.
~
- )------~) x~
*h**shm- [srp]
) *s- (Gao You's dialect)
~) s**sm- [zm] ---====:'> *s.~ *sm-

}>-_____

This problem deserv~s further study.


MC ?- interchanges primarily with itself or with the EH gutturals in the
gloss dialects and can in most cases be reconstructed as EH *?-. However, in
the glosses of Xu Shen it has a number of curious contacts:
717
837
840
843
855
1114
1193
1197

Ut1i' ?iwet
jt, (*dzr- d~j;}u
~, ?j;}U
flli; (*z-> ) ji;}u
Z. ?ieu
foil ?jien~ ?ji;}u:
{"1 (*dj-> ) zjak

.~
~,

.t&
JE
'J'
fi'l
t&
ktj

sjwet
?j;}U
d~j;}u

?j;}U
sjau:
sjend~j;}u

?jak

I believe these examples may constitute evidence for the existence of glottalized initials of some sort in the language of Xu Shen. Very tentatively, for
717a, 855a, and 11l4a we might reconstruct EH *s?-; for 837b/840a, 843b,
and 1193a we can posit *dz 7_, and for 1197 b perhaps *d 7_. Having taken this
step it is then necessary to extend these reconstructions to account for the
following examples:
Xu Shen 850
61

is of the type Li would reconstruct with OC **hm-, but this

{} (**hm-

W1 (*dz?->)?j;}u:

i~

(*dz?-> )?j;}U
(*dz?- ?ji;}u:

~~

tsiet

(*dz?- ?ji;}u:

A similar example occurs in BHTY:


120

Z,

?jet

For the initial of 120a one might reconstruct EH *ts 7-.


67

r-- -----

5.9

I Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials

It is of course not possible to be certain regarding the EH values of these


initials. Perhaps all (except that of 1197 b) were EH *s?_, or perhaps some
were *tsh ?-. But there are at least some indications that they were not simple
glottal stops. ~ and ~ , which are really graphic variants of the same word,
together with'tY)J and Y)JX all mean "sad, grieved" and may be cognate to ~
(MC d,?j,JU) "sad, grieved." Z. "small, young" may be cognate to 'j' (MC
sjiiu:). r:[J "seal" may be cognate to the Han-time word fi?i (MC sjen-) "tally."
J "tie, bind" may be related to ~Jl (*tj- > tsjuk) "bind, attach." The word
Z. , as has often been noted, may be phonetic in tL (MC t~iit).
The following gloss should also be mentioned here:

Xu Shen 854b

Y.h ?ji:lu-

!J,'

Sjau-

Since we have reconstructed MC s- as EH *hrj- in Xu's language we might


suppose that this example simply represents a contact between *?- and *h{rj)-,
but I am not satisfied with this explanation. The word !J,' "young" is in all
probability related to 'j' (MC sjiiu:) "small" and may in fact have had an
earlier dental sibilant initial. What this initial could have been is not clear to
me. 23 In any case, it is possible that Y.h "young" should be reconstructed
with EH *s?- and is in fact cognate to the word Z. "young" in Xu Shen 855.
Several examples of the type we have been discussing occur in SM and
have been studied by Bodman (1954:56). Two of these, SM 485 and 1077,
are identical with Xu Shen 1114 and 854b respectively and are probably
quotes from SW. I feel it is possible that they all represent a language earlier
than that of Liu Xi. But ultimately they are clearly related to the problem we
have been concerned with here.
MC ng- is not attested in the BTD data. MC k- and g- are primarily used to
represent foreign k and g 'V gh. They can be reconstructed as EH *k- and *gfor BTD. MC kh- occurs in the following examples:

10

ltfr

66

ltjr:!e.

bi khjau
bibi khjau I).i
bi
niei-

Skt.

bhik~u; cf.

Gd. bhikhu

Skt. bhik~I).l

In section 5.6 we saw that Skt.k~ is usually rendered by MC t~h- *tshr-) in


BTD. I suspect that the transcriptions for bhik~ and bhik~u,!f predate the
BTD translations and reflect a language where earlier k~ is represented as Pkt.

23 0ne could of course guess, for example, that it was an aspirated $- of the type
found in contrast with plain $- in languages such as Burmese and Phunoi, but the matter
remains uncertain.

68

5.10

kh.24 I consequently reconstruct MC kh- as EH *kh- for BTD.


MC x- usually corresponds to Indic h, or occasionally to -bh-, which had
probably become -h- in at least some of the underlying languages (see Chapter
4, section 4.11). We can reconstruct it as EH *h-. There are three cases where
words with this initial render Indic v:
166b I(t(r~
183 l:iHlJIM:
222 'l1i Pi tlJ

xjwie da
xjwie lau jilin
xjwie Sja-Iji-

Skt. veda (?)


Skt. vairocana
Skt. vaiaII

The word IIi"{ has the Me labial medial -w- EH *-w-) and is probabiy
employed here for want of a better way to transcribe foreign v. Its use is
analogous to that of the MC ji- and di- initial words with labial medials
discussed in section 5.8 above.
MC ?- is used primarily for foreign syllables within vowel or glide onset. 25
It can be projected back to BTD unchanged.

5.10

MC 1'andj

MC -y- has two origins in BTD. In MC labialized syllables it corresponds in


dozens of cases to Indie v or to Skt. -p- or -bh-, which may have become -vin the underlying language(s) (see Chapter 4, section 4.11), e.g.
19
74
172

JIilftiB:
~flJ
f.li~

sju da -ywan
sat -ywa
-ywat jiet

Skt. srotlipanna
Skt. sattva
Skt. vajra: cf. BHS vajira

Here we may suspect that Chinese labialized syllables of this type were
chosen to render foreign v due to the absence of this consonant in BTD. We
have seen in sections 5.8 and 5.9 above that words having the EH frieatives *zand *h- + medial *-w- in BTD could be employed to transcribe Indie v; but,
on the other hand, there are no cases in the data where stop initial words
(other than those with labials) are so used. It is therefore probable that in
words of this type MC -y- was a fricative, *-y-, in BTD.
In non-labialized syllables MC-y- corresponds to Indie g:

2
17
18

I\oJ 13I\oJ ml13WiIft13-

?a -yam
?a na -yam
sje da -yam

Skt. agama
Skt. anagamin
Skt. sakrdagamin

24 An analogous situation is found in Glindhiiii which usually has k~ for Skt. k~ but
where bhik~ is Gd. bhikhu. Brough (1962:102) attributes this form to the "source
dialect" from which the Gandhiiii Dharmapada was translated.
25Exceptions are BID 117 and 213. The former is discussed by Pulleyblank (1962:
90).

69

5.10 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.10

Skt. ganga

'Y:mg

The only exception to this is the following case where it renders Skt. -h- :
mwa 'Y:m lak
'Yau-

mahoraga

Since EH *g- (> MC g-) occurs only in syllables having medial-j- while MC
'Y- never appears in this environment, we may reconstruct MC 'Y- as EH *g- in

BTD 2, 17, 18, and 75 above. However, in example 88 this will not do, for
here, as noted by Pulleyblank (1962:87), it was almost certainly a fricative.
As we shall see in Chapter 6, section 6.4.4 below, the word ~ in example 88
probably had EH final *-ou in BTD, and it is possible that the vocalism of the
final conditioned the development of the initial.l 6 Consequently I suggest that
in BTD MC 'Y- be reconstructed as EH *')'- in labialized syllables or syllables
with EH rounded vowels, and as *g- elsewhere.
In the gloss dialects MC ')'- has numerous contacts with the EH guttural
stops, e.g.

1Ili ')'wo
fB_ 'Ywo'[i ')'ang
tA: ,),win
~ kaufit ,),wing
-'E:
'" gjwang
ffi gjang, kjiing:
1f~ ')'wa
I~ ')'ap
-5 kau~ 'Ylii'fi. ')'weng
f~ 1iei

Du Zichun 10
11

Zheng Zhong 47
79
BHTY19

66
Xu Shen 384
1052
ZhengXuan 52
474
Fu Qian 5
Ying Shao 94
123
Kao You 58
192

1U

if ?wo
ffi kjwo:
*,i. bng
jljlJ kwat
~ 'Yau1t kwing
~ ')'Wang
~ 'Yeng
IY.lI. khwa
00 bp
~ 'Yau
nX klii/1{ kwang:
kiei

11'

1w~t

kw~t

On the other hand, contacts between MC ')'- and EH h- are rare. This situation
enables us to posit EH *g- as the origin of MC 1- in all environments for these
dialects. In the glosses of Fu Qian there are no contacts between the velar
stops and MC 1- in labialized syllables, but the following example suggests
that 'Y- can in fact be derived from earlier *g- in such cases:
Fu Qian 67

HZ: 'Yiwen-

!/of,

(*g- 'Yien- "district"

26Example 88 is in fact the only case where MC 'Y- occurs before an EH rounded
vowel in the BID data.

In studying the SM glosses Bodman (1954:24-5) noted that MC 'Y- has no


contacts with MC g- in the text. On the other hand it has three contacts with
ng-, two or perhaps three with X_,27 twenty-eight with k-, and four with kh-.
On the basis_ of this evidence he concluded that MC 'Y- was a spirant, 'Y-, in
Liu Xi's language. I fmd this unconvincing. 28 In my opinion the close affinity
that MC 1- has for k- and kh- in the SM glosses strongly suggests that it was a
stop of some kind in the SM language, and I am tempted to reconstruct it as
*g-. In the other gloss dialects MC x- *h-) occasionally interchanges with
MC k-, kh-, and g-, and it has contacts with *k- and kh- in the SM glosses as
well. That EH *h- might now and then interchange with *g- (>1'-) should
occasion no surprise. That MC ')'- should have three contacts with MC ng- in
SM is interesting but does not in my opinion strongly support Bodman's
reconstruction of an EH spirant value for it. I count four cases where MC
velar stops interchange with MC ng- in Bodman's data,29 and examples of this
sort also occur in the other gloss dialect materials. In the sound glosses of the
WJ period MC 1'- has occasional contacts with MC x- and no contacts at all
with the MC velar stops. In the WJ language MC ')'- was therefore almost
certainly a spirant, 'Y- (see Coblin 1974-5 :302-3). If we compare the initial
interchanges of MC 'Y- in the SM glosses with its behavior in the WJ language
and the Han gloss dialects, it seems clear that it is the latter which the SM
language more closely resembles.
However, before reconstructing MC 1'- as *g- in the gloss dialects we
should consider the further possibility that it had two EH origins, *g- and
*1-. For though the MC 1-/stop contacts we have examined here strongly
suggest that later 1- derived from an earlier stop in many cases, they do not
prove that it was a stop in every case. Bodman tested this hypothesis on the
SM data and found the evidence ambiguous (1954:25). This has also been my
experience when working with the other gloss dialects. It seems to be very
difficult to arrive at a discrete list of hypothetical EH *')'- words which are
clearly kept apart from *g- words. For example, in SW we fmd the following
gloss:
Xu Shen 1165

xam, xiem, xjling-

'Y~m

We might begin with the hypothesis that 1165b was an EH .')'- word.
Tracing this word through the data we fmd that it has contacts primarily with
MC 1- and never interchanges with guttural stops. It even has a contact with
27 SM 457 is probably a quote from EY or the Mao commentary on Shi (see notes,
Part III.A.tO). Bodman (1954:130) has suggested that it may be merely a semantic gloss.
28Pu11eyblank (1962:87) has also expressed surprise at this conclusion.
29Bodman (1954:24) states that MC g- (i.e. Karlgren's gI-) never has contacts with
ng- in the SM glosses, but this is not the case, for such a contact occurs in SM 30.

70

71

,---

r------

r------

,-----

r-----

5.10 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.10

MC ng- in Fu Qian 85. However, in SM it occurs in the following passage:

11'

1196

kfun

And in addition to this we have seen it used to transcribe Indic g in several


examples cited above. Surely its initial should be reconstructed as EH *g-.
Difficulties of this type arise continually when one attempts to isolate hypothetical *'Y- words in the gloss data. Thus, while I do not reject the possibility
of a dual origin for MC 'Y- out of hand, I do not fmd the EH data very supportive of this hypothesis, and I feel it is safest to reconstruct MC 'Y- as *g- in
all the gloss dialects.
In the WJ period MC. 'Y- and j- were almost certainly a single initial, which
can be reconstructed as WJ 'Y- (Cob lin 1974-5 :303). When followed by
medial-j- WJ 'Y- became later j-. Elsewhere it remained unchanged.
In the BTD data MC j- is used primarily to transcribe foreign v, whether
original or derived from earlier -p-, e.g.
148

mrt::~

188

"'Il"f~

gjBn: da jwet
gjan
pjw~t ju diei-

Skt. gandhavatT
Skt. purvavideha

d~i-

On the other hand it corresponds to Indic intervocalic h in the following


examples:
jiwiju phwan
198

Skt. brhatphala; cf.


P. vehapphala
Skt. rmula

*i~

We may thus suspect that Me j- was *'yj- in BTD and that in labialized
syllables, where it occurs almost exclusively, it could be used to render
foreign v. The treatment of foreign v in BTD can now be summarized. In
addition to being occaSionally represented by BTD *p- and *b-, in foreign
syllables having the vowel i or e it is usually rendered by BTD *ijw- or *hjw-.
Elsewhere it is usually transcribed by EH *'Y(j)w-.
In the glosses of Fu Qian and Ying Shao MC j- never interchanges with the
EH guttural stops. In Fu's glosses it has the following contact with EH *h-:
22

f~

ju:
,i.H xju:
"Yuyang" (place name)

We may guess that as in BTD it should be reconstructed as EH *'Y- in the


dialects of Fu and Ying. In the BHTY j- occurs only once:
26

1~

ju:

Zheng Zhong 25
Xu Shen 151
1027
Zheng Xuan 68
385
416
Gao You 120
242

,tff. kju:

I~ ju:
{IitS ju:
..g.'
.!IT, gjBng
11 ju:
f~ ?jwBn:
~ jwet

*
.iI

~ kju:, gjwo:

:E jwang
,g (*g-> )'Ywo :
1m jwan
'fl gjwet
ti kjw~n
1'1[ kjwan

jw~n-

jw:m-

On the other hand, it has very few contacts with EH *h-. This suggests
that MC j- may have been a stop in these dialects. Li (1971 :14) does in fact
reconstruct it as **gw- in OC. He envisages the development of MC g-, 'Y-,
andj- from his OC initials **g- and **gw- in the following way:
**g- + -j- > g- + -j**g- (elsewhere) > "'1**gw- + -j- > j- + -w**gw- + -j- + -i- > g- + -j- + -w**gw- (elsewhere) > 'Y- + -wThe EH fmals to be reconstructed in Chapter 6, though different from Li's
OC finals in many respects, have in common with his system the presence of
diphthongs containing the vowel *-i-, and this makes it possible to adopt for
the EH dialects under discussion a somewhat modified version of his OC >
MC diagram: 3o
EH
*gj*gjiw*gjw*g- (elsewhere)

MC
)

g-

) j'Y-

Ting (1977-8:173-5) has pointed out that the OC system posited by Li

(*hrj- sjwo

This contact with EH *h(rj)- may indicate that j- should be reconstructed as


72

EH *'Y- in at least one of the dialects represented in the BHTY material.


Summarizing, it would seem that in the dialects of Fu Qian, Ying Shao, and
perhaps of the BHTY MC 'Y- and j- were separate initials, i.e. EH *g- and *'Yrespectively. It is interesting to note that Yu (1979: 10) has found a similar
situation in the sound glosses of the Three Kingdoms period.
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, and Gao You MC
j- has a number of contacts with EH guttural stops, e.g.

3 In the dialects of Zheng Xuan and 8M I assume that EH *gju- in the yu rime
category behaved like *gjw- in yielding MCj-. Cf. Chapter 6, section 6.4.4.1.

73

5.10 / Part II: Reconstructions

Otapter 5: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Initials / 5.11

gives rise to certain irregularities, e.g.

**gwj:lgh> gj:lu-

Y.. **gwj:lgh > j:lu-

Theoretically the OC reconstruction of fJi should yield MC jau-. One cannot


reconstruct the fmal as **-jiagh because this would yield MC -jwi- here. To
account for cases such as this Ting suggests deriving MCj- from OC **1w-. I
believe Ting may be correct in suspecting more than one early origin for MC
j-. On the other hand, I do not think it could have been a spirant in the
dialects of Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, etc., for this would not account for the
stop contacts it has there. Indeed, if we reconstructed j- as EH *"Y- in these
dialects, we would be at a loss to explain how they differed from those of Fu
Qian and Ying Shao, where j- *"Y-) is clearly kept apart from the EH stops.
I believe the solution to this. problem may ultimately lie in the reconstruction
of more than one type of voiced obstruent in the pre-MC period. On the basis
of Min dialect evidence Norman (1973 :224-5) has in fact reconstructed three
types of voiced stops in Proto-Min (e.g. Proto-Min *g-, *gh-, *-g-). Unfortunately, however, the Han data do not provide sufficient evidence for the
development of such a theory, and I have consequently settled upon the EH
system outlined above. Where irregularities of the type noted by Ting occur
in the data they are mentioned in the notes to section III.A.
Bodman (1954:25) states that MC j- has no contacts with MC k- and khin SM. Ting (1977-8:177) remarks that it has none with "g-, k-, etc." there.
These statements are not correct, for in Bodman's data we fmd the following
examples:

443
874
1133
cf. also 130

flt j:lu
jwei{fl: jW:ln-

~-

*"yjw-

BTD

*gj-

*g-; *"Yw-, *"Y- +


rounded vowels(?)

*"yjw-

WJ Language

gj-

"Y-

"Yjw

MC

gj-

"Y-

j-

In summary, the initial consonants reconstructed for the various EH


dialects are as follows:
Du Zichun

Zheng Xing/Zhong

BHTY

khj:lu
khjwi-, khwai~ gjwan
if ?wa, ?wo

*gj-, *gjiw- *g-

Xu Shen

,*m

b
d
dz
g

p
t
ts
k

ph
th
tsh
kh

b
d
dz
g

ph
th
tsh
tSh
kh

ts
(tS
k
ts?

~,

ju

ts
k

ph
th
tsh
kh

Fu Qian

z
?

m
n

hng

ng

s
h

hn(?) n
s

dz

ng

z
i)
("Y)

ts

b
d
dz

ts

iSh

di

kh

ph
th

b
d

1, r
z

b
d
dz

s
h

ph
th
tsh

P
t

w
-

ng

b
d
dz
g
s?

ts
k
d?
ZhengXuan

m
n

ph
th
tsh
kh
dz?

P
t

hI

ng

hn

m
n

hI
s

z
?

m
n

1, r
75

74
1

*g-

5.11 Summary

In addition we also fmd several cases (cited by Bodman, p. 25) wherej- interchanges with MC "y-, an initial which we have concluded (contra Bodman) was
a stop in the SM language. For this reason I cannot agree with Bodman's
conclusion that MC j- was a spirant in the SM language. The behavior of j- in
the SM glosses seems clearly to place this dialect with those of Zheng Zhong,
Xu Shen, etc. rather than with those of Fu Qian and Ying Shao.
Summarizing, we can arrange the initials discussed in this section by
dialect according to their increasing similarity to the sound system of MC:
Zheng Zhong, Xu
Shen, Zheng Xuan,
Gao You, SM

*gj-

li:

m
~

BHTY (?), Fu Qian,


Ying Shao, Three
Kingdoms Glossists

1-

r -

,------"

5.11 / Part II: Reconstructions

Ying Shao

Gao You

SM

BTD

s
h

ts
k

tsh
kh

dz
g

b
d
dz
di
g

m
n

ts
ts
k

ph
th
tsh
18h
kh

ng

s
S
h

p
t
ts
k

ph
th
tsh
kh

b
d
dz
g

hm
hn

m
n

p
t
ts
18
k

ph
th
tsh
tSh
kh

b
d
dz
di
g

m
hn(?) n

p
t
ts
18
k

ph
th
tsh
(tSh)
kh

b
d
dz
di
g

m
n

ng

ng

ng

(ng)

s
S
h

CHAPTER 6

Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

I, r
z
"(

hI
s
h
hI
s
S
h

I, r
?

z
Z

i
"(

6.1

The Medials

6.1.1 EH *-w-. Chao (1940:217-23) has shown that medial-w- was not
distinctive in MC labial initial syllables, and we can therefore discount it in
that environment when reconstructing eariier stages of the ianguage. Li
(1971) reconstructs OC without medial -w- and suggests that MC -w- arose
later in various ways. A system such as this does not appear to be appropriate
for the EH dialects (see Coblin 1978:36-40; 1977-8, section 2.4), and it is
therefore best to project MC -w- in non-labial initial syllables back to the EH
period.
6.1.2 EH *-r-. We have seen in Chapter 5, section 5.3 and 5.6 that the
reconstruction of EH medial *-r- enables us to account for interchanges
between the MC retroflexes and dentals in the gloss dialects and also for the
behavior of the MC retroflexes in BTD. As is the case in various OC reconstructed systems the presence of *-r- in syllables which occur in Division II of
the MC rime tables also allows us to explain contacts in the EH glosses
between fmals of Division II and those of the other rime table divisions (cf.,
for example, Li 1971:17-18). For this reason, in reconstructing the EH
dialects I shall posit medial *-r- for all MC Division II syllables.
We have noted in Chapter 5 that in BTD medial *-r- may have served as
the conditioning factor for retroflex allophones of the EH dental stops and
sibilants. This may indicate that it was itself a retroflex element of some sort
in BTD. Cases where *-r- clearly corresponds to Indic r are rather rare, e.g.

r1>r'j

(*sr-

~a

Skt. sramaJ}.a; cf.


Gd. ~amaQo
It is possible that the form underlying this transcription had Pkt.
~ rather than sr-.
61
Its]!/i
?jien (*dr- <;Ii
Skt. indra
tSja (*kr- ka ,,(wi
Skt. cakravala
187 ~1Juft.!
Pulleyblank has suggested that the character 1Ju in words of this
type is actually a corruption of ~ (MC kja, ka); and, in fact, the
word cakraviila is written with the latter graph in BTD 288.
7

mw:m

On the other hand there are in the data a number of cases where words
with EH *-r- transcribe foreign syllables which had no r-like sound, e.g.
76

77

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of 'the Eastern Han Finals / 6.2

6.1 / Part II: Reconstructions

21
184
235

(*kr- ka ~a
(JLlfttlHM kju d;}m (*rwr- rwiit diei
~a gjat
i'J/liM

Skt. ka~aya
Skt. gautamapati
Skt. sligara

These points suggest that in BTD EH *-r- may not have been, to use Pulleyblank's parlance (1964:205), a "discrete consonantal element". Perhaps it
was a retroflex glide or simply r-color of some sort. In any case, on the
phonemic level we can continue to transcribe it as *-r- in all dialects.
The Chinese word tt (MC bjwtlm-) occurs a number of times in the BTD
data where it corresponds to Skt. brahmii. Bodman (1980: 118) suggests that
it be reconstructed with medial -r- (cf. also Pulleyblank 1962:231). Indic -rwas preserved after b- in Glindhlin(Brough 1962) but was lost in many other
Middle Indic dialects (pischel 1900:201, section 287). The following example
may indicate that it was retained in the language(s) of the BTD texts:
263

~*iI"J

bwft1ft mw;}n

Skt. brllhmana

I tentatively follow Bodman and write *-r- in parentheses in the pertinent


examples.
6.1.3 EH *-j-. In MC, syllables possessing medial -j- contrast with those
which do not; and it is consequently necessary to account for the presence of
MC -j- when positing EH reconstructions. The simplest way to do this would
seem to be to project -j- back to the EH period. However, Pulleyblank (1962:
99) has pointed out that in Han transcriptions Chinese words with MC -jfrequently represent foreign syllables where no y-sound seems to have been
present, although the Chinese certainly hadj-Iess syllables available for use in
their transcriptions. Among the examples he gives are a number of early
Buddhist transcriptions; and, in fact, there are scores of such cases in our
BTD material. In order to explain this state of affairs Pulleyblank proposed
that MC -j- did not exist as a segmental phoneme in the Han period, but arose
later in syllables which had OC long vowels. He has subsequently abandoned
this theory in favor of another which posits OC syllables possessing two
morae, with the development of later -j- dependent on which mora was
accented (1973b:119-20). With certain modifications Bodman (1980:162)
accepts Pulleyblank's overall scheme as a useful analytical device, but
expresses doubt about what actual phonological feature could have led to the
development of MC -j-.
In reconstructing earlier stages of languages we are sometimes forced by
our data to resort to purely theoretical fonnulations for which we are not yet
able to supply convincing phonological detail. 1 The question before us now
1 As an example of this one might mention the three different types ofvoiced stops
(e.g. *g-, *gh-, *-g-) reconstructed by Norman (1973) for Proto-Min.

78

must be whether or not we are compelled to take such a step in dealing with
MC -j- in the BTD data. Put another way, can we with reasonable certainty
say that the Chinese would not have used words with -j- to transcribe foreign
syllables which had no such medial? I do not believe that we can. As a case in
point let us consider the Chinese transcriptions of Tibetan words found in the
Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 821-2.2 This inscription dates from well into the MC
period when there can be no doubt about the existence of medial-j-. In fact,
MC -j- transcribes Tibetany in the text, e.g.

Tibetan Original
myes rna

North Face 1. 33

Chinese Transcription
:flit' mjang mwa

On the other hand, MC -j- syllables are sometimes used to transcribe Tibetan
syllables which had no medial -y-:

Tibetan Original
sum
bka'
ka
ken
zigs

North Face 1. 10
29
35
35
36

Chinese Transcription
,(., sj;}m
fml gja
fro gja
ij!{: gjan 3
it zfak

It would thus seem that in Tang times the Chinese could and did use words
with medial -i- to transcribe foreign syllables which had no y-like medial. Can
we be certain that this was not so in Han times? That MC -j- may be the
reflex of something other than -j- in earlier stages of the language is of course
possible, but until we can fmd compelling evidence that this was so and
convincing testimony for what the earlier element could have been it seems
safest to project medial-j- back to the EH period unchanged.

6.2
6.2.1

The Final Consonants


EH *-p, *-t, *-k, *-kw, *-m.

In the BTD materials words with MC

-p, -t, and -k occasionally correspond to foreign syllables where no such

consonant seems to have been present, e.g.


283

tfiJ jjl; ffIf

husukmwft
kju

Skt. kusuma

2The version of this text used here is that of Li (1957). I am grateful to Professor Li
for drawing my attention to these examples. Cf. also Luo (1933:172-4). For several
further examples see Li (1979).
3 This character is also read MC kfin, but it is unlikely that this was the intended
reading here, for MC fi usually corresponds to Tibetan a in the text, e.g. 1. 37 Tib. rgan
Chin. ~ kan-.

79

,--

,----

r-

r----

r-----

6.2

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals I 6.2

I Part II: Reconstructions

In the gloss dialects -p, -t, and -k occasionally interchange with each other or
with EH open syllable finals, e.g.
Xu Shen 739
SM 1182

kat
tSj~p

kjak
l-X} thiei-

I have been unable to detect patterns in interchanges of this type and have
consequently projected MC -p, -t, and -k back to the EH period as EH *-p,
*-t, and _k.4 Having taken this step it is necessary to point out, however, that
such unusual fmal contacts may actually reflect mergers or even loss of final
consonants in some EH dialects. Karigren (1932:180), in studying the rimes
of the Yilin M,ft, suspected that this text might represent a Han dialect in
which certain fmals had become weakened, and Luo and Zhou (1958:64)
suggested that in some EH dialects -p, -t, and -k might have been lost or merged
as a glottal stop. Perhaps future studies will throw light on this problem.
Contacts between MC -m and fmals of other types are very rare in the
gloss data. In BTD MC -m always corresponds to Indic m or '!l. We can safely
reconstruct MC -m as EH *-m for all the EH dialects.
6.2.2 EH *-h, *-1' , *-k-, *-hw, *-'Yw, *-kw-. Finals of the EH zhi ~ ,
you, xiao, and yu rime categories have open finals in MC and also in the WJ
reconstruction of Ting (1975).5 In the glosses of Ying Shao they never
interchange with MC closed fmals and can consequently be reconstructed as
open for Ying's dialect.
In the other gloss dialects the situation is quite different, for here the
finals in question have numerous contacts with fmals ending in MC -k, e.g.
Du Zichun 58
62
Zheng Xing 4
Zheng Zhong 13

104
BHTY 22
107
Xu Shen 95
620
Zheng Xuan 76

~ ~juk

if1l sieu

ff dzak

Ill'i tsja-

tlIU
~

d~jwo-

kiek
"to arouse"
ijlt bjuk
~ 1'wa
~ dzuk
.t\l\ dzjau
~~ kck
ttl t~ju

ftl dzj3k
~

"royal field"
kau

~ bjau:
fff ,}wak
~ tshau~ dzjak
IIX kmVE tshjwok

the wo and yao categories I reconstruct not *-k but labiovelar *-kw in several
dialects. Justification for this will be given in sections 6.4.19 and 6.4.20 below.
5 For a list of the EH rime categories and their romanized names see the introduction
to Part lIlA below.
4 For

80

293
Fu Qian 9
92
Gao You 45
173
SM 160

M,

';1' dzwo-

dzflk
diek
tSju-, tjuij'ot tSjuk
{'o 1'au:
~ti duk
~ swo

I~E

~
{l:

dau, thieu%il !Sjwok


~ tSju1{t
- fl.4
1'wok
liff dau
ifiJl ~ak

II

Contacts of this type are most common in the glosses of Xu Shen, Zheng
Xuan, Gao You, and SM and are less numerous for dialects where the data are
fewer. (For a more extensive listing of exampies, see Cobun i979a:i84-7;
1979-80:267-71; Ms. 1, section 2.2.) They occur in all three nonchecked
MC tone categories. Many MC fmals for which they are not attested have
interlocking contacts with fmals in which they do occur, making it very
difficult to identify constraints of any kind on their distribution. It would
thus appear that they represent a pervasive feature of the rime categories in
which they occur. 6 This feature was almost certainly fmal guttural constriction
or occlusion of some sort. Karigren (1954:276) held that the finals in question
actually had a fmal voiced stop, **-g, in OC. Li (1971 :25) agrees that some
sort of velar consonant must have been present in OC but is unwilling to
speculate on its phonetic nature. He transcribes it as **-g. In our Han data we
may note a curious fact about the finals of the EH rime categories in question.
In words which had the MC ping and shang tones, these fmals occasionally
have contacts not only with MC -k but also with -ng and with fmals which
were almost certainly open in the EH period, e.g.
Du Zichun 14
tI'J
39
"?
ZhengZhong 23 lit.
59 Mi
Xu Shen 202
Pi:
336
-tJIJI
Zheng Xuan 61
T337 00
Gao You 29
,~
(li.'.
227
SM 158
r:J
440
11.

sjwo (yu group)


zjang~wo (yu group)
pjwang:
?ii
bang
ju (yu group)
xjang?wo (yu group)
phjwai
khau: (yu group)
kjwi: (zhi Z group)

l'i;

l: tSju: (yu group)


it),'

m pju: (yu group)


Ifi ?ji" (zhi Z group)
~tf bwai (zhi Z group)
A jwe
fr xji": (zhi Z group)
~ ?ang
*= pju (yu group)
<h khung
ffB kjwe

Significantly, contacts of this sort are extremely rare for fmals in the MC qu
6 An important exception to this in the fmals of Gao You's language will be discussed
in section 6.4.4 below.

81

6.2 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.2

tone. 7 There seems to be little difficulty in supposing that the unknown


consonantal element in the qu tone finals was a stop. We can transcribe it as
*-k- and consider it to be an allophone of EH *-k conditioned by whatever
element later yielded the MC qu tone. It seems rather unlikely that the ping and
shang tone words in question could have had final stops; but a voiced spirant
such as -"{ might have permitted contacts with final -k and -ng while not
precluding sporadic interchanges with open fmals. In most of the gloss
dialects in question we can consider this consonant to be an allophone of EH
*h- and arrive at the following set of fmal consonants for the pertinent rime
groups:
J-_
*-h:

'1'*-h

j~

A..

*-k-

*-k

For the dialect of Fu Qian, where we have reconstructed initial * ,,{-, it seems
most reasonable to write our problematical fmal consonant as *-"{ rather
than *-h. For the you and xiao categories of Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You
EH *-h, *-,,{, and *-k- will be replaced by labiovelars, *-hw, *- "{w, and
*-kw-. Justification for this is given in sections 6.4.2 and 6.4.3 below.
In many of the gloss dialects the fmals of the EH zhix group seem to
have been completely open. However, in the glosses of Zheng Xuan those
fmals of this group derived from the OCjia ft (**-ig) category have contacts
with velars:
246
247
410

m pjiik, bjiik
m pjiik, bjiik
~

'll{ mjie: **mjigx)


~~,' pjie, bjie **pjig, bjig)
g jie- **righ)
"smooth, well-worked"

siek

On the other hand, fmals of this type also interchange with EH open fmals in
Zheng's glosses:
86
92

III lje,lje-

98

'lIT mjie:

m:

!iii liei- **ligh)


J!1! bjie **bjig)
"silk band"
&: mjie:

bjie

**mjigx)

Examples of this type suggest that in Zheng's dialect EH *-h can be reconstructed in all three MC unchecked tones for fmals of this type. Similar cases
occur in the glosses of Zheng Zhong and Fu Qian, e.g.

ff dzjiik
Ii liei- **ligh)

Zheng Zhong 120


Fu Qian 41

7l dzje- **dzjigh)
!iII liek

'There are three examples: BHTY 54, Xu Shen 884, and Gao You 13.

82

Perhaps EH *-h should also be reconstructed for qu tone words of this type
in the dialects of Zheng and Fu.
In BTD there is no evidence for final velar consonants in MC unchecked
syllables of the type under discussion except in the case of the MC rime -wai
in the qu tone:
161

6@M

tSjlirn bwgi- "{wan

Skt. *cannpakavarQa

Here we can reconstruct EH *-k- for 161b. Since qu tone words from the
rime categories here in question are rare in the data, it is not possible to
determine how widely EH *-k- was distributed in BTD.
6.2.3 EH *-t:, *-t-. Finals of the EH ji category are open and have the
qu tone in MC. They have contacts with MC -t fmals in many of the gloss
dialects, e.g.
Du Zichun 65
Xu Shen 973
Zheng Xuan 125
Fu Qian 98
Gao You 82
SM 775

tMi fiijwiit
~.Q

it

tt
If;:,

bwaipwat
thjwet
?jiiikwat

flijwaibwat
(r1J pwai~ jiiiiID: xjet
WI 'Ywai,Ai

~j{

Interchanges of this sort also occur in the poetic rimes of the Han, WJ, and
later periods (Luo and Zhou 1959; Ting 1975; Wang 1936). They would seem
to indicate that in the gloss dialects the fmals of the ji category had a fmal
consonant which was similar to EH *-t. We can guess that it was an allophone
of *-t, conditioned by whatever EH feature later gave rise to the Me qu tone.
Thus we can transcribe it as EH *-t-.
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong and BHTY fmals of the ji category have
contacts with words of the zhi nl1 group, for which EH *-t- will presently be
reconstructed. For this reason we may guess that *-t- was present in the ji
category for their dialects. In the glosses of Ying Shao there is no evidence at
all for EH *-t- in the ji category. Ting (1975:264) concluded that fmals of
this category were open in the Jiangdong or Wu dialect ofWJ times. Perhaps
Ying Shao's language was similar to the later Jiangdong dialect in this respect.
In BTD the fmals of the ji category have contacts with Sanskrit syllables
ending in s,~, 9, th, and t:
A. Contacts with Skt. -s, -~, -8 Syllables

250
260
291

tfU~

tftu( fOm

:@!mmliJ

lai- bji
lai-ta 'Ywa Iii
kjajiwi lajwiiika

Skt. rasmi
Skt. rli~1rapaIa
Skt. kapilavastu

83
r -

,---

6.2 I Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.2

Other examples: 3, 68, 103, 104(?), 120, 194, 227, 310, 316,
344
B. Contacts with Skt. -t Syllables
233
294
309

~iiJl*1I":

?a ija Sjiii-

tJi! .f1l~

diei 'Ywa jwliipwai- ta

Skt. ajatasatru
Skt. devavatara
Skt. pattra

gjai-

Skt. gatha; cf. Gd.

H~

C. Contact with Skt. -th Syllable


245

gadha

Pulleyblank (l973a:370) has suggested that Sanskrit intervocalic -th- may


have become a fricative 5 or z in the underlying language of the BTD texts,
but as pointed out in Chapter 4, section 4.11 this is questionable. In any case
these examples suggest that, like the gloss dialects, BTD had a fmal consonant
of some sort in the fmals oftheji category. Transcriptions of type A indicate
that this consonant was not a simple stop, while those of type B suggest that
it was similar to the dental stops in some way. A possible solution to this
problem is to assume that the consonant in question was phonetically a
dental spirant, perhaps [8J, which was an allophone of *-t conditioned by
whatever feature gave rise to the MC qu tone. The situation in BTD would
then be parallel to that we have envisaged for the gloss dialects. In the gloss
dialects (and in the Han poetic dialects) EH *-t- and *-t could interchange
because they were allophones of the same phoneme. In BTD, EH *-t-,
phonetically [8J or the like, was preferred as a substitute for Indic -s, -s, and
-so Only very rarely (Le. once in our data) was EH *-t, phonetically [t], used
for such unfamiliar foreign sounds:
31

morlJ

la t~hat

Skt. rlilqasa

EH *-t was preferred in rendering Indic -t, and its allophone *-t- was only
occasionally used for this purpose.
Pulleyblank (1962:216-21; 1973a) has suggested that the final consonant in
the ji category was an independent phoneme, *-s, in the EH period. This
sound would have rimed irregularly in the poetic dialects and we must assume
that it interchanged irregularly with *-t in the gloss dialects. In BTD it would
of course have been used to render Indic -s, -~, and -so Why it should have
been preferred over *-t in transcribing Indic -t seems uncertain.
Phonetically Pulleyblank's theory and that set forth here are similar, both
assuming the existence of an earlier fmal spirant in theji group. Phonemically
they are quite different. Pulleyblank's *-s is viewed as the origin of the MC
qu tone and would presumably have been an allophone of *s-. Our *-t- is
84

interpreted as an allophone of *-t (and *t-), conditioned by whatever feature


later gave rise to the qu tone. I believe this new hypothesis accounts better for
the EH data than the reconstruction of *-s in the ji category. It assumes that in
po:tic riming and the fashioning of sound glosses in their own language the
Chmese preferred where possible to pair allophones of the same phoneme,
while in transcribing foreign words they chose with care but not absolute
consistency those Chinese phones which most resembled the sounds of the
foreign language.
In the glosses of Fu Qian, Ying Shao, and Gao You the finals of the zhi '111
category have no contacts with EH final stops, and they can consequently be
reconstructed as open. This is not true of the other gloss dialects.
In the SM glosses the qu tone final-ii-, when descended from the OC wei
f,& (**-ad) rime category, has contacts with *-t and *-t-, e.g.
871
872
876

,i~ dii)11: mjwi1;41 pjwi-

r!I. jiiii- *-t-,ji category)


,i;f.( mjet

n.JC bjwat

Finals of this type can be reconstructed with EH *-t- for the SM language. In
the SM data a small number of contacts occur between final *-t and certain
?ther finals o~ the zhi !If! group. However, the fmals in question invariably
mterchange wIth others which were probably open in the SM language and
it is therefore questionable whether they should be reconstructed with 'fmal
dental sto~s. I prefer to leave them open and attribute the contacts in question
to an adrruxture of textual material from dialects where final *-t- was more
Widely distributed. 8
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong, BHTY, and Zheng Xuan qu tone fmals of
the zhi '111.group, when derived from the OC wei (**-ad) category, have
contacts wIth EH *-t and can in general be reconstructed with EH *-t-, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 122
BHTY 41
Zheng Xuan 254

1: tshwat
M:: mjweiftj dijwet

('f. tshwai-

* mwat

~ zjwi-

The only exceptions to this are in the glosses of Zheng Xuan, where MC -ji- irt
all environments and -jwi- irt velar irtitial words irtterchange with EH open
fmals and have no contacts with -t. These fmals were presumably open irt
Zheng Xuan's language. 9
In the glosses of Xu Shen zhi 11 category qu tone fmals derived from the
8 For a more detailed discussion of the examples and counter-examples in the 8M
data see Coblin (Ms. 1, sections 2.3 and 2.6).
9 For a more detailed discussion, see Coblin (1979-80, sections 23 and 2.7).

85

6.2

I Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

OC wei (**-ad) group have contacts with final *-t and can be reconstructed
with EH *-t-, e.g.
Hl~

711

721

11

pw~i-

Finals of this type in turn interchange with those derived from the OC zhi
(**-id) group, allowing us to extend *-t- to syllables of this type, e.g.
ld~ mji- *-t-)
tAA liei- *-t-)

281
307

~1

m:

tshi-

mjiliei-

Hi

lw~i:

xji- *-t-)
1l pjwei- *-t-)
bjwei- *-t-)

-*

~'*

~iiJ ~ H\II[

?a kja nii- taka

Sja- lji-

Skt. sari
Skt. maiijusrf
Skt. vaisaIi

mjw~n

zju ~i ljixjwie Sja- lji-

6.2.4 EH *-r. In the glosses of Xu Shen qu tone words in the EH ge rime


category, when derived from the OC ge ::IX category, have contacts with EH
*-t-(-):

xjwei:
pjwei:
pjwei:

243
311
323
735

f*
~

kjwei- *-t-)
kwa-,kwa:
tSjethwa-

kjwekhwai-, khwai- *-t-)


tsjlii- *-t-)
twat

These examples suggest that the words in question may have had fmal dental
consonants of some sort in Xu's language. Since fmals of this type contrast
with those for which we have posited EH *-t(-), we cannot reconstruct this
consonant here. It seems possible that the sound in question may have been
a dental flap such lIS d or perhaps a flapped r or I. We can tentatively transcribe
it as *-r.
Certain words of this type, which have MC fmal-je-, interchange not with
EH *-t(-) but with syllables for which we posit EH open fmals or *-h. These
words presumably had open fmals in Xu's language. It seems worth noting
that they are cases where Li (1971 :40) would or perhaps could reconstruct
OC fmal **-jiorh, while those syllables for which we posit EH *-r are not
reconstructed with **-jiorh by Li:

Skt. samadhi

Cf. also 218.


310
333

105

Skt. trayastritpsa; cf. Khotanese


ttavatnsa and other Central Asian
forms given in Part III.A.II.
Skt. akani~!ha; cf. P. akaniHha

It is of course possible that the data reflect several Han dialects, one or more
of which had preserved a final consonant in MC -(j)i-.

For fmals of this type we can reconstruct EH *-t: and consider it to be an


allophone of *-t. Xu Shen's is the only EH dialect where there is clear-cut
evidence for the reconstruction of *-t-: .
In BTD the MC qu tone fmals -wai-, -jwei-, and possibly -jwi- (derived
from the OC wei group) correspond to Sanskrit syllables ending in ~ and dh:
108

tau lji-

5
~tll
4150tMitil
222 llI~tll

tshjet

ii ngiet
~

tJJ til

I hesitate to follow him here because this fmal also renders Indic open
syllables in the data, e.g.

Evidence for *-t- in OC wei (**-ad) category words is lacking in Du's glosses.
I suspect this may be due to paucity of data rather than to the fact that these
fmals were open in Du's dialect.
In Xu Shen's glosses shang tone finals derived from the OC wei (**-ad)
group interchange with words for which we reconstruct EH *-t and *-t-:
254
291
293
294

43
H~

Qu tone words of the OC zhi (**-id) category may also have had *-t- in
the language of Du Zichun, as suggested by the following example:

33

6.2

MC -(j)i- OC **-jidh) occurs in several transcriptions which Pulleyblank


feels point to the existence of earlier fmal consonants:

)'1' xjwei-

xjet
phwat

mm

diei jweiSkt. trapu~a


niei- gju ljwiSkt. nyagrodha; cf.
i].i bu
P. nigrodha
(333c may correspond to Skt. -rodh-; the point is uncertain.)

JEtliJM

Pulleyblank(1962:217;1973a:370)has suggested that intervocalic-dh- may


have become a fricative 0 or z in the underlying language of the texts. As pointed
out in Chapter 4, section 4.11, this is uncertain, but in any case it seems
reasonable to reconstruct EH *-t- [0] for 108b, 310b, and perhaps for 333c.

239
241
942

86

liZ pje- **pjiarh)


~D tShje- **thjiarh)
ilN ngje- **ngjarh < **ngjiarh ?)

fIll pje:
~

~g

tshje:
ngjwo: *-h)
87

r---

r ----

,---

,---

---

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.2

6.2 / Part II: Reconstructions

6.2.5 EH *-ng, *-ngw. In the gloss dialects MC -ng can be projected back
to the EH period in the EH zheng, dong
and yang categories. For the
dong
category we shall reconstruct labiovelar *-ngw for the dialects of Xu
Shen and Gao You, and *-ng in the other dialects. Justification for this will
be given in section 6.4.1 O. In words of the geng category MC -ng can be
reconstructed as EH *-ng for the dialects of Fu Qian, Ying Shao, and Gao
You. In the other dialects this is not possible.
In the glosses of Xu Shen geng group fmals have contacts with EH -ng and
with EH yuan and zhen category finals, which were probably open in Xu's

*,

'*

10 __

..1:_1 __

UHU<::<.;l,

60 N{ khEflg, 'YEflg
iiil khang, khan
62 f.!l! pjlin:, pwan: *-jian:, _an:)12 WI pjling:
"rim of a wheel"

*-ran, -rian)

<::.15.

A. *-ng Contacts

15 pjwang

1015
1059

j~

gjling:

ftf pjang-, bieng:


iJII gjang:

B. Yuan and Zhen Category Contacts

540

551

~t

!hjan: (*-ja:)
bien, pien (*-ia)

!r,J !hjang:

bjweng, bieng

Examples of type B may indicate that the finals in question were open in
Xu's language, while those of type A suggest that they retained vowel nasalization. This conclusion may also be valid for the SM dialect where geng
category finals have contacts with EH *-ng, *-n, and open fmals, e.g.
600

673
374

Mt sieng

?jang

5iQ khjwie

?jling

/IX san:, sanAA khjwang

In the glosses of Zheng Xuan geng group fmals interchange with yuan and
zhen category fmals, which may have been open and nasalized in Zheng's
dialect,l1 e.g.

150

~i

372

ft;;

sjang:, ~jang
mjien (*-jHi)

5f4~ sjan: (*-ja:)


'H mieng

The geng group finals may also have been open and nasalized in this dialect.
In the glosses of Du Zichun and BHTY the fmals in question have contacts
with EH open final syllables, e.g.
Du Zichun 26
BHTY 31

'*

Jl$

tieibjie

IE dieng-

itt bieng:

10Reconstruction of these ftnals will be discussed in sections 6.2.6, 6.4.14, and


6.4.15.
11 See note 10.

88

These examples suggest open finals for the geng group in these dialects. There
is no direct evidence in the data for nasalization in these fmals, and we can
only guess by analogy with the dialects just discussed that they had this
feature in the languages of Du and BHTY.
Two contacts occur in the glosses of Zheng Zhong between the geng and
yuan groups:

These examples suggest that the geng category finals may have had fmal *-n
in Zheng's dialect. We may suppose that the MC dialect(s) underlying the QY
language developed from Han dialects which had final -ng in the genggroup
rather than from those which had final *-n or open finals.
Finals of the dong,* , dong !4i, and yang categories are not attested in the
BTD data. Zheng category fmals correspond for the most part to Sanskrit
syllables ending in n, e.g.

50
75

s~ng

~ff't;filf:.

?a

'Y~ng

gjie

Skt. asailkbya'Vasailkbyeya
Skt. ganga

Geng category words appear in the following transcriptions:


78
306

bieng ~a
bieng ~a

(Mt);
Jt!itt);

Skt. bimbisara'Vbimbasiira
Skt. bimbisiira'Vbimbasara

In BTD we reconstruct fmal *-am and *-am but no fmal *_im. 13 It seems
possible that BTD had fmal *-ing in the geng category, and that this was used
as a makeshift sound substitute for foreign -im here.

6.2.6 EH *-n. In the glosses of Xu Shen MC -n finals interchange with


EH finals which were open or ended in *-h in Xu's language, e.g.
20
221
456

494

\!~

~i:

*-h)

f.tt bjie, phi


f! kj~n:
ffi 'Ywiin

ill. sjen-

Jlt bjien, bien

C kji: *-h)
fO 'Ywii

Cases of this sort also occur in the glosses of Du Zichun:


18
23

III na
riJf

mjie:

fit nan
tl\; mjien:

12 This word also has a Me reading pjiing:, which is a lexicographical ghost based
directly on Zheng Zhong's original gloss. See the notes to this gloss in Part III.A.3.
13See sections 6.4.16 and 6.4.11.

89

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.2

6.2 / Part II: Reconstructions

These examples seem to indicate that the finals in question had no final -n
in the dialects of Du and Xu. We must suppose that they differed from the
Han antecedent(s) of the QY language in this respect.
In a number of other gloss dialects Me -n final syllables have contacts not
only with EH open and *-h finals but also with words ending in EH *-m and
*-ng, e.g.
BHTY 33
82
88
94
Zheng Xuan 95
160
348
Ying Shao 52
57
71
132
Gao You 126
129
147

J'

si

'i"f ijen:
~

kan-

ram
Wi sje *-h)
lfr xjan
JJ pjwang
~ bieng:
Jif; ngji
~ bjw1!n
'i't rien
i/;j kiwen
n khwan:
m khien

phonetically open nasalized fmals or perhaps a fmal voiceless nasal. In any


case it is probably best to reconstruct them on the phonemic level as
allophonic variants of the *-n finals, conditioned by whatever EH factor
yielded the Me qu tone.
Three contacts of the type we have been considering occur in the SM
materials:

Mi <;ljen

173
952
1026

sja: *-h)
~ kung
"change"
~/ kien
f!!l sjan
Xf xji*-h)
J:t,i pwan:
('10 bwan:
}N ngjen
rt bje
Ufi: ljam
-1': kiwei
H khwa
~ kieng/!;

72

tshju
ngEng
rm ngan
:JiJ tshjan
~

Xu Shen's dialect
SM dialect

xjan-, xjen~ xj1!nlI.fk xj1!n-

t:l tshjan:
/iff ngien
11 ngai
tsham:

t~

nwan

~~

*njuah
*njuh

*nwa
*nwan

?a sju ljwen

Skt. asura

Perhaps examples of this type reflect the influence of dialects where fmal-n
had been lost.
We also fmd examples in the data where Me -n corresponds to Indic T,I,
and d, e.g.

R& xjwei
~

t~

if' tSjwen
fJt.: sje

It is thus quite possible that all three problematical SM glosses represent


extraneous material of one type or another. If we allow ourselves to exclude
them from consideration we can then project Me -n back to the SM language
in all environments. 14
In the BTD material Me -n corresponds to lndic n, 7], and n in scores of
examples, and it seems safe to conclude that it should be reconstructed as EH
*-n in this dialect. However, there are also a few cases where Me -n words
render foreign syllables which have no n, e.g.

For this dialect it would therefore seem best to reconstruct open nasalized
fmals for the yuan category and project Me -n back to the EH period elsewhere.
In Zheng Zhong's glosses contacts of the type under discussion occur only
for words in the qu tone:
71
93
94

*m

iiiju
Wi
sjiin

Gloss 952 is almost certainly a quote from BHTY (36b) or SW (Xu 956).
1026 is identified by Liu Xi as representing the pronunciation of the Qing-Xu
area. It probably reflects a dialect closely related to that of Zheng Xuan
where final-n had been lost. 173 is interesting because its fmal correspondence
is vocalically irregular for the SM language but would be acceptable for
certain other EH dialects. Anticipating our discussion of the EH vowels in
sections 6.4.4 and 6.4.15 we can demonstrate this as follows:

In these dialects it might be best to reconstruct open nasalized fmals for


words having Me -no
In the glosses of Fu Qian contacts of the type we have been considering
occur only among the fmals of the EHyuan category, e.g.
27
55
70

93
190
298

ngje
xje

Words of this type in turn have contacts with Me -n fmal words in the ping
and shang tones. It seems possible that the qu tone words in question had

~~pf.

mfflB
B1~

bjw1!m- pwa ~1in:


?jwat tan jW1!t
Hijwan

Skt. brahmapari~dya
Skt. uttarakuraval]
Skt. rabula

14 For a more detailed discussion see Coblin (Ms. 1, section 2.7).

91

90
r ------

r- -

1---

6.3

I Part II: Reconstructions

Pulleyblank (1962 :228) has suggested that in some Han dialects final *-n may
have had an r-like quality. Perhaps examples of the sort cited here reflect a
dialect of this type.
6.3

The MC Tone Categories

The earlier origins of the MC tones have been much discussed. Dong
(1954:183) held that the Chinese language has been tonal since time immemorial. Haudricourt (1954a, 1954b) introduced the hypothesis that OC
had no tones and suggested that the MC qu tone was a reflex of earlier **-s.
Pulleyblank (I 962 :217) accepted this proposal and, analogizing on the basis
of Haudricourt's theories of tonogenesis in Vietnamese, suggested that the MC
shang tone was a reflex of an earlier final glottal stop (1962 :225). The latter
idea has been developed at some length by Mei (1970).
Testimony on the nature of the EH feature or features which gave rise to
the shang tone is lacking in our data. On the other hand, for the qu tone we
possess two bits of indirect evidence. First, we have seen in section 6.2.3 that
whatever element later gave rise to the qu tone seems to have been the
conditioning factor for the allophone of EH *-t which we have speculated
was a dental spirant of some sort in BTD. Secondly, as observed in section
6.2.6, in the language of Zheng Zhong this same element may have been
responsible for the devoicing or actual loss, at the phonetic level, of fmal-n in
qu tone words. Now there are indications from various quarters that the qu
tone may once have been characterized by fmal aspiration or breathiness.
Haudricourt (1954b:363-4) has pointed out that, among the oldest Chinese
loanwords in Vietnamese, Vietnamese words corresponding to Chinese qu
tone syllables have tones which he believes descend from earlier-h (ultimately
derived from -s). Gedney (1978) has assembled Siamese evidence that the B
tone of early Tai, which is found in a number of Tai words that correspond
to Chinese qu tone syllables (probably indicating old loans in one direction or
the other), may have earlier had final-h. Finally, Pulleyblank maintains on
the basis of transcriptional evidence that fmal -h was present in certain qu
tone rimes in pre-QY times (1962:223,231-2). With these points in mind we
may note that aspiration is known to have accompanied the development of
stops to fricatives in various languages, e.g. Classical Greek ph, th, and kh
became Modern Greek [f]' [0], and [x] or [~] respectively (Allen 1968:16);
in Old Iranian, Proto-Aryan voiceless aspirates (when not standing after a
sibilant or between a nasal and a sonant) became voiceless spirants (Brugmann
1897:645-6). A similar development might have produced the [0] allophone
in BTD. It is conceivable that fmal aspiration might also have served as the
conditioning factor for the devoicing or loss of-n in Zheng Zhong's language.

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

I 6.4

We may compare the loss of Primitive Germanic *'/ before *x (Brugmann


1897 :382). All of these points hint at the possibility that qu tone words may
have been characterized by final breathiness of some sort in the EH period.
Unfortunately, the evidence seems too scant to establish this with any degree
of certainty. Consequently it'is probably most prudent to adopt the marks
used in the MC transcription (i.e. ":" and "-") as notational symbols for the
EH syllables which later had the MC shang and qu tones.
6.4

The Vowels-Rime Categories

6.4.1 The Zhi 2. Category.


finals:

This category contains the follOWing MC

A. Division 1(1) -Ili, (2) -wlli, (3) -IlU


II (4) -ai, (5) -wai
III (6) -0)1, (7) -ji, (8) -jwi
B.
III (9) -jllu
Finals of type A are usually reconstructed with the vowel ** a in OC. Ting
(1975) reconstructs them with a for the WJ period as well. IS Final (2) occurs
in the following transcription where its main vowel corresponds to Indic a:
BTD 161

tsjam bw ~i- 1'wan

r!3 ffi- M

Skt. *campakaval1).a

Pulleyblank (1962 :99) has pointed out the tendency for Chinese a to be used
for Indic short a in the Buddhist transcriptions. It is probably safe to posit *a
for all dialects in the fmals of type A. Finals (4) and (5) belong to MC Division
II, and we can account for their MC vowels by reconstructing medial *-,... as
outlined in section 6.1.2.
For fmals (6), (7), and (8) we can project MC -j- back to the EH period
(section 6.1.3). For the difference in vowel quality between fmal (6) and
finals (7) and (8), I tentatively assume with U (1971 :29-30) that (7) and (8)
had an earlier diphthong *-i:1- while (6) did not. In MC labial initial words
MC -w- need not be reconstructed for the Han period (section 6.1.1). Elsewhere it must be retained. Final (3), which occurs only after labials, is rare in
the data. In Xu Shen's glo~ses it has the following contact with fmal (7),
suggesting that its main vowel was *a:
24

~ft

pji:

g:

b~u

How it differed from fmal (2) is unclear (cf. Li 1971 :29).


In the materials of Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, and Zheng Xuan fmal (9) has
contacts with fmals of type A, e.g.
!SFinal (3) is not discussed by Ting.

cr. Coblin (1979a:242, n.

23).

92

93

6.4

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

I Part II: Reconstructions


~

Zheng Zhong 143


Xu Shen27
795
Zheng Xuan 12
274

kjau:
fJ, kjau:
t mwai
J:; phji
~ bjau:

11:. tSi: (rime sequence)


B khji:
~ mjau
1~
pjau
1'f bwai-

We may thus suppose that its main vowel was *a. In labial initial words we
may attribute its development to MC -jau rather than -jl to the influence of
the initial. In gutteral initial words we must reconstruct medial *-w- as the
conditioning factor for this development.
In the BHTY and SM glosses fmal (9) has contacts with finals of the EH
you and wo categories, whose vowels we reconstruct as *0 in the dialects in
question, e.g.
BHTY II
14
SM 445
287

bjau:

gj~lU:

bjuk *bjok)
gjau~ kjau- *kjok-)
M pjauijji

*gjoh:)

gjaufM pjuk *pjok)

.0

In these dialects we may suspect that fmal (9) had the EH vowel
and had
actually joined the you category. The only case not accounted for by this
reconstruction is SM 451, which seems to be a direct quote of Zheng Xuan
274 cited above.
In the BTD data fmal (9) corresponds to Sanskrit syllables having the
vowel u, e.g.
10

itfi:

bikhj;u
bi
bjwem- pj;u-Iau

Skt. bhik~
Skt. brahmapurohita

We may suppose that it had the EH vowel *u and had in effect merged with
the you category, for which we also reconstruct *u for BTD. As noted in
section 6.2.2, for all the gloss dialects but that of Ying Shao we reconstruct
ping and shang tone fmals of this category with EH *-h or *-r, while for the
qu tone finals we posit EH *-k-. On the other hand, the dialect ofYing Shao
apparently had no closed fmals at all here. We have no evidence regarding
the vocalism of fmal (9) in Ying's language. For fmals of type A we could
reconstruct EH fmal *-ai, projecting MC -i back to the EH period. This,
however, raises the problem of how these fmals differed from those of the zhi
"11 category, for which we shall presently reconstruct EH *-ai. Here we might
turn for a solution to BTD, which had open fmals in ping and shang tone
fmals in this category; but, ironically, the only fmal oftype A attested in the
data is precisely that qu tone example, cited in BTD 161 above, which clearly
calls for the reconstruction of EH *-k-. Ting (1975:203,257) has suggested
94

I 6.4

that in the WJ period the fmals of our type A ended not in -i but in a high
back unrounded vowel or glide, -r, thereby contrasting with the WJ reflexes
of the EH zhi Jm category fmals. I tentatively adopt this proposal in reconstructing the language ofYing Shao.
6.4_2 The You 1$1 Category.
finals:

This category contains the following MC

Division I (1) -au, (2) -au


II (3) -au
III (4) -jau, (5) -jiau
IV (6) -ieu
In the dialects of Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You the fmals of this
category have contacts with rime groups for which we reconstruct the EH
vowels *a and *a, e.g.
Xu Shen 28
Fu Qian 16
Gao You 12

Ii.' kjau: *kjw;}h:)


H kjiau:
~ kieu: *kiahw,xiao group) II1f. kieut dzjau~ jiwo: *zjah:,
yu group)

Li (1971 :31-32) has proposed that in OC the fmals of this category had the
vowel **a followed by the labiovelar consonant **-gw, and Ting (1975:
248-9) has suggested that they had fmallabiovelars in the Han period as well.
Such a system would seem to account well' for our EH data, and I consequently posit *a followed by the labiovelars *-hw, -rw, and *-kw- for our
three EH dialects.
In the glosses of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM the you category fmals have
contacts with the xiao,yu (hou type), wo, and wu categories, all of which we
suspect had back rounded vowels of some sort in the dialects in question, e.g.

BHTY 17
18
m
Zheng Xuan 23
36 ~
SM 312
494
1ft

sieu
dau (xiao group)
lau
mji;u, mji;umuk (wu group)
tj;u:

JiM sjuk (wo group)


ill dau:
tl bu (yu group, hou type)
f mjuk (wo group)

mauit tju- (yu group, hou type)


Li (1972) suggests that the you group fmals developed o-vocalism between
OC and MC. Ting (1975) reconstructs them with EH *0 and with -ou and-au
diphthongs for the WJ period. We could account well for our EH data by
reconstructing *0 here, but before taking such a step we must examine BTD,
which was also a dialect of this type. In BTD the fmals of the you category
frequently transcribe Indic -u- syllables and less often render Indic -0- or -au-

O=l
l!

95

6.4

Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

(=Pkt. -0-) syllables, e.g.


A. Indic -u- Syllables
97

i"fpjjJ
kja Ijau la
ka

Skt. subha; cf. Gd.


suhaSkt. garuga; cf. P.
garu!a

mwa xjau lak


jiwi sj:m da

Skt. mahoraga
Skt. visodha

B. Indic -0- Syllables

206
286

~f*~
tf(~

,'yltt:

Oddly enough, this situation also obtains for hou type fmals of the yu category.16 Comparing the relative frequency of vowel correspondence types in
the two categories we obtain the following figures for the BTD data:
You Category Finals
Yu Category,Hou Type
Finals

Rendering Indic u
88%
61%

Rendering Indic 0
12%
39%

These results suggest that the vowels in the two categories were both u-like
sounds. Both were also somewhat similar to foreign 0, but that of the yu
category, hou type was probably more o-like in quality. I suggest that the you
group be reconstructed with *u and the hou type with the diphthong *ou in
BTD.
Having reached this conclusion we may now ask whether or not these
values should be posited for the gloss dialects as well. In order to answer this
question we must digress again and discuss the EH wo and wu categories. In
the BTD material fmals of the wu category occur twice, each time rendering
Indic u-vowel syllables.17 Finals of this type are reconstructed with u-vocalism
by Ting (1975) for the Han period and by Karlgren, Li, and others for ~C.
There seems to be no reason not to suppose that they had *u in both BTD
and the gloss dialects. Wo group fmals occur three times in the BTD data,
corresponding to Indic 0, to au (=Pkt. 0), and to U. 18 The evidence, such as it
is, seems to favor a value of *0 over *u for this category in BTD. Ting (1975)
reconstructs it with -0- for the WJ period, and Li (1972) suggests that it had
-0- in the period between OC and MC. It seems reasonable to posit *0 for all
our EH dialects. Now, in a manner reminiscent of the situation in OC, in the
16 For examples, see section 6.4.4 below.
I

7These examples are cited in section 6.4.21.


cases are cited and discussed in section 6.4.19.

I 8 These

96

6.4

gloss dialects here in question the you group and hou type finals interchange
with and are clearly closely associated with the wo and wu groups respectively.
For this reason, unlike the situation we have observed in BTD, it seems fairly
certain that these you/wo and hou/wu complexes must each have had a
common vowel in the gloss dialects. This leads me to conclude that the you
group and yu group, hou type finals had EH *0 and *u respectively in the
pertinent gloss dialects. The EH vowels proposed for the various dialects can
now be summarized as follows:
You Group
Gloss Dialects
BTD

Wo Group

Yu Group,
Hou Type

Wu Group

u
ou

u
u

Final (2), which occurs only after labial initials, is rare in the data. In the
BHTY it has the following contact with final (3):
lOa

.gil

mau:

iii. mau-

How it differed from final (1) is uncertain.


Following Li (1971 :3 I -2) I posit an EH diphthong *-ia- or *-io- for final
(5) in order to differentiate it from final (4).
In the gloss dialects final (6) has contacts with other finals of the you
category and presumably shared with them and same vowel. For example, in
the glosses of Xu Shen we find:
42
79

th
i'~

tau:
lieu

2p

tieu:
lau

We can account for such contacts by projecting MC -i- back to the EH


dialects. In Karlgren's MC system the vowel -e- occurs only after -i-, and has
consequently been suggested that -i- be eliminated from the MC reconstruction
in Division IV (See, for example, Li Rong 1956: 114-15; Pulleyblank 1962 :70).
However, if we take this step then we must either reintroduce -i- or reconstruct some other element to account for the behavior of final (6) in the gloss
dialects. For the nonce, I have chosen to retain *-i-.
In BTD final (6) occurs in two examples:
232
304

ftJ~~
~.ii

')'wa ljwen dieu


dieu dat

Skt. varuf.ladeva
Skt. devadatta

Pulleyblank (1962:101) has suggested that fmal (6) ended in *-eu in the
language of the early Buddhist transcriptions, and I believe this is correct. As
written, *-eu contrasts with all other fmals reconstructed for BTD; and it is
consequently unnecessary to reconstruct EH *-i- for this fmal.
97

6.4

Olapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals I 6.4

I Part II: Reconstructions

6.4.3 The Xioo 1'f Category.


fmals:

This category contains the following MC

Division I (1) -au


II (2) -au
III (3) -jau
III/IV (4) -jiau
IV (5) -ieu
In the glosses of Du Zichun, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You the finals of
this category have contacts with categories for which we reconstruct the EH
vowels *a and *0, e.g.
Du Zichun 19
Xu Shen 80
Fu Qian 9
Gao You 206

'&J ka: *ka:,ge group)


~ thau
11j~ dau, thieu-

't!i' ?ieu:

1i kau:
t~ thau *th~hw)
~ diek *diakw,
yao group)
1Ji ?ieu: *?i~hw:)

To account for interchanges of this type we can reconstruct the xiao 'group
fmals with the EH vowel *a followed by labiovelar consonants, *-hw, *-1w,
and *-kw- for the dialects in question. Perhaps the vowels *a and *a were
19
similar enough to interchange in these dialects.
In the glosses of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM the fmals of the xiao category
interchange with rime groups which we suspect had back rounded vowels, e.g.
BHTY 101
Zheng Xuan 78
SM 469

~ sjuk (wo group)


~ jiu (yu group, hou type)
~ tau *toh)

doublets, either in the xiao group or in the other rime categories where they
occur. I shall follow Li (1971 :46) in reconstructing fmal (4) with an earlier
diphthong, *-ia- (or *-b- in the pertinent dialects) to distinguish it from
final (3).
In the glosses of Xu Shen and Zheng Xuan there are several instances
where fmals of the you and xiao categories interchange with fmals ending in
EH *-m, e.g.
Xu Shen 594
Zheng Xuan 41

'~

d~m:

itt thau, thieu, dieu:

m tieu

We can account for these contacts by reconstructing EH *-.7- for the fmals in
question.
Finals (3) and (4) are chongniuF1!f.H rime doublets. 2o The phonological
difference between them in MC is uncertain, and the distinction made in the
MC reconstruction is purely notational. I have found nothing in the EH data
to indicate what earlier feature or features may have given rise to these
19 We have commented elsewhere on the probable sL'l1ilarity betwe.en EH

*;1

and

*0

in the various dialects (Coblin 1979a:202; 1979-80:291; Ms. 1, section 2.21). The

following gloss may serve to illustrate this:


Zheng Zhong 123 .Iff!'l!f1f~~PJH{Hbl "the word .Iff! (khjwat < *khjwi1t) is similar to
1M (khjwDt < *khjwat) in sound."
20 The chongniu problem has received much attention in the literature. The most
thorough treatment to date is that of Baxter (1977), where all previous studies are
reviewed and evaluated.

daut~m

Examples of this type might be taken as evidence that theyou andxiao group
finals ended in some sort of labial such as -b or -v, and Pulleyblank (1963:
206) has in fact discussed transcriptional evidence from Han times which
would seem to suggest such a reconstruction. However, in our data we fmd
many cases where the fmals in question interchange with EH *-h and *-k
finals,21 and evidence of this sort seems to preclude the reconstruction of
final labials here. It seems possible that the examples in question represent
material from some dialect which did have such finals. It is for example
significant that gloss 41 above is identified by Zheng Xuan as reflecting the
language of the Qin area.
Finals of the xiao category occur in the following BTD transcriptions:
43

tJ);fIJ

tau Iji-

191

!\<~iiJtJ9' H

246

-=:&l:::::gt!i':

tSjau d~u mwa la


sam mjau s1im bwo diei

1-' Sjau-

n; jiliu

tt

m3k

Skt. trayastritpsa; cf.


Khotanese ttiivatrISa,
P. tavatitpsa
Skt. ciiturmahariijika
Skt. samyaksatpbodhi;
cf. P. sarnmasambodhi

In example 43 the Central Asian and Pali forms suggest the reconstruction of
an -au diphthong for BTD. Example 191 and possibly 246 point to an a-like
monophthong of some sort, as does the Sanskrit form in example 43. It is
possible that these materials reflect different dialect types, one of which had
a diphthong -au while the other did not. For the moment I prefer to be
guided by 191 which is the easiest example to interpret. In section 6.4.5 we
shall reconstruct plain *a for the ge category of BTD, and we must suppose
that the main vowel of the xiao category differed from this *a in some way.
Comparing with the gloss dialects where we have reconstructed EH *.7 for this
category, we may speculate that the vowel in question was a back a, which
we can transcribe as *0.
21 For examples of this see Coblin (1979a:193-4) and (1979-80: 277).
99

98
r-

--

r--

,----

6.4

Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

6.4.4 The Yu ~,Category. In this category Luo and Zhou (1958) place
most finals of the OC yu ~, group and all fmals of the OC hou ~ group,
because finals of these two types interrime in Han poetry. This arrangement is
appropriate for the dialects of Du Zichun, Zheng Xing, Xu Shen, Fu Qian,
and Gao You. On the other hand, in the dialects of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, Ying
Shao, and SM the two OC fmal types remain apart. For this reason it is
convenient to discuss them separately. Luo and Zhou assign OC yu category
fmals which belong to the MC rna ~ rime (i.e. MC -a, -wa, and -ja) to the EH
ge category. This is satisfactory for the language of Gao You and for BTD,
but not for the remaining dialects. Finals of this type will therefore be
discussed in the present section.
6.4.4.1
finals:

OC Yu

~,

Group Finals.

Zheng Xuan 31 OL
298 tw.

This group includes the following MC

SM 134
491

Gao You 29

~wo

'li xwak (duo group)


5Jli 1WO
1li kwo-

It);
It);
~

'If:
R

ftlj:

bju-

\1ft

,~~

?wo

For these dialects we may reconstruct EH *a for the fmals in question. In


most cases fmal (1) can be reconstructed as EH *-ah, *-a1, or *-ak-. However, a small number of guttural initial words with this fmal have interchanges
only with each other or with EH syllables having *-wa- vocalism. BHTY 113
and Xu Shen 874 cited above are examples of this. Words of this type are
2 2 Examples will

100

be given presently.

60
68

~a

(ge group)
~a (ge group)
1wokwa: *krwah:)
kj:m: *kjw~h:)
bju- *bjuak-,yu
group, hou type)
?ang (yang group)

gj~u

*gjoh)

phju:
khju:
khj~u

~4

4ft

f7
*khjoh) ~

kju
phju: *phjuh,yu group,
hou type)
xj~u *hjoh)
khju

We can account for contacts of this type by reconstructing final (3) with EH
*0 for the dialects in question. Ting (1975 :207) restores this fmal as -juo for
the WJ period. By retaining the WJ diphthong -uo- for our EH dialects we can
account for the difference between fmal (3) and final (4) *-joh of the you
group.
In Zheng Xuan's glosses final (3) has contacts with fmal (1), e.g.

Finals of type B have a-vocalism in MC. Ting (1975) reconstructs them


with WJ a, and they have **a in the various OC reconstructed systems. In
BTD they frequently transcribe Indic syllables ending in a. 22 It seems safe to
reconstruct them with EH *a for all dialects.
In the glosses of Du Zichun, Zheng Zhong, BHTY, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and
Gao You finals of type A have contacts with those of type B or with rime
groups for which we reconstruct the EH vowels *a or *.1, e.g.

fW sjwo

6.4

reconstructed by Li (1971 :44) with OC labiovelar rather than velar initials. In


our EH dialects we can derive MC -wo from EH *-wah, * -war, or *-wak- in
words of this type.
Finals (2) and (6) can be distinguished by reconstructing the former with
*-a- and the latter with the .diphthong *-ia-, as is done by Li (1971 :44) in
OC. Final (2) does not appear after labials in MC, but (2) and (3) both occur
after gutturals. We can assume that final (3) developed from EH *jah, *-jar,
or *-jak- after labials and from EH *-jwah, *-jwar, or *-jwak- after gutturals.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan and SM final (3) has contacts with EH rime
categories for which we reconstruct back rounded vowels, e.g.

A. Division I (1) -wo


III (2) -jwo, (3) -ju
B.
II (4) -a, (5) -wa
III (6) -ja

Du Zichun 14
Zheng Zhong 23
BHTY 113
Xu Shen874
885
Fu Qian 23

I
I

t~

mju
ju:

fjj

:H

Ii.

mwo
rwo:

**gw_)

Final (1) words in examples of this type always have either labial initials or
guttural initials derived from OC labiovelars or labiolaryngeals. It is for words
of the latter type that we have reconstructed EH *-wah, *-war, or *-wak- for
the dialects of BHTY, Xu Shen, etc. above. For the language of Zheng Xuan
we may guess that they had EH *-woh and *-wok-. Elsewhere fmal (1) and
also fmal (2) can be reconstructed with *-a-, as indicated by examples of the
following type:
Zheng Xuan 71
293

m.
WI'

jiwodzwo-

rt zja- *zjiak-)
ffi' dzak (duo group)

In the SM glosses fmals (1) and (2) both have contacts with fmal (3) or
with categories for which we reconstruct EH back rounded vowels, e.g.
90
94
457
154

Il!Jf

bwo
gjwo
rau- *g:>k-)

r~u-

fiIj

f,(

!if*guk-,yu group, hou type) tl

phju *phjuoh)
kju: *kjuoh:)
xwo, xwo1wo-

101

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

6.4 / Part II: Reconstructions

39
141
305
336

Finals (l) and (2) in examples of this type almost always occur after MC
grave initials,23 and we may consequently reconstruct them as EH *-woh/
-wok- and *-jwoh/-jwok- in this environment. Elsewhere they probably had
a-vocalism, as revealed by examples of the following sort: 24
~

II tshwo
tSjwo:

82

111

~Hi

tshak (duo group)


tSja *tsjiah)

~ill

tswo:
ngwo

'i'i
~--

ilI:j';

<,Ijan (*drjia,yuan group)


"orbit of a celestial body"

1'fflj~~

fj1n[ film

Sja: lji- pjw~t


lai- ta rwa la

100

fft'fi*

188

iJIIT~

6.4.4.2

jiwiju phwan
pjw~t ju diei-

Skt. brhatphala; cf. P. vehapphala


Skt. purvavideha

OC Hou ~ Group Finals. This type includes the following MC fmals:

Division I (1) -~u


III (2) -ju

Sja-

In the glosses of Du Zichun, Zheng Xing, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You
the rimes of this group have contacts with those of the OC yu f!A type, which
are reconstructed with EH *a for the dialects in question, and also occasionally
with other groups for which we posit *a or *a, e.g.

It seems unlikely that the fmal of 246b could have had EH *-k-. In all
probability the type B finals in this dialect were open and had entered the ge
category.
In BID the finals of type B frequently transcribe foreign syllables ending
in -a, e.g.

14
260

fll r.ifim

These examples may indicate that following MCj- *rjw-) final (3) had EH
*a rather than *0.
Comparing the development of type A fmals in the various dialects we
observe a progression from the most archaic type, where all fmals had *a,
through dialects such as those of Zheng Xuan and SM, where *0 appeared and
became more widely distributed, down to BID where *a was vestigial. By the
WJ period 0 had prevailed in all environments.

tsja
nga

1lnJ~~

Skt. bodhisattva
Skt. dharmodgata
Skt. anomiya; cf. P. anoma
Skt. gho~ila

d~i-

How this vowel differed from EH *a of the ge group in this language is


uncertain. 25 Since it later gave rise to MC -0, we may speCUlate that it was a
back a, which we can write as *ti.
In the glosses of Gao You the finals of type B have contacts primarily with
each other. The only exception to this is the following example:

246

bwo sat
dam mju giat
?anwo mwa
giu ~i la
kju -

We may suspect that they had the main vowel *0 in BID. However, the
following occurrences offmal (3) are not explainable in this way:

In the glosses of Ying Shao final (3) interchanges only with fmal (2) *-ju
of the yu group, hou type. By MC times these finals had merged as MC -ju,
and we can assume that this merger had already occurred in Ying's language.
In labial initial words final (I) has contacts only with itself. Its vocalism is
indeterminate. Elsewhere we may suppose that finals of type A had a-vocalism
in this dialect, as suggested by examples such as the following:

16
59

f~

'it1!\f<)}M

'~

Du Zichun 39
Zheng Xing 5
Xu Shen 895
Fu Qian 27
Gao You 97

Skt. sariputra
Skt. ra~trapiila

Their behavior does not differ from that of the ge category fmals, and it is
clear that the two groups had merged in this dialect.
Final (2) is not attested in the BID data. Finals (1) and (3) correspond
primarily to Indic 0 syllables, e.g.

111i-

IN
tIL

tSjang:
bju- *bjak-)
tsjwo *tjah)
tshju
khang-

=t-:

n
J1<
~

tsju:
bju
tSju
tshjan :(*tshjii:)
kh~u:, kh~u-

It is interesting to note that in the majority of cases the OC yu group words


which participate in such pairings are labialized, i.e. they are reconstructed by
us with EH *-wa-, e.g.

23 The only exception to this is SM 128.


24 SM 61 is exceptional.
25 It will be recalled that Ying Shao's language had no fmal consonants in the fmals
of the yu or ge categories.

Xu Shen 140

Em

141
143
153
158

ME
fl;
B!.l
M

kju, kju- *kjwah, kjwak-) #tJ


IIJ}J
giu *giiwah)
(g
ju *giwah)
jiu: *zwah:)
~
1l]
kju- *kjwah-)

kju M kjugiu
khju
jiu:
kju-

103

102
r

--

r---

r-

6.4 / Part II: Reconstructions

170
Gao You 41
185

lifiJ
1Y.ij

ifI

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

khju:
xju
kjwak (duo group)

aili
Ill'
li)

khju: *khjwah:)
xju *hjwah)
kju-

Luo and Zhou (1959:21-22) found that rimes of the OC yu ~, (**-ag) and
hou f9i: (**-ug) groups interrimed freely in the poetry of the Han period, and
Li (1971 :54) suggested that this was due to the breaking of his OC **u to
*ua in some Han dialects. He cited as possible evidence for this certain
Siamese words which seem to be related to Chinese, e.g.
IT
tffi

l~u-

"bean"
"to leak"

It is possible that these are Han-time loans from Chinese into the Tai languages

as has been suggested by Manomaivibool (1975 :214). The reconstruction of a


*ua diphthong for our Han dialects would account well for the contacts with
EH *-wa- fmals cited above. As proposed by Chang (1975:614-616) it is
possible that the OC yu and hou group finals had merged completely in certain
Han dialects, in which case we should reconstruct not *-ua- but *-wa- here.
However, for the present it is perhaps best to retain *ua as a mnemonic notation.
In the dialects of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM the fmals in question interchange with categories for which we reconstruct back rounded vowels.
Contacts with the wu group are particularly common, e.g.
BHTY 107

dzuk

tsh~u-

dzju:, dzju-

(B and c both gloss a.)

Zheng Xuan 76
SM 160

ti
JiJi

t~hju

{@

d~u

tshjwok *-juk)
duk

Since the wu category probably had the vowel *u in these dialects (see section
6.4.21 below) we may suppose that finals (1) and (2) of the present group had
this vowel as well. Another dialect of this type is that of Ying Shao, where
hou type fmals do not interchange with those of the yu type. Analogizing
from the dialects of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM we may guess that fmals (1)
and (2) had *u in Ying's language, but the point remains uncertain.
As pointed out in section 6.4.2, fmals (1) and (2) correspond in BTD to
Skt. u-vowel syllables in 61 % and to 0 or au (=Pkt. 0) syllables in 39% of the
examples, e.g.
A. Indic u Syllables
kja l~u Iii
ka
sju mjie:
104

Skt. garu4a; cf. P. garu!a


Skt. sumeru

19

?filttit (

183

~1itm~

sju dii /,wan


xjwie l:lu jilin

Skt. sroHipanna; cf. P. sotiipanna


Skt. vairocana

The vowels of these fmals must have been primarily u-like in quality but also
similar to foreign 0 in some way. I suggest that they be reconstructed as EH
*ou.

6.4.5 The Ge
finals:

Siamese
thua Bl
rua B2

d:lu-

B. Indic 0 Syllables

Category.

This category contains the following MC

Division I (I) -ii, (2) -wii


II (3) -a, (4) -wa
III (5) -ja
These finals have the MC vowels Ii and a. They are reconstructed with WJ a
by Ting (1975) and with **a in the various OC reconstructions. In BTD they
correspond to Indic a or ii syllables in literally hundreds of examples, e.g.

2
199

nan

Mft

?a

film

mwiilii

Skt. iinanda
Skt. mara

It is probabale that these fmals had EH *a in all dialects.

6.4.6 The Zhi 5i Category.


fmals:

This category contains the following MC

Division II (1) -ai; (2) -waY


III (3) -je, (4) -jwe
III/IV (5) -jie, (6) -jwie
IV (7) -iei, (8) -iwei
In the glosses of Du Zichun, Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Ying
Shao the fmals of this category have contacts with rime groups which are
reconstructed with EH *a, e.g.
Du Zichun 27
Zheng Zhong 94
Xu Shen 220
Fu Qian 75
Ying Shao 71

fi lie i~ xjan- *hjan- [-ja 1,


yuan group)
J1\! pjie, bjie:
zjlin (*dja, yuan group)
m bjwan (*bjii,yuan group)

...

m Iii
~

*la)

xje

il!i pwo *pah)


~
~

diei
bje

These examples suggest that the finals of this group may also have had the
vowel *a in the dialects in question. Some of the fmals in this category have
fmal -i in MC. All are reconstructed by Ting (1975) with -i for the WJ period.
105

6.4 / Part II: Reconstructions

OJapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

If they had *-i in our EH dialects, then it seems unlikely that this sound
could have been a high front vowel or glide because, as can be seen from the
examples cited above, zhi ~ category words are frequently paired with
syllables which had final *-a, *-ii, *-ah, etc. A possible solution to this
problem would be to assume that *-i was phonetically a high mid or back
unrounded glide. In the dialects of Du Zichun, Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, and
Fu Qian this sound can be transcribed as *-i. In the dialect of Ying Shao,
however, fmals of this category contrast with those oftheji group, which we
reconstruct with *-ai and which never have contacts with *-a, *-ii, etc. For
this reason we must write our fmal glide as *-7 for the zhi -!i. category in
Ying's dialect.
In the glosses of BHTY, Gao You, and SM the fmals of this category have
contacts primarily with rime groups for which we reconstruct EH *a, e.g.

BHTY 36a

7E

Gao You 53 illJ


iIIIfi
SM 348
"
400
~

si: *sjiai:,
zhi ijlj group)
mje:
diei
khji: *khjah:)

iWi sje
tt mwai *mai,zhi ij:1 group)
ILt tiei: *tiai:,zhi ij:1 group)
1& khiei:

We can account for such examples by assuming that in these dialects the zhi
5i: category had a vowel which was similar to * a but phonernically distinct
from it. We can transcribe this vowel as EH *e.
As noted in section 6.2.2 fmals of the zhi ~ group fall into two classes in
the language of Zheng Xuan, i.e. open fmals derived from the OC ge group
and finals which descended from the OC jia f:t group and probably had final
*-h in Zheng's language. In Zheng's glosses fmals of the former type have
contacts with categories for which we reconstruct EH *a and *a, e.g.
91 ~
328 Y<
390 fIi\i

xjwe
?jei *?jai, zhi 1m group)
phjilin (*phjiii, yuan group)

W sjwlin (*sjwii, yuan group)

mt

?je:

i'Bi pje-

We may suspect that the main vowel in fmals of this type was *a.
Finals derived from the OC jia category also have contacts with rime
groups reconstructed with EH *a and *a, e.g.
95
98
269

Wi sje
5!f mjie:
~ gj"i, gj"i- *gjah, gjak-)

!r
&:

ffi

sjan (*sjii, yuan group)


mjie: *mjiai:)
kiei-

We cannot reconstruct these fmals with either *a or *a because we have


already posited *-ah and *-ah fmals for the zhi Z and yu categories in
Zheng's dialect. Since contacts with EH *a and *a occur in approximately

37
52
183

~iH~

"mru[~
~nifflJ

sju bwo diei


Sjak. diei 1'wan ?jien
xjwie sja-lji-

Skt. subhiiti
Skt. sakro devanam indra
Skt. vaiSalf

We may suspect that these fmals ended in *-ei in this dialect.


Finals (5) and (6) are rime doublets. We can mechanically distinguish them
from (3) and (4) by writing them with *-iV- diphthongs in the various dialects.
Li (1971 :40) also reconstructs OC**-ia- diphthongs for fmals (3) and (4)
when these appear in OC ge group syllables whose labial initials did not
undergo later dentilabialization. I have adopted this convention and write
*-iV- diphthongs for such words in Part lILA below.
The vowel *e, which we have reconstructed for BTD and the gloss dialects
of BHTY, Gao You, and SM, does not occur in words which have MC Division
I finals. This is also true for the vowel *lC which has been posited for Zheng
Xuan's language. For this reason, when reconstructing these dialects, EH *-ican be eliminated from our transcription of Division IV fmals without loss of
contrast.
6.4.7 The Zhi
fmals:

ij~

Category.

This category contains the following MC

Division I (1) -~i, (2) -wai


II (3) -ai, (4) -wai
III (5) -jei, (6) -jwei, (7) -ji, (8) -jwi
III/IV (9) -i, (10) -wi
IV (1 1) -iei, (12) -iwei
The fmals of this category derive from the OC wei ~ (**-ad) and zhi ij'
(**-id) groups. Luo and Zhou (1958:30) found that these two OC rime
categories had for the most part coalesced by WH times, and intracategory
contacts in our data indicate that this merger had also occurred in the EH
gloss dialects.
Finals (1) and (2) have the MC vowel a. They are also reconstructed with
this vowel by Ting (1975) for the WJ period and by most investigators for
OC. In BTD, fmal (2) has the follOWing contacts:
108
218

:=:R*:
~Jit:=:'*

sam mwaipv1in tSj:m sam mwai-

Skt. samadhi
Skt. pratyutpannasamadhi
107

106
c---- -

equal numbers we may suspect that our problematical sound was similar to
both these vowels. Perhaps it was phonetically [oJ or [lC J. For the present
we can transcribe it as *lC.
In BTD the finals of the zhi 5i: category correspond primarily to Skt. i, I,
e, and ai (=Pkt. e), e.g.

r-- --- --

---

j-------

r---- --

6.4 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

It seems probable that fmals (1) and (2) had * a in the gloss dialects and that
fmal (2) can be reconstructed with this vowel for BTD as well. Having reached
this conclusion we can then assume that all fmals of the zhi ijlj group had *a
as main vowel in the gloss dialects.
In fmals (5) and (6) MC e can be derived directly from EH *a. Following
Li (1971 :36) we can assume that fmal (7) had an earlier diphthong *-iarather than simple *a. For final (8) we can reconstruct EH *-iwa-. However,
we should note that final (8) words having EH acute initials derive exclusively
from the OC wei (**-ad) category and are not reconstructed by Li with
**-ia-. These words can be reconstructed with EH *-a- rather than *-ia-.
This does not lead to confusion with fmal (6), because this fmal occurs only
in grave initial words. Finals (9) and (10) are rime doublets. We have no
satisfactory way to distinguish these from fmals (7) and (8) in our EH reconstruction. In section lILA they can be identified on the basis of the MC forms.
A number of finals in the zhi ijl'f group can be reconstructed with fmal *-t- in
the EH dialects (see section 6.2.3). Among the remaining open fmals some have
theMC finalglide-i, and all are reconstructed with-i by Ting (1975) for the WJ
period. Finals of this type have contacts in a number of gloss dialects which
suggest that if *-i was present there it could not have been a high front glide, e.g.

Zheng Zhong 71
BHTY40
Xu Shen 443
Zheng Xuan 116
Gao You 68
SM 947

xj;m-, xjen- *hj~n- R& xjwei


[-jQ] , *hji~n- [-jiQ])
1<. ?jei
~ ?j~n: (*?jQ:)
f1If xj~n (*hj~)
:ftf xjei
:)]- pjwan (*pjWQ)
IlE pjwei:
1)( mjw~n:, mjw~n
~ mjwei
(*mjQ :, mjQ-)
Ijwi:, lw~ilai *l~h)

-r,t

As was the case with the zhi 'it group fmals we may speculate that the sound in
question was phonetically a high mid or back unrounded glide, which can still
be written as *-i in the dialects in question. On the other hand, in the glosses
of Ying Shao no examples of the sort cited above occur. Here we may suppose
that *-i was indeed a high front glide and contrasted with *-z which we have
reconstructed for the zhi ~ (*-ai) category in Ying's language (see section
6.4.1 above).
In the BTD materials fmals (7), (8), (9), and (11) frequently correspond to
Sanskrit syllables having i or T. On the other hand they sometimes render
syllables having 0, e, or oi (=Pkt. e), e.g.
(7) -ji
229
230
108

~HmHg
~jgji

?ii niin pjen qi


?jien qi diit

Skt. anathapiI}.qika
Skt. indradatta

67b fI~~
177 *~m
(8) -jwi

?j~u bwiijii
jiwi jii Iii

Skt. upiisikii
Skt. viciira
Skt. naivasaJ!l (jiiiinasatpjiiiiyatanopaga)
Skt. mahiivaipulya
Skt. vfrya

130

mtlUt

135
171

It: ~PJ tit EI m


tiff*!

niei- jiwi sien


I}.i
mwii xii jiwi jwut Iii
jiwi ija

ffr It};
Nlmffttl

?i

~a

~a

Iii ?i diin

(9) -i
63
137

Skt. !sana
Skt. ~aqayatana

(11) -iei
121

tJE~

319

tJEr'iIIi~1'j!

niei liei
lji
niei liin ijan

SkL niraya
Skt. nairaiijana

It is possible that the BTD data reflect different dialects, some of which had
*i in the finals in question while others had *a. For the present I prefer to
reconstruct these fmals as in the gloss dialects, i.e. as *-jiai, *-iai, etc.
Final (6) occurs once in BTD:
310

m~

dieijwei-

Skt. trapu~a; cf. P. tapussa,


Khotanese ttriivaysa-

The original on which the Chinese transcription is based is difficult to


determine. Bailey (1946:786) posits a hypothetical GandharI from *t(rJiviz
on the basis of the Khotanese and Chinese forms. It is probably safest to
reconstruct fmal (6) as *-jwat- for BTD.
6.4.8

The Ii

Category.

This category contains the followingMC fmals:

Division I (I) -iii, (2) -wiii


II (3) -ai, (4) -wai, (5) -ai, (6) -wai
III (7) -jui, (8) -jwlli, (9) -jiB, (10) -jwai
III/IV (11) -jilii, (12) -jwilii
IV (13) -iei, (14) -iwei
Most of the fmals of this category have a-like vowels in MC. All are
reconstructed with 0 by Ting (1975) for the WJ period. In BTD they
correspond for the most part to Sanskrit syllables having 0 or ii, e.g.
309
316
155

JJ. ~
il!im~
~~

pwai- Hi
pwii lfi niii?fi ijai-

Skt. pattra
Skt. varaI}.asT
Skt. acalii
109

6.4 / Part II: Reconstructions

245
104

ihl

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

gjaisju tiei- tSje n;)u

~im,f,!l;tij

Skt. gatha
Skt. sudarsana

It seems fairly certain that the ji group finals should be reconstructed with *a
for the EH period.
Finals (3)-(6) are of course reconstructed with medial *-r-. Following Li
(1971 :39) we can reconstruct fmals (5) and (6) with *-ia- diphthongs,
thereby differentiating them from finals (3) and (4). Finals (7) and (8), which
occur only after grave initials, can be reconstructed with plain *-a-. The same
forms can then be posited for fmals (9) and (10) when these occur after acute
initials. When (9) and (10) occur after grave initials they can be reconstructed
with *-ia- to differentiate them from (7) and (8). Finals (11) and (12) are
rime doublets and cannot be differentiated from (9) and (10) in our EH
reconstruction.
In all the gloss dialects but that of Ying Shao the fmals of this category
end in *-t-. In Ying's language they are open and can be reconstructed with
final *-i. As mentioned in section 6.4.6 this fmal glide contrasts with fmal *-i"
of the zhi ':Ii:: (*-ai') category in Ying's dialect.

6.4.9 The Zheng fti.. Category.


finals:

")';)ng

Skt. ganga

It seems probable that the fmals of this group had * a in the various EH
dialects. Final (6) can be reconstructed as EH *-ja ng in the dialects of Du
Zichun, Zheng Zhong, Zheng Xuan, and Ying Shao. However, in the dialects
of BHTY, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, Gao You, and SM I prefer to reconstruct it as
*-jiang in labial initial words. The reasons for this will be detailed in sections
6.4.10 and 6.4.17.
In the glosses of Xu Shen fmals (4) and (5) do not interchange with fmals
in this category. Final (5) occurs in the follOWing gloss:

432

II}\S ')'Wan (*grw;)

I'll.

?wEng

By the WJ period fmals (4) and (5) had coalesced with fmals (3) and (4) of

mEng *mriang or mr;)ng ?)

6.4.10
finals:

The Dong ~ Category.

This category contains the following Me

Division I (I) -wong


II (2) -ang
III (3) -jung
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong, Zheng Xuan, Ying Shao, and SM the fmals
of this category have contacts with the dong
category, e.g.

"'"

Zheng Zhong 51
Zheng Xuan 137
Ying Shao 124
SM 718

kjung
f,t dzjwong *dzjung)
Lx iiZjung
swongr.-'}

'*

0<

khung

d~jung

r:

n-<

'fll.
~

*khung)

xjwong *hjung)
sung- *sung-)

Since the dong


category is reconstructed with the vowel *u for the dialects
in question (see section 6.4.11), it is probable that the dong ~ group finals
had back rounded vowels in these dialects. Ting (1975) reconstructs these
fmals with WJ 0, and we can account for our data by projecting this vowel
back to the EH dialects.
In the glosses of Xu Shen the finals of this group have contacts with the
yang group, reconstructed with EH *-ang (section 6.4.12), and with the dong
category, which we reconstruct with *ua diphthongs for Xu's dialect
(section 6.4.11), e.g.

348
350
985

f~

1c

dwong
'Yang
tshjung

fi'l
P.!$
ft

dung
'Yung
~jang

*duang)
*guang)
*dIjang)

In Gao You's glosses the fmals in question interchange with those of the
yang and geng categories, both of which are reconstructed with final *-ang in
this dialect (sections 6.4.12 and 6.4.13), e.g.
230
231

!il.', tjung
'&

tang

iE
*tang)

tSjiing- (*tjang-)

r1J tjung

26 See Ting (1975:218).

III

110
r-

itA

How it differed from fmal (2) is uncertain.

This category is the nasal fmal analogue of the zhi Z (*-tJh) category and
is reconstructed with ** a in most of the OC systems. In the BTD transcriptions words with fmal (1) correspond to Indic syllables having the vowel
a, e.g.

tE

.jii . mung

Xu Shen 340

This category contains the following MC

Division I (I) -;)ng, (2) -w;)ng, (3) -ung


II (4) -Eng, (5) -wEng
III (6) -j;)ng

75

the geng group,26 which in section 6.4.13 we will reconstruct as EH *-riii and
*-rwiii for Xu Shen's language. Though the evidence is scant it seems possible
that this merger had already occurred in Xu's dialect.
Final (3) occurs only in labial initial words. It appears once in the data:

,-

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

6.4 / Part II: Reconstructions

Li (1971 :32) reconstructs the fmals of this category with the vowel **-a- +
labiovelar **-ngw for OC, and by following him in this we can account well
for the vowel correspondences we have observed in the glosses of Xu Shen
and Gao You. Among the glosses of Xu and Gao we fmd several words with
final (3) which originally belonged to the OC zheng (**-ang) category. These
words have contacts with fmals for which we have reconstructed EH *a in the
dialects in question:
;~!.

Xu Shen339
351
984
Gao You 7

~
;J

-]

II/1i.

khwang
*khwang)
phjung *phjangw)
kjung
khiiu *khahw)

7"c

F1

"""
~'7

khjung
bjung, bjang
gjung *gjangw)
khjung

It seems probable that words of this type had a -vocalism and actually belonged
to the EH zheng category in the dialects of Xu Shen and Gao You. After velar
initials we can reconstruct the final in question as EH *-jwang, while after
labials it can simply be written as *-jang. When MC -jang occurs after labials
in zheng group words, we can follow Li (1971 :30) and derive it from EH
*-jiang.
In the glosses of BHTY the fmals of the dong ~ category interchange with
those of other groups in the following cases:

49
54

nu

tSjang
phjung

II

tSjungphjau- *phjok-)

We may guess that example 49 represents an EH *- angw dialect while 54


reflects an *-ong dialect. This state of affairs is probably attributable to the
heterogeneous nature of the BHTY material. In Part III.A.4 alternate *-angw
and *-ong forms are reconstructed for fmals of this group except where final
contacts in particular glosses clearly point to one form or the other.
6.4.11
finals:

The Dong

* Category.

This category contains the following MC

Division 1(1) -ung


II (2) -ang
III (3) -jwong
Finals of this group are reconstructed by Ting with WJ u and by Karlgren
(1954), Li (1971),and others with OC **u. In the SM glosses they interchange
with fmals of the yu group, hou type and the wu group, for which we reconstruct EH *u for the SM language, e.g.
158
764
112

II

lJ!

khau
'Yang

*khuh)

YtJ

khung
'Yak *gruk, wu group)

We can reconstruct them with EH *u for all gloss dialects except those of Xu
Shen and Fu Qian.
In the glosses of Xu and Fu finals of this type interchange with categories
for which we reconstruct EH *a and *a:
Xu Shen 355 H~
1009B
1063~

Fu Qian 54
57

Mfj

tsung
dang- (*dang-,yang group)
Sjang- (*hrjiii-, geng group)
kjwang: *kjwang:)
tsjang (*tsjang)

'*

i1PJ

S'
r6E

t~l: *tsrjah:)
dungthung
kjwong:
tsjwong-

Luo and Zhou (1958:81-2) have noted that rimes between OC dongm:
(**-ung) and yang ~ (**-ang) category fmals are common in HN and the
Xinyu ~~ft of Lu Jia ~., and they suggest that this may have been a feature
of the Chu dialects in WH times. Li (1971 :53-4) has attributed this to the
breaking of his OC **u to later *ua. It is possible that the language of Xu
Shen, who was from the northern part of the Chu area, reflects the same
feature which underlay the WH riming patterns observed by Luo and Zhou.
The fmals of the dong
group may have merged completely with those of
the yang group in the dialects of Xu and Fu, but for the present it seems best
to maintain a distinction and reconstruct them as EH *-uang, *-ruang, and
*-juang.

6.4.12
finals:

The Yang

Category.

This category contains the following MC

Division 1(1) -ang, (2) -wang


II (3) -eng, (4) -weng, (5) -Eng
III (6) -jang, (7) -jwang, (8) -jeng, (9) -jweng
Finals of this category have primarily a-like vowels in MC. They are usually
reconstructed with **a in the various OC systems. Luo and Zhou (1958)
place finals (3), (4), (8), and (9) in the geng category for the EH period. In
our data, however, all available evidence suggests that fmals (3) and (4)
belonged to the present category in the gloss dialects, e.g.
Zheng Xing 7
BHTY 65
Xu Shen 371
Zheng Xuan 347
SM 643

f1i.
'#i
IIVi
~

hng:
'Ywang
bwiing
peng
meng

Jt

kang

fY'i 'Yweng
~

11
~

beng
bwiing
mwiing

On the other hand, in the case of finals (8) and (9) there is evidence that
Luo and Zhou's arrangement is appropriate for the dialects of Zheng Xuan
and SM. In these dialects the fmals in question have contacts with the geng
113

6.4

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

I Reconstructions
Gao You 234
SM 1008

group rather than the yang group, e.g.


Zheng Xuan 362
SM 651

~t;

Wi

mieng (geng group)


bj':l'lmg-

IJIi
Xl

mjwllng
bieng: (geng group)

5L
~i

xjwllng
gjang:
pjweng

2
31

bjwang

Following Li (1971 :45) these finals can be reconstructed with EH *-itr to


differentiate them from finals (6) and (7) which we reconstruct as EH *-jang
and *-jwang.
Final (5) occurs only in labial initial words and is very rare. In our data it
appears in the following glosses:
BHTY50
Xu Shen340
382

J!R\.
jJ
(jj;

pjung
mung
mEng

*pjQng)
*meng 1)

150
163

The Geng tIl= Category.

fiA mEng
fiA mEng
H meng *mrang)

This category contains the following MC

Division II (1) -eng, (2) -weng, (3) -Eng, (4) -wEng


III (5) -jeng, (6) -jweng, (7) -jang, (8) -jwang
IV (9) -ieng, (10) -iweng
Examples of the following sort indicate that in most of the gloss dialects
the finals of this category had a-vocalism:
Du Zichun 26
Zheng Zhong 60

*
~

tiei- *tiai-)
kheng, 'YEng

mr.

Xu Shen 1059
Fu Qian 59

gjang:
sl bieng:

Ying Shao 52

bieng:

sieng

~ tS3i:, tsgi- *ts3h:, tS:lk-)


"II! bjie *bjiei)

Iii. ijang

1ft bieng:

ti sjang:, ~ang:
Q bjien (*bjii)

1m sjan: (*sja:)
.zp: bjweng

This situation parallels that of the zhi ~ (*-rei) group in Zheng's glosses, and
we may therefore guess that the present category can also be reconstructed
with EH *re in his dialect.
The MC vowel 11 in fmals (1), (2), (5), and (6) can be derived directly from
EH *a, *e, and *re in the various dialects. For fmals (3), (4), (7), and (8) we
can reconstruct EH diphthongs *ia, *ie, and *ire according to dialect. For
finals (9) and (10) we must posit *ia for the appropriate dialects, but instead
of *ie and *ire we can simply write *e and *re, in parallel with our procedure
for the zhi ~ category (section 6.4.6).
As noted in section 6.2.6 the fmals of this category may have had fmal *-n
in the language of Zheng Zhong. If this was so then these fmals would have
merged completely with the yuan (*-an) category in this dialect.
We have concluded that the geng category ended in *-ng in the dialects of
Fu Qian, Ying Shao, and Gao You. This would mean that the yang andgeng
groups had merged in these dialects. Finals (3), (4), (9), and (10) would have
filled lacunae in the yang group. Finals (1) and (2) would have merged with
yang group finals (3) and (4) to yield MC -ung and -wung. If we emend our
reconstructions of fmals (5) and (6) from *-jang and *-jwang to *-jiang and
*-jiwang in the dialects of Fu, Ying, and Gao, then we can assume that these
merged with finals (8) and (9) of the yang group to yield MC -jung and
-jwung. Finals (7) and (8) must then be emended to EH *-jang and *-jwang
for the three dialects in question. These would have merged with fmals (6)
and (7) of the yang group resulting in loss of contrasts which were preserved
in the other dialects and in the EH predecessor(s) ofthe QY language.
OC geng tJt group words having fmals (1), (2), (5), and (6) of the EH geng
group are rare, and Karlgren (1954:334) and U (1971 :51) do not reconstruct
separate OC origins for them. It is possible that our attempts to account for

On graphic grounds it can be assigned to the OC yang category (cf. GSR 742u;
Dong 1949: 171). Whatever its OC origins may have been, it is possible that in
the EH period it belonged to the zheng category, where it can be regularly
derived from EH *-rang. If we assign it to the yang group, then we might
reconstruct it as EH *-riang. The matter remains uncertain.

6.4.13
fmals:

sl bieng:

We may guess that they had EH *e as main vowel in the BHTY language.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan the fmals of the geng group have contacts
with those of the zhen (*-a) and yuan (*-a) categories in about equal
numbers, e.g.

xjwang-

1m gjeng~}J

pjwang *pjang)
sien- *sian-,yuan group)

6.4

In the BHTY glosses the finals of this group interchange with categories
for which we reconstruct EH * a and *e:

It seems probable that finals (8) and (9) belonged to the geng group in the
dialects of Zheng Xuan and SM. In the remaining gloss dialects they can be
assigned to the yang group, as indicated by examples such as the following:

BHTY71
Xu Shen 388
Gao You 237

}j

A;

)E dieng-

khan, khan *khran,


khrian,yuan group)
gjang:
*gjang:)
ill
bwang,
bwang- *bang,
fJt
bang-)
1* bwan: (*ba:,yuan group)

r.5

114

115
r -

r ------.

r -----.-

r---------

I Reconstructions

6.4

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

them in the EH reconstructions are in error. Perhaps they actually reflect the
sound systems of MC dialects derived from earlier languages like those of Fu
Qian, Ying Shao, and Gao You, where large scale or complete mergers had
occurred between the geng and yang categories. Future studies of the poetic
rimes and sound glosses of the post-Han period may throw further light on
this problem.2 7
Final (9) occurs twice in BTD:

78
306

bieng ~a
bieng ~a

IM'v
lfIii"v

Skt. bimbisara
Skt. bimbisara

As suggested in section 6.2.5 we can reconstruct final (9) as EH *-ing in BTD.


6.4.14
finals:

The Zhen J){ Category.

This category contains the following MC

Division I (1) -an, (2) -wan


II (3) -an, (4) -wan
III (5) -j~n, (6) -jwan, (7) -jen, (8) -jwen, (9) -jEll
III/IV (10) -jien, (11) -jwien
IV (12) -ien, (13) -iwen
This category is the nasal fmal analogue of the zhi !Ill group, and we may
assume that it had the EH vowel *.1 in the gloss dialects. Finals (5) and (6),
which occur only after grave initials, can be projected back to the EH period
with *-j.1- and *-jw.1-. Final (7) can be reconstructed with *-ji.1-. When final
(8) occurs after acute initials it can be reconstructed with *-jw.1-. Mter grave
initials it can be differentiated from (6) by reconstructing it with *-jiw.1-.
Final (9) occurs only after MC retroflex initials. How it differed from fmal
(7) is unclear. Finals (10) and (11) are rime doublets. We are unable to
distinguish them from (7) and (8) in our EH reconstruction.
In the BTD materials words with fmals of this category correspond to
Sanskrit syllables having the vowels i, a, and u, e.g.

242
41
65
71
163
251
46
27 Cf.

116

sjumwan
Skt. sumanii
Skt. mafijusii
Zju ~i ljisjak kja mjw~n
Skt. sakyamuni
~~X
ka
?a sju Ijwan
Skt. asura
pi}~1ifll
?a ljwen na
Skt. arul}a
pi}~ms
jiu zjwen
Skt. yojana
fIln1iJ
ffiI ms xlft,* pjen na mjwen da pjwat Skt. piin.lamaitriiyal}Iputra;
cf. P. pUl}I}amantanlputta

~r'
xf>tffilifU

mjw~n

Ting (1975:218-19).

pi} *lI:ffiI tIl;

229
151
61
343
219

~~m::ii1!!~

313

fliJf~

333

ItJfj;

Ift~Jt

fl:;ltIl;

JHU1Jj

?a nan pjen qi
da Ijen I}i
?jien qi
bjien dau
mw1i xa ')Wan kja lien
ka
k~u lien
kju
?j~u dien

Skt. anathapil}qika
Skt. dhiiral}I
Skt. indra
Skt. bandhumii
Skt. mah'iivanakaraI}qa
Skt. kaul}ginya
Skt. udayana

It is probably best to reconstruct for BTD the same finais we have posited for
the gloss dialects in this category. The presence of *.1 in these fmals can
account for their use in rendering Indic a, while configurations such as *-i.1and *-ji.1- might have been suitable for transcribing foreign i in the absence of
EH finals such as *-in. When *.1 occurred in words with labial initials or
medial *-w- it may have had a "u-coloring" which made it suitable for
rendering foreign u-vowel syllables. Note that we cannot simply reconstruct
*u in such words, for they are also employed to transcribe foreign a and i
vowel syllables. Compare, for example, the use of X in examples 41, 46, and
65 or 5)fS in 46 and 229.

6.4.15
fmals:

The Yuan 5C Category.

The category contains the following Me

Division I (1) -an, (2) -wan


II (3) -an, (4) -wan, (5) -an, (6) -wan
III (7) -jun, (8) -jwlln, (9) -jan, (10) -jwlin
III/IV (11) -jilin, (12) -jwilin
IV (13) -ien, (14) -iwen
This group is the nasal fmal analogue of the ji category, and its fmals have
primarily a-like vowels. In BTD they occur in words which correspond to
Sanskrit syllables having the vowels a and ii, e.g.

32
22
83

fpHf
tIEl:
1X~

tSjiin dan
niei ')Wan
t~hlin: diei

Skt. candana
Skt. nirviiI}a
Skt. k~ti

t~han-

93
87

$.'i1ft1l

109

imlft1l

~~ff

bjwllm- pwa
gjan dala
kan
gjun- da la

~an

Skt. brahmapari~adya
Skt. gandharva'Vgandharva
Skt. gandharva'Vgandharva

Finals (5) and (6) can be reconstructed with EH *-ia- to differentiate them
117

6.4

Reconstructions

from (3) and (4). Finals (7) and (8), which occur only after grave initials, can
be reconstructed with *-ja- and *-jwa. The, same forms can be posited for
fmals (9) and (10) when these follow acute initials. When they occur after
grave initials they can be reconstructed with *-ia- and *-iwa- to distinguish
them from (7) and (8). Finals (11) and (12) are rime doublets and cannot be
differentiated from (9) and (10) in our reconstruction.
The Tan

6.4.16
fmals:

Category.

This category contains the following MC

We may suppose that this category had EH *a as its main vowel in all our EM
dialects:',, '. (- .. : :,'" : .
:;.'
'"
'1 '" 'J"f[ot
Final (5) is a rime doublet. It can be notationally distinguished from fmal
(3) by writing it as *-jiam. For the OC Qin t group U (1971 :34}writes oc;
**-fiam rather than *-jam after labials which did not dentilabialize ,during... I
MC period; and I shall adopt this convention h e r e . : .",
Final (4) is reconstructed by Ting (1975) as WJ -jong, but it derives from
U's OC **1am in labial initial words. It occurs in two S~ glosses:
~

Division I (1) -am


,
II (2) -am, (3) -am ; ;~! ,,'
, .;
III (4) -jum, (5) ~jwum, (6) -jam
." -,
, IIIIN (7)-jiiim ';C;>
f:,, '.-.. ;, 0::' N(8)-iem' .;.r\~ ld
, ,:;:L

,_ - :

.L:

'<

~~;

"',

'elf

173

k,:. 6
146

'

1iit 'c;",t:!:i'iD

~::''; L': i. -, " ,.. '

."

,li,Ji: lll'iJ.tJi p -tiff i"i 20 ,Ii" lE tI10


"As to the word 'wind', in Van, Yu, Si, and Ji they say it with
latefat (i.e. laterally extended) mouth and closed lips." , ." d ~ .
.
. ,Ii,' pjung
bjwwm *bjam): r;,y,,-:
1257 'j!fft~.mJj,'( p
~ ~ zo,li" 1&tI1o
'i! . i
"When they say 'wirid' in Qing and Xu they say it with tensed
. :.. mouth, open lips, and an expUlsion of breath."
i; ':
i,j
,"
,,"', ,
1& pjwang- *pjang-)
t?

Skt.dharma;cf.Gd.dhama
Skt. brahma '.' "'.,
. Skt. campaka . ~- "
.\
'; ".;-; : "';

It is probable that this group had *aas main vowel in all our EH dialects. In
parallel with the yuan category we can reconstruct fmal (3) with *-io- to
distinguish it from fmal (2). Final (4) ;Which occurs after guttural initials and
,fmal (5) which occurs afterlabiaf~an;~ereconstruct,ed as *1am. This form
can also be posited for fmal (6) wheIlJ~,occurs after acute initials. When it
follows grave initials we can reconstruct it' as *1iam. Final (7) is a rime
doublet and cannot be distinguished from fmal (6) in our reconstruction.
-

-::'

!.~: ~

"_t

""1" . :

! .

6.4.17. The Qin t Category. < This.category contains the following MC


fmals:
Division I (1) -am
II (2) -am .
III (3) -jam, (4) -jung
IIIIN (5) -jiam .
. N(6)-iem

~03'

~~

As has been pointed out by Luo and Zhou (1958:74 and 112) and othe~
(e.g ... ~erruys,1961 :408; Pulleyblank 1962:235)these glosses seem t.oindi~a~~
thatJn late; ~H" times lmal (4) had *-~in the central diatests.,";hile in)h~
easiern dialects of Uu Xi's native area it had *-ng. Which, type ,~oul" J;>c: '
taken as representative of the' SM language is uncertain. We mayguesStlulf
the 'centralforni was simply *1am. For the eastern form' we can posit *-jang,
which would then be considered part of the zheng (*-ang) category: When
MC 1ang oCcurs after labials in zhe"g group words we can derive it from EH
*1iang in the dialects in question (cf. sections 6.4.9 and 6.4.10). " ~ ';~';~i~j,
, ,~ta on fmal (4) are available for two more of the gloss ~ec~s:: ;:~'
f

-:;:-r :'~'<,;.; f~:~

sju &jam

;.

~.

...-'t--

I'

1- .

,----

oj.

.;'-'''':. --'''.---,.t .... ~

If'},.,:,:,.L , , ,....

'"

. pjungmwa

Skt. brahmi

,-,
'f t?/
if \:H
This suggest~ that final (4) was EH *-jam in BTD.
',:
""
.. Be~ore leaving this category we must consider the following gloss ofX~
Shen:. :::'j'!, ,,: c' '.i . " "
;'-.
;
" ' : .'"
"';; ':~';~~;f

.j

''Ii

f~ ~"

.~.

'.

" .
-:1 .Gkham:, ngim- *kham:,

1;.597,n(l

: .',

ngram-)

."J

IJ

xung:"~

Ii (1971 :34) suggests that MC -ung sometimes derives from OC **-a'" in

118

r-

We may guess that fmal (4) should be reconstructed as *-Iang in the language
ofBHTYandFuQian:":"
'.'.
~.
+:< "lTU
Final (4) occurs once in the BTD data: .
;.~ i i '
'l'!f'

Skt. agama
. Skt.susrupprasthita

"BHTY50 \\" ~;. Jl.pjung " ' , ' iYi 'mEng*mriangotmrang?)


'jii~Fu Qwi 511i:' ,(,-i .... pjung.l k:: 1& pjwang *pjang+ ';;!; rd

'.f

ram

i iiir'

. , .

174

Several fmals of this group have the MC vowel a. In BID they occur in
words which transcribe Sanskrit syllables having the vowels a and ii, e.g.
2
226

re

rmMm

"':r:r<'-~,'

,,: Ldammwi'"
> ':bjwum21w;':.
. ,t&jam bak
';1'"d,I~'! b.juk

the

~ ~i.$--

1256

Finals of this category have primarily a-like vowels in MC. In BTD they occur
in words whicfl render Sanskrit sYl1abl~s,h~ving the vowels a and ii, e.g.
~

I 6.4

Olapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

ii9
r _._.

,----

r ----

6.4

I Reconstructions

Chapter 6; Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

labial initial syllables, and Bodman (1980:121-122) posits OC labiovelars


followed by **-am for words like 597b. It seems possible that 597b should
be reconstructed as EH *hwam- in Xu Shen's dialect.
6.4.18
fmals:

The Zhi fit\: Category.

This category contains the following MC

Most finals of type A have MC a as main vowel. In BTD they occur in


words which correspond to Indic syllables having the vowel a, or occasionally
i, e.g.
lIoJ~lb

?amwalak
jiiim pjak
kauji3k
kju

fMJ~

fliJJ

Skt. amalaka
Skt. campaka
Skt. kausika

It seems probable that these fmals had * a as main vowel in the various EH
dialects. In most gloss dialects fmal (7) also had *a, as indicated by examples
such as the following:
~Ii

Zheng Zhong 104


Xu Shen 796
Gao You 172

a
i~

bjuk
mau:
xjwak

mah:)

j:f:! bjau:

muk
*muk, wu group)
puk *puk, wu group)
!f.U bjau:
*bjoh:)

,~

fl~

120

The Wo lJ;. Category.

Xu Shen 43
1191
Gao You 173

tau:

!& mjuk
bjuk
~Ii bjuk

fj(

This category contains the following MC

*tahw:)

dwok
ll: tSI
*tjah:)
1* "Yau:
*gahw:)

t.lt tSjuk
~

"Ywok

Contacts of this type can be accounted for by reconstructing EH *-a- followed


by labiovelar *-kw in this group for the dialects of Xu and Gao.
In the glosses of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM the wo group finals have
contacts with categories for which we have reconstructed EH back rounded
vowels, e.g.
BHTY 100

r !juk

Zheng Xuan 36

m mjiau, mjiau *mjioh, mjiok-)

233

iIlR tSjuk

SM 275

ljuk

280

ftijuk

tsjwok *tsjuk,
wu group)
f! mjuk
~

tSjwok *tSjuk,
wu group)
tIlE luk
*luk, wu
group)
ftijau *njoh)

Jjj

?juk

By the WJ period this fmal had joined the WJ wo lJ;. rime group and is
reconstructed by Ting (1975:225) as -jok. In parallel with our treatment of
fmal (9) of the zhi Z group we can guess that fmal (7) had entered the EH
wo category and reconstruct it as *-jok for the two dialects in question.
6.4.19
finals:

Division I (1) -wok


II (2) -ak
III (3) -juk
IV (4) -iek

*bjah:)

1:lc mjuk

Following Li (1971 :28) we can reconstruct it as *-jak after labials and


*-jwak after gutturals. Final (5) can then be reconstructed as *-jiak after
labials and as *-jak elsewhere. For fmal (6) we can posit *-jiwak.
In the glosses of BHTY and SM fmal (7) has contacts only with categories
for which we reconstruct back rounded vowels:
BHTY 104
SM 311
452

6.4

In the glosses of Xu Shen" and Gao You the finals of this group have
contacts with categories for which we have reconstructed *a in the dialects in
question, e.g.

A. Division I (1) -~k, (2) -wak


II (3) -Ek, (4) -wEk
III (5) -jak, (6) -jwak
B.
III (7) -juk

323
321
54

We can account for these contacts by reconstructing the fmals of this category
with EH *-ok in the dialects in question.
Final (3) of this group occurs in several BTD glosses:

13

!'I fl!&

also: 255
29

:;R&I

127

IIoJIm

!'ItlM

mjuk gjen: ljan


gjan
mjuk gjen: Ian
gjan
thien tjuk
twok
tuk
?a t~hjuk

Skt. maudgalyayana, cf. P.


moggallana
Skt. maudgalyayana, cf. P.
moggallana
Old Iranian hinduka'Vhindukka

Skt.

ak~obhya

In examples 13, 127, and 255 this final corresponds to Indic syllables having
Skt. 0 or au (=Pkt. 0). In example 29 the correspondence is with Iranian u. As
noted in Chapter 5, section 5.2, this transcription predates the BTD period.
121

OIapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.4

6.4 / Reconstructions

GY states that 29b is to be read as MC tiuk in this word. It is possible, however, that the GY tradition postdates BTD and that tuk *tuk, wu group) is
the correct reading. In any case it seems best to assume that the wo category
had EH *0 as main vowel in BTD.
6.4.20
finals:

The Yao

Category.

In the glosses of Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You finals of this group
interchange with categories for which we have reconstructed EH *a, e.g.
~

1198
Fu Qian 90
Gao You 174

?wak *?wak,
duo group)
gjak
xak
kilk

ji.ij~

.fi[

'Ywok

kiiu *kahw)
IfI xak *hak, duo group)
~ y.iu: *gahw:)
j\11j

We can account for contacts of this sort by reconstructing the fmals of this
group with EH *-a- + labiovelar *-kw for the dialects in question.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan and SM these fmals have contacts with the
xiao (*-3h) group, e.g.

rn

sjau *sj:>h)
Ifffi xwok

Zheng Xuan 290


SM290

j!}IJ

sjak

;w; xiiu *h:>h)

We may suspect that theyao group had the main vowel *3 in these dialects.
How fmals (1), (2), and (3) were distinguished from each other in the EH
period is unclear.
There is one possible occurrence of fmal (4) in the BTD data:
246

:=:~:=::g~

siim mjau: siim bwo diei Skt. samyaksarpbodhi; cf.


milk
P. sammasambodhi

Which reading of 246b is intended here seems uncertain. If MC mdk is the


correct reading, then, in parallel with the xiao category, we can perhaps
reconstruct the syllable in question as EH *mrdk for BTD.
6.4.21
finals:

The Wu

Category.

Division I (1) -uk


II (2)-ilk
III (3) -jwok
122

281

#'.I~

283

fliJ~~

kau suk
kju
kau suk mwii
kju

This category contains the following MC

Division I (1) -ak, (2) -wok, (3) -uk


II (4) -ilk
III (5) -jak
IV (6) -iek

Xu Shen 669

Finals of this category are reconstructed with the main vowel u by Ting
(1975) for the WJ period. In BTD they occur in words which correspond to
Indie syllables having the vowel u:

This category contains the following MC

Skt. kusuma
Skt. kusuma

We can reconstruct EH *u for the wu category in all dialects except those of


Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You. In the glosses of these individuals the finals
in question have contacts with categories for which we reconstruct EH *-a- or
*-ua-, e.g.

J.l( khwo- *khak-, duo group)

Xu Shen 655 ff khuk


656 n xuk
Fu Qian 92
1&lJ tSjwok
94
l!S( ~ilk
Gao You 176 ~ phuk

f~
(t
ifi)J
{o"

224. lju *(g)ljuah)


name of a sword

kau- *kuak-)
tsju-, tju- *tjuak-, trjuak-)
~ilk *srak 1, duo group)
phak, bak *phak, bak,
duo group)
ljwok

For the dialects of Xu, Fu, and Gao it would seem best to reconstruct EH
*-ua- in the fmals of the wu category.
6.4.22
fmals:

The Duo

Category.

This category contains the following MC

Division 1(1) -ak, (2) -wak


II (3) -11k, (4) -w1lk, (5) -Ek
III (6) -jak, (7) -jwak, (8) -jiik, (9) -j1lk
Finals of this category have primarily a-like vowels in MC. In BTD they occur
in words which correspond to Sanskrit syllables having the vowels a and ii, e.g.
65

fl!~ X.

176

tlHlIlMl;flj

sjiik kja mjwan


ka
iiijak na ~i lji-

Skt. sakyamuni
Skt. jfianasn

This group is the checked fmal analogue of the yang category, and we may
suspect that it had EH *a as main vowel. Finals (6) and (7) can be projected
back to the EH period unchanged. Finals (8) and (9) are in complementary
distribution, with the latter occurring after velar initials and the former
elsewhere. They can both be reconstructed as EH *-jiak. Final (5) is rare and
occurs only in the following gloss in our data:
123

6.4 / Reconstructions

O1apter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Fin~s / 6.4

Xu Shen 672

t~~k,

dzak *tsrak, dzak)

III (5) -jat, (6) -jwat, (7) -jet, (8) -jwet, (9) -jEt
III/IV (10) -jiet, (11) -jiwet
IV (I 2) -iet, (13) -iwet

We can tentatively differentiate it from fmal (3) *-rak) by reconstructing it


as EH *-riak.

6.4.23

The Xi

m Category.

This category has the following Me fmals:

Division II (I) -Ek, (2) -wEk


III (3) -jak, (4) -jwiik
IV (5) -iek, (6) -iwek
In most of the gloss dialects the fmals of this group have contacts with
categories for which we have reconstructed EH *a as main vowel, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 120
Xu Shen 128
Fu Qian 96
SM 181

(f

dzjiik

1B ba- *brak-)
~
~

dzje- *dzjiah-)

~ pEk
{i ijiik

thiek
?ak *?ak)

*djiak)

ill!: ?Ek

We may assume that in these dialects this group had merged entirely with the
duo (*-ak) category. Finals (2) *-nviak,(4) *-jiwak, (5) *-iak and (6) *-iwak
would have ftlled lacunae in the duo group. Finals (1) and (3) would have
merged with duo category fmals (5) *-riak and (8) *-jiak yielding Me -Ek and
-jiik respectively.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan the fmals of this group have contacts exclusively with those finals of the zhi Y: group for which we have reconstructed
EH *-<eh in this dialect, e.g.

247
410

Il$ pjiik, bjiik

pjie, bjie

*pji<eh, bji<eh)

. jie- *ij<eh-)

siek

"smooth, even"
For Zheng's language it seems best to reconstruct EH *<e in the fmals of this
category. Note that it is not necessary to posit *-i<e- diphthongs in any of
these fmals.
Final (3) occurs in the following BTD transcription:

26

MY:

pjiik tSje

Skt. pratyeka; cf. P. pacceka

Perhaps, as in most of the gloss dialects, the fmals of this group had EH *a in
BTD.

6.4.24

The Zhi 11 Category.

fmals:
Division I (1) -at, (2) -w~t
II (3) -at, (4) -wat

124

This category contains the follOWing MC

This category is the chec~ed final analogue of the zhi 1m and zhen groups
and we may guess that it had EH *a as main vowel in the gloss dialects. Finals
(5) and (6), which occur only after grave initials, can be projected back to the
EH period unchanged. Final (7) can be reconstructed as *-jiat. When final (8)
occurs after acute initials it can be reconstructed as *-jwat. After grave
initials it can be differentiated from (6) by reconstructing it as *-jiwat. Finals
(10) and (I 1) are rime doublets and cannot be distinguished from (7) and (8)
in our reconstruction. Final (9) is rare and occurs only after Me retroflex
initials. On the basis of graphic evidence it can be placed in the OC zhi if.
group,but Li (I 971 :47) does not distinguish it from fmal (7) in his OC
reconstruction. It occurs in Zheng Zhong 124 and Xu Shen 1220 where it
interchanges with itself. In the BHTY glosses it has the follOWing anomolous
contact:
119

r.':i

~:lk

*srjak)

In the SM glosses this fmal interchanges only with fmals of the yue (*-at)
category:

779

tL

t~at

799

,ijiQ

~wat

*tsriat)
*srjwat)

tffij

t~Et

~Et

We may tentatively reconstruct it as *-rjiat for the SM language.


In BTD the fmals of this category occur in words which correspond to
Sanskrit syllables having the vowels i, T, e, a, and u, e.g.

156
1
169
259
330

1lz~t!!
1~
~tt

Mfftflt
#iJW~

f*.jOO
27
89
9'ef*.j~
215 m5~
98
~~~~1liiJ
42
~tf~M1~
47
fim5fi{5!
168 {5!M1tmifU

kjat ljiio 'Ywan


bjwQt
?jWQt 9jQm
?a nan ljwet
kQU ljwet da
kju
ijwet dija
tQU dijwet da
na dijwet
pwa ljet ta sjQU xa
pwan iiija: pwa la mjiet
sQng na sQng niet
ruet Ia ~i lji-

Skt. *hiraQyavafQa
Skt.buddha
Skt. uttama
Skt. aniruddha
Skt. kolita
Skt. vidya
Skt. tu~ita
Skt. nayuta
Skt. parrttasubha
Skt. praji'iaparamiHi
Skt. sannaha-sannaddha
Skt. netrasrr

125

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals

6.4 I Reconstructions

most part in words which correspond to Sanskrit syllables having the vowels

It seems best to reconstruct for BTD the same finals we have posited for
the gloss dialects in this category. As in the case of the zhen category we can
guess that medial *-j- and diphthongs with *-i- made these fmals suitable for
transcribing foreign i, " and e, while * a rendered foreign a. The presence of
*-w- may have given rise to "u-coloring", making it possible for final (8) to
transcribe foreign u as in examples 215, and 259. Final (6) is used exclusively
to render foreign u syllables in the data, and we could safely reconstruct it
with *u for BTD. However, it seems more consistent to assume, as we have
done for final (8) and also for fmals (6) and (8) of the zhen group, that we
have here a main vowel * a which has been phonetically colored by medial

a and ii, e.g.

*_W-. 28

819
1214

pji: *pjiah:)

pjau, pjau:, pjwat *pjah,


pjah:, pjat)
i!f pjau: *pjah:) ;r: pjgU, pjau:, pjwat *pjah,
pjah:, pjat)
j":'j mjet *mjiet)
/f~ pjau, pjau:, pjwat *pjah,
pjah:, pjat)

p~

/f~

In the MC period the word ~ "not" had both open fmal and rnsheng (-t)
readings. Only readings of the former type are explainable in terms of OC
graphic evidence. Verbal negatives in the modern dialects reflect a word of
the latter type. The reading pjwat seems to be cognate to
(MC pjwat)
"not", and it is widely thought that the graph ;r: was at some point borrowed
to write the negative pjwat (cf., for example, Karlgren, GSR #999a-d). If this
is true then the graphic loan must have occurred by Xu Shen's time, because
it is clear that readings of both types were known to him.

'*

6.4.25

The Yue Yl Category.

74

~fO

712

i?ii1;

249

~fjflJ

34
148

mrmiiilI;

141

-aJ!\f<m

sat 'Ywa
'Ywat jiet
t~hat ljila jiwat gjie
gjlln: da jWllt
gjan
dam mju gjat

t~lft:~

Skt. sattva
Skt. vajra; cf. P. vajira
Skt. k~atriya
Skt. rajagrha
Skt. gandhavatI
Skt. dharmodgata

It is probable that this category had *a as main vowel in all our EH dialects.
Finals (5) and (6) can be reconstructed with *-io- to differentiate them from
(3) and (4). Finals (7) and (8), which occur only after grave initials, can be
reconstructed as *-jat and *-jwat. The same forms can be posited for (9) and
(10) when these follow acute initials. When they occur after grave initials
they can be reconstructed with *-ia- and *-iwo- to distinguish them from (7)
and (8). Finals (11) and (12) are rime doublets and cannot be differentiated
from (9) and (10) in our reconstruction.
In two examples words with finals of this category correspond to Indic u
syllables in BTD:

Before leaving this section we should take note of the following paranomastic glosses:
Xu Shen 818

I 6.4

135

1f!~tftBm

317

'fjtllJWr

mwa xajiwijwllt la
jiwiit dau dan

Skt. mahiivaipulya
Skt. suddhodana

In parallel with our conclusions regarding the zhen and zhi ~ categories we
may attribute this to phonetic u-coloring of the vowel *a occasioned by the
presence of medial *-w- in the syllables in question.
6.4.26

The He

Category.

This category contains the following MC

finals:
Division I (1) -ap
II (2) -ap, (3) -ap
III (4) -jIlP, (5) -jWIlP, (6) -jap
III/IV (7) -jiiip
IV (8) -iep

This category contains the following MC

fmals:
Division I (1) -at, (2) -wat
II (3) -at, (4) -wat, (5) -at, (6) -wat
III (7) -jet, (8) -jWllt, (9) -jat, (10) -jwat
III/IV (11) -jiiit, (12) -jiwat
IV (13) -iet, (14) -iwet

This group is the checked fmal analogue of the tan group. Its fmals have
primarily a-like vowels in MC. In BTD they occur in words which correspond
to Indic a-vowel syllables, e.g.

This group is the checked fmal analogue of the yuan category (section
6.4.15), and its fmals have primarily a-like vowels. In BTD they occur for the

94b
23
256

28 This same effect is observable in fmals of the yue (*-at) category. Cf. section
6.4.25.

126

ish
~

?ap
kjllp
kjajiap
ka

Skt. abha
Skt. kalpa; cf. Gd. kapa
Skt. kayapa

127

,-

r --

r----

r-----

6.4 / Part II: Reconstructions

Chapter 6: Reconstruction of the Eastern Han Finals / 6.5

It is probable that this category had *a as main vowel in all our EH dialects.
Final (3) can be reconstructed with *-ia- to distinguish it from fmal (2). Final
(4) which occurs after guttural initials and (5) which follows labial initials can
be. reconstructed as *-jap. This form can also be posited for fmal (6) when
this final occurs after acute initials. When it occurs after grave initials we can
reconstruct it as *-jiap. Final (7) is a rime doublet. It does not occur in the
data.

6.4.27
finals:

The Q; $It Category.

ORAL

Du Zichun, Xu She, Fu Qian

BHTY.

e
a

It is probable that this group had *a as main vowel in all our EH dialects.
Final (3) can be projected directly back to the EH period. Following Li
(1971 :33) we can tentatively reconstruct (4) as *-jiap. Final (5), which is a
rime doublet, does not occur in the data.

if:

li

:>

u
3

u
0

it

Gao You

Skt. gandharva

u
(0)
u

a!

gjan: d3p rwa


gjan

:>

ZhengXuan.

This category is the checked fmal analogue of the Qin category. A word
having fmal (1) occurs in the following BTD transcription, where it corresponds
to a Sanskrit syllable having the vowel ii:

NASALIZED

3
a

This category contains the following MC

Division I (1) -3P


II (2) -lip
III (3) -j3p, (4) -jap
III/IV (5) -ji3p

6.5

C. Vowels

a
SM.
e
a

e
a

:>

BTD

u
0
a

Summary

Information on the vowel systems of Zheng Xing/Zhong and Ying Shao is


incomplete. Otherwise the fmals reconstructed for the various EH dialects can
be summarized as follows:
A. Medials

All Dialects

-r-, -j-, -w-

B. Final Consonants
All Dialects
Gloss Dialects excluding Ying Shao and Fu Qian .....
Xu Shen, Gao You . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Fu Qian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Zheng Xing/Zhong, Fu Qian, SM, BTD . . . . . . . . . . .
Xu Shen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
128

.
.
.
.
.

-p, -t, -k. -m, -ng


-h
-hw, -kw, -ngw'
-r, -rw, -kw
-n
-r

129

CHAPTER 7

Conclusion

7.1

EH Reconstructions

As a transitional stage between OC and MC the EH period is of great


importance in the field of Chinese historical phonology. 1 It is also unique
among the major stages in the history of the language in that the data through
which we perceive it provide us with a diachronically and dialectally pluralistic
view of it. However, this fortunate state of affairs is accompanied by its own
peculiar difficulties. These arise from the fact that in reconstructing the
sound values of the Han dialects we must for the present at least take the MC
sound system as our point of departure~ and MC, whatever we consider it to
be, cannot have been the descendant of all the Han dialects reflected in our
data.What we do, in effect, when reconstructing the EH dialects is to project
MC back to the Han period in several different forms. Sometimes we posit
reconstructions which could not have yielded the MC reflexes on which they
are based. In such cases we have in fact set up a theoretical EH ancestor of
MC and then reconstructed a "dialect" which differs from this only in so far
as is necessary to account for the particular data in question. The result of
this is that the "dialects" which have been reconstructed are often very similar
or even identical at numerous points. It seems probable that the real languages
they purport to represent were actually not nearly so similar. Problems such
as this are in fact neither unique nor unprecedented, for anyone who has
posited OC reconstructions has had to live with the possibility that the
language or languages reflected in his OC data might not be directly ancestral
to MC. This state of affairs need not be cause for alarm or discouragement.
Indeed, if an awareness of it leads us to approach the task of linguistic reconstruction with a certain amount of caution and humility, then its effect is
surely a healthy one.
In Chapters 5 and 6 we have examined the ways in which the various
elements of the MC sound system interchange in the EH glosses and how they
correspond to foreign sounds in Buddhist transcriptions. This has led to
hypotheses regarding the sound systems of the EH dialects, and these hypotheses have in turn been summarized or "diagrammed" in the form of
1 For further discussion of this point see Luo and Zhou (1958:1-2)
2 It is possible that proto-languages reconstructed on the basis of the

modern dialects

may eventually allow us to approach the problem from new directions.

131
r----

7.1 / Part II: Reconstructions

reconstructions. Some of these reconstructions are admittedly very conjectural and little more than notational conventions. For example, a number
of OC initial clusters suggested by N. C. Bodman, Kun Chang, F. K. Li, and
E. G. Pulleyblank have been encorporated directly into our EH reconstructions. These can serve as indications that certain phenomena observed in the
Han data are similar to those noted by others in OC materials; but, whatever
their validity may be for the OC period, it is uncertain to what extent they
represent the "real" EH sound values in question. The primary purpose of our
reconstructive exercise has been to draw attention to what appear to be
regular relationships in the data. That these relationships are subject to
different interpretations and will lead to differing reconstructed systems goes
without saying. The reconstructions suggested here are tentative and will be
changed and replaced as the data increase and our understanding of them
deepens.
7.2

Chapter 7: Conclusion / 7.2

*-y-: Fu Qian, Ying Shao, BTD


4. Final *-n.
Lost everywhere: Du Zichun, Xu Shen, Ying Shao, Gao You
Lost in the yuan category: Fu Qian
Retained: Zheng Xing/Zhong, SM, BTD
5. Final *-ng in the geng category.
Lost: Du Zichun, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, SM
Retained: Fu Qian, Ying Shao, Gao You, BTD
Became *-n: Zheng Zhong
6. Main vowel of the you category.
Unrounded: Xu Shen, Fu Qian, Gao You
Rounded: Zheng Xuan, SM, BTD
7. Treatment of the OC yu and hou groups.
Merged: Du Zichun, Zheng Xing, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, Gao You
Unmerged: Zheng Xuan, Ying Shao, SM, BTD

Some Applications

The study of the EH sound glosses can throw light on various questions,
some of which are important primarily for EH phonology and others of
which have broader significance. Let us now consider several examples of this.
7.2.1 Problems in EH Dialectology. In Chapter 6, section 6.5.17 we
examined two SM passages dealing with MC fmal (4) -jung of the EH qin rime
category. Liu Xi's comments seem to indicate that the isogloss separating
those dialects which had *-m from those which had *-ng in this fmal lay
along the western border of the Qing-Xu area. However, our data indicate
that the language of Fu Qian, who came from an area somewhat east of
Luoyang, had fmal *-ng here. It is thus possible that the development of
earlier **-m to EH *-ng had spread further west than Liu Xi had realized. 3
The dialects represented in our data can be grouped according to their
behavior with regard to certain problems we have discussed in Chapters 5 and
6, e.g.
1. *tj- dialects: Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, Gao You
*t8- dialects: Zheng Xuan, Ying Shao, SM, BTD
2. Evidence for *k(rJi- type initials: BHTY, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, SM
No such evidence: Du Zichun, Zheng Xing/Zhong, Fu Qian, Ying Shao,
Gao You,BTD
3. EH value ofMCj-:
*g-: Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, Gao You, SM
3 TItis is also suggested by a number of EH rime contacts cited by Luo and Zhou
(1958:60.

132

Groupings of this sort can be revealing. For example, the dialects of Xu


Shen and Ying Shao were spoken in areas which were only about seventy-five
kilometers apart, and yet they differ at almost every point in the list. This
may be due in part to the fact that Xu and Ying were separated in time by
several generations, but this can hardly have been the only reason. It seems
more likely that their dialects lay on different sides of a bundle of phonological isoglosses. A possible reason for this might be that the boundary of the
Jiang-Huai dialect area of FY times had advanced westward and lay between
the towns of Zhaoling and Nandun in late EH times.
Another matter of interest is the placing of the SM dialect in the list. On
points 1, 4,6, and 7 it agrees with BTD. At those points where it differs from
BTD (Le. 2, 3, and 5) it agrees with the language of Zheng Xuan. I believe this
may indicate that the SM language was a phonological hybrid. If we assume
that the speech of Luoyang (represented by BTD) was a standard language in
EH times, then we need not be surprised that the pronunciation employed by
Liu Xi in SM would agree with this language on a number of points. On the
other hand, we may suppose that his pronunciation was still influenced by
the sound system of his native dialect. This would account for the features he
shared with his compatriot, Zheng Xuan.
The nature of the Luoyang dialect and its possible role as a standard
language are matters of particular interest. In this regard we should consider
again SM 1067 and 1068, which were discussed in Chapter 5, section 5.2.
These glosses seem to indicate that in the central part of China the word tian
"heaven" was pronounced with initial *h- rather than *th-. And yet, as we
have seen, there is no clear evidence for a *th- > *h- development in any of
133

7.2 / Reconstructions

Chapter 7: Conclusion / 7.2

the gloss dialects. The well-known transcription, BTD 29, where tian seems to
render foreign hin-, may actually be older than the other BTD data and is in
any case countered by examples where MC th- corresponds to foreign dental
stops (BTD 33, 329). But despite this it seems unlikely that there could be no
basis at all for Liu Xi's statement. There must have been people in central
China who pronounced tian with initial *h- in Liu Xi's time. Here we should
note that the substitution of *h- for *th- may have been primarily a development of the western and northwestern dialects. On the basis of comments in
YQJYY Dien (1957:287-8) has suggested that a MC dialect pronunciation
xien for :R (MC thien) may have been a feature of the language of the Shaanxi/Gansu (Le. Guanzhong) area in Tang times. In its specialized form,
(Me
xien), this word became the Chinese name for Zoroatrianism, which had
entered China from the northwest. Dien mentions our SM glosses and is
concerned that Liu Xi has not referred to the Guanzhong area in SM 1067;
but this is no cause for alarm, for the fact is that the entire SM text makes
only one reference to the western dialects, Le. SM 42: Bing-Ji #~, and this
may actually be a corruption of You-Ji ~~.4 It seems clear that Liu Xi was
not familiar with the dialects spoken in Guanxi. But why, we may ask, had he
heard *h- substituted for *th- among people from Guandong? I believe this
may have been due to the migration of western dialect speakers into the
central area during the EH period. As pointed out by Lao (1935/1976:23-4)
and Bielenstein (1947:139-40), in A.D. 2 the Chang-an area and the valley of
the Wei
River were thickly settled, but by A.D. 140 the population of
these areas had been greatly reduced. s Lao observes that with the transfer of
the capital from Chang-an to Luoyang many wealthy and influential people
had moved from Guanzhong to the Guandong area. It is possible that these
individuals influenced the upper class speech of Luoyang and other parts of
Guandong by introducing western phonological features such as the substitution of *h- for *th-. On the other hand, it may be that the popular speech of
Luoyang (Le. BTD) and the traditional scholarly dialects of the EH glossists
were relatively less susceptible to such influences.
Bodman (1954:9) has assumed the existence of a "received official
standard" in EH times. What this may have been is a problem. There may
have been significant divergences between the reading pronunciations preferred
by some scholars and the standard language of the capital. This is suggested
by the sometimes striking differences we have found between many of the
gloss dialects and BTD. We have seen that Zheng Xuan, for example, seems to
have used the pronunciation of his native area in reading and explicating

classical texts. Scholarly reading conventions may thus be connected with


particular dialects. On the other hand they may also reflect very old exegetical
traditions whose origins are much more complex. For example, in gloss 176
Zheng Xuan adds the note iji!*m~ "The specialists in the Ritual (texts) read
it so." The lijia referred to by Zheng Xuan may have been a "school" which
can be traced back through Zheng Zhong, Zheng Xing, and Du Zichun to Liu
Xin, and perhaps earlier.
How do the EH poetic dialects reflected in Luo and Zhou's data compare
with the gloss dialects and BTD? Were the "non-dialectal" poets discussed in
Chapter 4 of Luo and Zhou's study influenced by the sound system of the
Luoyang dialect? Or was there some other standard for poetic riming? These
are points which require further study before we can confidently discuss
standards of pronunciation in the EH period.

'.k

7.2.2 The Origins of the QY Language. A glance at Map 5 in Chapter 4


will show that the dialects reflected in our data represent only part of the
area where Chinese was spoken in the EH period. For example, we have no
evidence at all for the dialects of the west or of the regions south of the
Yangtze River. For this reason it is perhaps unrealistic to use our data as
evidence for the EH origins of the QY language. Nevertheless, it might be
interesting to speculate about what features a hypothetical QY ancestor may
have had and then compare this with the dialects reflected in the data. For
example, we may suppose, as has been suggested by Chang (1975:614-15)
that the QY language derived from a Han dialect in which the OC yu and hou
groups had not merged. It also seems likely that this hypothetical dialect had
preserved fmal *-ng in the EH geng rime category and that it had not lost
fmal *-n. The first of these features corresponds to item 7 of the list given in
the preceding section, a glance at which tells us that the languages of Zheng
Xuan, Ying Shao, SM, and BTD qualify as possible QY ancestors. The second
feature corresponds to item 5 and enables us to exclude the dialects of Zheng
Xuan and SM. The third feature, corresponding to item 4 of the list, eliminates
the dialect of Ying Shao and leaves BTD as the single EH dialect in our data
which best qualifies as an EH ancestor of the QY language. This may indicate
that the form of MC reflected in the QY was in some way connected with the
late Han dialects of the Luoyang area, an idea which has been suggested
previously on other grounds (e.g. Chen 1949; Pulleyblank 1979b:315-16).
The procedure we have employed in arriving at this surmise is admittedly
crude, but future study of EH materials may allow us to refme it into a more
reliable and useful tool.

4 See

the comments of Bi Yuan !\!Vi; in Shiming shuzheng bu ~15ijlm1ili ,p. 279.


in particular, plates II and III of Bielenstein's article.

7.2.3 The Reconstruction of OC. What is meant by the term OC (or


Archaic Chinese) is somewhat uncertain. If we consider the materials on which

S Compare,

134

135
f

------

r------

7.2 / Part II: Reconstructions

the reconstruction of OC is traditionally based, it covers a very wide span of


time beginning with the formation of the Chinese script and lasting until late
Zhou times. Recently it has also become popular to use etymological
comparisons between Chinese and allegedly related Tibeto-Burman languages
to make reconstructions. One would expect forms arrived at in this way to be
dubbed "Proto-Sino-Tibeto-Burman" or the like; but, in fact, they are more
often simply called Old or Archaic Chinese. Such reconstructed forms must
predate the latest OC text materials by a very long time. Little of a substantive
nature is known of the dialects of the DC period. Suggestions about dialectal
distinctions in OC tend to be outgro\vths of difficulties particular investigators

have in reconciling DC data with their own backward projections of the MC


sound system rather than attempts to explain dialect data of the sort found in
EH materials. It is rare indeed that suggested DC dialect variants are attributed
to particular periods or geographical areas. It seems possible that information
on the dialects of the EH period may eventually help to remedy this situation.
We may some day be able to push our reconstructed EH dialects backward to
the WH and Zhou periods and then develop a dialectally pluralistic and
diachronically stratified view of OC.
To what extent EH dialect reconstructions can be compared to yield
pre-EH forms is still uncertain. It is probable that most of the EH forms
posited in the present study could, with adjustments of one sort or another,
be regularly derived from a number of the DC systems current today. But this
may not be true in every case; and, where it is not, the Han material may
influence our ideas on ~C.
7.3

Cliapter 7: Conclusion / 7.3

forms taken from them appear here.


ft is not possible to say with certainty that any of the transcriptions found
in the Han sutras appear there for the first time. But the occurrence of a word
does establish for it a tenninus ante quem, and in transcriptional studies of
later texts it will be possible to exclude such forms from consideration. By
moving downward in time, text by text, we will be able to more accurately
determine the time depth of much of the Buddhist transcriptional data. All of
the BTD data should be carefully examined by Prakritists and specialists in
the various languages spoken in Central Asia during the EH period. A special
effOit should be made to dea1 with the materiai source by source. Studies of
this type may eventually enable us to identify with more certainty the original
languages in which the translated texts were written.
As mentioned in Chapter 1 and section 7.2.1 of the present chapter,
phonological reconstructions must be worked out for the dialects reflected in
the EH rimed texts. Only when the rime data have been included in the picture
we have developed for the gloss and transcriptional dialects will we be in a
position to evaluate the ways in which historical, regional, and sociocultural
factors influenced the sound systems of the EH dialects. There is much to be
done in EH phonology and in Han phonology generally. It is hoped that this
handbook will be of use in the task which lies ahead.

Closing Remarks-The Task Ahead

It is my hope that the data collected in Part III include most of the available
EH sound gloss material, exclusive of the SM glosses. However, I cannot claim
that the corpus is comprehensive. Even as this study neared completion new
glosses were still being identified and included. The data given here must
therefore be viewed as a core to which new material should be added as it is
uncovered. This is particularly true in the case of paranomastic glosses, for it
is sometimes difficult to decide what is a paranomastic gloss as opposed to a
simple semantic gloss. I have been fairly conservative in my selection of such
material. As our familiarity with EH phonology increases it will undoubtedly
be possible to add to our stock of paranomastic data.
As mentioned in Chapter 4, I was unable to identify a number of the
transcriptions found in the BTD sources. These should be studied by persons
who are specialists in Buddhist texts. It is my sincere hope that these texts
will not now be dismissed as having "already been done" simply because

136

137

Part III

The Data
Introduction
The data given here are arranged according to source. The sources are discussed
in Chapter 4. Within each of the gloss dialect sources the material is divided
into subsections according to gloss types, which have been discussed in
Chapter 2. Within the subsections the glosses are arranged according to the
EH rime categories of the first words (Le. the glossed words) of each entry.
The EH rime categories used here are essentially those of Luo and Zhou
(I 958: Chapter 3). In a few cases, where Luo and Zhou's grouping does not
do justice to the final system of a particular source, the arrangement inferred
from the source is followed. These cases are discussed in Chapter 6. The
ordering of the rime categories is as follows:
1. Zhi Z
2. You IIUl
3. Xiao 'ff
4. Yu,~
a. OC Yu f!iI. Type
b. OC Hou ftk Type
5. Ge :v:
6. Zhi 5Z
7. Zhi nil
8. Ji ~

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.

Zheng rti,.
Dong ~
Dong
Yang ~
Geng fJ!:
Zhen (f{
Yuan }e
Tan ~
Qin ~
Zhi If,~

19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.

Wo 'tf:.
Yao ~
Wu ~
Duo ~
Xi
Zhi ~
Yue n
He ~
Qi m

Within these rime categories the glossed words are arranged according to
their MC forms. The criteria for this arrangement apply in the following order:
1. The four divisions of the rime tables: I, II, III, IV
2. The four tones: ping -"f, shang J:, qu 1i:, ru A
3. Monophthongs precede diphthongs. Diphthongs precede triphthongs.
The ordering of monophthongs and diphthongs is as follows:
a, ii,1I, ii, i, i, g, e, ,0, u
gi,

iu, gU

139

,_.

Introduction

Part III: The Data

4. The MC initials in the following order:


m
ph
b
p
n
th
d
t
l}
th
cJ
t
dz
tsh
ts
t~

t~h

tSh
kh
?
j5. Labialized (hekou Ii- u )
syllables.
ts
k

d~

z
dz
nz
s
ng
x
g
'Y
jisyllables follow non-labialized (kaikou 1m!] )

This arrangement will hopefully provide convenient access to the data.


Access is also available through the stroke order index in I1I.B.
Page references to original text sources are given for each gloss. The
editions of the various texts used are:

U, YL, ZL

GZSSJ editions. These editions were chosen because they


include only the oldest commentaries, and glosses are therefore easier to locate in them. GZSSJ is readily available in
Taiwan.
HN, LS, SJZ SBCK editions.
SJ, HS, HHS Editions of the Zhonghua shuju tPJft'~!iU. Peking, 1965.
Reprint: Shanghai, 1973. In these texts, commentaries (in
which the sound glosses appear) are printed separately and
are therefore more convenient to use.
BHTY
Baojingtang congshu 1E!~'::iti~ edition. This is the edition
to which page references in Tjan (l949-53) refer.
FSTY
Indexed edition of the Centre franco-chinois d'etudes
sinologiques, Peking, 1945.
SBBY edition.
JY
lifu congshuijlUmil~edition.
QJYB
Siku shanben congshu [9l!f!~*il~ edition.
Shiwen
Nanchang rrH~ edition of 1815. Reprint: Taipei, 1965.
SSJ
SW
SWGL.
Zhonghua shuju edition, Peking, 1960.
TPYL
Edition of the Shijie shuju tftW~r.:u. Taipei, 1962.
WX
Academia Sinica Special Publication No. 47, edited by
YQJYY
Zhou FagaoJ!JrAf\1jj.
Commentaries to Shi are cited by ode number only. No page references are
given.
All glosses which make statements about the sounds and pronunciations of
140

words or which refer to dialect usage are quoted in full. Due to space limitations it is necessary to quote the remaining glosses in abbreviated form, in
which only glossed and glossing words are given. The patterns of the glossing
formulas in which these words occur are identified with letter codes which
are explained for each source in the individual sections. A general code for
paranomastic glosses has been adopted for all the sources. It is as follows:

A
B

x,yill
x~,yill

C
D

x~m,Y(ill)

Others

x~,y("ill)

It is not uncommon in paranomastic glosses for the glossed item to be


defmed by more than one word. In cases of this sort the first word cited in
the data is always the glossed item, and the following syllables are the glossing
words, e.g.

BHTY30

4A.la

This is gloss 30 of the BHTY data. It occurs injuan 4, part A ( tfI'"lJ:), page
I, recto of the BHTY text. The glossing pattern is D, and the words ~ and
~ gloss the word .til! The original passage reads: .til! ~ . ~ ill. ~ ito
Occasionally a paranomastic gloss is preceded by the phrases TIlZEl "some
say ... " or - El "one (authority) says .... " Passages of this type apparently
represent alternate glosses or readings. In such cases the code letter will be
followed by the contraction "alt."
In certain cases glosses have been excluded from the data. The follOWing
are the criteria used for the exclusion of material:
I. Cases where a graph glosses itself.
2. Cases where a graph is glossed with a variant of itself for which the MC
reading is the same.
3. Cases where one member of a gloss is unknown or has no known MC
reading.
4. Cases where a gloss cannot be phonologically interpreted.
An example of such a case is the following duruo gloss:
SWGL 5949b tfHj(1!.'JU'Ifl\m15o
"Quan is read like the name of the cloth from the capital of Shu."
The cloth referred to here is unknown, and no sound correspondence
can be set up.

As mentioned in Chapter 4, the gloss data have been supplemented by a


few rime sequences. Page numbers for these refer to the rime lists of Luo and
141

Introduction

Part III: The Data

Zhou (1958). For rimes in SW, SWGL page numbers are also given.
The arrangement of the BTD material differs from that of the other data
and will be explained in lILA. 1 I. The BTD material is included in the general
stroke order index.
In addition to MC readings for the graphs in the data, full or partial EH
reconstructions are also given where possible. These are always starred and
are placed to the left of the MC forms. Where the MC readings are considered
to be directly derivable from the EH forms, the two are separated by a
derivational arrow. Otherwise they are separated by a slash.
At the end of each data section are supplementary notes. These are
numbered according to the glosses to which they refer. Glosses to which
notes are appended are marked with a star.
The following is an alphabetized list of romanized titles and chapter
headings which appear in the data:
Aigongwen
Baoren
Bianren
Bianshi
Biaoji
Bo wujing yiyi
Changren
Chanren
Checushi
Chepu
Cheren
Dabu
Dapu
Dasheyi
Dashi
Dasirna
Dasitu
Dasiyue
Daxingren
Daxu
Daxue
Dayu
Dazai
Dazhu
Dazhuan
Dazongbo

:R~r,,"l

~A

riA
1fgjfi
*f;2
~1l.~~~

~A
~A
tf~Il:;

if!~

if! A
*1*~

*M~

*Mi
*n],~

:k<t]1iE
*IT]~

:xrrA
:;.'c1!f
*~
*!lJ'l.
**
:kWtR,
*ffi
**fB

Dianfugong
Dianrui
Dianshi
Diantong
Dianyongqi
Dianzhu
Diloushi
Fangren
Fengren
Fubushi
Fushi
Gaoren
Gongren
Gongshi dafu Ii
Gongyang
Guiren
Gumeng
Guoshi
Hairen
Hanren
Hanshangyi
Hanshu buzhu
Huahui
Hunyi
Huzhuoshi
Jiangren

~$~

~frffi

'JaJ Gio
~IE]

~I!hlf{,*

'JaJiii5l
tm.Il:;

1iltA
MA
nli-1~U;

~Il:;

~A
~A

~1tk~~
~+

1iI!A
V~
~Il:;

NiA
jag A.
~l::
i~.1lIli
w.~
~~
~i~U;

IlJ:A

Jiaotesheng
Jifa
Jijie
Jinche
JinIi
Jitong
Jiuzheng
JiyI
Jiyi
Jixi
Junren
Kaogongji
Kongzi xianju
Liangren
Lingren
Linren
Liqi
Lixu
Liyun
Lizai
Lunren
Luren
Luxu
Mazhi
Meishi
MeishI
Mingtangwei
Minli
Mulu
Muren
Nanwu
Neisifu
Neizai
Neize
Niuren
Niizhu
Pingshi
PinIi
Pinyi
Qiankun zaodu
Qingshi

-AA
Quanren
M$(
Quewen
Iltlil
QuIi
Ruxing
i~A~~
Sangdaji
~n~
Sangfu
~ 1lG1l.9$1j
Sangfu sizhi
Sangfu xiaoji ~nIVH2
Shangshu dazhuan zhu f.!iJe*fJJHt
Shaolao kuishili j,'2p1l't ftiill
,f1!jA
Shaoren
j,'~
Shaoyi
19Mi
Shengshi
~H,~l\;
Sheniaoshi
Shenyi
i*t<
Sheren
MA
Sheyi
M~
j:}(L~
Shiguanli
Shihunli
~il
nn;t~
Shijin
~t~Ff=
Shipuxu
Shiliao
l\I!ot
Shitu
~i~
tx.A
Shiren
Shisangli
~iiIl
MiIl:;
Shishi
ShishI
Mi
1;Il:;
Shlsht
Shoutiao'i'f~~
mil:;
Shuishi
fj'jnR
Sifu
TI]j(;MJ
Sigedun
fj'j~~
Sigongshi
ff]~
Siguan
(1);I:.ITrf.;
Sihuishi
fj'j~
Sijia
fj'jJl~
Sijiyan
fj'jr"l
Sirnen
P]~
Siqiu
ff]m
Sisht
~I!r.jfi
SishT

~l\!f'H'1

~i*

j,faif

mary

rt]!~

fdlWt~

~t.Jt

i!!llE

fJ<::'li
~~
fTI:~

JeJA
$j~U2

.fLTfm~ii

fir A
'&A
~A

~7.*
~Fr~iJ

rwr;

~A

ILIA
r~1lf
,~11
~Il:;

t*Mi
~1ittL

~"l~
~

!&A
~lli.

f'gPlnR
f'g*
f'g J{I]
tf:.A
~iii5l

nil:;

~~
~~
~:I:rjl~1Jf.
~Mi

143

142
I

r-----

r-

r---

----

il

Part III: The Data


i1J~
Siyi
j'-Jitt1'i
Sizunyi
#.~
Suoyin
'4A
Suiren
'4r.ifi
Suishi
f'}i-;
Tangong
~oll
Taofang
Taoren
~A
Tesheng
t!H'I:
Tianfu
:Riff
Tianguan zhongzai :R1l*'*
mIl:;
Tishi
wl\
Tuxun
itiJ
Wangzhi
Wen Wang Shizi 5C=E t!!:r
Xiangdafu
~*~
~M~
XiangsheIi
~ffilj
Xiangshi
Xiangyinjiu Ii ~~~~
Xiaoshi
'He
Xiaosikou
'J''''1~
'JvW
Xiaoxu
'Hr;
Xiaozai
Xiaozhu
'HR
Xiaozongbo
+*fs
MJJIl:;
Xingfangshi
ImA
Xiren
~~c
Xueji
~A
Yangren
~g
Yangyi
~;!111.
Yaodian
~~
YanJi
<t:tIl:;
Yeshi

144

Yiqi
Yousiche
Yueji
Yueling
Yueshi
Yugong
Yunren
Yuren
Yuren
Yuzao
Zaishi
Zaji
Zengziwen
Zeshi
Zhanggu
Zhangshe
Zhanrneng
Zhashi
Zhengzhi
Zhifangshi
Zhiren
Zhongren
ZhongshT
Zhongshl
Zhongyong
Zhongzai
Zhouren
Zhouyizhu
Zhushi
Zhuzi
Ziren
Ziyi
Zuzhu

fftfl

A. Listing of the Data

tfHJif&
~~G

JI-f,~nlli
,~fl

1. Du Zichun

IilliA
~A

::EA
::E~

These data consist exclusively of loangraph glosses. The identifying code


for them is:

ltiljfj
*l~G

A
B

ij<rro9

ttIl:;

D
E

#1iliI
~~
r:5~
~Il:;
~;t:

~1JIr;

f{A
*A
~r.jfj

tiL\;
,*,fM

*'*
nA
J!Ji1:
fi'f,Ir;
~r

rFA
~~

iillif9l

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
II.
12.
13.
14.
IS.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.

x
x

~j'f~

~.~

...... (~)y

x~~y

x ~.tmy
Others

ZL, ZhongshTI27. B ~ *hh> k;)i ~~ *k;)h > hi


ZL, Minli 202. c r *tsj;)h: > tSt: w~ *zj;)h: > zt:
ZL, Xiaozhu 137. A ,~*zj;)h: > zt: we *zj;)h: > ii:
ZL, Dazhu 134. B if *ts- > tsau- ill *tsh- > tshau- "hurried, fast"
ZL,Jinche 145. B* ,liZ *tsahw: > tsau: ~ *tsahw: > tsau:
ZL, Huzhuoshi 207. B j: *brahw > bau *prahw > pau
ZL, Hairen 36. C fin *mr- > mau: gp *mr- > mau:
ZL, Shuishi 132. E ffJl *tsjahw > tsjau l;1t *dzjahw > dzjau
ZL, Huzhuoshi 207. A flJ! *khah > khwo tiIi *khah > khwo
ZL, Kaogongji, Zhouren 228. B ilI.Il *gwah > 'Ywo fl *?wah> ?wo
ZL, Zhangshe 38. A tli *gak- > 'Ywo- :jfi *kjah: > kjwo:
ZL, Xiangdaifu 65. A 1!\Ii *mjah > mju 1!f *mjah: > mju:
ZL, Xiangshi 63. C ffl *tsjah > tsjwo Til *tsIjah > t~wo
ZL, Jinche 144. A f~ *sjah > sjwo It]; *sra > ~a
ZL, Xiaozai 22. A f~m bjak- bjia:/bju- bjan:
~ J.JIJ*bjak- bjiat > bju- bjlit
ZL, Suiren 83. B Wi dzIjak- > d~wo- Jj;I] dzIjak- > d?:jwoZL, Jinche 144. A .j:{iJ *kuah > bu ~ *kuah > k;)u
ZL, Zhanmeng 133. B 1m *na > na WIt *na/nan
ZL, Kaogongji 221. A 1if *ka: > k1i: ;!It *kahw: > kau:
ZL, Guiren 131. A
*kwa: > kw1i: m*glwa: > 1wa:
ZL, Dabu 130. B f;~ *khjai > khje
*kjai > kje
*-jai: > Sje: Qtl! *-jai> sje
ZL, Xiaozai 22. A
ZL, Xiaozongbo 104. A i'J~ *mjiai: > mjie: ~ *mji;) :/mjien:
ZL, Nanwu 139. B ~If *mjiai: > mjie: '1m *mjiai: > mjie:

'*
'*

145

1. Du Zichun

A. Listing of the Data I 2. Zheng Xing

I Part III: The Data

ZL, Zhifangshi 181. A ~ *giai > l'iei ~ *giai > 'Yiei


ZL, Gumeng 126. A W *tiai- > tie i- IE *dia-/diengZL, Xiaosikou 190. A 1m *liai- > lie i- lii *la > Iii
ZL, Meish"i95. B* ~* *mrat-(?) > mwai"music of the eastern barbarians"
*mjat-(?) > mjwei29. ZL, liuzheng 33. A 'ff *tsjiai > tsi ?i *tsjiai > tsi
30. ZL, Dianfugong 48. A if *tsjiai > tsi ~ *tsjiai > tsi
31. ZL, Sizunyi 109. B a *tsjiai > tsi ~ *tsjiai > tsi
32. ZL, Sishl105. C fffr *gjai > gjei {It *gjai > gjei
33. ZL,linche 145. A* ,i'k *tshjiat- > tshi- ~ *tshjiat > tshjet
34. ZL, Xiaozongbo 105. C* n *sjiat-(?) > si- ~ *zat-(?) > jii35. ZL, Llixu 67. A* ~ *kjat-(?) > kjei- ret *gjiat-(?) > gji36. ZL, Xiaozongbo 104. A i' *tshjwat- > tshjwlii~ *tshjwat- > tshjwlii37. ZL, Dazhu 135. B III *dung: > dung: III *dung- > dung~t *mrung > ming
38. ZL,linche 145. A IDi, *mrung > ming
"variegated colors"
38a. ZL, Nlizhu 48. A ~ *kr- > hng ~ *kr- > hng
39. ZL, Lingren 35. A ~ *-jang: > tSjang: -I: *-juah: > tsju:
40. ZL, Dasitu 57. A 1:. *sra/~lmg tt *sjia/sjling41. Deleted
42. ZL, Liixu 67. A f',( *-jia-/tSjling- ~if *-jia/tijling
43. ZL, Xiaoshi 141. A ~ *dii-/dieng- IE *diii-/dieng44. ZL, Xiangshi 64. B t:I1 *dwa/dwan J!&: *tia-/tien"rear"
45. ZL,Neizai45.A ~*dwa:/dwan: M!*dwa:/dwan:
46. ZL, Diantong 126. B fi~ *kwa :/kw~n: ~ *kh- > khmg
47. ZL, Dianyongqi 129. B tU *sjwia:/sjwen: ~ *sjwa:/sjwlin:
48. ZL, Dazhu 135. A ~ *-jia-/tSjen- ~ *-jia-/ijen49. ZL, Shuishi 132. B ~~ *tsjwa-/tshwen- ~ *tsjwa-/tsjwen50. ZL, Chanren 53. A !J *da/diin JjI *drjajqjiin
51. ZL, Xiren 30. A lI'f *pha-/phwiin- ,\IX *pra:/pwan:
52. ZL, Qingshi 127. B ~*ma-/mwan- t~ *mra-/man53. ZL, Kaogongji, Zhouren 229. A m*kja:/kj1!n: 'Jl *kja:/kj1!n:
54. ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. A *Jit *sjia-/sjlin- t5 *sjia-/sjiin55. ZL, Diantong 126. B &if *?~m > ?~m M *?~m:, ?~m- > ?~m:, ?~m56. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. B* m*d~k, -j~k >d~k, tSjak
wt *nrji~t > I).jet
57. ZL, Kaogongji, Jiangren 243. A* \; *z~k(?) > ji~k f-l:: *z~k(?) > ji~k
58. ZL, Dianshi 29. A @ *sr- > ~juk tfi *s- > sieu

25.
26.
27.
28.

'*

59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.

ZL, Shangshi 128. B ii *d- > diek ~ *d- > diek


ZL, Shiliao 126. B I *tsh- > tshiek !IX *tsh- > tshiek
ZL, Zhanggu 161. B ~_*tsh- > tshiek }g *tsh- > tshauZL, Diantong 126. B ff *dzak > dzak nlI *tsjiak- > tsjaZL, Dianzhu 138. B ~ft *mrak > m~k I'i *prak > p1!k
ZL, Dayu 175. B .k *bat > bwat 531] *bjiat, pjiat > bjlit, pjlit
ZL, Dazhu 135. B tAi *njwat > nzjwlit iXi *njwat- > nZjwaiNOTES

5. The reading of a is attested in JY, which probablY bases itself on Shiwen 8.35a.
28. The reconstruction of *-t- in these words is uncertain. See Oiapter 6, section 6.2.3.
33. The reading of a is attested in JY, which probably bases itself on Shiwen 8.35a.
34. If Du's language had a palatal series, the initial of b might also be reconstructed as
EH *z-. The reconstruction of fmal *-t- in these words is uncertain.
35. Reconstruction of fmal *-t- is uncertain in these words.
56. The correspondences in this gloss are very irregular. It is possible that the passage
is an attempt to reconcile two variant text traditions and is not really a sound-based
annotation (see Karlgren 1963-7: #122).
57. If Du's language had a palatal series, then the initials of these words might also be
reconstructed as EH *z-.

2. Zheng Xing

These data consist entirely of loangraph glosses. The identifying code for
them is:

A
B
C

x ~Jf~y
x ~Jf~ ...... (2) y
x ~Jf~~ y

*
"*

1. ZL, Dazhu 135. A ~ *p- > pau*p- > pau2. ZL, Hairen 36. A fin *m- > mau:
*m- > mau
3. ZL, Xiangshi 63. A ~ *tsjah, tshjah, tsab > tsjwo, tshjwo, tswo
Poi *dzjiak- > dzja"straw gift mat"
4. ZL, Suiren 83. A
*dzrjak- > dfjwo- n *dzJiak > dzjiik
"royal field"
5. ZL, Xiaozai 22. A ~m bjak- bjian: > bju- bjlin:
ff 511] *bjuah bjiat > bju bjlit
6. ZL, Diantong 126. B ~N *pjai > pje 1ili *brai > baY
"short in stature"
7. ZL, Niizhu 48. A ~ *krang: > hng: 1C *kang > Hng

.?

147

146
r -

r - --- -

I ---

r----

---

---

r -,.,--

[~

3. Zheng Zhong

9.
lO.
11.
12.
13.

A. Listing of the Data

I Part III: The Data

8. ZL, Xiangshi 64. A

It!; *dwan > dwan

Bill: *tian- > tien-

"lowermost (in an examination)"


ZL, Diantong 126. B lilt *kwan: > kwan: ~ *kwan: > kwan:
ZL, Xiren 30. A 1f *phan- > phwan- !fU *phan- > phwanZL, Xiaozongbo lO4. C it *thjwan- > tshjwan- ~ *thjwan> tShjwiin
ZL, Diantong 126. B t.f *?am > ?am !.~ *?am > ?am
ZL, Dianshi 29. A ~~ *sr- > ~uk *IT! *sr- > ~juk

17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.

3. Zheng Zhong
25.
These data consist of loangraph glosses, paranomastic glosses, and rime
sequences. The identifying code for the 100000graph glosses is:
A
B

C
D
E

xm~y

x ~rt~ ...... (~) y


x ~I'Huy
x~fU[l ...... (~)y
x -&f'f y

Paranomastic gloss types are identified according to the general code.


LOAN GRAPH GLOSSES
1. ZL, Sijiyan 110. A 7J *nah: > nai: {JJ *njang > nzjang
2. ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 223. D m*tsrjah, tsrjak- > t~l, t~lIJ!iJ *tshrjak- > t~hi:'
3. ZL, Bianshi 172. D Ii;!; *gjah > gjl ~ *gjah > gjY
4. ZL, Xiaozhu 137. A ,~ *zjah: > ii: ijiE *zj~h: > ii:
5. ZL, Jiuzheng 33. m fi'i~:~1i1rt"i IDf.IJ
filii *ts- > tsau ifi *ts- > tsau
5a. ZL,YueshiI22.D $*k->kau 15*k->kau-,kwok
6. ZL, Kaogongji, Zhouren 228. A* ~!l *sr- > ~j~u ~ *tsh- tshj~u
7. ZL, Xiangshi 64. B ~ *tj- > tSjau
JiIil *tj- > tsj~u
8. ZL, Muren 70. A ~ *?- > ?jiau 1$1 *?- > *jiau
9. ZL, Sijiyan llO. B fJll *s- > sau ~ *ts- > tsau:
10. ZL, Gaoren 56. B ~ *k- > kau:
*kh- > khflu11. ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 223. E ~5: *h- > xau- ft *h- > xau12. ZL, Dasima 154. D ~ *sngr- > I).au n;l *hng- > xieu
13. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 251. B ~ *kr- > kau im *k- > kiek
"to arouse"
14. ZL, Kaogongji, Luren 243. D t5i: *kr- > kau: ~ *kr- > kau:
15. ZL,Shoutiao 115.A m!*dr->Qau-,Qak: ;jijt*th->thieu
16. ZL, Changren lO7. A
~U*b- > bjiau
~ *b- > bjiau

26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.

148

41.
42.

43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.

!--

I 3. Zheng Zhong

ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 223. B


*s- > sieu !ll~ *sr- > ~au
ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 222. D
*ngrah > nga iHf *ngrak- > ngaZL, Sizunyi 109. A (1\' *krah: > ka: f* *krak- > kaZL, Liangren 160. D ''4': *krah: > ka: !@: *krak- > kaZL, Kaogongji 220. A Y! *ljah> Ijwo fa *lah > lwo
ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 251. B f8 *nrjah > I).jwo ~ *snjak- > sjwo"raw silk, floss"
ZL, Dianrui 112. A
*srjah > ~wo I'b *sra > ~a
ZL, Lizai 85. A fllb *dzrjak - > d~jwo- f~ dzjiak > dzjiik
"royal field"
ZL, Kaogongji 224. A r~ *gjwah: >ju: ~ *kjwah: > kju:
"carpenter's square"
ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. B* ;~J] *njuah > mju 'Jfi *snjuah > sju
ZL, Yangren 160. A lWt *dzrah- > d~ai'*dzjah- > dzjeZL, Kaogongji 221. B i!!l *rjai > jie n *rjai > jie
ZL, Sigongshi 173. B Ii\[ *bjiai: > bjie: Jill *bjai > bje
ZL, Kaogongji, Cheren 247. B IiIE *tshjah- > tshje- Jilt *dzjah->dzjeZL, Shishi 186. B :'i *-jah- > Sje- ~ *-jah- > sjeZL, Kaogongji, Luren 242. B #f *biai > biei ~ biai > biei
ZL, MeishI95. D ~* *mrat- > mwai- ~ *mjat- > mjweiZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. A fR *pjai > pjwei ~ *pj~i: > pjwei:
ZL, Suishi 84. A .it *pji~i: > pji: rt *phjiai: > phji:
ZL, Xiaoshi 141. A JL *kjiai: > kji: !lift *kjiwah: > kjwi:
ZL, Quanren 200. A
~ *kjai: > kjai:
~ *kjwai: >kjwie:
ZL, Xiangshi 63. A * 1L *(g)lji~t- > lji- ~fL *(g)ljap > lj~p
ZL,ShIshi75.A* If!*sjiat->si- ~*liat->lieiZL, Kaogongji, Yuren 226. D Ut *trjwat-, twat- > twi-, tw~i
~ *trjwat- > !jwaiZL, Kaogongji, Yuren 226. D ~ *zjwat- > zwi- ~ *zjwat- > zwiZL, Sizunyi 109.* "fHJlA~tJl!!l,~JI!!l" !,!lG~nA:L::fflM1f,~1f,o
~l *tjwat-, ljwai:, ? > jiwi-, ljwi:,jiauJI!!l, *hjw~i: > xjwei:
~ *sjwan: > sjwen:
ZL, Dianrui 111. B tm *tiai: > tiei: m: *tjai: > tSje:
ZL, Bianshi 171. D ~ *kwat- > kwru- Wr *kwat- > kwai"(horse) dealer"
ZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. A 1~ *pjat-, pjat > pjwli-, pjwlt
*pat >pwat
ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 251. B ~ *bjiat- > bjiiii- iti *pjiat- > pjiiiiZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 251. B 't1l *gang > 'Yang f!i *kang> kang
ZL,DapuI69.*!lDJ ...... 1i ...... nmf.IJo
jID! *pang- > pang- it *pjung > pjwong

m:

149

3. Zheng Zhong / Part III: The Data


A. Listing of the Data / 3. Zheng Zhong

49. ZL, Lumen 224. D fifL *grwang > rwwg *fL *grwang > rwng
50. ZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. B 'Ii. *grwang > rwng
tt *grwang > rwng
51. ZL, Kaogongji, Yumen 235. B ~ *kjong > kjung ~ *khung> khung
52. ZL, SishI 106. A I *kung > kung J}J *kung > kung
53. ZL, Dazhu 135. A jiJ *dung: > dung: i! *tung: > tung:
54. ZL, Mazhi 159. B ~ *kang > kang Jt *kang > kang
55. ZL, Kaogongji 221. B if!Jii. *mang > mwang
*mang > mwang
56. ZL, Yueshi 122.A ~ *gwang> rwang ~ *gwang>rwang
57. ZL, Fubushi 164. B tft *khang- > khang- Jt *khang- > khang58. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 252. D* ~ *drang > 911ng
~ *thrang- (?) > thllng59. ZL, Kaogongji 221. B IJli *pjang: > pjwang: 1M *pjah: > pju:
60. ZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. B f:l! *khrian, grian/khwg, rng
rm *khran, khrian > khan, khin
61. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 225. D ,fj *rjian/jiiing
*rjian/jiiing
62. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 223. * *l!!n'lAIUl"* 8 ftjf .zftjfo
*l!! *pjian:/pjang: ftjf *pjian:/pjang:
*pjian: > pjan:
*pan: > pwan:
"rim of a wheel"
63. ZL, Kaogongji, liangren 246. A ~ *dian-/dieng- W *dian/dieng
*dian- > dien64. ZL, Zhouren 228. A 1m *khan: > khan: ,~*khan: > khan:
65. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 223. A
*ngran: > ngan: /IN *gran: > ran:
66. ZL, Sijiyan 110. B* ~ *phjan > phjwan IHS *pjian> pjen
~ *pjan: > pjwan:
67. ZL, Baoren 234. B ~ *ljian > ljen ~ *ljian > ljen
68. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 223. B* m *tjan, tjan: > tSjen, tSjen:
~ *di~n- > dien*dian-/dieng69. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. B* ~ *tjian: > tSjen:
~ *thi~n: (?) > xien:
70. ZL, Sijiyan 110. B* M! *tjw~n:, tjw~n-> tsjwen:, tsjwen"hem, border"
~ *kjw~n > kjwen
71. ZL, Changren 107. A 'li *hj~n-(-j:i] , hji~n- [-jia] > xj~n-, xjentti *hjw~i > xjwei
72. ZL, Tuxun 54. A ~II *hjw~n- > xjwan- Nil *sgjw~n > zjwen
73. ZL, Kaogongji 221. B !!ill *gjw~n- > jw~n- ill!: *gjw~n- > jwan74. ZL, Dianrui Ill. B fi *tsjian- > tsjen- ffi *tsji~n- > tsjen-

ZL,XiaoxuI25.B ~*rji~n->jien- 51 *rji~n:>jien:


ZL, Kaogongji, Zhouren 227. A JIl!. *ti~n: > tien: ~ *dian: > dien:
ZL, Zaishi 71. A tI *dan > dan 111 *drjan > <Jjan
ZL, Sifu 115. A ,it *ban, bjian- > bwan, bjan- 1f- *bjan > bjwlln
ZL, Kaogongji 221. A * . fit *gwan > rwan 3U *krwat > kwat
ZL, Kaogongji, Yeshi 230. A tiC *gwan > rwan 1L *gwan > rwan
ZL, Kaogongji, Shiren 239. B ill *dan: > dan: tlJ *dan- > danZL, Kaogongji, Luren 242. B ill *dan: > dan: iJ!i! *dan- > dan"pellet"
83. ZL, Daxingren 207. A ii!lJ! *kwan- > kwan- l#. *kwan- > kwan84. ZL, Dazai 19. B ili'{ *pran > pwan fJE *pran > pwan
85. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 248. B no *krian: > kan: frsI *gran: > ran:
86. ZL, Dazai 17. A ~ *ljan > Ijiin 3f *ljan > ljan
87. ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. A U *tsjan, dzjan: > tsjiin, dzjan:
l3~ *tsjan: > tsjiin:
88. ZL, Kaogongji, Hanren 233. B @ *?jwan: > ?jwlln:
;9i! *?jwan: > ?jwlln:
89. ZL,ShishII93.B* $ll$ *bjian:>bjiin: 5.liJ *bjiat>bjat
90. ZL, Xiangshi 63. A 3f *Ijan: > Ijiin: ~ *ljan: > Ijiin:
91. ZL, Simen 81. A it *gjian: > gjan: ~ *kjian: > kjiin:
92. ZL,linche 145. B ~ *drjwan: > gjwan: ~ *drjwan: > qjwiin:
93. ZL, Sizunyi 109. A ~ *hngjan-[-ja] > xjlln- *ngjai > ngje
94. ZL, Sizunyi 109. A ~ *hngjan-[-ja] > xjlln- !1ft *hngjai > xje
95. ZL, Kaogongji, Luren 242. B m *kjiwan- > kjwiiinffi *?jiwan > ?jwiiin
96. ZL, Dapu 169. B ~ *pjiam- > pjam- iE *pjam- > pjwllm97. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 224. A * ~ *liam > Hem ~ *nrjam > I.ljam
98. ZL, Kaogongji 220. B ji'ij *g~m > r~m 13- *g~m > r~m
99. ZL, Sifu 115. A* 7 (*grjam ? > )*rj~m > ji~m 1#: *hj~m > xj~m
100. ZL, Kaogongji 221. D* iQ) *(g)I~k > I~k 111 *(g)l~k > I~k
101. ZL, Guoshi 186. A ~ *gwak > 'Yw~k ~ *krw~k > kwk
102. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 250. B iRU *tshrj~k > t~hj~k
1I\IJ *tshrj~k > t~j~k
103. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 248. B m*?j~k ?j~k tf! *?j~k > ?j~k
104. ZL, Kaogongji, Cheren 248. A nit *bj~k > bjuk ill *bjah: > bj~u:
105. ZL, ShishI 192. D i'9 *tj- > tSjak i!!fl *tj- > tSjak
106. ZL, Kaogongji 222. B U *puk > puk ~ *phuk, buk > phuk, buk
107. ZL, Kaogongji 222. D ~ *phuk > phuk ~ *phuk > phuk
108. ZL, Kaogongji, Fangren 240. A i *buk > buk *,J *pruk > p3k
109. ZL, Huzhuoshi 186.* ~~A7Ii~~.zi;jo ~WfUIH1f:o
~ *duk > duk
i;j *druk > 93k f~ *truk > !3k
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.

150
151
r--------

r--

3. Zheng Zhong

110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.

117.

118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.

A. Listing of the Data I 3. Zheng Zhong

I Part III: The Data

ZL, Dasima 156. C fIfE *luk > luk W *lung- > lungZL, Kaogongji, Taoren 240. A ~ *guk > 'Yuk f!# *guk > 'Yuk
ZL, Dasima 154. D i; *druk > q.3k lJij *druk > q.3k
ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. D D1I! *?ruk >?3k ~ *?ruk >?3k
ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. D ~ *pak > p3k *W *bjak > bjwak
ZL,Dasima 155.A* ~*mrak>m1!k ~*mrak->maZL, Zeshi 206. B 1"1= *tsrak > t~1!k
~ *tsjiak- > tsja"clear away brush"
>F- *tsrak > t~1!k
ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 223. D 1"1= *tsrak > t~1!k
"narrow, tight"
~ *tsIjiak- > tsjaZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. B 1t *sjiak > sjak ~ *tshak > tsh3k
ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 250. A ~ *rjak > jiak ~'*rjak > jiak
ZL, Zhashi 203. A ~ *dzjiak > dzjak 9li. *dzjiah- > dzjeZL, Checushi 186. A ~ *thiak, ? > thiek, thjat ~ *drjiak > q.jak
ZL, Zhuzi 167. B 2'f' *tshw~t > tshw~t $ *tshw~t- > tshw~iZL, Neisifu 49. Jitl:?f~Ii!iJj/UJUg1!;l.o
Jitl *khjw~t > khjw~t M *khjwat > khjwet
ZL, Kaogongji 221. D 1IlI *tsrji~t (?) > t~t l1!il *tsrji9t > t~t
ZL, Kaogongji, Fangren 240. A ~ *kwat > kwat I'iU *krwat > kwat
ZL, Yeshi 230. A ~ *ljwat > Ijwat ,\ill] (*sljwat ? > )*srjwat > ~wat
ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 223. A ~ *ngiat > ngiet ~ *ngiat > ngiet
ZL, Sheniaoshi 165. A ~ *kriap > kap EfI *krap > kap
ZL, Fengren 50. A ~ *tsjap > tsjap :i *srj9p > ~j9p
PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES

130. ZL, Shijin 134. E #~ *zjah: > zjwo: Ff: *zjah: > zjwo:
131. ZL, Xiaozhu 136. E ~~ *mian/mieng 45 *mjian/mjang
132. ZL, Sijiyan 110. A M! *tjw~n:, tjw9n- > tSjwen:, tsjwen"hem, border"
~ *rjwan- > jiwan133. ZL, Zhangshe 38. E ~ *kj9k > kj9k ~ *kjak > kjuk
134. ZL, Sijiyan 110. E f8 *prak > p1!k ~ *prak > p1!k
135. ZL, Hamen 233. E ot *g9p > 'Y9p EfI *krap > kap
POETIC RIME SEQUENCES
136. 147
137. 157
138. 193
152

m*kjah: > kjwo:


1l: *ngjai > ngje

1.=.

*sran/~1!ng

)'iJT

*sIjah: >

-g *kra > ka

~jwo:

m*khjian, khjiwan/khj1ing, khjwang

139.
140.
141.
142.
143.

201 1t *phj~n > phjw~n ~ *trji~n > !jen


201 M *ti~n > tien f$ *-ji~n > Sjen
212 ~ *?i~n > ?ien j *pian > piwen
212* ~ *khiam > khiem !< *khjian > khjiin
---* /J,... *kjw~h: > kj~u: .!l::. *tj~h: > tsi:
NOTES

6. The reading of a is attested only in JY.


26. The reading of a is attested only in JY.
38. This gloss may represent a purely graphic text emendation. A is generally thought
to have had a labial stop [mal in the early period of OC, but it seems unlikely that this
could have survived into the EH period. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the
language of Zheng Xuan on the basis of Zheng Xuan 445.
39. This may not be a sound-based gloss. Zheng Xuan states that certain earlier text
versions read a instead of b in the ZL passage, and it is possible that Zheng Zhong's gloss
was intended to correct one of these early versions in favor of the current text.
42. This gloss is difficult to interpret. (See Karlgren 1963-7, #1950 for a discussion
of some of the problems involved.) For a Shiwen (8.25b) gives MC ljwi: as the preferred
pronunciation and MC jiwi- as an alternate reading. QY gives both of these and also adds
MC jiau-. B represents Zheng's own suggested emendation of the ZL passage and may
indicate that a had some sort of velar cluster such as *grj- or *gl- in his language. C is an
alternate reading and may represent a dialect where MCji- should be restored as EH *z-.
48. The vowel correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
58. The MC [mal of b suggests that this word had EH medial *-r-, but EH *thr- would
regularly yield MC th-.
62. Shiwen (9.22b) states that a "according to the commentary (i.e. Zheng Zhong's
commentary as quoted by Zheng Xuan) has the sound of ft)f (MC pjling)". This is clearly
a lexicographical ghost reading fashioned by Lu Deming on the basis of Zheng Zhong'S
(fl. Eastern Jin period, 317-420) read
original note. Lu goes on to say that Li Gui
the word as MC pjiin: (1f1i&) and, furthermore, that YP records Zheng Zhong's
pronunciation of it as pwfin: (ffli'llf&). The origin of Li Gui's reading is uncertain. The
yP passage is interesting because it may be based either directly on Zheng Zhong's
original commentary or on a now lost quote from it, and it seems possible that it may
reflect Zheng Zhong's own reading of the word for "wheelrirn".
66. C is an alternate gloss on a.
68. GSR 375b gives for a an alternate MC reading dien:. This is based on Shiwen
9.22b, where Lu Deming tells us that it is the "reading of Zheng Sinong." Lu himself
reads Me tfien: .
69. On the initial of b see Chapter 5, section 5.2.
70. The initial correspondence in this gloss is enigmatic.
79. GY reads a as MC 'Ywan. Lu Deming (Shiwen 9.21b) gives no reading of his own
but states that Liu Changzong jtl.'* (dates unknown) read MC kwat while Qi Yan i1t~
(519-581) read Me 'Ywan.
89. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
97. For a Karlgren (GSR 627 g-h) reads Me IJjiim in the sense of "to stick to".
This reading is derived from Shiwen (9.23a) which states that it takes as basis Zheng
Zhong's own note on the ZL passage here in question. The Me reading is therefore a

*t1t

153

4. BHTY / Part III: The Data

A Listing of the Data / 4. BHTY

lexicographical ghost.
99. For discussion of the initial correspondence in this gloss see Chapter 5, section
5.8.
100. A is paranomastically glossed with the word JlIl in Xu Shen 1176. JlIl can in turn
be reconstructed with EH *gl- on the basis of BHTY 6.
109. Karigren (GSR 1224p) gives for ba MC reading rak which he attributes to QY. I
have not been able to locate this reading in any QY fragments or versions.
lIS. Shiwen (9.2a), in glossing this ZL passage, gives for a the MC reading ma-. This
appears to be a lexicographical ghost reading based on Zheng Zhong's original annotation.
142. This rime is irregular.
143. This riming pair is not included in Luo and Zhou (1958) but occurs in the same
text passage where the rest of Zheng Zhong's rimes are found.

4.BHTY
These data consist entirely of paranomastic glosses, which are identified
according to the general code.

3.
3a.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9a.
9b.
lOa.
lOb.
II.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
() 17.
18.

*gah: > ,),ai:


(fj{ =) U{ *grak> 'Yk
*tsah:, tsak- > tsai:, tsai- nl<: *dijie/ijang
"year"
3A.7a. E t1i *dak- > dai- ~ *dak- > dai4A.4a. B* ~ *djah 'V dijah > Zi WI *kjah, gjah > kji, gji
IA.3b. B *dzrjah: > d~
$= *dzrjah > d~
2A.4b. E B *kjah: > kji: tg *khjah: > khji:
3B.6a. B *C *kjah: > kji: J!I!. *gljah: > Iji:
2A.ISb. B ~ *hrjak-> 81- iii\ *hrjak-> si2B.7b. B* ~ *(g)loh: > lau:
~'1t *djoh: khoh: 'V dijoh: khoh: > Zjau: khau:
3A.24a. C ~ *mok- > mau- WI *mok- > mau2AAb. B IX *mok- > mau- ~ *mok- > mau2A.3b. B :!1Jl *mroh: > mau:
~ *mok- > mau3A.20b. B /Fffll(*k(r)joh?
tjoh 'V tsjoh > tSjau /Gsc*kr:>h > kau
3B.7a. B @ *bjoh: > bjau: JJIl *bjok > bjuk
2A.4b. B* :II: *hnrjoh: > thjau: W *nrjoh: > I)jau:
3B.l4a. C it *kjoh: > kjau: ~ *kjok-> kjau3A.8a. B ~ *gjoh: > gjau: 11 *gjok- > gjau2AAa. B* ~ *rjoh: > jiau: ~ *(g)loh: > lau:
4B.l6a.C ~*gjok->gjau- ~*kjok->kjau- ;A.*kjoh:>kjau:
IB.9b. B* },fit *sioh> sieu ~ *ljoh,ljok- > ljau, ljauIilll *sjok > sjuk
IB.9b. E ~ *d:>h > dau ili *doh: > dau:

1. 2AAa. B*
2. 4AAb. D

19. 3B.5a. B ~*kr:>k- > kau- ~ *gr:>k- > ')'au20. Quewen 4a. E ~ *trj:>h > ljiiu ~ *drj:>h > <jjiiu
"morning"
21. 3A.2Ib. C .. *kah: > kwo:
[j!!J *kak- > kwo"to trade, do business"
22. 3A.7b C
*gwrah > ')'wa fi *gwak > ')'wak
23. 4A.l8b. B ~ *krak- > ka*krah > ka
*pjah > pju ~ *bjah > bju
24. 3B.7a. B
25. 3B.7a. B* 3( *bjah: > bju: ~ *kjwah: > kju:
26. 2AAb. C ~ *gjwah: > ju: &7 *hrjah > sjwo
27. 4A.l8b. B ~ *tshjuk- > tshju- 1IJi *tshjuh:, tshjuk- > tshju:, tshju28. 2A.lb. C *- *hwa: > xwa: ft *hwra- > xwa29. 2A.lb. C* *- *hwa: > xwa: ~Ii *?jwei: zjwei > ?jwe: zjwe
30. 4A.la. D* !1!! *dei (?) > di- ~ *hrjei > sje IDW *tei- > tiei31. 3B.9b. C JI$ *bjiei > bjie 1# *be:/bieng:
32. 2B.6a. D *mjiai > mji ~ *miai > miei
33. 4B.l6a. C P *hrjiai > si Mi *drjHj/Qjen
34. IB.7a. E ~ *riai 'V ziai 'V ijiai > ji *rei- 'V zei- 'V zjei- > jie"easy"
35. 3B.8a-b. B ~ *tsjiai: > tsi: <tt *tsjiai > tsi
36a. 4B.l Oa C 7E *sjiai: > si: lI9f *sjei > sje
36b. 2A.la. C
*hrjwai: > Wi: 71 *tjw~ :/tsjwen:
37. 3A.24b. B ~ *tjiat- 'V tSjiat- > tsi- J!{ *tjiat 'V tsjiat > tsjet
"to substantiate"
38. lA.14b. C ~ *rjiai- 'V Zjiai- 'V ziai- (?) > dZi-

*
x

51

*ri~: 'V zi~: 'V Zji~:/jien:

40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.

ti *zjwai- > zwi-

*zwai- 'V ijwai- (?) >jiwi"to present"


4A.5a. B tx. *?jai > ?jei ~ *?j~ :/?jan:
3B.8b. B ~ *mjat- > mjwei*mat > mwat
3B.8b. B ~ *diai > diei: ~ *diai- > diei3B.9a. B j:t *liai: > liei: Iii *ljiai: > lji:
2A.3a. E j1!j *siai > siei ~ *tshja/tshjan
3B.l9a. C* n *priat- > pwai- nil *bjok > bjuk
3B.9a. C JIiIj *phjat- > phjwlri- 'It *phjat- > phjwei4B.l Oa. E M *hmang > xwang c *mjang > mjwlrng
4B.l3b. C iii *dzang- > dzang- ff!} *tShjang- > tShjang"make equal to"
Quewen 2b. C m*tjang 'V tSjang > tsjang
~ *tjangw- 'V tsjangw- > tSjung3A.20a. C* .m.. *pjang > pjung itjj *mriang (or: *mrang ?) > mng

39. 4B.l3b. C

jI

]55

154
r-------

~~----

4. BHTY

I Part III: The Data

51. 2AAb. B
*tangw 'V tong> twong f{f tjangw 'V tjong > tsjung
*tangw 'V tong> twong
52. Quewen 2b. E
1t< *tjangw- 'V tjong- > tSjung53. 3A.23b. C ~ *dzangw 'V dzong > dzwong
ff~ *tsangw 'V tsong > tswong
54. 4B.l3b. B Q~ *phjong> phjung lJi *phjok- > phjau"to cover, protect"
55. 2AAb. B; Quewen 6b. C* '8 *kjangw 'V kjung > kjong
*trjangw 'V trjong > !jung
56. 3B.l9b. B frp *drjangw- 'V drjong- > ~jung*trjangw 'V trjong > gung
57. 4B.5b. B tfoi] *dung> dung jffi *thung- > thung58. Quewen 2b. E ~ *zjung > zjwong ~ *sjung: > sjwong:
59. 1BlOa. C; 2AAb. A; 2A.5b. B Ii *tjung > tsjwong
j!/) *dung: > dung:
60. 2B.1 Oa. C
*?jung> ?jwong ~ *?jung > ?jwong
61. 2B.10a. E
*?jung > ?jwong M *?jung: > ?jwong:
62. Quewen 6b. C* '!it *dang > dang f!ij *mjiang mjwl!ng
63. 4B.10b. B
*smang > sang c *mjang > mjwllng
"burial"
64. 3B.6a. B* ;j!fOOJ *kang > kiing ~ *trjang > tjang
65. 3A.23b.B JJi *gwang > rwiing ;fJ\'t *gwrang > rWllng
66. 3A.23b. C f1If. *gwang > rwiing 1t *kwang > kwang
67. 2AAa. B )Ji! *krang > hng ~ *krang > hng
68. 2B.12b. C :ffi *smrjang > ~ang C *mjang > mjwl!ng
69. 3A.23b. C* ~ *tjang 'V tSjang > tSjang l!fl *mjiang > mjwllng
70. 3A.20b. B l!fl *mjiang > mjwllng C *mjang > mjwang
71. 3B.8b. B 5L *hjiwang > xjwl!ng tR. *hjwang- > xjwang72. 2A.3b. E p:j *pjiang: > pjwl!ng: ~ *pjiang: > pjwllng:
73. llB.12a. B fjlj *tsjie/tsjang ~ *dzjie:/dzjang:
74. 3A.20b. B m*tshjie/tshjang 'j!f *tshe/tshieng
75. 3B.8b. B rn-*dzjie/dzjang ~*dzjie:/dzjang:
76. IB.8a. B* ~ *hrjie/Sjang ~~ *mje/mjl!ng
77. 3B.15b. B tt *sjie-/sjling- 1=. *sre/~l!ng
78. 3B.7a. A* tt*kjwa/kjwan ~ *gjiwli/gjwan
79. 2A.3b. E if: *thjwii'V tSlljwii/tSlljwen iff *thjwii: 'V tshjwli:/tSlljwen:
80. 3B.7a. B gJ: *g(r)ji~/ijen ~ *ki~/kien
81. 2A.3a. B ji{ *ri~ 'V zia/jien ~ *ra: 'V za:/jian:
82. 3B.9b. C 'fl *dzjia :/ijen: ~ *sjiah: > sja:
83. 4A.1a. C x *thi3/thien ~ *trjia-ftjen84. 4AAa. B fr *nia/nien {JJ *njang > nijang

'*'
'*'

*
*

'*

156

A. Listing of the Data

85. 3B.9b. C
86. 4B.1b. B
87.4B.15a.C
88. 2B.3a. A
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.

I 4. BHTY

~f

*ka/kan =f *ka/kan
*kwa/kwan iJIlf *kjiwa-/kjwanti';; *kwa/kwan 7t *gwa/rwan
~ *kra-/kan1m *kria/klin
~ *krang> hng
"change, alternate"
"change"
2B.10b. E ;tF *pha-/phwan*pa-/pwanIB.9a. C .IJl *hjwa/xjwlln ~ *hjwa/xjwan
lA.lIb. B :ffiIl *tjwa 'V tSjwa/tSjwlin
*tjwa 'V tsjwa/tsjwlin
4B.2b. E ~ *mjia:/mjlin: f!e. *mjia:/mjlin:
4B.2a. C 1f- *bjia-/bjlin- ~ *phra/phwan
2A.1b. E *gram > rlim ~ *ki3/kien
3B.9b. C* {" *sjam > sjam ft. *njam: > iiijam:
2AAb. E :f: *njam > iiijam if *njam > nzjam
"to serve"
IB.10a. B ~ *gjam > gjam ~ *kjam- > kjam-'
IB.8a. B If *?jam > ?jam (!j.: *?jam: > ?jam:
2B.9a. C ~ *grok > rak ~ *krok > kak
4B.5b. B* r *trjok > tjuk m*tsjuk > tsjwok
3B.l9b.B ~*hrjok>Sjuk 'Y'*hrjok-> SjauQuewen 6b. E ~ *djok 'V dijok > ijuk Y.~\*djok 'V dijok > ijuk
2A.1b. C*
*muk > muk
*thjuk 'V tshjuk > tSlljwok
3B.lla. C
*muk > muk !I?c *mjok > mjuk
3A.7b. B iJi *duk > duk ~ *druk > ~ak
4B.lOa. C* ;j!J< *(g)luk > luk m*sjoh > sjliu
3B.14a. B ~ *dzuk > dzuk ~ *tshuh- > tshau~ *dzjuh:, dzjuk- > dzju:, dzju3A.7a. C ~ *ngruk > ngak t~ *kruk > kak
4B.15 a. C
*kwak > kwak
*khwak > khwak
IB.10b. E ~ *prak > pllk *pak > pak
Quewen 2b. E tEl *prak > pllk ~ *prak > pl!k
3B.19b. E is *prak > pl!k ~ *prak > pllk
3A.7a. C 1l *hwak > xwak ~ *gwak- > rwo2B.lOa. Clf: m*p- > pjlik m*ts- > tsjlik
2B.10a. B
*p- > pjlik ~ *p- > pjlik
3A.23a. C* ~ *p- > pjlik m*ts- > tsjlik
IB.7a. B J;: *d- > diek JJ, *r- > jilik
Quewen 2b. E ~ *Ijiat > Ijet N! *ljiat > ljet
IB.9b.A* r5*srjiat(?~jt 1tt*srjak>~jak
2A.3b. E* Z, (*ts?jiat ? > ) *?jiat > ?jet ~iJ *tsiat > tsiet
2AAa. B [l(; *smjat > sjwet iIA: *mjiat > mjiat
ap. TPYL 692.7b. E #C *kiwat > kiwet ~ *kiwat > kiwet
Ja;

'*

-=

*
*

157

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data

C.
D.

NOTES
1. I follow Tjan (1949-53:435, n. 54) in reading b 1?< as ~ "kernal".
8. A can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in Xu Shen's language; see Xu 829. It is
difficult to decide whether or not the present passage should be taken as evidence for an
initial cluster in the BHTY language.
12. On the reconstruction of EH *hnr- in a see Chapter 5, section 5.3.
15. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in Xu Shen's language; see Xu 829. Cf. also
BHTY8.
17. In this passage band c are alternate glosses on a. The initial correspondence
between a and b is irregular.
25. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
29. It is difficult to decide how this passage should be interpreted. The gloss also
occurs in the Chunqiu yuanming bao ~t!;.5C~fY (see Ma 1883 :2120a) which probably
dates from late WH or early EH times (Tjan 1949-53 :101). The BHTY passage is probably
a quote from this text.
30. The rime development of a is irregular, since EH *-ei should yield MC -iei here. B
and c are alternate glosses on a.
45. This passage almost certainly derives from LJ, Jiaotesheng 93: 11'. nll1.. Though
it is listed by Zhang (1816:96), it is probably not a paranomastic gloss.
50. On the rime of b see Chapter 6, section 6.4.12.
55. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
62. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
64. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
69. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
76. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
78. The development of b is irregular since EH *-jiwan should yield MC -iwen.
However, as noted by Li (1971 :37) QY and GY list no words with MC initial g- and fmal
-jwen.
95. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
100. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
103. This is almost certainly a riming gloss.
106. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. A can be reconstructed with
EH *gl- for the language of Zheng Xuan on the basis of Zheng 400.
114. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Cf. BHTY 116.
116. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
119. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
120. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. However, as mentioned in
Chapter 5, section 5.9, it may indicate that a had initial *ts?- in some early EH dialect.

Some duruo glosses are identified as representing alternate readings. These


will be marked as "alt." Other glosses give a basic gloss reading followed by
an alternate reading. In such cases both glossing characters are given and the
alternate part of the gloss is identified as such in the notes.
Paranomastic glossing types are identified according to the general code.
Sources other than SWGL are identified by title. All other page numbers
refer to SWGL. Parenthesized page numbers indicate that the passage in
question appears in the Shuowen xizhuan ,ilt)(~liJJ or some other source but
not in the standard SW text of Xu Xuan i'ttt.

DURUO GLOSSES
1. 681 b. B t! *g:lh > r:li ft{ *g:lh > r:li
2. 5653b. A & *?:lh, ?:lh: > ?:li, ?:li: ~ *hj:lh > xjl
3. 591b.A ~*?:lh>?:li ~*?:lh>?:li
4. (6677a). B M *ph:lh, phj:lh > phw:li, phj:lu ~ *b:lk > b:lk
5. 2805b. A IDI~ *b:lh > bW:li Ilf~ *b:lh > bW:li
6. 2041b. A f@ *n:lh: > n:li: {Jj *nj:lng > nzj:lng
7. 1042a. B ~ *gw:lk-, hW:lk- > rW:li-, xW:li- Il* *gl:lk- > l:li8. 1218a. A }11. *ts:lk- > tS:li- JI!X: *ts:lk- > tS:li9.555Ib.A Iltlj*m:lh:>m:lu: J:*m:lh:>m:lu:
10. 3360a. B FJ *m:lk- > m:lU- i *m:lk- > m:lUII. 5213a. A ~ifii *nj:lh > nZI iili *nj:lh > M:i
12. 2003a. C 7~ *kj:lh > kj"i :Jt *kj:lh > kj"i
13. 5529b. A ~t *khj:lh > khji' .iii: *gj:l:, gj:l-/gj:ln:, gj:ln14. 1407b. A Hg *hj:lh > xji" "l'! *hj:lh > xj"i
15. 178a. A H:! *z:lh > jii" lItl *z:lh > jii'
16. 896a. A ~t *gjiw:lh > gjwi .it *gjiw:lh > gjwi
17.1I32a.A -ft *gjiw:lh > gjwi ~ *gjiw:lh > gjwi
18. 4164b. A In *sj:lh: > SI:
fl *sj:lh: > si:
19. 1371b. A L'X *zj:lh > zl E *zj:lh > zl
20. 2176b. A I'lf *sIj:lh: > ~"i: ill *sji:l-/sjen21. 6578a. A
~ *gj:lh: > gjl:
tc *khj:lh: > khji':
22. 6615a. B* ft *ngj:lh: > ngji: ~1 *ngj:lh: > ngji': ff- *dzw:l /dzw:ln
23. 3587b. A 1a *z:lh: > jii: ~ *dzrj:lh: > d~i:
24. 5632a. B m *pji:lh: > pji: N *b:lh > b:lu
25. 3257a. A 'JL. *kjiw:lh: > kjwi: ofiA *kjiw:lh: > kjwi:
26. 4158b. A
*kjiw:lh: > kjwi: 'ItIt *kjiw:lh; > kjwi:

S. Xu Shen
These data include duruo glosses, paranomastic definitions, and rime
sequences. The identifying code for the dumo glosses is as follows:

A.
B.

x Ut ~ij! Y [ii]
Others

xMtiiy
xmii ...... (z)y

159

158
r-

--

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data

27. 177a. A*

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

JtZ *kjwah: > kjau:

B *khjah: > khjY:

-t:J *kuah > kau


"crooked, bent"

28. 1224b. B Ii.~ *kjwah: > kjau: M *kjiahw: > kjiau:


29. 2122a. A* l! *gjwah:,gjwak->jau:,jau- JJ< *hwah>xwai
M *hwah: > xwai:
30. (5956b). A ~ *tshjak- > tsh'i- ~ *sjak- > sl31. 2004a. A 0 *kjak- > kjY- ~G *kjak- > kjY32. 4621b. B* li'l *bjiak- (?) > bji- ~ *bjak (?) > bjuk
33. 129a. B Jfi *hjwak- > xjau- 1Yi *hjakw- > xjau34. 679a. A ~ *gjwak- > jau- Y. *gjwak- > jau35. 5603b. A Hi *gjwak- > jau- iil6*gjwak- > jau/ 36. 2377b. A ID *mahw > mau ~ *mahw > mau
1,1 37. 538a. B
~ *hlahw > thau
~ *khjahw: > khjau:
38. 4603b. A ''is *thahw > thau l'f& *thahw > thau
1'1 39. 2242a. C*
1D *dahw > dau ffi *pjahw: > pjau:
*njahw > 6Zjau
40. 116b. A .f~ *nahw > nau
41. (6267a). A ~ *?ahw > ?au ~ *?akw- > ?aui 042. 4084b. B
~ *tahw: > tau:
,~ *tiahw: > tieu:
43. 6141a. A l;I *tahw: > tau: *dakw > dwok
44. 2387b. A 1'f/r *kahw: > kau: lJiIi *kahw > kau:
45. 2704b.A ~*gahw:>rau: lJiIi*kahw:> kau:
46. 5543a. A ilIlil. *?ahw: > ?au: ~ *?akw- > ?au47. (5613b). A ~ *makw- > mau- /lP,! *prahw, phrahw > pau, phau
48. 2241a. B fit *pjahw > pjau
*phjuah > phju
49. 1034b. A ~~ *trjahw > tjau 51 *djahw > ijau
50. 1904a. A ~ *dzjahw > dzjau M *d~ahw > dzj;m
51. 2346b.A* ~*dzjahw>d~au ~*dzjahw>dzjau
52. 3960a. A Iffii *njahw > t1Zjau
*njahw > nijau
53. 1581a. A II *djahw > ijau 51 *djahw > ijau
54. 4043b. A 10 *kjahw > kjau ~ *kjahw > kjau
55.1096a.A* 1@*gjahw,khjahw>gjau,khjau :>I<*gjahw>gjau
IT *khjwah> khjau
56. 1797b. A Ilh *gjahw > gjau .. *gjwak- > gjau57. 1772b. B ijsj( *hjahw > xjau #: *hjahw > xjau
( 58. 5584. B* ~1t *k- > kjliu: M *k-, kjiahw > kjau:, kjiau
59. 2044b. A ill[ *zahw > jiau f& *zahw > jiau
60. 3854a. A W:Jl *zahw > jiau f!5I: *zahw > jiau
61. 4798b. C t;u*dz?jiahw: > ?jiau: ~*dz?jiahw: > ?jiau:
62. (2635b). A tf *thrjahw: > 1hjau: :H *thrj~hw: > 1hjau:
63. 5800a. A Wi *ljahw: > Ijau: l1iIJ *ljahw: > Ijau:
64. 3893a. B* GA: *gjahw: > gjau: 1W *gjahw: > gjau:

"*

160

65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
. 77.
l' 78.
j", (' 79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
: 85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.

;\

92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.

5225b. A i;IJ *?jahw: > ?jau: ~ *?jiahw > ?jiau


670a. A M *kjiahw: > kjiau: ~ *gahw: >yau:
2384a. A* 16 (*grjahw:?
*zahw: > jiau: ~ *khjahw: > khjau:
242b. A
*zahw: > jiau: ~ *zahw: > jiau:
3884a. A !iliA: *zahw: > jiau: ~ *zahw: > jiau:
3609b. A ~ *ljakw-"> Ijau- ~*ljakw- > Ijau(3323b). A n *drjakw- > 4jau- M *drjahw: > gjau:
5638b. A 69 *tsjakw- > tsjau- it *tsjakw > tsjuk
2388a. A -#IiI *k(r)j:lkw- > tsjau<+ *kjiahw > kjiau
736a. A ~ *kjakw- > kjau- Jt *kjahw: > kjau:
1482a. B ~}! *hjakw- > xjau- 1i'f *hjakw- > xjau4764a. A tt *gjwakw- > jau- iil6 *gjwakw- > jau1439b. A D~ *tiahw > tieu lift *tiahw > tieu
3037b. A LoU *diahw > dieu W/iJ *diahw > dieu
4953b. A m*liahw > lieu ~ *lahw > Iau
527b. A ~ *thahw> thau if& *thahw> thfiu
6231b.A 1}*gahw>yftu
*gahw>yau
5850a. A ~ *tsahw:, sahw> tsau:, sau ~ *sakw- > sau(2486b). A
*kahw: > kau:
~*kahw: > kau:
2097a. A ~~ *gahw: >yau: ~~ *gahw: >yau:
3860a. A tJi *makw- > mau- tii *mjahw > mjliu
4611a. A Jf *ngakw- > ngau- f11t *ngakw- > ngau180a.A J~*gakw->yau- ~*gahw:>yau:
1063b. A ~~ *tshrahw> tshau 1l *dzram, dzriam > dzam, dzam
4468a. A !i~ *krahw: > k~u: ~ *krahw: > kau:
.
.
.
1543b. A* ~ *trakw- (?) > tau- 3'IJ *takw- > tau325b. A ~ *pjahw, bjahw: > pjliu, bjliu:
~tl *bjiahw, phjiakw- > bjiau, phjiliu6074b. A fI *drjahw > 4jau $I *drjahw > gjau
1789a. A ~ *tsjahw > tsjau *zahw > jiau
4480b. A ~ *tsjahw > tsjliu
*tsjahw > tsjau
1076b. A ~ *dzjahw > dzjau If} *dzjakw > dzjak
669a. B ~ *gjahw > gjau ~ *gjahw > gjau
5767a. A* 5~ *zahw, hrjahw > jiau, sjau ~ *hrjahw > sjau
4463a. A ~ *pjiahw > pjiau ~ *pjiahw > pjiiiu
1563b. B 1J~ *drjahw: > gjau: dis *thahw > thau
5076b. B Ii *tsjahw: > tsjiiu: lI\U*tsjahw: > tsjau:
*kjahw: > kjau:
1342a. A ~~ *kjahw: > kjliu:
4549b. B ~~ *ljahw- > Ijliu- j3Ji: *ljahw- > Ijliu6222a. A B:IJ *djakw- > ijau- jj *djahw > ijliu
4585a. A jill *zakw- > jHiu- ~ *zakw- > jiliu-

'*

'*

'*

161

5. Xu Shen

( 105.
(,106.
/ '107.
C 108.
\) 109.
0110.
Ill.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.

I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data

3751a. A ?~ *tiahw > tieu JVft *ti:lhw > tieu


3295a. A m; *thiahw > thieu j:j() *thiahw > thieu
6384a.A N *liahw > lieu ~ *liahw > lieu
3454b. A l;(~ *giahw: >rieu: (IY: *kiahw: > kieu:
2921a.B 'e *?iahw: > ?ieu: :()j *?i:lhw: > ?ieu:
3885a. B ~t *kiakw- > kieu- JIJj. *ki:lkw- > kieulO13b. A ~ *pah > pwo jj!l *pah > pwo
2491b.B t~ *mah > mwo 9~ *mah > mwo
525a. A ~ *dah > dwo ~ *dah > dwo
2858a. A ~$ *dah > dwo ~ *dah > dwo
6658b. A M~ *dah > dwo *ljah > ljwo
5746b. A Ili *lah > lwo !2 *lah > lwo
2102b. B ~ *dzah > dzwo BJ)*dza > dza
1359a. A ~ *dah: > dwo: t *dah: > dwo:
4130b. A Jl *lah: > lwo: ~ *lah: > lwo:
3836a. A 98 *kwah: > kwo: V *kwah: > kwo
679a. A ~ *?ah: > ?wo: ,% *?ah > ?wo
(5227a).A M*gwak->rwo- ~*gwak->rwo5457a. A
*tsrah > t~a
*tsrah > t~a
4250a. A 3i: *grah >ra ~ *grah >ra
2419b.A ~*grwah>rwa ~*grwah>rwa
2411b.A f~*krah:>ka: J!{*krah:>ka:
5914a. B* ~ *grwah: >rwa: f!B *mrak > mek
44 24a. A* ~ *brak- > ba- j! *priak > pEk i13 *bak > bak
646b. A ~ *hrak-, krwak > xa-, kwek If; *kahw: > kau:
3397b. A fllj *?rak- > ?a- Y *?rak- > ?a6388a. A* ~ *ziah > jia ~ *ziah > dZja
"to scoop, ladle"
1913b. A ~ *thrjah > !hjwo ~ *thrjak- > tbjwo
2385b. B* tw *sjah > sjwo "5t *sram > ~am
908b. A* ~A: *srjah > ~jwo ifj\t *srjah > ~jwo
37l0a. C f,\ii *kjah > kjwo !is *kjah > kjwo
1143b. A !1f. *zah > jiwo ~ *zah > jiwo
5561b. A ~ *zah > jiwo ~ *zah > jiwo
4165b. A Jjjf *phjah > phju f{ *phjah > phju
1795a. A IJhg *mjah > mju ~ *mah > mwo
1464b. A* Df-l *kjwah, kjwak- > kju, kju- fliJ *kjuah > kju
M *kjwak- > kju679b. A m*giiwah > giu fiJJJ *gjuah > gju
4770b. A ff *hjwah > xju Pf *hjwah > xju
2818a-b. A. alt. fB *gjwah > ju j;l[ *khjuah > khju

*'

144.
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147.
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171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.

I 5. Xu Shen

5544a. A t!Il *tsjiah: > tsja: tr. *tsa: > tsa:


4375a. A *sjiah: > sja: ~ *sjiah: > sja:
1561b. A t-j' *drjah: > gjwo:
!J'l *tjah: > tSjwo:
858a. A ~Ili *tshrjah: > t~hjwo: Jt *tshrjah: > t~hjwo:
2774b. A nn: *srjah: > ~jwo: fifr *srjah: > ~jwo:
2831b.A I*hjah:>xjwo: gt*hjah:>xjwo:
3535b. A Mi *phjah: > phju: im *phjah: > phju:
2856b. B ,n *gjwah: > ju: ~*kjwah:, gjah: > kju:, gjwo:
5193a. A st*gjwah: >ju: ~*gjwah: >ju:
3205a. A 81! *zwah: > jiu: rw: *zuah: > jiu:
1350a. C !'..:X*phjah: >phju: ~*phjah: > phju:
4026a. lW~;fiit{jLA.~.Z~o
lW *sjiak- > sja- ~ *sjiah: > sja:
4240a. B*
*kjak-, gjah, gjak- > kjwo-, gjwo, gjwoIU *kjiat- > kjlii378a. A * 11j *pjak- > pju- ~1Ij: *pjak- > pju1578a. B f1! *kjwak- > kju- {U *kjuak- > kju3543a. A m*tuah > t:lU t!t *djuah, djuak - > zju:, zju3861b. A m~ *tuah > t:lU 9E *tuah > t:lU
4396b. A Hi *nuah > n:lu
*nuak- > n:lu181a.A lfi]*kuah:>k:lu: t)*kuah:>k:lu:
1362b. A I~~ *khuah: > kh:lu: ~1I *khuah: > kh:lu:
1928b. B* ~f; *phjuah > phju 5~ *khuah > kh:lu
2601b. A t>! *srjuah > ~ju ti *suah: > S:lU:
1759a. A It.m *njuah > fiiju fiFo *njuah > fiiju
1305b. A JL *djuah > zju ~ *djuah > zju
3050b. A* ~~ *zuah > jiu If *zuah > jiu *!1 *nrj:lhw: > I}j:lu:
4700a. A tt *mjuah: > mju: (tl}. *mjuah: > mju:
4632b. A s'tfi] *khjuah: > khju: M *khjwah: > khju:
1562a. A ~ *mjuak- > mju- h *mjuak- > mju767a. A ~ *trjuak- > tju- fI' *trjuak- > tju831a.A 'l'-*trjuak-,trjuak>!ju,tjwok
if *thrj:lkw-, thrj:lkw > thj:lu-, thjuk
4296b. A Jf *tjuak- > tsju- it *tjuak- > tSju4386b. A H, *tjuak- > tSju- tt *tjuak- > tsju2066a. A ~t *djuak- > zju ,H *trjuak- > tju3763b. A ~ *djuak- > zju- tJ *djuak- > zju5887a. A *Iij *kjuak-, gjuah > kju-, gju ~ *kj:lhw > kjau
3956b. C It'i *zuak- > jiu- ~ *zakw > jiak
5870a. A* ~ *pa, phjai: > pwa, phje:
tHz *phjai, phjai-, bjai:, bjai- > phje, phje-, bje:, bje- at *pa > pwa

r:

163

162
r -----

r
:

5. Xu Shen / Part Ill: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

181. 4067a. A U *na > na 1m *na > na


182. 5293b. ~, iOJpg~L.til, rrnAi~J1'o
~ *dza > dza
Ji *dzah, dza> dzwo, dza
183. 5082b. A tllf *ka > ka :gf *ka > ka
184. 1191a.A ~q.*kwa>kwa 3&J*kwa>kwa
185. 2602b. A 'fI8J *kwa > kwa M!l! *kwa, kwar- > kwa, kwa186. 915b.C 1M *gwa>ywa fO*gwa>ywa
187. 2736b. A lID *ngwa > ngwa ~ *ngwa > ngwa
188. 2048b. A* ~ *ha > xa rmr *ha > xa
189. 5560b. A IziiJ *?a > ?a rnJ *?a > ?a
190. 5551b.A ~*?a>?a rnJ*?a>?a
191. 6140. A f: *twa: > twa: ?: *twa: > twa:
192. 4100b. B ~1f *dwa: > dwa: ml *dwa: > dwa:
193.4791a.B :t'2!:*swa:>swa: .Eft*swa:>swa:
194. 4933a. A 7ft *swa: > swa: .Eft *swa: > swa:
195. 3904b. J;liIJatct'~All~'Il$o
llilJ*gwa: >ywa:
'Il$*gwa: >ywa:
196. 5581a.A* ~*krwa,?wa>kwa,?wa: ~*krwa>kwa
~ *?jwai: > ?jwe:
197. 4468a. A* i9f *tsra: > t~a: S *dza > dza
198. 1220a. A :J(fl. *grwa: >ywa: ~*grwa: >ywa:
199. 847b.A ajf;*dzral>d~ai ~*dzrai>d~al
200. 6461 b. A* 7l *sdjilli, sthjiai, sdrai (1) > dzi, tshi, d~al
~ *drjiai > ~ti
201. 4751a.A t~*grai>yal ~*grai>yal
202. 617a. A r!E *?rai > ?al U *?jah > ?ji"
203. 1552a.A T*krwai: >kwai: ;it*krwiai>kw3l
204. (4159b). B j: *phrai- > phai- ~ *brai- > bal205. 5873a-b. A *
*grwai-, zwai- > ywai-, jiwe*grwai- > ywai"*It *zwai > jiwi
206. 6289b. A ~1lI *pjiai > pje I!$ *kjwai > kjwe
207. 5362a. B* ~ *mjai, mjai: > mje, mje:
Bij *mjiai: > mjie:
I1J *mjai, mjai: > mje, mje:
208. 6686b. A M,I *ljai > lje :J;tt *ljai > lje
209. 693b.A t!;*drjai> q.je lfu*drjai> q.je
210. 1036b. B* ~ *drjai > q.je ~ *drjai > q.je
211. 3738a. A ~ *drjai > q.je lfu *drjai > q.je
212. 5188a. A 1l *sjai > sje Wi *sjai > sje
213. 1330b. C 1!& *hrjai > Sje ~ *hrjai > sje
214. 3861a. A 'til *hrjai > Sje ~ *drjai > q.je
215. 5606a. B tSi *kjai, gjai: > kje, gje:

**

164

-=

216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
222.
223.
224.
225.
226.
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248.
249.
250.
251.
252.
253.
254.

h!.R *kjiai: , kjiai-, gjiai > kjie:, kjie-, gjie


5664a. A '\.. *zai > jie f$ *zai > jie
4674a. A tJJi *zai > jie f$ *zai > jie
291lb.A f~*zai>jie 15t!J*zai>jie
3902b. A Ja *zai > jie f$ *zai > jie
4144b. A. alt. Il\! *pjiai, bjiai: > pjie, bjie: mi *pah > pwo
5919a. B *It *bjiai, phji:li > bjie, phi lit *bji:l, bi:l/bjien, bien
1190b. A t4 *kjiwai > kjwie I!$ *kjwai > kjwe
3929a-b. A
*kjiwai > kjwie m*kjiwai > kjwie
(369b). B Me *hjiwai > xjwie Ill! *hjiwai > xjwie
2520b. A fll! *drjai: > <;lje: I)fk *drjai: > <;lje:
5423a. B .jf! *tjai: > tsje: 1J\: *tjai: > tsje:
4017a. B frlffil *tjwai: > tSjwe: :1* *tjwai: > tSjwe:
4302b. A M *tjwai: > tsjwe: i!; *tjwai: > tsjwe:
4249a. A ~ *thjai: > tshje: ~ *hrjai: > sje:
6257a. A, B* n *thjai: > tshje: f& *thiak > thiek
~ *thjai: > tshej:
4227a. C ~ *hrjai: > sje: ~ *hj:li, hj:lt: > xjei, xjei:
(6285a).B* ~ *kjwai: > kjwe: ~ *hjwai: > xjwe:
5704b. A ~ *ngjai: > ngje: ~ *ngjai: > ngje:
4173b. f.L1iIJ *?jwai: > ?jwe: VI. *?jwai: > ?jwe:
1725b. A f'I"I- *pjiai: > pjie: fill *bjai > bje
1350b. A t:\( *mjiai: > mjie: 51l *mjiai: > mjie:
4784a. A f~ *mjiai: > mjie: i'~ *mjia:/mjilin:
692b. C ~ *khjiai: > khjie: ~I *khjiai: > khjie:
894a. A i!JZ *pjiai- > pje- fet *pjiai: > pje:
3044a. A
*tshjai- > tshje- wlJ *tshjai- > tshje4022a. A ~J *thjai- > tshje- ~ *thjai: > tshje:
604b. A 'fIT *hrjai- > sje- 4lJi!*tiai, diai > tiei, diei
2744b. A PM *kjwar- > kjwe- *kjW:lt- > kjwei5627a. A tt* *hjiwai- > xjwie- ~ *hjiwai> xjwie
1441a. B* 1m: *thiai- > thiei- ~ *thi:l-/thien3329a. A 11 *liai-, ljai- > liei, lje- n *liai- > liei3843a. A I~ *liai-, 1, srjai: > liei-, lji-, ~je: lfu *drjai > qje
1023a. A* if! *giai: > -yiei: ~ *nriak > Q.ek
5722a. C L. *giai: > -yiei: ($ *giai > riei
1419a. B !Iff *giwai > -yiwei m\ *giwai > -yiwei
3610b. A fA *lwai > IW:li ffi' *lw:li > lW:li
3925b. A ~fi *khw:li > khwai !M; *khwai > khwai
1336b. A ~ *ngai > ng;)i ~~ *kh:l:/khan:
3947a. B. alt. Hi *glW;)t: > IW:li: ~ *ngiat > ngiet

165

5. Xu Shen

255.
256.
257.
258.
259.
260.
261.
262.
263.
264.
265.
266.
267.
268.
269.
270.
271.
272.
273.
274.
275.
276.
277.
278.
279.
280.
281.
282.
283.
284.
285.
286.

287.
288.
289.
290.
291.

I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data

4121b. A ~ *ph;}t-, phj;}t > phw;}i-, phjW;}t 1l *phj;}t- > phjwei4402b. A jflj *b;}t- > bw;}i*b;}t- > bw;}i3928a. A * m *mJt- > mWJi*m;}t- > mw;}i1698b. A Jill *k;}t- > bi- ff!l *kJt- > k;}i5944b. A ~ *gW;}t- > rw;}i- iJt *gwJt- > rw;}i(5515a). A ~ *krw;}i > kwm :lji; *krwai > kwiii
183b. A 1M' *gr;}i> rm ~ *gr;}i > rm
2506. B ffll *bji;}i > bi HI: *bji;}i > bi
182a. A m *mji;}i > mji ! *mji;}i > mji
5970a. A * ~ *drji;}i > 9i iiiB *gjiJi > gji
(975b). B ~ *drji;}i > 9i ~ *drji;}i > gi
824b. A* m *drji;}i> gi ~ *drji:li > 9i
5192b. A ... *tsji;}i > tsi 1ft *tsji;}i > tsi
183a. C Ii. *sji:li > si f1. *Sji3i > si
1545. A 1f *sjw;}i > swi lItE *sjw3i > swi
2693b. A ~ *njw:li > nzwi ~ *snjw3i > swi
4393a. A. alt. &j; *ngjiJi > ngji ~ *ngji;}/ngjen
"dog in rage"
I82a. A
*zw;}i > jiwi *It *zw3i > jiwi
1835a. A. alt. "VJ *kj;}i > kjei rll *kJi > k:li
1744b. A Jt *gj;}i > gjei iff. *gj:li > gjei
6830a. A. alt. * fiJi: *gj;}i > gjei ~ *pjiJ-/pjen*kh;}/kh:ln:
5562b. A ~1< *?j;}i > ?jei ;IX. *?j:li > ?jei
*trji:li: > ti:
2354a. A ;Z *trji3i: > ti:
1071b. A ~~ *tji:li: > !si: m*tjiai: > tsi:
5587b. A J:. *gjiw:li: > gwi: ~ *gjiwai: > gwi:
1418a. B IK5 *pji:lt- > pji- W *pji:lt- > pji5591b. A l!! *mji:lt- > mji- ~ *mjiat- > mji5284b. A 1\ *thrji;}t- > thi- ~ *tjiat- > tSi!3 *sbjiJt- > dzi- *bji:lt- > bil09a. A
389a. A z;:; *dzjw;}t- > dzwi- ~ *dzjw;}t- > dzwi4769a. C 1$ *dzjwat- > dzwi- z;:; *dzjW3t- > dzwiI *sji:lt- > si-; *thwat- > thwru218b. D*
"to drag up" "to drag down"
~ *sji:l-/sjen~ *thw:lt- > thwai5597b. C ~ *tji;}t- > tsi- ~ *tjiat- > tsi6338b. A ~ *tji;}t- > tsi- ~ *tjiat- > tsi6138a. A :l *gji3t- > gji- " *gji;}t- > gji3307a. A 11 *gjiw:lt- > gjwi- 1'* *gjiwat- > gjwi1483a. A _ *hji:lt- > xji- reg *hjwat: > xjwei:

'*

I 5. Xu Shen

292. 3863b. A *hji;}t- > xji- ffiX *hj;}t- > xj3i293. 537b. A f1:. *pjat- > pjwei- ~ *pj;}t: > pjwei:
294. 899b. A JtlJ~ *bj:lt- > bjwei- ~ *pj;}t: > pjwei:
295. 3082a. A * ill *bj;}t- > bjwei- !ffl *mjai, mjai: > mje, mje:
296. (6550a). A ~ *bj;}t- > bjwei- 'It *bj;}t- > bjwei297. 4750b. A 7J *ngj3t- > ngjei- ~ *ngjat- > ngjei298. 3853b. A g!l. *mi;}i > miei ~ *mi;}i > miei
299. 4564b. A 1 *ti;}i > tiei g; *ti;}i> tiei
300. 6353b. A ~ *dzi3i > dziei J!1f *dzi;}i > dziei
301. 1381b.C P~*ki:li>kiei f!'*kiai>kiei
302. 2835a. A B *giai > riei ~ *giai > riei
303. 2088a. C l!l *liai: > liei: it *li3i: > liei:
304. 4242b. A ffj *di;}t- > diei- ~n *di3t- > diei305. 2561b.A ffi*niat->niei- tJt*nrji;}t->l)i306. 5783a. A ~ *li;}t- > liei- ~ *li3t- > liei307. 6002b. A ~ *Ii:lt- > liei- ~ *li;}t- > liei308. 215a. C* JW *s- > siei- kID *si;}t- > siei309. 4565a. A* 'if *kat- > kru- M *kat- > kiii310. (5133b). C
*kwat- > kwai- fi *kwat- > kwiii311. (3111 b). A i~ *khwat-, khrwat- > khwiii-, khwai~ *kwa:,kwar->kwa:,kwa312. 733b.A 3.I*gwat->rwai- ~*gat->rru313. 6219b. A * rtJJ *mrat- > mwai- tJf, *mja-/mjw1?n314. 556a. A
*khwrat- > khwai- ~ *khwrat- > khwai315. 1867a. A =f *kriat > km- fr- *kriat-> kiii316. 2846b. B ~ *pjat-> pjiii- ~ *pjat-> pjai317. 4102a. A *m *ljat- > ljlii- mt *ljat- > ljai318. 6008a. A l;i; *ljat- > ljiii- ffl *lat-> liii319. 431a.A* ~*drjat->~jiii- ~*Ij;}kw>Ijuk
320. 4698a. A * lF~ *tshjwat- > tshjwai- ~ *tshjwat- > tshjwlii321. 1878a. A. alt. * frIl *sjwat- > sjwlii*sjwat- > sjwai322. 6269b. A ~ *zjwat- > zjwiii- ~ *zjwat- > zjwiii323. 790a. A 3!!t *tjat- > tSjai- *tjar- > t~e324. 1250b. A J!.1 *tjwat- > tSjwai- It *tjwat- > tSjwlii325. 367b. A * lili *njwat- > fiZjwai- ~ *njwat- > fizjwm326. 385b. A rq *njwat- > fiZjwili- i'P'I *njwat- > fiZjwai327. 741a. A !i!1i *djat- > zjli- 11 *djat- > zjai328. 6330a. A ~ *djat- > Zjai- 11 *djat- > zjai329. 4248a. A lL *kjiat- > kjiii- m*kjiat- > kjiii330. 4252b. A * ~ *gjwat- > jwiii- ,!f;j *kjiat- > kjlii331. 5784a. B
*?jiat- > ?jiii- ~ *?jiat- > ?jai-

*'*

167

166
r---

r------

r--------

r ----

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data

332.
333.
334.
335.
336.
337.
338.
339.
340.
341.
342.
343.
344.
345.
346.
347.
348.
349.
350.
351.
352.
353.
354.
355.
356.
357.
358.
359.
360.
361.
362.
363.
364.
365.
366.
367.
368.
369.
370.
168

5413a.B
5301b. C
2795a. A
3948b. A

l~l~

* tiat- > tiei-

m: *thiat- > thiei-

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen


~

*tiat- > tiei-

V; *diat- > diei-

!J!~

*kiat- > kiei- ThJi *kiat- > kiei*khiat- > khiei- ~ *giat- > -yiei"to fear"
3515a. B j)j/j *b;)ng > b;)ng jjg *b;)h > bw;)i
4762a. A * tel *m;)ng, mung> m;)ng, m,Eng ffi'j *kria:/kan:
2086b. A l- *t;)ng > t;)ng ~ *t;)ng > t;)ng
1172b.A fj/, *khw;)ng>khw;)ng ~ *khjw;)ng>khjung
297b. A*
*m;)ng > mung iljj *mriang or mr;)ng (?) > mng
2984b. B* JOOI *mr;)ng: or mria: (?) > mwg:
fill *mr;)ng: or mria: (?) > mng:
6362a. A fJt *bji;)ng- > bj;)ng- U,!!, *bji;)ng > bj;)ng
2135b.A ti*lj;)ng>lj;)ng ~~*lj;)ng>lj;)ng
1774b.A ~*tj;mg>tSj'lllg ZR*dj;)ng>zj;)ng
6440b.B ~*tj;)ng:>tSj;)ng: tTl- *tj;)ng:>tSj;)ng:
2413b. A flj *nj;)ng> iiZj;)ng {Jj *nj;)ng > ilZj;)ng
3828a. A ID'l *kj;)ng > kj;)ng i *kj;)ng > kj;)ng
6288b. A {iiiJ! *d;)ngw > dwong [IT] *duang> dung
3260b. A
*s;)ngw- > swong- itS *suang- > sung2584b. A t~ *gr;)ngw >,),ang
*guang >-yung
2311b.A til *phj;)ngw> phjung U,!!,*bj;)ng,bji;)ng>bjung,bj;)ng
4955a. A ''fl *dIj;)ngw > <Jjung fJJ *duang: > dung:
3007a. A ~*luang > lung l}~ *luang > lung
5161b. A ~Ji\j *luang> lung at *luang > lung
3808a. A ~, *tsuang > tsung
*tsIj;)h: > t#:
179b. A :fl!! *tshuang > tshung ~ *tshuang > tshung
3506b. A 11 *guang > ')'ung ~I *guang > ')'ung
5753b. A* J/i *guang >,),ung ~ *guang >-yung
596a. B 1$ *buang: > bung: ~ *buang: > bung:
173b. B :rt *buang: > bung: ~ *buang: > bung:
631a. A D~ *mruang> mang ~ *mruang > mang
819a. A n *phjuang > phjwong ~ *phjuang > phjwong
Deleted
2355b. A 'i- *bjuang > bjwong *Ji *bjuang > bjwong
(5143b). A ~ *?juang> ?jwong Bit *?juang > ?jwong
2285a. A If *zuang > jiwong 1m *zuang > jiwong
5096a. A 1~ *ljuang: > ljwong: m~ *ljuang: > ljwong:
522la. B ~1i1J *dIjuang: > q.jwong: ~ *dIjuang: > q.jwong:
4729b. A j!f},. *sjuang: > sjwong: N~ *sjuang: > sjwong:
6456a. A* i\!ft *njuang: > ilzjwong: if *njuang > ftZjwong
!J!~

371.
372.
373.
374.
375.
376.
377.
378.
379.
380.
381.
382.
383.
384.
385.
386.
387.
388.
389.
390.
391.
392.
393.
394.
395.
396.
397.
398.
399.
400.
401.
402.
403.
404.
405.
406.
407.
408.
409.
410.

900b. C VJi *bang > bwang tJ~ *brang > beng


483b. C ~::r. *mang > mwang Ix] *mjang: > mjwang:
5249a. A fr!1L *kang > kang IiUl *kang > kang
3407a. A ,tlft *hwang > xwang
*hwang > xwang
1503b. A ~ *gwang >')'wang ~ *gwang >,),wang
2334a. A ?iit'f *gwang > ')'wang ~ *gwang >')'wang
4945a. A l~ *dang: > dang: ~ *dang: > dang:
657b. A 2~ *nrang > neng m1~ *njang > iizjang
615b. B Il]!! *krang:> keng: ~ *krang: > kung:
6148a. B J~ *krang: > keng: ~ *krang: > kung:
4177a. A liJfi *krwang: > kwung: l\'i *krwang: > kweng:
5656b. A* l'K *mriang or mr;mg (?) > mllg ~ *mrang > mung
5728a. A c: *pjang > pjwang 15 *pjang > pjwang
2673a. A* T *gjiwang> gjwang ~ *gwang >,},wang
6463b. A* .~ *gjiwang > gjwang IT *gjiwang > gjwang
2162a. A
*hjang > xjang N *hjang > xjang
3615a. A I~ *zjang: > zjang: ~ *zang: > jiang:
1101a.A ~*gjang:>gjang: Jm*gjiang->gjeng2118a. A IIIl *mjiang: > mjwung: ~ *mrang: > mung:
3272b. A Iin *mjiang: > mjwung: ~ *mrang: > mung:
3OO9a. A IQ *kjiwang: > kjweng: *krwang: > kweng:
(6225a).A* ~h *zang:,zjang:>jiang:,zjang: ~ *za:/jilin:
Deleted
1519a. A 1M *pjang- > pjwang- 15 *pjang > pjweng
676b. A ~ *dzjang- > dzjang- I1I: *dzjang- > dzjang2161b. A !f}} *tshrjang- > t~hjang- flU *tshrjang- > t~hjang1287b. A
*kjwang- > kjwang- m *kjwang- > kjwang4526b. A ~ *zang- > jiang- ~ *zang- > jiang5886a. A ~ *tsria/t~ng 1l! *tsjia/tsjang
5493b. B* ~ *khria (?)/kh6ng JII *khria (?)/khllg
6452a. B* ~ *khriii (?)/khng JII *khriii (?)/khllg
~ *khri;), khi;)/khiin, khien
1227b. A ~ *?rwi'ii/?wE.llg W* *giwa/"riwen
5584b. B ~~ *tsjiii/tsjang ilf- *tsjiii/tsjang
6315b. B If *khjiii/khjling JI *khjiii/khjling
6428a. A Ii *gjiwii/gjwling 'rt *gjiwii/gjwling
680b. A ~ *gjiwa/gjwling 1t *gjiwii/gjwang
3752a. B ~ *?jiwa/?jwling ~ *?jiwa/gjwang
6272a. A ~ *s?jwa, s?iii-/?jwling, ?ieng- ~ *si;): > sien:
1177b. B ~ *thrjia:/thjiing: ~ *thrjia:/thjiing:
2547a. A* Hi *sjia/sjiing:

169

5. Xu Shen

I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data I 5. Xu Shen

.wm

411.
412.
413.
414.
415.
416.
417.
418.
419.
420.
421.
422.
423.
424.
425.
426.
427.
428.
429.
430.
431.
432.
433.
434.
435.
436.
437.
438.
439.
440.
441.
442.
443.
444.
445.
446.
447.

*liai kra-, ljai kra- > liei ka-, lje ka(995b). B ~ *tjia-/tijang- IE *tjia-/tijiing5745b. A fM *biii/bieng ~ *bia/bieng
6509a. A n *tia/tieng T *tia/tieng
5810a. C m*thia/thieng llt\ *thiii/thieng
2138a. A ~ *diii/dieng ~ *dia/dieng
2812b. A ifB *nia/nieng ~ *nia/nieng
4471a. A il *khiwa:/khiweng: [iiJ *kiwa, giwa:/kiweng, riweng:
938b. A ~J! *hjia/xieng
*lujia/sjling
5812b. A ~. *gia:/'Yieng: ~~ *giii/rieng
6030a. A ~ *kw<l/kw:m E{, *kw<l/kw<ln
2539a. B ftll *gw<l/rw<ln 1m *gw<l/rw<ln
1800b. A IJ'l. *sw<l:/sw<ln: H *SW<l-/sw<ln1281b. B giJl. *khr<l, khji<l-/khiin, khjen- ~ *khriii/khng
538b. A '1': *gr<l/'Yiin R *gi<l/rien
1334b. C. alt. $)} *pji<l/pjen m *pji<l/pjen
4700b. A ;t; *mji<l/mjen ~ *mjia/mjen
2385a. B ~ *ljw<l/ljwen f\! *trjw<l/tiwen
name of a hexogram
3431. B .~ *trjw<l/tiwen lt1 *trjw<l/tiwen
179a. A Jilt *tsji:l/tsjen $ *tsji:l/tsjen
1274a. A !" *tsji<l/tsjen $ *tsji:l/tsjen
124b. A lit] *sjw<l/sjwen Jl!: *sjwa/sjwlin
2827b. A* am *grw:l, sjw:I/'rwan, sjwen
& *?rwia or ?rw:lng (?) > ?wng
676b. A ~ *zjw<l/zjwen */11 *zjw:l/zjwen
1070b. A ~ *thji:l/tShjen ~ *tji<l-/tijen975a. A ~'1- *tjwa/tijwen lit! *dw:l/dwan
2283b. A .l *djw:I/ijwen *if! *djw:l/ijwen
4566b. A itf *djw<l/Zjwen *djwa/ijwen
6422b. A* ~ *kjiw:l/kjwen :m *gjiw:I/gjw<ln fl!! *kw:l/kw:m
2116b. A ~ *ngji<l/ngjen It': *ngji:l-/ngjen1226a. A iii *phji<l/phjien ~ *pji<l/pjien
6119b. A ~ *pja/pjwan It *pj:l-/pjw:ln287a. A If *kjw:I, gjiwa :/kjwan, gjwen: .It *?jW:li> ?jwei
2942b. A BJT *hja/xj<ln ;ffi- *hj<li/xjei
2739b. B i'ii *gjw:l/jw:ln i'iB *gjw:I/jw<ln
4956b. A 7r;, *gjw<l/jw:ln
i:l. *gW:l :/rw<ln
"to flow with a swirling motion"
6459b. A ~ *tsrji:l/t~n ~ *tsrji:l/t~n
4546a. B ~ *srji<l/~tn *srji:l/~n

'*

170

448.
449.
450.
451.
452.
453.
454.
455.
456.
457.
458.
459.
460.
461.
462.
463.
464.
465.
466.
467.
468.
469.
470.
471.
472.
473.
474.
475.
476.
477.
478.
479.
480.
481.
482.
483.
484.
485.
486.
487.

5457b. A
*srji<l/~jn
*srji<l/~jen
6242a. A tf: *mji:J:/mjen: 00 *mji:l:/mjen:
5894a. A *51 *drji:l :/cJjen: ~ *luji<l :/sjen:
6130a. A 1$ *tjw:I:/tsjwen: $ *tjw:I:/tSjwen:
3887b. A ~k *dji:l:/ijen: ~ *dji:l:/ijen:
(5178a).A* It *gjw:I:/jwen: E{,*kw<l/kw<ln
6319b. A* ~ *zw:I:/jiwen: fc *zw:I:/jiwen:
5448a. A m*pj:l:/pjw<ln: *7) *pj:l:/pjw<ln:
6577a. B ~ *kj:l:/kj<ln: e. *kj<lh: > kji":
686b. A ill *khj:l:/khj<ln: I([ *kr<l, gji<l, ki<l:/kan, gjen, kien:
5712b. A L *?j:l:/?j<ln: ~ *?j:l:/?j<ln:
3923a. A* rin *gjw:I:/jw:ln: ~n *gjw<l:/jwen:
3186a. A JIi: *phji:l-/phjen- Ita *bji<l:/bjen:
4462a. A r~J *lji:l-/ljen- ~ *lji<l-/ljen672b. A ~ *drji:l-Njen- rm *drji<l/~ljen
5337a. B 00 *drji<l-{gjen- ~t *drji<l/cJjen
1567b. A 1: *tsji<l-/tsjen- 1f *tsji<l-/tsjen1318a. A* il': *tsjW<l-, njwa:/tsjwen-, nzjwan: ~ *njwa:/nijwan:
1!f; *tsjW<l-/tsjwen675b. A ~ *khji:l-/khjen- ~ *khji<l-/khjen4403a. A. alt.
*ngji<l-/ngjen- iN *ngji:l/ngjen
6647a. A ~~ *zi<l-/jien- 51 *zi<l:/jien:
(5061 a). A il *pja-/pjw<ln- f)} *pj<l:/pjw<ln:
6249b. A ill *hjw:I-/xjw:ln- fi.Ii{ *hjw:I/xjw:ln
1162a. A " *gjW<l-/jw<ln- .iI *gjW<l-/jw<ln1694a. C ~ *?j<l-/?j<ln- ~ *?j<l:/?j:ln:
1605b. A ~ *gjW<l-/jw:ln- i!j!; *gjW<l-/jw<ln3845b. A l'UI. *gjw:I-/jw:ln- ~I *gjW<l-/jw<ln698b. A ~ *ti<l/tien M *ti<l/tien
4982a. A 71 *tsi:l/tsien # *tsW<l/tsw;}n
1047b. A. alt. tv *giw<l/riwen Y,: *giw<l/'Yiwen.
3770a. A U *si:l:/sien: ~ *sjwa:/sjwiln:
2117a. A* *giW<l:, giW<l- (?)/riwen:, riwen- ~ *gw<li >rw<li
(5604b). A* ~tu *giw<l-/riwen- 1U *sgjiw:I/zjwen
3998a. A ;t *ba/bwan ~ *ba/bwan
3373a. A ffj *ma/mwan if *mra/mwan
3989b. A Wi *ma/mwan ?l *mja-/mjwen3102b. A fffii *twa/twan ftffii *twa/twan
4264b. A ~ *thwa/thwan Tffii *thwa/thwan
5397a. B t *da/dan P *da/dan
5336b. A ~ *la/lan 00 *la/lan

*k

171
r- - -

5. Xu Shen

488.
489.
490.
491.
492.
493.
494.
495.
496.
497.
498.
499.
500.
501.
502.
503.
504.
505.
506.
507.
508.
509.
510.
511.
512.
513.
514.
515.
516.
517.
518.
519.
520.
521.
522.
523.
524.
525.
526.
527.
528.
172

I Part III. The Data

A. Listing of the Data

2917a. B* ~ *(g)lwa/lwan ~ *(g)lwa/lwan


1174a. B I *tswa/tswan *tswa/tswan
1697a. A ~*dza/dzan ~ *dza/dzan
791a. A IT: *ka/kan .or *ka/kan
3026b. A ill *kwa/kwan JlL *kwa/kwan
2458a. A ~ *kha/khan TIJ *kha/khan
1547a. A fi *gwa/'rwan fI1 *gwa > -ywa
4238a. A W~ *gwa/'rwan
*gwa/'rwan
4379b. A ji. *gwa/'Ywan 11. *gwa/'rwan
(I432b). B :m *?wa/?wan
*?jwa:/?jWlln:
5570b. B ttg *?wa/?wan
*?jwa:/?jwen:
4626b. B k,I;: *ba:/bwan: 1* *ba:/bwan:
1944a. A *tswa:/tswan: *tswa:/tswan:
1793b. A Jlif *kwa:/kwan: ,~*grwa-/'rwan2845a. A IB *ma-/mwan- f *mja-/mjwen3432b. B .~ *na-/nan- Ii *na-/nan4357a. B If *nwa-/nwan- f~ *nwa-/nwan1690a. C* ~ *(g)lwa-/lwan- ~ *(g)lwa-/lwan92b. A ~~ *swa-/swan- ~ *swa-/swan4554b. A ~ *ka-/kiin- ~ *gwa:/'rwan:
925a. A H *hwa-/xwan- m *hwa/xwan
1483a. A ff *ga-/'Yan- n *ga-/'ran4462a. A ~ *nga-/ngan- ~ *ngra-/ngan11 22a. A* ~ *pra/pwan M *pra/pwan :;It, *pj;}i/pjwei
2929b. C* ~ *nra:/nan: iI* *nra:/\1an:
4138b. A It *grwa/'Ywan ~ *grwa/'Ywan
5842a. B
*?rwa:, ?rwa-/?wan:, ?wan- tm *glwa:/lwan:
3734a. A n~ *bja/bjwen ~ *phah: > phwo:
3853b. A If~ *bja/bjwen I\li *phja/phjwen
4432a. A ~ *bja/bjwen ~ *bja/bjwen
5751a. A Ii *ngja/ngjen *ngja/ngjen
656b. A nil *hjwa/xjwen m*hjwa/xjwen
1901b. A ~g *hjwa/xjwen m*hjwa/xjwen
(6507b). A IlT\; *ngjwa, ngjwa:/ngjwen, ngjwen: .EB *kw;}/kw;}n
507a. A
*bjia/bjan
*bjia:/bjan:
5982b. B* iIt~ *mjia/mjan iI* *nra:/l].an:
6283a. A* M!i *tsjwa/tsjwiln lit *tsjam > tsjlim
1075b. A ~Iiij *tjwa/tsjwan .. *tjwa/tSjwan
l8I1b. A Ilk *nja/nzjan ~ *nja/nzjan
3873b. A* ffijj: *djwa/ijwiln fi *djwa/ijwan
6458a. A * fi *djwa/ijwan *dzrjwa-/<4jwiin-

m
m
m

529.
530.
531.
532.
533.
534.
535.
536.
537.
538.
539.
540.
541.
542.
543.
544.
545.
546.
547.
548.
549.
550.
551.
552.
553.
554.
555.
556.
557.
558.
559.
560.
561.
562.
563.
564.
565.

I 5. Xu Shen

690b. A ~ *khjia/khjan m*khjia/khjan


II09b. A "i" *khjia/khjiin
*khjia/khjan
210la. A ,,,- *gjia/gjan t *gji;}/gjen
852b. A ~ *gjiwa/gjwan
*gjiwa/gjwan
1402b. A
*gjiwa/gjwan "l *gjiwa/gjwan
683a. A ~ *hjiwa/xjwan
*hjwa/xjwen
3944b. A* 1ll *hjiwa/xjw'3n 1m *phjia/phJan
*gjwah: (?) > ju:
2720b. A I!ij *gjwa/jwan ~ *gjwa/jwan
1553b. A 11] *mjia/mjiiin --- *mjia/mjian
2437a. A fi *pja:/pjwen: ~ *bja/bjwen
2953b. A nA *?ja:/?jen: 1lI *?ja:/?jen:
5996a. A .;t;. *thrja:/thjan: ~ *thrjili:/thjang:
1805a. A II1tl *tsjwa:/tsjwan: *tswa:/tswan:
4620b. B ~ *njwa:/fiZjwan: f~ *njwa:/fiZjwan:
650b. A f!t *zwa:fjiwan: ifc *zwa:/jiwan:
(5539b). A tt *phja-/phjwen- ~ *phja/phjwen
5l51a. A 1t *bja-/bjwen- flOC *bja-/bjwen2566a. B ~ *hjwa-/xjwen- ~ *hjwai > xjwe
6613b. A ff *tsrjwa-/t~wlin- mJ *tsja:/tsjan:
113lb. A w,. *kjiwa-/kjwan- Ti *kjiwa-/kjwan1465b. B* ra;: *kjiwa-/kjwan- Ti *kjiwa-/kjwan3049a. A ~ *pia/pien kI *pia/pien
*bia, pia/bien, pien tj! *bjia, bffi/bjweng, bieng
895b. D*
~ *pia-/pien3991b. A *mia/mien --- *mjia/mjan
1956b. A 6 *dzia/dzien ~ *dzja/dzjan
5625a. A !ltf *ngia/ngien !iff *ngia/ngien
4281b. A * ~ *gia, grwa/'rien,'ywan iJ *gia/'Yien
~ *grwa/'rwan
2712a. A )t *kia:/kien: *kia:/kien:
(6159a). A :l:ft *kiwa:, giwa:/kiwen:, -yiwen: jt *hiwa-/xiwen3247b. B Pj *mia-/mien- Di *mia-/mien4716a. A
*kiwa-/kiwen*kjiwa-/kjwan3492b. A f~ *dam > dam ~ *dam > dam
6323a. B ~ *dam > dam "PJ *tham > tham
3989b. B* ~ *(g) lam > lam ~ *(g) lam > lam
2028a. A ~ *gam >-yam im *g;}m >,},;}m
566b. C* P (*sglam:, sglam-??
*dam:, dam- > dam:, dim~ *g;}m, g;}m- > -y;}m, -y;}m5851a. A *i: *sram > ~ ~*dzram, dzriam > d~am, d~m

m
m

173

5. Xu Shen

566.
567.
568.
569.

570.
571.
572.
573.
574.
575.
576.
577.
578.
579.
580.
581.
582.
583.
584.
585.
586.
587.
588.
589.
590.
591.
592.
593.
594.
595.
596.
597.
598.
599.

I Part III. The Data

A. Listing of the Data

2851 b. A ft~ *dzriam> <4am ~ *dzriam > <4am


5189a. A. alt ~ *sriam > ~am 9: *sram > ~am
4163a. A ijf *khriam, khjam > kham, khjllm ~f. *glam > lam
4389b. A ~ *griam: > 1am:
"constant barking of a dog"
~ *gram:, gam: > -yam:, -yam:
1811a. A 113 *griam- > -yam- Il5 *griam- > -yam4122a. B r *ngjam>ngjllm M *ngjam: >ngjllm:
*bjam: > bjwllm:
6445a. C Ii *bjam: > bjwllm:
2322a. A ~ *mjam: > mjwllm: ill *bjam: > bjwem:
3844b. A * ,k)t *(g)ljam > Ijiim Jl *(g)ljam> Ijiim
4184a. A* I~ *(g)ljam > ljiim Jl *(g)ljam > Ijiim
6003a. A ti *gljam > Ijiim I!i *khiam:, giam: > khiem:, -yiem:
5692a. B !l.t *tsjam > tsjiim *sriam > ~
6284a. A* ~ *sjam, hliam > sjiirn, thiem ~ *zam: > jiam:
ili *(g)ljam > Ijiim
5583a. A. alt. f.&li *thjam > tshjiim r!i *tjam> tsjiUn
(3341a). A* :fill *njam, tjam > iiijiim, tsjiim tflJ *njam > iiijiim
tI! *thjam > tshjiirn
2198a. B til *ljam: > ljiirn: 71' *ljam: > Ijam:
1416b. D Hili *hrjam: > jlim: ~ *hrjam, hrjam- > Sjam, Sjiirn6501a. A ~~ *ngjiam: > ngjiim: M *ngjam: > ngjllm:
2390b. B* fili *zam: > jiiim: $ *d~kw- > dau6664b. B* If *zam- > jiiim- III *zam- > jiiim3763a. B* ~ *tiam > tiem Jtk *kria:/keng:
3994b. A ~ *gliam > liem ~ *khiam: > khiem:
3093a. B ft *giam > 'Yiem !W: *gljam > Ijiim
"non-glutinous rice"
3162a. A
*d~m > d~m ~B *d~m > dam
388b. A
*l;)m > l~m ~ *1~m > 13m
5633a. A ~ *l~m > 1~n1 i'll *d~m > d~m
4438b. A 1M *g~m > -yam ~ *g~m > 'Y~m
3029b. A 1] *g:lm > 'Y~m ~ *g:lm > 'Y:lm
(3277a). B* '9E *d3m: > d:lm: $ *d;}kw- > dau3889b. A ax *kh~m: > kh~m: ~ *hl3m > th~m
3889b. A It *kh3m: > kh~m: ~ *kham: > kh~m:
3951 b. A .IU *kh.,m:, ngr:lm- > kh~m:, ngam~ *hw:lm- (1) > xung935a. D* [ *th~m-, thiam- > th~m-, thlem- ~ *d:lkw- > dau~~ *trjam > tjiim
'Ii *djat- > Zjiii4103a. A ffJ *ngr~m > ngam JI!t *ngj~m > ngj.,m

I 5. Xu Shen

600. 4196b. C 'f1 *ngr:lm, ngj~m > ngilm, ngj:lm Aft *ngram > ngam
601. 1191b. A ~ *dzji~m, zj:lm > dzjiim, zj~m
!Jot *tshj:lm, dz*m > tshj:lm, d~j~m
602. 5OO8b. A it *lj~m > Ij:lm 1* *lj~m > Ij3m
603. 5823a. A
*thrj.,m > thj;)m ffil *thrj~m > !hj~m
604. (6284b). A tt *drj~m > Q.j~m 7% *drj~m > Q.j~m
605. 2663a. B ~ *srj~m > ~j~m $ *srj~m > ~j:lm
606. 4165b. A J~ *gj~m > gj~m p,. *gj~m-> gj:lm607. 3659a. A !JA *ngj~m > ngj~m ~ *ngj~m > ngj~m
608. 4152a. A ~ *hj~m > xj:lm w: *hj~m > xj~m
609. 2879b. A &~ *z~m > ji:lm f *z~m > ji~m
610. 4517b_ B ~ *lj~m: > Ij:lm: g *dj~m: > dzj~m:
611. (931a). A T nj~m: > nij3m:
ME *nj:lm: > iizj~m:
612. 5632b. A ~ *hrj~m: > sj~m: ~ *hrj~m > sj~m
613. 3854b. A U *thrj~m- > thj~m- m *thrj~m > thj.,m
614. 5314a.A fHl*thrj~m->!hj~m- tl1)*thrj~m>thj~m
615. 1368b. A ~ *gj~m- > gj~m- !;f: *gj~m > gj~m
616. 4297b. A !\'Ii *di~m: > diem: *di:lm: > diem:
617. 5202a. B tA *ti~m- > tiem- WJ *ti~m- > tiem618. 693b. A A] *b~k> b:lk 1iV *b~k> b~k
619. 4388a.A l!.1X *m~k>m3k ~ *m~k>m.,k
620. 1084a. A ~'*kr3k > kEk !IX *kr~k- > kai621. 1484a. A * i'ii'l *pji:lk > pj3k ~ *pji~t- > pji622. 272a. A jf *hlj3k, 1, ? > thj~k, xjuk, thjuk ifll *lj.,h> Iji
623. 684a. A a *thrj.,k > !hj3k !I& *thrj:lk > thj3k
624. 6234b. A ~ *thrj;)k > thj:lk !I& *thrj3k > tJtj3k
625. 3426a. A fflj *hrj3k > sj3k ~ *hrj<lk > j:lk
626. (2143a). A II *hj3k > xj<lk tg *hj3h:, hj:lk- > xji:, xji627. 3318a. B fi *hjiw<lk > xjw~k MIl *hjiw<lk> xjw3k
628. 208a. C I,E *bj~k > bjuk 1m. *bj3k> bjuk
629. 2289b. A -:; *bj3k > bjuk tk: *bj:lk > bjuk
630. 4636a. B* Mt *bj3k> bjuk Tt *bj3k (1) > bjuk
631. 2284b. A ~ *t3kw> twok
*t<lkw> twok
632. 3702b. A 11 *t<lkw> twok fl *t3kw > twok
633. 266b. A fi *d~kw > dwok fl *t~kw > twok
634. 1161a. A
*phr~kw > phak ;f" *phruak > phak
635. 501 lb. A ~ *gr3kw> 'Yak Ilf! *gr~kw > 'Yak
636. 6102b. A ~ *lj~kw > Ijuk ~ *drj~kw > gjuk
637. 663a. A
*tj~kw > tsjuk ~ *tj:lkw> tsjuk
: \ \638. 4401a. A 11* *hrj3kw> sjuk ~ *hrj~kw > sjuk
639. 161a. A fa *dj~kw > zjuk I~ *dj<lkw > zjuk

*'

*'

175

174
r-- - - -

r-----

----

r---

,----

~---

5. Xu Shen / Part III. The Data

640.
641.
642.
643.
644.
645.
646.
647.
648.
649.
650.
651.
652.
653.
654.
655.
656.
657.
658.
659.
660.
661.
662.
663.
664.
665.
666.
667.
668.
669.
670.
671.
672.
673.
674.
675.
676.
677.
678.
679.
176

2776a. A W *z~kw > jiuk 1f *z~kw > jiuk


2066b. A ~l *tshi~kw > tshiek !f;1t *tshi~kw > tshiek
(3351a). A ~ *lakw, ljakw- > lak, Ijau- ~ *Iahw, lakw- > lau, lau796b. B i! *thrakw> thilk t$ *drakw- > dau1113b. A "F *dzrakw)" ~3k rJE *dzruak:> d~ak
1519b. C ~ *tsjakw > tsjak jJ *tsjakw > tsjak
1686a. A !~ *zakw > jiak ~ *zakw > jiak
4168a. A
*zakw > jiak ~ *zakw > jiak
1687a. B ~ *bjiahw > bjiau: ~ *pjiahw > pjiiiu
4494a. B H~ *thiakw > thiek ~':! *thiakw > thieu
4768a. C t8J *niakw > niek ~ ni~kw > niek
2319b. A fif *buak > buk ~ *buak > buk
3437a. A* fri muak > muk m *ngjuak, hjuak > ngjwok, xjwok
6459a. A ~. *duak > duk iff *duak> duk
1451b.A fW<*luak>luk /Ii[*luak>luk
2312b. A 11 *khuak > khuk l$ *khak- > khwo4422b. A ~ *huak > xuk f~ *kuak- > k~u1904a. A ~ *guak > ruk M *guak > -yuk
5596a. B . kf. *tshruak > !shak It *sruak > ~
676a. A t~ *tjuak > tsjwok :t!Iij *tjuak> tsjwok
1361 b. A* ~x *tjuak> tsjwok ~ *tjuak> tSjwok
3723a. A f;j *djuak > ijwok ~ *djuak >zjwok
2900a. A :It. *hjuak > xjwok !fJ; *hjuak > xjwok
6271b.A ~~ *zuak>jiwok m*zuak>jiwok
3180a. A l1 *phak> phak /IIli *phak > phak
5196a. A '; *phak > phak /IIli *phak > phak
5774a. A ~1i *kwak > kwak $I) *kwak> kwak
1698a. A lfJ. *hak > xak i/fB *hak> xak
5051 b. B iml *gak> -yak ~~ *gak > 'Yak
2151 b. A mf *?wak > ?wak ~ *gakw > rwok
(5241a). B is *brak> buk S *brak> buk
1024b. A !if *tsrak > t~uk ~ *tsrak > t~uk
6395a. A fli *tshriak, dzriak > t~he.k, ~e.k
~ *tsrak, dzak > t~uk, dzak
4394a. A* 1'& *hrjak > sjak ~ *sak-, sriak > swo-, ~e.k
1213b. A A *kjiak > kjuk ~ *kjiak > kjuk
1485a. A ~ *hrjiak > sjak i/fB *hrjiak> sjak
2723a. A Iil *zak > jiiik ~ *zak > jiak
2109a. A il'i1! *kriak> kk ~ *kriak > ke.k
1047a. A ~ *krwiak> kwe.k ~ *grwiak > rwe.k
3757b. A ~ *khriak> khe.k *kiak > kiek

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

680. 2215b.* 1!~~fffi~An!'<A


I!Tl *?riak > ? e.k ;!'; *?jiwai- > ?jwie681. (5397b). A !Wi *?riak> ?Ek Fz. *?riak> ?e.k
682. 5679b. A ~ *kjiak > kjuk ~ *kj~k > kj:lk
683. 4982b. A jfj *drjiak > c;ljiik ttl *drjiak> c;ljak
684. 2166b. A ~ *hrjiak> sjak ~ *hrjiak> sjiik
685. (5756a). A ~ *biak > biek ~ *priak > pEk
686. 2109a. A !II!! *miak > miek ll'li *miak > miek
*miak > miek *ll. *miak > miek
687. 5790a. A
688. 2508b. A ffij *tiak > tiek too *tiak > tiek
689. 1733b. B f~ *thiak> thiek m *thiak> thiek
690. 117a. A flii *liak > liek ~ *liak > liek
691. 3141a. A H *liak > liek ~ *liak> liek
692. 183b. A Hi *m~t > mwat & *m~t > mw~t
693. 1252b. A Jl *m~t > mw~t 1'* *mat > mwat
694. 2625a. B WI *tw~t > tw~t ~ *nrw~t > I,lwat
695. 6138a. B .:1: *khw~t > khw~t Ml *khw~t > khw~t
696. 3822b. A* JL *ngw~t > ngw~t ~ *hiwa-/xiwen697. 3346a. A fjj[ *hw~t > xw~t ~ hjw~t > xjw~t
698. 6218a. A* tW *khr~t > khat WI *d~m > d~m
699. 1504b. A ~ *pj~t > pjw~t ~ *pj~t > pjW:lt
700. 4566a. B ~ *pj~t > pjw~t ~ *bji~t > bjet
701. 5660a. C '-. *phjat > phjw~t ~ *pj~t > pjwat
702. 689a. B .tlli *kjw~t > kjwat Iffi*kjw~t > kjwat
703. 3877b. A ~ *hjw~t > xjw~t 1&, *hw~t > XW<lt
704. 6058a. A JjUIj *lji~t > Ijet ~ *ljiat > ljet
705. 1694b. A ';f *ljwat > ljwet fit *ljwat > Ijwet
706, 4981b. A 111l *trjw~t/!jwet HI *trjw~tl!jwet
707. 678b. B ~ *drji~t > c;ljet fJ:: *drji~t > c;ljet
708. 4280b. A* !Wi *tji~t > tsjet fll *tjiat > tsjet
709. 687a. A ~ *kjiwat > kjwet ~ *kjiw~t > kjwet
710. 5359b. A 11m *ngji~t > ngjet n;. *ngjiat > ngjat
711. 3894a. A ill},: *hjiat > xjet If *hjwat- > xjwei712. 1777a. C IV:: *di~t > diet ~ *diat> diet
713, (4109b). A* ffi *tsi~t > tsiet Ilr~ *ngjuah > ngju
714. 856a. A Wlili *tshiat> tshiet 1;TJ *tshiat > tshiet
715. 3521b. A flit *si~t > siet lji! *si~t > siet
716. 4572b. A W *ki~t > kiet :J *kjiat > kjat
717. 1440b. B U~ *s?iw~t (?) > ?iwet Jfnfl *sjw~t > sjwet
718. 714a. A :JlJI: *pat > pwat
*pat > pwiit
719. 1626b. A WJ *pat > pwiit
*pat > pwat
0

m
m

177

5. Xu Shen

I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

720. 3404a. A M *pat > pwat ~ *pat > pwat


*phat > phwat
1t'i. *p~t- > pw~i721. 2683a. A*
"luxuriant growth (of plants)"
722. 6288a.A ~i *phat > phwat 1ft *pat > pwat
*mat > mwat
723. 1554b. A *mat > mwat
~ *trjwat > tjwat
724. 1809b. B n~ *twat > twat
"to pick meat from bones"
"to gulp"
725. 713a. A j, *that > thiit lit *that > thiit
726. 1562a. A
*that > that ~ *that > that
727. 855b. A M91] *lat > lat *IJ *lat > lat
728. 750b. C ~ *kwat > kwat t5 *kwat > kwat
729. 617a. A tV *ngat > ngiit ~ *ngat > ngat
730. 1701. B *ngat > ngat ~ *ngat > ngat
731. 1421b. B ~ *hwat > xwat ~ *hwat > xwat
732. 4561b. B It *hwat > xwat 11 *hwat > xwat
733. 788b. B ~ *?at >?at
*gat > 'Yat
734. 6111 b. A .$ *?at > ?at ~ *?jat> ?jllt
735. 5623b. A* ~ *trwat > twat I!t *thwar- > thwa736. 3807b. A !ifJ *ngrwat > ngwat J[ *ngw~t > ngw~t
737. 180a. A Jl *grat > 'Yat ~ *gat > 'Yat
738. 3412a. B ~ *sriat > ~t ~ *sriat > ~at
739. 5682a. A* ~ *kriat > kat ~ *kj~k > kj~k
740. 5670a. A .!f" *kjwat > kjWllt JX *kjwat > kjwllt
741. 5708b. B v *kjwat > kjWllt 'I *kjiwat > kjwat
742. 883b.A. * alt. IJ: *gjwat > gjwet ~ *gjwat > gjwllt
743. 5708a. A * J *gjwat > gjWllt ~ *gjwat > gjwllt
744. 4529a. B l!!.~ *?jwat > ?jWllt ~ *?jwat> ?jWllt
745. 6058b. A l!l *ljat > Ijat 3IU *ljat > ljat
746. 226a. A 'fJ *thrjat > thjat if& *thrjat > thjat
747. 490a. A* 1:. *tsjat (7) > tsjat ~ *trjat, trjwat > fjat, ywat
748. 6552b. C ~ *sjat > sjat {~*siat > siet
749. 4530a. B* I *tshrjwat, tshrwat > t~hjwat, t~hwiit
Ii *tshjwa/tshjwan
750. 565b. A P5f\ *srjwat > ~jwat ~ *srjwat > ~jwat
751. 3942a. A. alt. tlli'i *k(r)jwat> tSjwat
'It *kw;)t > kw;)t
752. 4457a. B till *tjwat > tsjwat fiJI *tjwat > tsjwat
753. 2276b. B* $!: *khjiwat > khjwat rj( *kiwat, hiwat > kiwet, xiwet
754. 1399a. A 1: *hjiwat > xjwat 1M *hjiwat > xjwat
755. 5623a. B ~ *phiat> phiet ~ *phiat > phiet
756. 1555b.C J.*miat>miet j*miat>miet
757. 5064a. B* ~ *siat> siet H!t *sriat, srjat > ~at, ~jat

758.
759.
760.
761.
762.
763.
764.
765.
766.

767.
768.
769.
770.
771.
772.
773.
774.
775.

178
r --

r-

,----

776.
777.
778.
779.
780.
781.
782.
783.
784.
785.
786.
787.
788.
789.
790.
791.
792.
793.
794.

677a. A ,tj *kiat > kiet f,'i *ki;)t > kiet


1858b. A f!\fJ *kiat > kiet ,fJ3 *kiat > kiet
1763b. B ij}~ *kiwat > kiwet ik *kiwat > kiwet
6472a. A *ngiat > ngiet Ji!: *ngiat > ngiet
5626b. B k}( *?iwat >.?iwet i}( *?jiwat > ?jwat
4396b. B Jfi *thap > thap f!;l\~ *thap > thiip
2246a. A ifiZ *dap > dap 11 *thap > thiip
619b. A fI/.;i *kap, gap, hrap > kap, 'Yap, xap !fl *krap > kap
3339b. A* jiii *?ap > ?ap f{' *hjap > xjllP
Nt *?jam:, ?jiam: > ?jllm:, ?jam:
5631a. A* 4fi *trap > tap '1M! *tjap > tSjap
633b. A U *kjap > kjllP t5JJ *kjap > kjllP
4592b.A* '$' *mjap>l).jap :pji *gah,gak->'Ywo,'Ywo?J~ *mjap > l).jap
(5561b). A !lJ! *tsjap > tsjap i& *tsjap > tsjap
1066b. A ~~ *tjap > tSjap
*tjap > tSjap
91 la. C ',"',': *njap > nijap ;ttl *nrjap > vjap
1238a. A* '~*siap > siep tiJ:. *hrj;)p > Sj;)P
619b. A px *kiap > kiep ~ *kiap > kiep
6255a. B* i:k *kiap, khiap > kiep, khiep ~ *kiap > kiep
1~ *giap > 'Yiep
2445a. A tf~ *t;)P > t:lp II~ *th;)p > thap
1097a. A Aft *dap > dap i/j *dap > dap
5263a. A III *dap > dap -ili dap > dap
5476b. A i~ *dap > dap ;;j; *dap > dap
1166a. A W *stap (7) > sap {~*dap > dap
3432a. A I~~ *kap > bp iJ!.~ *kap > k;)p
2931a. A ,I *ngap > ngap
IIi: *ngjam, gjam:, khjam > ngjam, gjam:, khj;)m
1175b.A* ;1f*?JP>?;)P JII~*?j;)ng->?j;)ng(5825b). A* U~ *dzjiap > dzjap W *dzjap > dzjap
2600a. A. alt. f~ *gjiap > gjap ,-:1; *kj;)p > kj;)p
4334a. A 'm *trj;)p > tj;)P '-!I[ *hjap > tjap
2732a. A (J?J *nrj;)p> pj;)P tn', *nrjap > l)jap
564a. A III *tsj;)P > tsj;)P !I~ *dzj;)p > dzj;)p
2221a. A .6. *dzj;)p > dzj;)p !I~ *dzj;)p > dzj;)p
922a. A \Ill *tsrj;)P > t~;)P i.[x *tsrj;)P > t~;)P
15OOa. A
*srj~p > ~;)P t.!:i *srjap > ~;)P
273b. A '& *kj;)p > kj;)p ,z,: *kj;)p > kj;)p
4776b. A t~ *di;)p > di;)p ff: *di;)p > diep
6490b. B* j)Ij! *ng- > ngiet IjQ *ng- > ngiet

179
-

,------

,--

,--

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

5. Xu Shen / Part Ill: The Data

PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
5530b. A ~t *m;)h > mw;)i ~ *mj;)h > mj;)u
5541b. A fIJ *m;)h: > m;)u: !IX *mj;)k > mjuk
6701a. A ff< *g;)h: > -y;)i: ?; *k;)h, kr;)h > k;)i, khl
1984b. E ~ *sak- > s~i 'J,V; *s;)k- > s;)i4429b. E l~ *sj<lh> si "l *sj;)h > !ii
61 b. E ffiQ] *zj;)h > ii ~r *zj;)h> ii
5366b. E l\i~ *z;)h > jii ~ *z;)h > jii
968a. A ,lY *hrj;)h > 51" ,t; *tj;)k- > tSi2003a. E* /.; *kj~h > kji" )I~ *kj;}h > kji
lO64b. A ;~t *khj;}h > khji' Ilk *khj;}h > khjr
2958a. E hj~ *gj;}h > gjr WJ *gj;}h > gil
4285a. Emit *gj;}h> roT ~ *gjah > gil
3880a. E ~'1X *hj;)h> xfi ~'~: *hj3h: > xji:
6541a. E* hli *gjiw;)h> gjwi JL *kh;)hw: > kj<lu:
'iIH *kjiw;}h, kjw;}h > kjwi, kj;m
809. 6062b. A* 'Iffil *kjW3h, kjiw<lh > kj;}u, kjwi if, *gjw<lk- > gj;}U810. 3657a. E fr *khjw;)h > khj<lu m1l. *khjah> khjwo
811. 3526a. A Hi *drj;}h: > cpo: i!i' *d<lh: > d<li:
812. (6198b). E Ill.'] *drj;)h: >!fi: 11:. *tj;)h: > tY:
813. 6595b. E
( *tsj;}h: > tsi:
*tsj;)h > 1Si
814. 1013b.E J!~.*sj;)h:>si: !l1,*sj;)h>si
815. 47a. E ijie *zj;)h: > ii: L', *zj;)h: > ii:
816. 212b. AI:: *dzrj;)h: > ~oi: 'h *dzrj;)k- >~:.
817. 3577a. E. alt. M *ngj;)h: > nrol: ~ *ngj;)h > nrol
818. 5632a. E ~fI *pji<lh: > pji: =1' *pj;)h:, pj;)t > pj;)u: pjW;}t
819. 5281a. A ~ *pj;)h: > pj;)u: /l~ *pj;)h:, pj;}t > pj;}u:, pjW;)t
820. 2360a. E 7... *kjw;)h: > kj;)u: :J( *kjw;)h: > kj;)u:
821. 16a. E ~ *lj;)k- > lji:' 'lti *drj;)k-'> Qi:'
822. 6709a. E rf: *dzj;}k- > dif- Yf *dzj;)k- > dil:'
823. 2004a. E* ~ *kj;}k- > kji ~c *kj;)k- > kji'824. 1052a. A f\' *gj;}k- > gjr- ~,*gj;)k- > gji:825. 2728b. E [fll *gjw;}k- > j<lU- 11 *gjw;}h: > j;)u:
826. 72b. E* im (*skl;}hw:, skl<lkw-?? > ) *t;)hw:, t;}kw- > tau:, tau*k;}kw-, k;)kw > lciu-, kwok
*gj;)hw> gj;)U
827. 83a. E ~)1lJ *t;}hw: > tau: iii *t;)hw: (?) > tau:
828. 5463a. E* tfJ *d;)hw: > tau: 'f- *hrj;)hw: > sj;)u:
~ *trj;)kw> tjuk
829. 3758a. E .~ *gl;}hw: > hiu: ~ *kh;)hw: > khilU:
830. 146b. E m *m;}kw- > mau- 'ffl *m;)kw- > mau-

795.
796.
797.
798.
799.
800.
801.
802.
803.
804.
805.
806.
807.
808.

989a. A ,i;fi *k;)kw- > kau- :tr *k;)kw- > kau6627b. A 9[1 *mr;)hw: > mau: 'fj' *m;)kw- > mau1377a. E !}1Jc *gr;)kw- > -yau- ~ *kr;)kw, kr;)kw- > kill<:, kau1224a. E* M *lj;)hw, ki;)hw: > Ij;)u, kieu:
*~ *mjiahw, mji;)kw-, mj;)kw > mji;)u, mji;)u-, mjuk
835. 4951b. E jWtl *lj;}hw > ljeu VfE *lj;)hw > Ij;)u
836. 1034b. A ']'::1 *trj;)hw > tj;)U ~ffl *dj;}hw > ij;}u
837. 4768a. A ~ *dzrj;)hw > ~j<lU ;!, *dz?j;}hw> ?j;}U
838. 5147b. E* 1+1 *tj;)hw > tsj;)U liil *tj;)hw > tsj;)U
IIf.Ij *drj;)hw> gj,lU
839. 1035b. A ~ffl *dj;)hw > ij;)u J"~j *trj;}hw> tj;}U
839a. 3610a. A OL *gj;)hw > gj;)U "*g (r) j;)hw > ij<lu
840. 4771b. A Q *dz?j<lhw > ?j;)U 1& *dzrj<lhw > ~j;)U
841. 945b. E '-/ *kji;)hw > kji;)u *4 *kji<lhw: > kji;}u:
842. 946b. A ~4:' *kji;)hw > kji;)u '-/ *kji;}hw > kji;}u
843. 4768b. E flli; *z;)hw > ji<lu ~ *dz?j;)hw > ?j;)U
844. 3383b. E l1 *lj;)hw: > lj;)u: WI *lj;)hw > Ij;)u
845. 6622b. A * If: *thrj;)hw: > !hj;)u *11 *nrj;)hw: > 1).j.lU:
846. 6655b. A i *tsj<lhw: > tsj<lu: jf,t *dzj<lkw- > dzj<luj~ *tsh;)kw-, dz;)hw: > tshau-, dziiu:
847. 3965b. A *hrj;)hw: > Sj;)u: ~n *duah > d;}u
84~. 3764a. A
R *g(r)j;)hw: > ij;)u: 7... *kj;)h: > kj;)u:
849. 858b. E mS *gj;)hw: > gj;)u: El *gj;)hw: > gj;)u:
850. 4764b. E W) *dz?j;)hw: > ?j;)u: . *dz?j<lhw> ?j<lU
851. 6650a. A i1N *z;)hw: > ji;} u: jf,t *dzj <lkw- > dzj;)u852. 5194a.E M *lj;)kw->lj')u- VfE*lj;)hw>lj;)u
853. 1916b. E Iffl *drj;)kw- > gj<lU- U'( *duak> duk
854a. 6555a. E Ik *hrj<lkw- > ij;)U- 'it' *hrj;)hw: > ij;)u:
854b.1670a. A Y;h *?ji<lkw- (?) > ?ji<lu- j.-' *hrjakw- (?) > sjliu"young"
855. 1668b. A z. *s?i<lhw> ?ieu 'j' *sjahw: > sjliu:
r" 856. 1070a. A 4'H *dahw > dau ~ *liahw > lieu
"small drum"
857. 158b. E J::t *tsahw: > tsau: t.i *tsahw> tsau:
858. 6409a. E
*dzrahw > ~au ill: *dzrahw > ~au
859. 1394a. A :St *grahw> rau ~ *krahw > kau
860. 3480a. A {j( *krahw: > kau: 3C *krahw > kau
861. 4464b. E Hz *krahw: > kau: 3C *krahw > kau
862. 4468a. E ~j( *krahw: > kau: 3C *krahw > kau
863. 5620b. E ~ *srakw- > ~au- 'J' *sjahw: > sjau:
864. SW, ap. TPYL 68.323b NA *drjahw > gjiiu
831.
832.
833.
834.

wi

181
180

5. Xu Shen

I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data

*hjahw, drjahw > tjau, <;frau


534b. E f~ *njahw > iiZjau ~ *nj:lhw > flZj:lu
3504a. A fit *gjahw > gj'au jl'tj *kahw > kau
1453b. E* !tP *mjiahw: > mjiiiu: + *sjahw: > sjau:
1980b. E* iP *mjiahw: >mjiiiu: ,j, *sjahw: >sjau:
5405a. E* ~ *(g)liahw > lieu Jlft *(g)lj:lh: > lji:
6676b. E I'iiII *bah > bwo 1n *pak- > pwo172lb. A 9i'j *kah > kwo ts *kah > kwo
3382a. E m*kah > kwo rg *kah: > kwo:
579b. E fIt *ngah> ngwo fJi: *nga: > nga:
5765b. E. alt. 'lJli *gwah > -ywo 1} *krwah: > kwa:
3874a. E J~;): *?ah > ?wo ~ *?ak- > ?wo6088b. E *thah: >thwo: It\: *thah: >thwo:
947b. A it *kah: > kwo: t& *kak- > kwo991b. E ~,t *kah: > kwo: iii. *kak- > kwo2069. E liJi. *kwah: > kwo: ~ *kwak > kwak
6535a.E ti*ngah:>ngwo: 'F*ngah:>ngwo:
6639b. A "F *ngah: > ngwo: H~ *ngak- > ngwo138a. E l1t *hah: >xwo: JJE *hah: >xwo:
5298a.A JS*gwah:>-ywo: ~l*gwah->-ywo484b. E* ]it *mak- > mwo- ~ *mia, mia:/mieng, mieng:
"evening"
3351b.E 1t. *kak->kwo- I\. *kjw:lh:>kj:lu:
6819a. A jf:~ *kak- >kwo- I\. *kjw:lh: > kj:lu:
3248b. A ''if *ngak- > ngwo- llff *ngak- > ngwo1018b. A oJ *hak- > xwo- Wf *hah > xwo
4233a. E. alt. ~ *prah> pa .fe *brah > ba
4560b. A 7,J *khrwah > khwa 1f *hrjiah > Sja
4287b. E ~ *grah > -ya ~.lX *grah > ya
4278a.A* ,~*mrah:>ma: ~ *nah:,nak->nwo:,nwoit;:; *mjah: >mju:
3073a. E f* *krak- > ka*krah > ka
5311a.E.A* rgj *ljah>ljwo In *lj:lh:>lfi: H'\ *ljah:>ljwo:
comm. to lIN, ap. TPYL4.21b. A ~ *tjah > tSjwo J:$ *tjuah > tsju
1274b. A 5 *hrjah > Sjwo ~ (='1-) *trjak-, trjak > !jwo-, !jak
6709a. B* ~ *hrjah > Sjwo till *njah > iiZjwo
505a. E* ~ *zah > jiwo ~T *hrjah> Sjwo
1314a. A
*phj ah > phju :ffl *pak- > pwo1795a. E ll!!!l *mjah > mju 1Wi *mjah > mju
2023b.E* ~ *mjah>mju 1Wi *mjah>mju ~,*mjah:>mju:
2056a. A T *gjwah > ju tn *?jah> ?jwo
ijiJl

865.
866.
867.
868.
() 869.
870.
871.
872.
873.
874.
875.
876.
877.
878.
879.
880.
881.
882.
883.
884.
885.
886.
887.
888.
889.
890.
891.
892.
893.
894.
895.
896.
897.
898.
899.
900.
901.
902.
182

'*

..a

,-

903.
904.
905.
906.
907.

I 5. Xu Shen

2697a. E ~ *gjwah > ju ifF: *grwah > -ywa


5400b. A K'i *hrjiah: > Sja: ~ *hrjiak > Sjak
6510a. E ~~ *tjah: > tSjwo: (If *tjah: >tSjwo:
3142b. E ~ *hrjah: > Sjwo:
*hrjah: > Sjwo:
6360a. E 1] *zah: >jiwo: T *zah: >jiwo:
"to give"
908. 3535b. A fm *pjah:, phjah: > pju:, phju: ~ *bjah: > bju:
909. 619b. A "l~ *tjiak- > tSja- 1fb *tjiah > tSja
910. 3015a.A* ~*ziak->jia- ~*hrjiak->Sja911. 1875a. E tlIIJ *dzrjak- d~jwo- ftj *dzjiak > dzjak:
912. 378a. E fi- *pjak->pju- :ffl *pak->pwo913. 3910a. A Jj~ *duah > d:lu *hrj:lhw: > Sj:lu:
914. 1050a. A ~ll *khuah: > kh:lu: to *khuah: > kh:lu:
915. 2533a. E* :fI1J *nuak- > n:lu- M *h:lhw (?) > xau
916. 979a. E illN *tsjuah> tsju ~ *dzjuah:, dzjuak- > dzju:, dzju91 7. 5 33b. E fl: *tsrjuah > t~u ~ *tsrjuah > t~u
918. 3483a.A frfo *njuah>iizju J~ *nj:lhw>iiZj.m
919. 6603a. E ~ *njuah > iiZju 1L *njuah: > iiZju:
920. 1289b. E )t *djuah> zju ft: *djuah > zju
921. 1292a. E t~ *djuah > zju )t *djuah > zju
922. 3744a. E 1~ *djuah: > zju: Ii: *djuah: > zju:
923. 5531b. E ~ *tshjuak- > tshju- JN *tshjuah: > tshju:
924. 5035b. E tit *djuak- > Zju- ~ *djuak- > iju925. 3949b. E ~ *pha > phwa Iii *phjia/phjiiin
926. (3067b). E 5f;: *gwa > -ywa fIJ *gwa > -ywa
927. (4002a). E 11 *dwa: > dwa: iii *dwa: > dwa:
928. 1260a. E / *tsa: > tsi: tr. *tsa: > tsa:
929. 4447a. A *- *hwa: > xwa m *hjwai: > xjwe:
930. 90b. A* ~ *gwa: >-ywa: it *gat- > -yai931. 48a. E ~ *dzrai > d~ai ~ *dzrai > dfal
932. 5400b. A W4 (*hlj- ? *thrjai > !hje ~T *hrjah > sjwo
933. 1036b. E ~ *drjai, tjai: > gje, tSje: :lift *ljai, ljai- > lje, lje934. 2497a. E tI *tjai > tSje m; *tjai: > tSje:
935. 1266b. E 3[ *tjai > tSje ~ *tjai > tSje
936. 6526b. E t:1.. *ljwai: > ljwe: ~ *ljwai: > ljwe:
937. 6528b. E 1 *ljwai: > ljwe: ~ *ljwai: > ljwe:
938. 4451a. A* ~ *hjwai: >xjwe: 1<. *hwa: >xwa:
939. 5554a.E fJJJI- *bjiai:>bjie: f- *pjiai>pjie
940. 317b. A
*tshjai- > tshje- jij *tshjai- > tshje941. 321a. A iij *tshjai- > tshje*tshjai- > tshje942. 979b. A ~ *ngjai- > ngje- 1jg *ngjah: > ngjwo:

183
r

-,

,---

r- - ----

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data

1008a. E ill *ngjai- > ngje- 11: *ngjai > ngje


5308a. E I1hl *kiwai > kiwei :t:: *kiwai > kiwei
19b. A '1(; *tiai- > tiei- rnt *tiai- > tie i63b. E i!lt1'i *diai- > diei- ~ *tiai- > tie icomm. to HN, ap. Shiwen 29.27b. A* tlli *diai- (?) > di~ *liai- > lie i948. 4368a. E Jm *liai- > liei- }j~ *ljah: > Ijwo:
949a. 4976b. A ~m *m~t: > mw~i: ~ *m~t: > mw~i:
949b.6583b. E ~ *sb~t: > dzw~i: .. *bji~t-> bi950. 5535b. A ~e. *ph~t-, phj~i > pw~i-, pjwei ~ *phji~t > phjet
951. 6295a. A* ~ *tjw~i > tSwi ~ *dwat- > dwru952. 286a. A Ii *thjw~i > tshwi ft *tjw~i > tswi
953. 3775b. A ? *hIji~i > si ~JIi *dIji~Njen
954. 3677a. A 1:< *?j~i > ?jei fR *?j~i > ?jei
955. 1722a. A 7E *sji~i: > si: oor *sjai- > sje956. 4793a. A 7./( *hIjw~i: > swi: ~ *tjw~ :/tSjwen:
957. 6593b. E !R *kjiw~i: > kwi: ~ *gjiw~i > gwi:
958. 3795b.A* ~ *mj~t:>mjwei: ~ *mj~i>mjwei
959. 4058a. E *
*kjw~t: > kjwei:
~ *kjw~i > kjwei
960. 1934b. A
*pji~t- > pji~ *pjiat- > pjai961. 6123b. E ~ *bji~t- > bji- .It *bji~t- > bji962. 1481b.E* "*bji~t->bi- EJ*sbji~t->dzi- W*pji~t->bi963. SIb. E $JtI *ljiw~t- > Ijwi*ljiw~t- > Ijwi964. 6677b. A m *tsjw~t- > tswi- ~ *tsjw~t > tsjw~t
965. 3101b.E ~ *zjw~t->zwi- ~ *zjw~t->zwi966. 6642b. A
*mj~t- > mjwei*mj~t- > mjwei967. 5838a. E *f *mi~i > miei
*mi~i: > miei:
968. 2052a. E* ~ *gi~i (?) > riei fi *ki~i > kiei
969. 30b. A ~ *li~i: > liei: "' *lji~i: > lji:
970. 5853a. E ~ *li~t- > liei- ii: *li:lt- > liei971. 1845b. A* l'\'IJ *dzi:lt- > dziei- ~ *dzi~i > dziei
"to make even"
972. 522b. E ~ *sji~t- > si- [g *sji~t- > si973. 887b. E ~J'! *bat- > bwru- ij{ *bat > bwat
974. 2959b. E 1JiIl *bat- > bwai- 1i1J *phat-, pat- > phwai-, pwru975. 3825a. A* Jt *dwat- > dwai- IDt *zwat- > jiwat
(sens~ of 'tft "glad")
976. 1738a. E M *kwat- > kwai- ~ *kwat- > kwru977. 76b. E ~M *gwat- >rwai*gwat- >rwiii978. 880a. A* ~ *grwat->rwai- ffilJ *gjwat->jwai979. 1004a. E ~~ *grwat- > rwai- ~ *gwat- > rwai-

943.
944.
945.
946.
947.

w:

* '*

184

980.
981.
982.
983.
984.
985.
986.
987.
988.
989.
990.
991.
992.
993.
994.
995.
996.
997.
998.
999.
1000.
1001.
1002.
1003.
1004.
1005.
1006.
1007.
1008.
1009.
1010.
1011.

1012.
1013.
1014.
1015.
1016.

*"

5835a. E
*gwat- >rwai- f'r *gwat- >rwai3455a. E ~'*bjiat- > bjai- Il)(; *brat- > bwai719a. E t.~ *skjwat- > sjwai- ,t~ *gjwat > jWRt
715a. E M: *t~ng > t~ng 1: *djang: > ijang:
"to rise, mount"
5761a. E ij *khj~ng > kjung M *gj~ngw > gjung
3826a. A it *thj~ngw > tShjung J~ *drjang > gjang
3488a. A W *drj~ngw- > gjung- '1 ' *trj~ngw > tjung
1453a. E ~ *muang > mung ~ *muang > mung
*tuang > tung fib *duang: > dung:
2652a. A
3602a. A 1m *thuang > thung iill *thuang- > thung4759b. A
*thuang> thung fill *thuang- > thung838b. E jMj *duang, duang- > dung, dung- ~ill *thuang > thung
139a. E JliIi *luang > lung Illi *ljuang > ljwong
1117b. A m- *dzuang > dzung WZ *dzjuah:, dzjuak- > dzju:, dzju4328a. E lijiij *duang- > dung- 1I"J *duang- > dung2748b. E yt *kuang- > kung- J}] *kuang > kung
2247b. A* iiI *gruang > rang J/i *guang, kruang >rung, kang
2885b. E ~J~ *gruang- > rimg ;1'< *gjuang- > gjwong838a. E i~r *thjuang > tshjwong ;ill *thuang > thung
631 Oa-b. E ~ *tjuang > tSjwong li. *dIjuang > gjwong
1391b.A 1M *zuang>jiwong m *zuang->jiwong2285b. A i *zuang > jiwong m *zuang- > jiwong6456a. E* ifift *njuang: > iiZjwong: tt *pjuah- > pju3338a. E f:if *djuang: > ijwong: nill *tjuang: > tSjwong:
5439b. A fit *bjuang- > bjwong*bjuang: > bjwong:
2231 b. E .ft *tshang > tshang iJf..~ *dzang- > dzang"storehouse"
665a. A ~ *smang, smang- > sang, sang- c *mjang > mjwmg
6197a.A IIYt *kang>kang M*kjiang:>kjRng:
4961a. E tJ\'; *kwang > kwiing 1t *kwang > kwiing
3259b. E. alt. 'fI *dang- > dang- iffiJ *duang- > dung486b. E # *tsang- > tsang- ~ *dzang > dzang
"to conceal"
54b.E ~ *prang> pRng ~*bang->bwang2570b. A ~ *drang > gRng tt *drjang:, dIjang- > gjang:, gjang148b. E Jfr *grang> rRng
*grang> rRng
1888a. E ffij *grang > rRng lJI'i *grwang >rWRng
"crosspiece"
3816b. E 15 *pjang > pjwang tH *pjia-, bia:/pjang-, bieng:
6311b. E $jj *pjang > pjwang ;, *pjang > pjwang

185

5. Xu Shen

1017.
1018.
1019.
1020.
1021.
1022.
1023.
1024.
1025.
1026.
1027.
1028.
1029.
1030.
1031.
1032.
1033.
1034.
1035.
1036.
1037.
1038.
1039.
1040.
1041.
1042.
1043.
1044.
1045.
1046.
1047.
1048.
1049.
1050.
1051.
1052.
1053.
1054.
1055.

I Prut III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data

5300b.E W *bjang>bjwang 'J) *bang>bwang


4126a. E ~ *zjang > zjang 11{ *zang: > jiang:
5198a.A ~ *smIjang>mang ~ *smang,smang-> sang, sang2260a. A ~ *hrjang > sjang ~ *hIjang > Sjang
5491b. E f~ *?jang > ?jang ~ *?jang: > ?jang:
103a. E *gjwang > jwang tt *gjwang: > jwang:
1558a. A $ *zang > jiang ~ *zjang > zjang
3319a. E
*zang>jiang illJ *tsIjang>t~jang
6057b. E ~ *zang > jiang
*zang >jiang
6221a. A ~)) *gjiang > gjeng ijJI *gjang > gjang
comm.toHN,ap.YQJYY 19.77a !( *gjiang>gjeng
F. *gjwang > jwang
5915a. E till *ljang: > ljang: fiR *ljang: > ljang:
1397b. A ~ *smIjang: > ruang: ~ *mjiang> mjweng
2201a. E ~ *hjang: > xjang: ~ *hjang > xjang
740b. A g *gjwang: >jwang: tt *gjwang: >jwang:
6565b. E pg *pjiang: > pjweng: m *pjiang: > pjweng:
1079b. E ~ *mjang- > mjwang- ~ *mjang- > mjwang3666a. E ~ *mjang- > mjwang- ~ *mjang- > mjwang3417a. E t~ *tIjang- > !jang- ~ *tIjang> !jang
5329a. E ~ *hjang- > xjang- ~ *hjang: > hjang:
3307a. E lWi *bjiang- > pjweng- Wl *bjiang- > bjweng6257a. A
*kjiang- > kjeng- :l: *kjiang: > kjeng:
1l01a. E ~ *gjiang- > gjeng- Ml *gjiang- > gjeng1l02b. E ft *gjiang- > gjeng- ijJI *gjang > gjang
3508a. A fg *gjiang- > gjeng- ijJI *gjang > gjang
1973b. E ffi *sra/~eng :'t. *sra/~eng
4193b. E* ~ *khria (?)/khng ~ *ki:l/kien
578a. E il *mjia/mjiing ~ *mjiang- > mjweng3291a. E
*tIjia/tjiing IE *tjia-/tSjiing2960b. E 1ff *tsjia/tsjiing ~ *tsjia/tsjiing
2985a. E fa *tsjia/tsjang ~ *tsjili/tsjiing
3020a. E 11 *dzjia/dzjiing *sia/sieng
5518a. E ~ *sjia/sjiing :'t. *sra/~eng
738a. E g *tjia/tSjiing IE *tjia-/tSjiing6131b. E :!!it *djiii/zjiing !ilIi *djia/Zjiing
"put in, road, pack"
3919b. E ~ *gjia, kjia:/gjiing, kjiing: ~ *gria/yng
2758. E iii *ziii/jiang ~ *zah > jiwo
2623a. A ;ff *bja> bjweng zP: *bja > bjweng
6098b. E ttp *bjii/bjweng zP: *bja/bjweng

a:

186

I 5. Xu Shen

1056. 3979b. E ,';~ *dzjia:/dzjiing: i,!i *tshjiii/tshjang


1057. 4631b. E ~ilf *dzjia:/dzjang: iI'P *dzjia:/dzJang:
1058. 5585a. A m: *dzjia:/dzjiing: ~ *dzjia:/dzJang:
1059. 3342b.E 1M. *gjia:/gjang: ijJI *gjang:>gjang:
1060. 4651b. E 1' *sjili-/sjang- If:. *sia/~eng
1061. 724a. A iE *tjia-/tSjang- Ji:: *djai: > zje:
1062. 1329b. A j[j( *tjia-/tSjang- IE *tjia-/tSjang1063. 5352a. A ~ *hrjiii-/Sjang- *1 *thuang> thung
1064. 257b. A 1it: *bia/bieng :if *biii/bieng
1065. 511 Oa. A 74' *bia/bieng :i% *bia/bieng
1066. 5950a. E ~ *mia/mieng ~ *mia/mieng
1067. 2138a. E '5 *dia/dieng IE *dili-/dieng1068. 2266a. E ~ *dia/dieng IE *dia-/dieng1069. 5179a. E* ~ *dia/dieng n *lia/lieng 19! *dia:/dieng:
1070. 6306a. E n *lia/lieng -'ff *ljia, ljia-/IJang, ljiing1071. 1802b. E !I!~ *sia/sieng *sia/sieng
1072. 3149b. E ~ *hia/xieng 1ff *hjang > xjang
1073. 3663a. A. E* ' *thia:/thieng: ~ *dja:/zJan: 19! *thia:/thieng:
1074. 166a. E .fAlj *m:l/mw;)n fA'ij *m;)/mw;ln
1075. 5305a. A prj *m3/mW:ln fln *mj3/mjw3n
1076. 3646b. A I{ *k3/k3n :f~ *g:l:h3n:
1077. 6092b. E .hjI *khw3/khw:ln $ *hrji3/sjen
1078. 3564a. A 1ft *gw3/'yW:ln 7i5 *gwa/rwfm
1079. 5532a. E ilt't *hW:l/xw3n ~ *hw3/xw3n
1080. 5335b. E M *hw3/xw3n ~ *hw3/xw3n
1081. 1OSSa. E ~N *k:l:, gia:/k3n:, I'ien: :f~ *g3 :h:ln:
1082. 4681b. A ~ *sw:l-/swan- 11m *zw3-/dzjwen1083. 1411b. E 115} *phr3-/phiin- 5t *pj3/pjw:ln
1084. 1334b. A )}k *pji:l/pjen 5)- *pj3/pjw3n
1085. 2772a. E Jt *bji3/bjen 5J *pj:l, bja-/pjw:ln, bjw3n1086. 5125a. E !Jilt *bji:l/bjen 1r *pji:l /pjen
1087. 2385a. E ffiU *ljw:l/ljwen fill *thIjw3/!hjwen
1088. 742b. A ~ *tsjw:l/tsjwen fJ *zjw3/Zjwen
1089. 4330a. E illl *zjwa/zjwen ~~ *zwa-/dzjwen1090. 40b. E* ijitJl *djia/dijen 7Z *thi:l/thien 51 *zia:/jien:
1091. 1744b. E Jf!I *djwa / dzjwen 1M *twa/twan
1092. 1285a. A ~ *g(r)ji:l/ijen
*khia/khien
1093. 6629b. A }Ji{ *djia/zjen ~ *tji:l-/tsjen1094. 33a. E iiiJi *tji3/tSjen lift *tji:l/tSjen
1095. 1240b. A ~ *hIjia/Sjen f$ *hIji:l/Sjen
1096. 3621b. A f-9 *hrjia/sjen jjilll *dji:l/dzjen

'*

187
r------~-

r------

r--------

r----

,----.

~-

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data

1097.
1098.
1099.
1100.
110 1.
1102.
1103.
1104.
1105.
1106.
1107.
1108.
1109.
1110.
1111.
1112.
1113.
1114.
1115.
1116.
1117.
1118.
1119.
1120.
1121.
1122.
1123.
1124.
1125.
1126.
1127.
1128.
1129.
1130.
1131.
1132.
1133.
188

4059b. A ~ *hrji;}/Sjen nill' *dji;}/dijen


5537a. E /JM *hrji;}/ijen !t *hrji;}/sjen
6643b. A ItI *hrji;}/Sjen ij,11' *dji;}/dzjen
1281b. A ~\I *khji;}-, khr;}/khjen-, khiin g;~ *khi;}/kien
5533a. E Wi *?ji;}/?jen lAl *?ji;}/?jen
231a. E 'H *pj;}/pjw;}n ,,} *pj;}/pjw;}n
3240b. E* 'jet *gjiw;}/gjw;}n ~, *gjiw;}/gjw;}n
1775a. E : *tjW;} :/tSjen: Iff *djw;} /dzjwen
comm. to HN, ap. YQJIT 17.70b l\i~ *tji;}:/tsjen:
*i *trjwa :ftjwan:
80a. E ~ *dji;}:/ijen: ~ *dji;}:/zjen:
3824a. A fc *zw;}:/jiwen: fa *sji;}-/sjen3461b. E lim *pj;}/pjw;}n: t)} *pj;}/pjw;}n:
1711a. E '1ft *pji;}-/pjen- 11 *pji;}/pjen
2902b. A tf *tsji;}-/tsjen- ~ *tsji;}-/tsjen4684b. E '~*sjw;}-/sjwen- fa *sji;}-/sjen4484b. A. alt. ~ *zji;}-/zjen- liT *sji;}/sjen
5179b. E ~ *tji;}-/tSjen- ~ *tji;}-/tSjen4028a. E f-[J *s?ji;}-/?jien- fa *sji;}-/sjen1178a. E ;~I *zi;}-/jien- 51 *zi;} :/jien:
12b. A :R. *thi;}/thien M *ti;}/tien
6183b. A m *di;}/dien ~ *drj;lfc;ljen
1371a. E fI& *di;}-/dien~ IE *di;},di;}-/dien, dien5604b. E ~ljJ *giw;}-/'yiwen- ~ *kjiw;}/kjwen
1039a.A* tl* *(g)lwa/lwan ~l *(g)lwa-/lwan2424a. E ~ *lwa/lwan lM *lia-/lien1697a. E 1:x *dza/dzan ~ *dza/dzan
2640b. E ttl *kwa/kwan ~m *krwa/kwan
3357a. A %L *kwa, kwa-/kwan, kwantr"f *kjwa-, kjiwa-/kjwen-, kjwan3539b. A f~ *?a/?an 1f *?ia-/?ien514a. E Iff *pha-/phwan- ~~ *pa-/pwan515a. E 1fi. *ba-/bwan- =f: *pa-/pwan5600a. A ~ *?ra-/?an- 'ti: *?a/?an
*pra/pwan X *mj;}/mjw;}n
3985b. E
5934b. E fi *krwa/kwan /JJ: *kwa/kwan
391Ob. E 1m *ngra/ngan rEI' *kria/kiin
"space or interval between"
comm. to HN, ap. YQJIT 2181b. A ~ *?rwa, ?rwa-/?wan, ?wanYt *kwa, kwa-/kwan, kwan4079a. A III *sria/~n J!!: *sjwa/sjw'an

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

3047a. A itJi *pra:/pwan: 9'IJ *pha-/phwan2711a.E $: *kria:/kful: 1m *kria:/kan:


4237a. E ~ *grwa-/rwan- I~ *gjiwa:/gjwan:
lOa. A j[; *ngjwa/ngjwen ihl *gjwa:, gjwa-/jwen:,jwun5608a. E IW. *gjwa/jwen 111 *gjwa/jwen
6020b. E j!Jt *gjwa/jwe n l!1 *gjwa/jwu n
3338a. E 11;;i *phjia/phjan '1':- *pa-/pwiin5351a. A I/Ml *Ija/ljan W *lja/ljan
2551b. E*
*sgjwa/zjwan j:;:li *gjwa/jwan
5020b. E i{~ *zwa/jiwan ~ *zwa-/jiw'an6417a. E ~ *pja:/pjwen: ,& *pja:/pjwen:
5574a. A ~ *?jwa:/?jwun: ~ *?jwa:/?jwun:
3580a. A f~ *dzja:/dzfan: t~ *tshja:/tshjan:
3982b. E ~ *ngjia-/ngjan- F,- *ngja/ngjun
5402b. A ~ *zwa-/jiwan- ~ *zwa-/jiwan5838b. E m *kjiwa-/kjwiiin- fr-:i *kiwa/kiwen
3961a. E i!iilI. *h1ia:/thien: ~ *kia-/kien"to see"
1151. 3046b. A Jl- *phia-/phien- fU *pha-/phwan1152. 3230b. A 1f *?ia-/?ien- 'ti: *?a/?fm
1153. 6282b. A* 'Ii[ *dzam > dzam ~ *dzakw > dziik
1154. 269b. E
*kam > kam it *kam > kim
1155. 335a.A iii *gljam,gliam>ljiim,liem 1!r *kiam>kiem
1156. 6293b. E iH *gjiam > gjam lsi) *kjap > kjep
1157. 3922a. E &u *ngjiam > ngjam ro~ *ngjiam > ngjam
1158. 6664b. E Ii *zam~ > jram- t'f *z;}m > ji;}m
1159. 3763a.E 'f; *tiam:> tiem: ~?~*tiam:>tiem:
1160. 562b. E 1m! *giam: >riem: in *gram > ram
1161. 5465b. A fI.'.' *th;}m > th;}m fA! *th;}m> th;}m
1162. 2689a. E
*n;}m > n;}m fE: *nj;}m > nzj;}m
1163. 5633a.A ~ *1;}m>l;}m g *h1;}m>th;}m
1164. 522a. E* f~ *s;}m> s;}m =:. *s;}m> sam
1165. 3876a. E ~ *hr;}m, hi;}m, ? > :r..am, xiem, xjang- PI *g;}m > r;}m
1166. 5294b. A ~ *gr;}m > ram fir *gram > ram
1167.5041a.E.alt. It *drj;lm><;lj;}m :t-t *t;}m:>t;}m:
1168. 6590b. E =f: *nj;}m> ftzj;}m ~f *nj;}m- > itZj;}m1169. 5709b. A ~ *gj;}m > gj;}m ~ *kj;}m- > kj;}m1170. 5392a. E H *gj;}m > gj;}m ~ *kj;}m > kj;}m
1171. 6476b.A ~ *?j;}m>?j;}m Ilfl *?;}m:, ?;}m->?;}m:, ?;}m1172. 3921a.E tJ{ *tj;}m:>tSj;}m: tt *tj;}m:>tSj;}m:
1173. 996b.E ~~ *hrj;}m:>Sj;}m: (~*hrj;}m,hrj;}m->Sj;}m,Sj;}m1134.
1135.
1136.
1137.
1138.
1139.
1140.
1141.
1142.
1143.
1144.
1145.
1146.
1147.
1148.
1149.
1150.

189

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

1444b. E 11'0';( *hrjam: > sjam: f:i! *hrjam > sjam


283b.E ~*?jam->?jam- ~*?jam>?jam
5048b. E* JIll) *(g) lak > lek ffl!. *(g)ljah: > Iji:
6476a. E* ~}J *(g) lak > lak Jill *(g)lj:lh: > Iji:
2307a. E ~ *mrak > mwk fIR *mrah> mai
2484b. E* tfJ *(g) ljak, (g) lak > Ijak, l:lk .JIJ! *(g) Ijah: > lji:
2912b. E /Ifi *tsrjak > t~jak filiI *tsrj:lk > t~:lk
4168b. E If: *tsrj:lk > t~ak fWI *tsrj:lk > t~:lk
2297b. E mr *srjak > ~jak ftl;f *srjak > ~j:lk
301a. A 'if *pj:lk > pjuk *pjak > pjuk
301b.A 'i~;*pj:lk>pjuk 'ii*pj:lk>pjuk
2629b. E t'il *pjak > pjuk ffi *bjak > bjuk
4042a. E 1;\1 *bjak> bjuk f:k *bjak> bjuk
56b.E mil; *kakw>kwok
*kakw,k:lkw->kwok,kau(2636b). E. ,!r *kakw> kwok
*k:lkw-, k:lkw > kau-, kwok
1982a. E i]( *trjakw > !juk t'r *trjakw > tjuk
2489a. E ~ *trj akw > tjuk tlJ *tahw: > tau:
"to beat, pound"
1191. 2593a. E tJt *tjakw > tSjuk 11: *tj:lh: > tSl:
1192. 3875b. E* ,f~ *tsjakw> tsjuk ~ *niakw > niek
1193. 3894a. E 19fi: *dz?jiahw: > ?ji:lu: ;ft; *dzrjahw > d~jau
1194. 5839b. E. alt. Kif *zakw > jiuk f\f *zakw > jiuk
1195. (671 b). A ~ *thiakw > thiek i'i'Il *thiakw > thiek
1196. 553la. A It *tjakw > tSjak jIIfl *tjakw > tSjak
1I97.3531a.A f' *djakw>ijak 3 *d?jakw> ?jak
1198. 873a. E UiJ *gjakw > gjak
i~j *kahw > kfiu
"to lift the feet high"
1199. 3333a. E ~ *ngjakw > ngjak ~ *ngjakw > ngjak
1200. 3120a. A* i"i *kuak > kuk
*zjuak > zjwok
1201. 3927b. A ffii'i *ngruak > ngak ffi *ngruak > ngilk
1202. 2541b. A tl *trjuak> gwok lilT *tjak > tSjak
1203. 3041a. C ~ *sjuak> sjwok ~ *zjuak > zjwok
1204. 2642a. E t'= *kwak > kwak 1fJ. *kwak > kwak
1205. 3212b.E 1:; *drak> gllk ~t *thak> thak
1206. 1871b. E f~ *dzjiak > dzjak f:t *tsjiak> tsjlik
*dzjiak> dzjiik
1207. 3429b. A rfft *zjiak > zjlik
1208. 57a. E mfl *djiak > ifaK :fi *djiak > zJaK
1209. 1844a. E ~J *grwiak > -ywk m: *grwiak > -ywk
1210. 3584b. A /Il$ *phjiak> phjak M *pjiak > pf3k
1211. 1292b. E* ~ *khiak > khiek ~ *kiak > kiek *kiak > kiek
1212. 939a. E r~ *nw:lt > nwat iWl *nw:lt > nwat
1174.
1175.
1176.
1I77.
1178.
1179.
1180.
1I81.
1182.
1183.
1184.
1185.
1186.
1187.
1188.
1189.
1190.

'* '*

*'

190

12l3. 3294a. E ';:;.' *SW:lt> SW:lt '(-: *tshwat > tshwat


1214. 2939b. E n *mji:lt > mjet
/G *pj:lt, pjah, pjah: > pjwat, pjau, pj:lu:
1215. 6699b. B F.X: *smjat > sjwet ~ *mjiat > mjat
1216. (2636a). E t't *tjiat > tSjet ~ *tjiat > tSjet
1217. 2887a. A El *njiat> nijet ff *djiat > dijet
1218. 3730a. E fll *nji:lt> ilzjet II *nji:lt> ilijet
1219. 3213.A ~~ *hrjiat>Sjet 't[*djiat>dZjet
1220. 164a. E J~ *srjiat (?) > ~t E *srjiat (?) > ~jtt
1221. comm. to HN, ap. WX 54.748. E 'A *giwet > 'Yiwet
III *kh(r)jw:lt > tShjwet
1222. 377a. E 1,t *pat > pwat t~ *pat > pwat
1223. 633a. A p~ *hat > xfit i*J *khat, gjiat > khat, gjat
1224. 4283a. E ~,.\ *priat > pwat /\ *priat > pwat
1225. 1426a. A ~ *tshriat > t~hat ~ *tshriat > t~hiit
1226. 5426a. A Ht *kriat > kiit f,1j *krwat > kwat
1227. 3605b. A. alt. f:l<: *bjat > bjwllt f& *brat- > bwai1228. 6532a. E ~ *trjwat > ~jw'at ~ *trjwat > !jwat
1229. 4506b. A* ~ *hjiwat > xjwat i!iX *mjiat > mjiat
1230. 2276b. A.E* "Jt *khjiwat > khjwiiit ink: *khjiwat > khjwiat
~ *khjwat > khjwllt
1231. 1241a. E R: *kiwat > kiwet iR: *kiwat > kiwet
1232. 3281a. E
*?iwat> ?iwet t.k: *?iwat > ?iwet
1233. 11 12b. E .~ *tshjap > tshjap 1~ *tsjap > tsjap
1234. 6439b. E* ;f'l *nap > nap 1''1 *nwat- > nwai"inner"
1235. 4321a. E ~ *skap> sap & *gjap > gjap
1236. l342b. E ~ *kap > kap {;- *g:lP > -yap
1237. 3547b. A if] *kap > kap fr *g:lP > -yap
1238. 65b. E jffl- *grap > 'Yap it *g:lP > -yap
1239. 6486b. E* ~ *zjap > zjap ~ *hrj:lp > Sj:lP
1240. 815a.E f& *kjap>kj:lp ~ *kjap> kj:lp

POETIC RIME SEQUENCES


1241. 6758b (Luo and Zhou 1958:127) oc: *nah, n:mg > nai, nang
::t *dzah> dzai W *ngjah > ngji' ~$ *zjah > zi
:t *gjwah > jau Z *tjah > tsi
1242. 6701a cr *tsjah: > tsi: iW *khjah: > khjY:
1243. 6709b (Luo and Zhou 1958:l30) 1= *dzj:lk- > dii$: *dzrjak- > d~i191

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

1244. 6709b (Luo and Zhou 1958:135) i"f *hrj:lhw: > sj:lu:
Q *dj:lhw: > ij:lu:
1245. 6709b(LuoandZhou 1958:159) ffi[ *ngjai->ngje~ *hjwai > xjwe
1246. 6709b 1J *mjiii/mjang JJX: *djia/ifang
1247. 6758a (Luo and Zhou 1958:190) ~ *mia/mieng
Iljj *mjiang > mjwung
'1' *trj~ngw > tjung {f') *phang > phwfmg
}j *pjang > pjwang
1248. 6758a (Luo and Zhou 1958:212) iM *twa/twan it *pj:l/pjw~n
ft *kwa/kwan JfMi *lja/ljan Jjj'( *ngjwa/ngjwun
1249. 6758a (Luo and Zhou 1958 :206) fW *drjwa/<;Ijwan ~I *ni;)/nicn
fIr *hrji:l/sjen ijiljr *dji:l/dijen '{ *sji:l/sjen riff *pja/pjwun
~ *liii/lieng
ilJ1'i *bji:l/bjen r1 *m:l/mw:ln llj *sria/~n
1250. 6709b (Luo and Zhou 1958:130) ~ *hrj:lk> Sj:lk
"to know"
,TI; *?j:lk- > ?ji:1251. 6709b fu *mj:lt > mjw:lt ~lfj *khjw:lt > khjw:lt
1252. 2a ~ *?ji:lt > ?jet fu *mj~t >mjw:lt
NOTES
22. C is an alternate gloss on a. The sound correspondences between a and c are
irregular.
27. C is an alternate gloss on o.
29. C is an alternate gloss on a.
32. The EH rime categories of both a and b are uncertain.
39. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The reading is attributed to
the Shizhoupian Jl:ffii.ii1i and may represent a language considerably older than that of
Xu Shen. It is interesting to note that Bodman (1980, section 6.6) has suggested that a
had an initial cluster **b-l- in OC.
51. The reading of 0 is attested only in JY.
55. C is an alternate gloss on a. It occurs only in Shuowen xizhuan.
58. The EH rime category of a is uncertain. B belongs to the EHyou (*-Jhw) group,
but MC -jiiu: is not regularly derivable from this category.
64. This reading of 0 is attested in the fragmentary original YP preserved in Guyi
congshu tt~ lfl ~ GY reads MC biliu:.
67. For discussion of the initial correspondence in this gloss see Chapter 5, section
5.8.
90. The development of a is irregular since EH *tr- should yield MC !-.
97. The.MC reading $iiiu for 0 is attested in the Chuxueji W~~2 written by Xu Jian
f;f.~ (659-729).
127. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
128. C is an alternate gloss on o. It is attributed to a person named Ning Yan ~it,
whose identity is unknown.
131. On the development of the initial in b see Chapter 5, section 5.8.

192

133. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.


134. The reading of 0 is attested only in JY.
140. C is an alternate gloss on o.
156. The rime correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
157. The MC reading of 0 is attested only in JY.
164. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
168. C is an alternate gloss on o. The initial correspondence in this portion of the
gloss is irregular.
180. C is an alternate gloss on o.
188. The MC reading of 0 is attested only in JY.
196. C is an alternate gloss on o.
197. The reading of a is attested only in JY.
200. The EH rime category of 0 is uncertain. Reconstruction of the initials of 0 is
problematical. See Chapter 5, section 5.5 for discussion.
205. C is an alternate gloss on o.
207. C is an alternate gloss on o.
210. For b the SW text writes f~. Following Lu (1946:275) and various SW commentators (SWGL 1036b-l038a) I emend this to ~ .
230. C is an alternate gloss on a. The rime correspondence between 0 and b is irregular.
232. This gloss is quoted according to Shuowen xizhuon. For b Xu Xuan reads ~
(MCpje-).
245. This reading of a is attested in QY. GY and some QY versions also read MC
thien-. This appears to be a lexicographical ghost reading based on this SW passage, for
words having the element fE as phonetic normally derive from the OCjio (**-ig) rime
group.
248. The correspondences in this gloss are very irregular. SW (SWGL 3672b) glosses
b as a Chu dialect word meaning "lazy" while GY (the source of our MC reading)
identifies it as the name of a type of pastry. It is thus probable that the MC reading is
not related to that intended by Xu Shen.
257. The reading of a is attested only in JY.
264. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
266. The reading of a is attested only in JY.
275. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Lu (1946:184) believes that
a is a mistake for 5}Jj *bjJ/bjwJn.
286. In this passage b and c gloss different senses of o. The fmal correspondence
between a and b is irregular.
295. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Duan Yucai (SWGL 3082)
follows Wang Niansun E;ftf,f, in emending b to ~ (*bjJt- > bjwei-), and this is accepted
by Lu (1946:184) and Zhou (1962:78). If Wang's emendation is correct, then the
correspondences in this gloss would be completely regular.
308. The EH rime category of a is uncertain.
309. The MC reading of a is attested only in JY.
313. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
319. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. For the initial correspondence
see Chapter 5, section 5.4.
320. The reading of 0 is attested only in JY.
321. The reading of a appears in the current version of yP and is also attested in
BanshO my6gi ~fl.45ft (ed. Taipei, 1975, p. 1331). GY reads MC xjwlm.
325. The reading of 0 is attested only in JY.

193

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data


330. The development of a appears to be irregular, for EH *-jwat- should yield MC
-jwoi- here. However, as pointed out by Li (1971 :39), the syllable jWDi- does not occur
inMC.
337. The phonological correspondences in this gloss are completely irregular.
340. On the imal of b, see Chapter 6, section 6.4.12.
341. The EH rime categories of a and b are uncertain. Cf. Chapter 6, section 6.4.9.
358. The reading of a is attested only in lY.
370. For b some SW editions write fT (*sjah > sjwo).
382. On the rime of a see Chapter 6, section 6.4.12.
384. The development of a is irregular, for we would expect EH *gjiwang to yield MC
gjwong. However, as pointed out by Li (1971 :45) initial g- does not occur before the
rime -jwong in Me.
385. The rime developments in a and b are irregular, for EH* -jiwang should yield
MC -jwiing. However, as pointed out by Li (1971:45) g- does not occur before -jwiing in
Me.
392. The imal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
400. The rime category of a and b is uncertain.
401. C is an alternate gloss on a. The EH rime categories of a and b are uncertain.
410. This passage is very difficult to interpret, for it is uncertain which character ~ b
is intended as the gloss on a. In either case the initial correspondences would be qUite
irregular.
432. On the final of b see Chapter 6, section 6.4.9.
438. C is an alternate gloss on a. The rime development of b is irregular, for MC
-jwan should derive from EH *-;wan (= Xu Shen's *-jw<J).
453. The rime development of a is irregular, for MC -jwen: should derive from EH
*-jiwan: (= Xu Shen's *-jiw<J:).
454. The MC reading of a is attested only in lY.
459. The rime development of b is irregular, for MC -jwen: should derive from EH
*-;iw<Jn: (= Xu Shen's EH *-jiwa:).
465. C is an alternate gloss on a.
479. The EH rime group of a is uncertain.
480. In addition to MC '}'iwen- a also has a MC reading sjwen. However, that Xu
probably intended the former reading here is indicated by the fact that a is glossed
paranomastica1ly in Xu 1119 by ~J *kjiw<J/kjwen. cr. Coblin 1978:53.
488. B occurs in paranomastic gloss 1120 below, where it is paired with ~L. This
word can be reconstructed with initial *gl- in the SM language on the basis on SM 989.
505. B can be reconstructed with EH gl- in the SM language on the basis of SM gloss
989.
511. C is an alternate gloss on a.
512. The development of a is irregular, for EH *nr- should yield MC ~-.
523. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
524. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
527. As it stands this gloss is phonologically regular and requires no comment.
However, as pointed out in the note to Xu 528 and argued at length in Coblin (1978:712, note 22), b probably had a dental affricate initial in the language of Xu Shen. I
suspect that b is actually an error for too *djwa/ijwan, which, as indicated by GY, was
interchangeable with b by the MC period.
528. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular; but, as argued at length in
Coblin (1978:71-2, note 22), I believe a had a dental affricate initial (probably *dz-) in

194
r~

Xu Shen's language. The MC reading ijwan, found in QY, GY, and Shiwen is, I believe,
based on the association between a and the word fOO(MC ijWiln), suggested by Zheng
Xuan in various commentaries on the ritual texts, as for example, in Zheng Xuan 198
below. If this view is correct then the initial correspondence in the present gloss would
be regular.
535. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
549. The reading of a is attested only in IY.
551. C is given as an alternate gloss on a.
555. C is an alternate gloss on o.
562. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the languages of SM and Gao You on
the basis of SM 1195 and Gao 152 respectively.
564. On the initial of 0 see Chapter 5, section 5.2.
574. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language on the basis of SM 1204.
575. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language on the basis of SM 1204.
578. C is an alternate gloss on 0, attributed to Sang Qin ~~J,: (fl. WH period). C can
be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the SM language on the basis of SM 1204.
580. C is an alternate gloss on a.
584. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. A occurs again in Xu 578
where the correspondence is regular, and it is possible that the two glosses represent
different dialects and/or reading traditions (see Chapter 5, section 5.8). For the imal
correspondence see Chapter 6, section 6.4.3.
585. This MC reading of 0 occurs in current versions of YP and in Bansho myogi.
586. The sound correspondences in this gloss are completely irregular.
594. On the final correspondence in this gloss, see Chaper 6, section 6.4.3.
598. C and d are given as alternate readings for 0, while b is the primary glossing
word.
621. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
630. The EH rime category of b is uncertain.
652. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
660. The reading of 0 is attested only in lY which miswrites the graph as ft. The
character is sometimes also confused with ~ "drum".
673. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Other characters in the OC
phonetic series to which 0 belongs have either MC s- or tsh- (one case). A is a very rare
word, and the GY reading jok for it is probably quoted from Guo Pu's commentary
on FY 2/13. IY gives a MC reading sjo7c EH *sjiiik) for the word. While there is no
earlier text support for this, I suspect that it may in fact represent an etymologically
"regular" reading while Guo's reading may be dialectal.
680. The imal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. It seems to represent a Chu
dialect reading.
696. The sound correspondences in this gloss are irregular.
698. The phonological correspondences in this gloss are completely irregular.
708. The MC reading tsjet for a "to ascend" is etymologically irregular. The regular
reading, "<Jk, is attested in Shiwen (29.6b). This was apparently unnoticed by Karlgren,
who has discussed the MC reading tSjet at some length (GSR 1257d; 1948-9, Gloss 1520)
and has suggested that it should be emended to "<Jk. Xu Shen's duruo gloss may reflect
a dialect reading of a, for FY 1/28 states that b was a word of the Wei and Lu areas
meaning "to ascend". Why Xu preferred this reading of the word is uncertain.
713. The sound correspondences in this gloss are completely irregular. Both b and
the word Ilil (MC tsiet EH *tsi<Jt) occur in the SW definition of a in this passage. B has

195
r-

,---

5. Xu Shen / Part III: The Data


almost certainly been mistakenly substituted for Ilfi in the duruo portion of the gloss
through scribal carelessness.
721. The MC reading of a is attested only in the SW edition of Xu Xuan.
735. The development of a is irregular, for EH *tr- should yield MC !-.
739. The rime correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
742-3. The initial development in these examples is irregular, for EH *gjw- should
yield MCj-.
747. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Cf. Chapter 5, section 5.5
for a discussion of the problem involved.
749. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
753. The reading of a is attested only in JY.
757. The reading of a given here is attested in the fragmentary YP preserved in Guyi
congshu. GY reads MCjwut, xjwut, andxwat.
766. C is an alternate gloss on a.
767. This MC reading of a occurs in QY. GY reads MC t~hap.
769. In this passage b is an alternate gloss on a while c is the basic glossing syllable.
The sound correspondences between a and b are completely irregular.
773. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The word ~ (MC sjiJP),
which is a common graphic variant of b, is said by Shiwen (22.23b) to have the variant
reading MC siep in Gongyang, Xiang 8 in the proper name Gongzi Shi i~ rlJJ, . In its
parallel passage Zuozhuan writes this name as :L::+~ . It seems likely that the present
gloss is connected with these text passages and may reflect the scholastic tradition which
read IX/, (-~) as MC siep here.
775. C is an alternate gloss on a.
783. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
784. This version of the present gloss occurs in the Shuowen xizhuan. The text of Xu
Xuan glosses a with Iii *that > thilt.
794. The EH rime categories of a and b are uncertain.
803. The MC reading of b is attested only in JY.
808. Band c both gloss a.
809. The development of b is irregular, for EH *gjw- should yield MC;-.
823. The MC reading of a is attested only in JY.
826. Band c are both glosses on a. On the initial of a, see Chapter 5, section 5.2.
828. C is an alternate gloss on a.
834. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
838. C is an alternate gloss on a.
845. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage also occurs in
HN and SJ, Liishu Wl! and probably reflects a language earlier than that of Xu Shen.
Cr. also BHTY 12.
867. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is probably an
implicit quote of FY 13/10. Cf. Xu 868 and Chapter 5, section 5.5.
868. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is an implicit
quote of EY 7/11. Cf. Xu 867 and Chapter 5, section 5.5.
869. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the BHTY language on the basis of
BHTY6.
884. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
892. B and c are alternate glosses on a. The initial correspondence between a and b is
irregular.
894. Band c are glosses on a.

196

A. Listing of the Data / 5. Xu Shen


897. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage also occurs in the
Xuanjijian It~J4- , and may have been quoted by Xu from this text. Cr. also Xu 896.
(ap. SSJ, Shu l.la)

898. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Perhaps it was taken by Xu
Shen from materials reflecting a dialect where MC ;i- should be reconstructed as EH *rrather than *z-.
901. Band c are both glosses on a.
910. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Perhaps it represents a dialect
where MC;i- corresponds to EH *r-.
915. The EH rime category of b is uncertain. As pointed out elsewhere (Coblin 1978:
51) the basis for this gloss may be graphic rather than phonological.
930. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular and would appear to argue in
favor of reconstructing EH *-r for a. However, I suspect that this gloss dates from a time
much earlier than that of Xu Shen. The term huohai "disaster" is very old, appearing for
example in the Han[eizi YJ~.JI' r and in Han texts such as the Lunheng ~t.1ij of Wang
Chong E:1C (A.D. 27-97); and in fact a is glossed paranomastically by b several times in
Lunheng, Leihuo ~ijl~ With Li (1971) I think it probable that a really did have f"mal
**-r in OC and perhaps also in later periods; but, as argued in Chapter 6, section 6.3.4,1
suspect that shang tone words like a had open finals in Xu Shen's language.
938. This passage is a quote from the Mao commentary to Shi 10. Cf. also EY 2/220.
947. The rime development in a is irregular, since EH *-iai- should yield MC -iei-.
951. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
958. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
959. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is an implicit
quote of EY 3/116 and probably represents a language much earlier than that of Xu
Shen.
962. C clearly glosses a in this passage. B may also be a gloss on a. Cf. Xu 283.
968. The EH rime category of a is uncertain. It is possible that it should be reconstructed as EH *giai.
971. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. However, the passage is a
quote from EY 2/38 and may represent a language stage much earlier than that of Xu
Shen.
975. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is a quote from
YJ, Shuogua and may represent a sound system much earlier than that of Xu Shen.
978. The rime development in b is irregular, for EH -iwat- should yield MC -;wDi-.
However, as noted by Li (1971:39) this MC f"mal does not occur in words having MC
initialj-.
996. The MC readings of b are attested only in JY.
1002. The basis for this gloss may be graphic rather than phonological. See Coblin
(1978:50).
1043. The EH rime category of a is uncertain.
1069. C is clearly a gloss on a. B probably also glosses a.
1073. C is an alternate gloss on a.
1090. B is a gloss on a, and Duan Yucai and other SW commentators believe that c
also glosses a. If this is correct then the initial correspondence between a and c is irregular.
1103. The rime developments in both a and b are irregular, for EH *-iiwiJn (= Xu
Shen's *-iiwiJ) should yield MC -iwen. However, as pointed out by Li (1971:37) MC
-iwen does not occur after g-.
1120. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language on the basis of SM 989.

197

6. Zheng Xuan / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 6. Zheng Xuan

1142. The rime development in b is irregular, for MC -jwan here should derive from
EH *-jiwan (= Xu Shen's *-jiwa).
1153. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. cr. Chapter 6, section 6.4.3.
1164. The rime development in b is irregular, for we would expect EH -am to yield

LOANGRAPH GLOSSES

1176. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the BHTY language on the basis of
BHTY6.
11 77. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the BHTY language on the basis of
BHTY6.
1179. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the BHTY language on the basis of
BHTY 6.
1192. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
1200. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
1211. B and c are both glosses on a.
1229. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is a quote from
the Mao commentary on Shi 192, and may represent a language much earlier than that
of Xu Shen.
1230. B and c are glosses on a.
1234. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is an implicit
quote of the Mao commentary on Shi 128.
1239. The .initial correspondence in this passage is irregular. The gloss occurs twice in
the Mao commentary to Shi and once in EY. It is probably quoted from one of these
sources and may not represent the language of Xu Shen.

'*

6. Zheng Xuan
These data consist of loangraph, paranomastic, and sound glosses. The
identifying code for the loangraph glosses is as follows:
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M

**

1. YL, Shaolao kuishili 222. G


*lah> lai ifi *ljah> Iji
Jf *lak- > l:Ji*lah > l:Ji
3. D, Zhongyong 190. G .$,X; *tsak- > tsain *ts:Jh > tS:Ji
"business, action"
"to plant"
4. Shi 212. C $X; *tsak- > tsai- ~m *tsrjak- > t~i'"to start"
5. D, Zhongyong 185. E n *ts~k- > ts~i- l\lX: *tsak- > ts~i6. ZL, Daxu 123. B
*tshak- > tshai- ~ *tshak- > tshai7. ZL,Meishi77. i1*IIH+)tJ::t~iito
~~~ *tsrj ah > t~r ::t *dz:Jh > dzai
8. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.2b. G jffi *nj:Jh> DiY
f~ *nang, n:Jh > nang, nai
9. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ,Shi 19B.12a. G II;J *dzj~h > ii ~ *dzjah > ii
10. D,Kongzixianju 177. ~~~ft;ttm;Jj!;~z~mo
ott *kjah> kji ~ *kjah> kji'
11. YL,XiangyinjiuH29.C* ~ *ngjah,ngjak>ngjr,ngj~k
fz: *ngjat > ngj~t
12. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, Shu 13.9b. G as *phji:Jh> phji
/G *pj:Jh > pj~u
13. comm. to Shu, ap. Suoyin comm. to SJ 1517. G as *phji:Jh > phji
~ *bjah: > bj:Ju:
14. ZL, Kaogongji, Jiangren 246.* Ff!JJt~B' ~zil!J!mo
In *lj:Jh: > IJi': B *ijah: > jii':
IS. YL, Shisangli 165. B 0.. *kjw~h: > kjau: fk *kjwah: > kj:Ju:
16. Shi 154. B g *hjah: > xji: ~ *kh(r)jak- > !Shi17. Shi 301. B 'li *trj ak - > ti:' lin *drj ak - > (,Ii:'
18. D, Aigongwen 174. B it:, *tsj:Jk- > tSt- ~ *tijak- > tSl19. ZL, Shishi 193. B !I.f *njak- > nzi- JJij *njak- > iiZi'20. Shi 78. E,~ *kjak- > kji:'
c. *kjah: > kjr:
grammatical partical
21. Shi 68. Jt, :elZf'F~c, :elZ f'F c, ~ ~mw'
Jt *kjak- > kji': ~c *kjak- > kji:' c *kj:Jh: > kji':
22. ZL,Dazhu 135.B ;fi *gjwak->jau- ftf *gjwah:,gjwak->jau:,jau23. YL, Shisangli 162. B*
*(g)loh > lau W *(g)Iuh > l:Ju
24. ZL, Dazhu 136. C *koh > kau PJ goh > I au
25. ZL, Dianzhu 138. E jIiJ *toh: > tau: ~ *trjuh > tju
26. D, Sangfu xiaoji 115. C
*pok- > pau- tI: *phjuk- > phju27a.D, Yueji 135. B iG *pok- > pau- ~ *poh> pau
27b. Shi 224. G m*dok- > dau- Vli *d:)k- > dau-

2. Shi 302. E

MC-am.

x~.y

x~ftF.h
x~ft~ ......

(L.) y

x~fttlr:ly
x~fttlll.. ... (Z)

x~1l 'It; 1~y-x1if;~Il~y


x~ftBy

x~.~y
x~ft~ ...... (L.)

x'R;~y

x'R;f'fy
x~JHJijy[ffJ

Others

Paranomastic glossing types are identified according to the general code.


AU sound glosses follow the pattern x 'ff y . No code is given for them.
198

199
r~--- --~

r- - ---

r------

6. Zheng Xuan

I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data

D, Neize 95. G .$ *mjoh > mj;)U !t. *mjoh > mj;)U


ZL, Sizunyi 109. E (Iff *sjoh> sj<m
*sjoh: > sj~u:
D,Xiangyinjiuli219.B ~ *dzrjoh>d~j~u rt. *dzjoh>dzj~u
Shi 220. G fJL *gjoh > gj~u l/@4 *kjuoh> kju
ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. B f;f: *hjoh > xj~u
~ *hjuh:, hjuh- > xju:, xju33. ZL, Zhongzai 19. E ffF *ijoh > ji~u lJff *ijoh > ji~u
34. ZL, Changren 107. G (tif *Zjoh, ijoh: > ji~u, ji~u: l~l *sjoh> sj<m
35. D, Tangong 33. ~~i'&'~"', ~z~lli,... ~A.~"'7i;f13.iU:
~ *ijoh > ji~u '" *ijoh > jiau
35a. ZL, Fengren 50. D* and Shangshu dazhuan zhu (ap. HQJJXB 354.10b).
,jfjfJ, ~ ill, ~ A.8~
*ljoh: > lj~u: ~ *dzjuh:, dzjuh- > dzju:, dzju36. D, Dazhuan 118. ~~i~f!, 'ii:z~lli,o
~ *mjioh, mjiok- > mji~u, mji~uf! *mjok > mjuk
37. D, Neize 99. L flII: *sjoh: > sj~u: 7Mi *sjoh: > sj~u:
38. D, Yuzao 106. B ~ *?jioh: > ?ji~u: ~ *?jioh: > ?ji~u:
39. D, Jiaotesheng 89. B *sjok- > sj ~u- *t'i *sj oh, sioh > sjau, sieu
(' 40. ZL, Jinche 144. B fl* *thioh> thieu ~ *thoh> thau
!':
41. YL, Yousiche 228.* fjlJ ... ~ntmB1GfiB1Gtt~Jt, ~f:ElGf'FJjIJ~, ~A.il{\ w'o
JjIJ *thoh, thbh, dbh: > thau, thieu, dieu: It *t~m > t~m
42. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, Shu 13.la. C ~ *ng;,h> ngau
*g;,h>,au
*sr;,h > ~au !ll~ *sroh > ~au
43. ZL, Kaogongji, Jiangren 246. C
44. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 222. E .!'1'! *sr;,h > ~au !l!j'j *sroh > ~au
45. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 251. 3"E~JUIJ~ A.15:f )E~~l~lWz.tlto
3"E *kroh > kau tll' *khroh> khau
46. YL, Shisangli 164. B in *tsroh: > t~au: m *tsrJh: > t~au:
47. YL, Shihunli 16. C W *sjoh> sjau *f!l *sjoh> sjau
48. ZL, Dasiyue 121. F ,t *dijoh> ijau 00 *dijoh> ij3"u
49. ZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. B tfj! *ijok- > jiau
Ilj'j *tshjok-, sjoh > tshjiiu-, sjau
D,
Zhongyong 184. B ;.vg *sak- > swo- f,f; *sak- > swo50.
51. D, Zhongyong 184. C
*sak- > swo- f,{; *sak- > swo52. ZL, Xingfangshi 183. C 0Ijf *grwah > ')'wa {ill. *khrwah > khwa
53. D, Zengziwen 69. B ~ *krah: > ka: Iif!X *krah: > ka:
54. ZL, Liangren 160. E ~ *krah: > ka: IfR *krah: > ka:
55. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, D 11.27a. G ~ *trak-> !alit *drak > gIlk
56. ZL, Tianguan zhongzai 13. D W *sjah> sjwo ;l1'J *sjah> sjwo
*njak> nzjak
57. YL, Xiangyinjiuli 36. I ~IJ *njah > nzjwo
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.

'*

200

58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
73a.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.

80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.

I 6. Zheng Xuan

LJ, Yuzao 103. C ~ *sjah > sjwo ~J *sjah > sjwo


LJ, Tangong 18. }iIHft~*t&zl&, ~.zrs'8IHlJ]lli,o
g *kjah > kjwo 1& *kj~h > kJi
LJ, Neize 99. G fJ}; *mjuoh > mju m *mwoh > mwo
YL, Pinli 126. G* :f *gjuoh > ju ~ *gjwai > jwe
LJ, Wenwang shizi 73. B 'F *gjuoh > ju if: *gjuoh > ju
ZL, Dianzhu 138. B jJ:f *sjiah: > sja:
~ *sjiak> sjiik
"to put down, set aside"
ZL, Siyi 212. C 1iJi *ljah: > Ijwo: Ii! *ljah > Ijwo
comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ,Shi 19B.12a. G ~1I. *tsrjah: > t~jwo:
til *tsrjah: > t~jwo:
YL, Shaolao kuishili 218. C m *gjah: > gjwo: Ji'F- *gjah > gjwo:
LJ, Shaoyi 122. D Jlf!!! *hjuoh: > xju: P *hjuoh: > xju:
ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 252. B ~ *gjuoh: > ju: ~ *gwoh: > ')'wo:
ZL, Zhashi 185. E m*tshjak-, dzrak- > tshjwo-, d~am *tshjah > tshjwo
ZL, Zhushi 186. E* Ht *sjak- > sjwo- ~ *tsjah: > tsjwo:
YL, Xiangsheli 47.E ~ *ijak- > jiwo- .f(# *zjiak- > zjaLJ, Zaji 139. B Ilf-t *bjuok- > bju- if# *bjuok- > bjuShi 188. K - *gjuok- > ju- ~ *hwoh > xwo
ZL, Ziren 241. J 5l. *duk- > d~u- 4- *tuh: > hu:
LJ, Pinyi 223. B ~ *phjuh> phju # *bjoh > bj~u
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.3b. B
*sjuh> sju
*sjok- > sj~uLJ, Yueji 133. ~f{(Ul~{@~, 7~Z~lli,o
~fX *tshrjuh sruk > t~hju ~ak
{@~ *tshjuk suk > tshjwok suk
Shi 115. B* ~ *zjuh> jiu ~ *thuh > th~u
LJ, Yuzao 106. D ~ *ijuh > jiu '" zj;,h > jiau
ZL, Yangyi 32. 1IDl'&'~it, UttzIJitWlZit, 'i'~z~lli,o
it *tsjuk- > tsju- iiij'l *tsjok > tSjuk
"(to attach=) apply"
ZL, Diloushi 95. D ~ *kjuk- > kju- III *kjuk- > kjuZL, Zhifangshi 180. B ?1t *pa > pwa
*pa- > pwaZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. H* l' *ka > kii ijif *ka-/kancomm. to Shu, ap. SJZ 36.2a. G ;fO *gwa > ')'wa f.l[ *gwa/'Ywan
D, Quli 12. G ~ *thwa: > thwa: W: *thwa: > thwa:
ZL, Dazongbo 102. B ~ *kwa: > kwa: ii\' *kwa-/kwanD, Yueling 51. D ~ *Ijai, Ijai- > lje, lje- ~ *lireh- > Iieicomm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.18b. G
*Jjwai > ljwe
~ *Ijw;)i: > Ijwi:
ZL, Suiren 83. B Of!;; *sjai > ije 'it!! *sjai: > sje:
ZL, Dabu 130. E ~ *khjai > khje ttIt *kjai: > kje:

201

6. Zheng Xuan / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 6. Zheng Xuan

90. D, Mingtangwei 111.* ~#, t)j''l;~~~"*tlIli ... 2.?~ llio


~ *sjai/xje 1!J,' *sra > ~a
91. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.6b. B ~ *sjwai/xjwe 'IT. *sjwa/sjwan
92. D, Yuzao 104. E *1t *bjiai > bjie ~ *bjireh> bjie
"silk band, border"
93. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, Shu 20.2b. B .Ii *ngjai- > ngje~ *ngjai > ngje
94. Yili, Shaolao kuishili 219. B
wU~ *bjiai- srek > bje- siek
fi-'i *bjiai- sjrek > bje- sjak
95. Shi 231. -0-(fr~fi Wi S Z *f'F~F, J!'f~ Zrfl'lfl;t~iWi
Wi *sjreh> sje ~F *sja/sjan
96. ZL, Kaogongji, Cheren 247. C Ilt *tshjreh- > tshjeWi] *tshjreh- > tshje97. ZL, Sigongshi 173. E J&[ *pjireh > pjie ~~ *bjireh: > bjie:
98. ZL, Nanwu 139. B iJIf *mjireh: > mjie: f:\( *mjiai: > mjie:
99. ZL, Shijin 134. E ~ *gwreh, hjiwreh > riwei, xjwie
~~ *gwreh, hjiwreh > riwei, xjwie
100. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.14a. E tlli *dzwai> dzwai
it: *dzwai > dzw<li
101. YL, Shaolao, Kuishili 221. B*
*sw<li> sW<li
IIti *dwa: ,hjiwai> dwa: ,xjwie
102. Shi 105. F Xt *khai: > kh<li: All *khai: > kh<li:
103. ZL, Zhushi 205. E ~m *gw<lt->rw<li- tl *gwat->rwru104. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, Shu 5.7b. B*
W; *thIji<li >!hi
m: *trji<li: > ti:
105. D, Yueji 129. B J!'f *tsjiai, dziai > tsi, dzi<li ~ *tsiai > tsiei
106. D, Ziyi 198. J1t~~~, J!'f~ Z~~, ~z~m
J1t *tsji<li> tsi
~ *tsjiai- > tsi107. ZL, Xiaozongbo 103. B 1!! *tsjiai > tsi ~ *tsji<li > tsi
108. ZL, Changren 107. B fi *tsjiai > tsi J!'f *tsji<li> tsi
109. D, Mingtangwei 112. E ~ *njwai > iizwi ~ *njwai > fizwi
110. D,Mingtangwei112.B ~*zji<li>jii ~*ijiai>jii
111. Shi 223. G .if! *ijwai > jiwi ~ *zjwai > zjwe
112. ZL, Quanren 200. B ~ *kjai > kjei zg *kj<li > kjei
113. D, Yuzao 106. D tit *hjwai > xjwei
*hjwai > xjwei
114. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.2a. B 6: *lji<li: > Iji:
iiit *liai: > liei:
115. D, Shaoyi 121. C IlE *pjw<li: > pjwei: ~~ *pjwai> pjwei
116. ZL, Linren 91. B IlE *pjwai: > pjwei: 51 *pjw~/pjwan
117. D, Yuzao 107. B at *sji<li->si- ~ *iji<li->jii118. D, Tangong 36.* ~~7tflliITo

119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.

202

125.
126.
127.

128.
129.
130.
131.
132.

133.
134.
135.

136.
137.
138.

139.
140.
141.

*zjW<lt- > zwi-

*dwat- > dwru"narrow deftle or passage"


ZL, Kaogongji, Yuren 226. E ~ *zjwat- > zwi- ~ *sjwat- > swiD, Zhongyong 186. E ff; *dijiai- (?) > dii- !l1; *tSjai- > tsjeD, Zhongyong 187. B tr *kj<lt- > kjei- 1m *hj<lt- > xjeiZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. E ~ *?jW<lt- > ?jweiH\l: *?W<lt-, ?wai > ?wai-, ?wai
ZL, Tishi 186. E ~~ *thiai- > thiei- ~ *thiai- > thieiD, Liyun 78. ~~ft~J!'f, i!tz~mo
~ *dzi<li- > dziei~ *dziai, tsjiai > dziei, tsi
"type of wine"
ZL, Dasima 155. E iti *pat- > pwai- R *pat > pwiit
D, Liyun 78. B }if *khrwat- > khwai- !:I::j *khw<lt- > khwaicomm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.6b. E jill *tsjat- > tSjai1'f *dijat- > ZjliiShi 57. M ~ *sjwat-, sjwat > sjwiii-, Sjwat ~ *zjW<lt- > zwiD, Wenwang shizi 74. ffi:~ft~!Itt, "~z~m
ffi: *dzjang> zjang !Itt *dzang- > dZ<lngYL, Sangfu 145. M* 7r *Sjang > Sjang M: *tang> tang
comm.toShu,ap.SSJ,Shu 12.4b.B* 11!!: *nong>nwong
riIa *nung, nrjung (?) > nung, qjwong
comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, Shu 6.25b.* Wf.~rtt(JJ~BWf.'FJ!'f!lffiZWf., lit!l!$oIl<o
Wf. *grong > rang 011< *gjung-, kjung: > gjwong-, kjwong:
"to submit"
comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, EY6.l0a.* ~~jIf~o
~ *mung, mong- > mung, mwong~ *mung > mung
D, Tangong 25. E *itf *tsung: > tsung: mt *tsung: > tsung:
ap. Hanshangyi (Huang 1848, Zhouyi zhu 99b. B
iiti. *mrung > mang
~ *mrung > mang
"variegated color"
D, Xueji 126. E
*tshjung > tshjwong ti *Sjung> sjwong
"leisurely"
comm. to D, ap. JY 1.5b. M
*dzjung> dzjwong
*dzIjong > d~jung
D, Mingtangwei 112. B fiJi *khang> khang
JL *kang, khiing- > kiing, khiingcomm.toYJ,ap.Shiwen2.5b.B
*hwang>xwang
Rli *khang > khiing
D, Shaoyi 121. E ~ *gwang >rwiing
f1: *gjwang:, gjwang- > jwang:, jwangD, Jifa 158. * IDjlI'&~mijjff, ;n2.~tl!.o
0

m:

'*

m:

203

6. Zheng Xuan

I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data

ffiili' *sjang gj;)':/sjang gj;)n: m;Jiff *njang gj;)i > nijang gjei
142. ZL, Kaogongji, Huahui 235. B ~ *tsjang> !Sjang
~r;t *tSjang > tsjang
143. Shi 211. F
*njang, njang- > nzjang, nzjangill *hnjang, hnjang:, hnjang- > sjang, sjang:, Sjang144. YL, Yanli 67. B ~ *ijang > jiang. ~ *ijang- > jiang145. D, Yuzao, 108. ffi~nfl}~, ~~itl!illo
#n *ijang > jiang m*ijang > jiang
146. D, Jiyi 162. C m *ijang>jiang ~ *ijang>jiang
147. ZL, Kaogongji 221. E fiR *pjang: > pjwang:
.
!ill:. *pjang:, pjang- > pjwang:, pjwang148. D, Tangong 28. B ~ *grwrej-yweng t:1t *grwie/'yweng
149. YL, Shisangli 162. B m *tSriie/t~EOg *'Ji *tsriie/t~eng
150. D,Mingtangwei 112. B 1ti *sjiie:, srjhi:/sjling:, ~jling: 1m *sja:/sjlin:
151. D, Daxue 214. ~UUMf, ~~~illo
~ *mjre-/mjweng- tf *ma-/man152. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.7a. B ~ *mre, mie:/mieng, mieng:
~~ *mjie/mjwllng
153. ZL, 8ishi 78. B jt *dre-/dieng- 5E *dre-/dieng154. Shi 23. D Mi *dw~/dw;)n
It! *dw;l/dw;)n
"to tie together"
155. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ,Shu 9.6a. M
**hW~/XW~lO
ff *hw;}'/xw;)n
156. ZL, Zhuishi 132. E ~ *tsw;}'-, tsjW;)-/tsw;)n-, tsjwen-

iO
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.

204

*dzw~-/dzw;)n-

D, Yueji 130. B Jt *bj~/bjw;)n tJt *bj~:/bjw;)n:


D, Sheyi 220. B Jt *bja/bjw;)n fit *pj~-/pjw;)nZL,linche 145. B ~ *bj~/bjw;)n ;tit *bja/bjwlln
D, Yueji 132. B ~Jl *hj~/xj;)n ;W; *hj;)h/xji
D, Zhongyong 185. t<~tm'lIt ~~~ill, ;!1f A. i1ilt, ~tlJ]]I(o
lilt *?j;)'/?j;)n ]I( *?j3i > jei
comm. to Shu, ap. 8S1, Shu 3.4a. M *pjig/pjien fJI *pjia-/pjienZL, Pingshi 185. E JJi *bjig/bjien zp. *bjre/bjwllng
ZL, lunren 74. E 11] *sgjw;}'/zjwen ~ *sgjwi}/zjwen
D, Neize 101. 1I]~m:f!!J, ~~~illo
11] *sgjw~/zjwen :f!!J *kjiwg/kjwen
D,liyi 162. E ~ *zjw;l/zjwen ill' *ijwa/jiwan
D, Zhongyong 189. E* 1M!. *tsjw;l/tsjwen
t;jj *dw~/dw3n
"sincere, diligent"
ZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 242. B OW *tShjw;)/tshjwen
~ *tshjwa/tSh.jwen:

I 6. Zheng Xuan

169. comm. to Shu, ap. 81 60. G* .H3 *kjwi}/kjiwen 1fi' *Zjwa/jiw'an


170. YL,lOO 190.* ~~., I!:liilt~~,m., m~G~~IJII, ElGf'F~, 9Gf'F~,
~Jt ~ fflli# f, Ilfl.tt\ :if
,m *dzjia :/ijen: llJl *dwa/dwan ~ *dijwa/ijwan

~*dwa/dwan

171. D, Pinyi 223. E* ~ (*grjw~ ? *ijw~ :/jiwen: ~ *gjw;l/jwen


172. D, Ruxing 210. E Wi *sji~-/sjen- {Ill *sji;}/sjen
173. ZL,Dazongbo 101. fFi'ffiIl-9t, 7'f.ZI~w'o
fa *sji;}-/sjen- -9t *sji~ /sjen
174. D,Daxue212.E t!!J*sjw;}-/sjwen- ~*sjwa-/sjwen175. D, Yuzao 105. B ~ *tSji~-/tsjen- ~ *tsji;}:/tSjen:
176. D, Tangong 19. m~m51, ~*~n~, 7'f.Z~w'o
ill'{ *dzji3-/ijen51 *iji;)' :/jien:
177. ZL,Dasima 157. B ~*dZji;),-/ijen- iii *dijii)/ijen
178. D, Yuzao 108. ~~JtmlHl, ~t~~t!.o
~ *ti3/tien
IHl *di;),/dien
179. Shi280.* B3'Mf'FIfI*... ~ifl+Il'~, ~mlf'FfHo
B3 *di:i, di~-/dien, dien- ~ *iji:i-/jien180. D, Tangong 24.* tjiil!!~mjt1f&, '~~itl!illo
.IjJlil!! *di3 drjai/dien <;lje jt1f& *di;)'- drjat/dien- ~jal
181. ZL, Zhashi 203. E iili *kiwa /kiwen :=E *kwreh > kiwei
182. Shi 156. ~:lf~;fL tit, ~Ifi] w'o
1ft *dia-/dien- tj{ *di3, drji3'/dien, <;ljen m*drji3fgjen
183. ZL, Shaoren 87. L 1BJ *di~-/dien- !t~ *drji;}-fc;ljen184. ZL, Xiaozongbo 104. G mJ *di~-/dien- III *di~-/dien"to cultivate"
185. D, Zaji 137. E ~ *tshi il-/tshien- [Pi *tshi ~-/tshien186. ZL,linche 143. E ~ *bii/bwan
*ba/bwan
187. D,Neize97.B l?ip*glwa:/lwan: ~1*kw;}/kw;}n
188. ZL, Kaogongji, Yuren 237. C Jfl *dza:/dzan:
*tsa-/tsan189. Shi 58. B rJ'. *pha-/phwan- IIfF*ba-/bwan190. ZL, Sheren 163. E T *ka-/kan- n *nga-/ngan191. ZL, Siguan 149. E irE *kwa-/kwan- iii *kwa-/kwan192. D, Wangzhi 41. B* Il5j *pra/pwan fJI *pra/pwan
193. D,Neize97.B "f*hja/xjen ~*hja-/xjen194. ZL, Sihuishi 186. E* m*hjwa, hjwa:/xjwen, xjwen:
I:i *hjwai: > xjwe:
195. D, Yueling 53. ~~mtlX, ~~~illo
ffI$ *sja/sjiin ftJ: *sja-/xjen196. D,liaotesheng93.* m~m~, ~~~illo
*Sja/Sjiin ~ *hjiie/xieng

'*

'*

205

A. Listing of the Data / 6. Zheng Xuan

6. Zheng Xuan / Part III: The Data

197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209.
210.
211.
212.
213.
214.
215.
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
222.
223.
224.
225.

226.
227.
228.

H,

ZL, Kaogongji, Fangren 240. E*


*dijwa/ijwan ~ *dijwa/ijw'an
U, Zaji 137. B* ,ffii *dZjwa/ijw"an ~ *dijwa/ijwan
Shi 103. M ~ *gjiwa/gjwan f1f *gjiwa/gjwan
ZL, Shlshll93. t,lf'Fu'ffiM!z. "?:Z~\P,o
M *bjia:/bjan: QZ *pjiam:, pjam: > pjam:, pjRm:
ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. M. C.* ml *tsja:/tsjan:
tl *tshja:, tSia/tshj3it:, tsien ~ *dza, dzia/dzan, dzian
U, Quli 11. ~~J't~~. ~ZiMtf2o
~ *dzja:/dzjan:
~ *dZja:/zjan:
U, Yuzaol03. ~'R;~\w. ~Z~tf2o
i!.l *dzja:/dzjan: ~ *tsja:/tsjan:
ZL, Dasima 155. G 1Jl *dzrjwa:/d~jwan: W *swa:, swa-/swan:, swanU, Yueji 134. B* ~ *kja-/kjen- *gja:/gjen:
YL, Dasheli 79. B ~ *sja-/xjen- t1; *sra > ~a
ZL, Sizunyi 109. B tV: *sja-/xjen- jiJ; *swa > swa
U, Jiaotesheng 94.* ~~.&'~=lit, J!f~g~ZiMtf2o
ill: *sja-/xjen- =lit *swa > SW3
U, Yueji 133. ~~~n. ~ziMtf2o
~ *hja-/xjen- n *hja/xjen
ZL, Quli 10. G
*g(r)ja- (7)/ijan- !WJ *kjire- > kjangZL,linche 144. C ~lj *dzi3:jdzien ~~ *tsja:/tsjan:
U, Shaoyi 123. 'JL~li!m~lUJo
fJL *bjam: > bjwem: ffi *bjam: > bjwem:
U, Tangong 32 G ~6 *trjam > !jam Ml *thrjam > lhjiim
U, Wenwang shizi 74. B *tsjam > tsjam ~ *tsjam > tsjiim
U, liaotesheng 90. B 'iii *zjam > jiam :'Mi *ijam- > jiiimU, Daxue 212. B II{li *?jiam, ?jiam- > ?jiam, ?jiiim- m*jiam: >?jfcim:
U, Daxue 212. B lit *khiam > khiem ~ *khiam: > khiem:
comm.toYl,ap.SS1,Shi9C.14a.E* ~ *khiam:>khiem:
11 *gliam > liem
YL, Dasheli 77. B ~ *tsh<lm> tsh<lm ~ *s<lm: > S<lm:
ZL, Kaogongji, Yunren 235. F* =:. *s<lm > sam ~ *tsh<lm > tsh<lm
U, Sangfu sizhi224. E fi{j *?<lm:, ?<lm->?<lm:, ?<lm- rin *?<lm>?;lm
ZL, YL, Yiqi 207. B J9X. *gr<lm >ram iiti*gr<lm> ram
U, Tangong 19. D* f$ *sr;lm > ~am *i'l *sjoh, sioh > sjliu, sieu
U,liyi 163. C ~ *?jam, ?j<lm- > ?jam-, ?jam- ~ *?j<lm- > ?j<lmZL, Kaogongji, Zh6ngshi 236. C
*tsj<lm-, tsji:Jm (?) > tsj;lm-,
m.: *tsj:Jm-, tsji<lm (?) > tsjam-, tsjiim "to soak" ilWi *tsjam > tsjam
Shi 220. G*
(~ =) ;~ *thak > thak
,Ig *th:Jk > th;lk
U, Yuzao 103. E 1!tt *drj<lk>~j<lk II[ *drj<lk>4j<lk
ZL, Niuren 70. B lliiX *tSj<lk > tsjak ti~ *tSj:Jk > tSj<lk

229. ZL,linche 144. B Hb!. *bj<lk > bjuk rm *bj<lk > bjuk
230. Deleted
231. U, Wenwang shizi 74. B 1Ii *kok, kok- > kwok, kau~ *kjok > kjuk
232. YL, Tesheng 202. B . f(j *sjok > sjuk !lIn *sjok > sjuk
233. Shi 53. K ilV/, *tSjok > tSjuk ~ *tSjuk > tSjwok
"to attach"
"to attach"
234. Shi 212. B* ~ *tShjok > tshjuk ~ *tshjdk- > tShi:'
235. ZL, Dasima 156. E fIlE *Iuk > luk !lIi: *luk > luk
236. ZL, Sixuanshi 204. E ~ *?uk >?uk ~fj *?uk > ?uk
237. comm. to Yl, ap. Shiwen 2.l7b. F ~*?ruk >?3k ~*?uk > ?uk
238. U, Sangdaji 156. *1<~~ff], ~~~ \P,o
~ *gljuk > ljwok
f!j *kruk > kak
239. U, Shenyi 207. M
*zjuk > zjwok
Jjij *tSjuk, dijuk > tsjwok, ijwok
240. ZL, Kaogongji, Hanren 233. E ~ *tSjuk > tsjwok it *tSjuk->tSju241. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. C 1r *tshak > tshak ~ *sjiak > sjak
242. ZL, Sizunyi 109. B H'F *dzak > dzak ~ *dzak > dzak
243. ZL, Kaogongji, Fushi 232. C tt *dzak > dzak 11/10 *dzrak- > d~a244. ZL, Sishi 106. C ~ *mrak > mek
t'i *prak > pek
245. U, Xueji 125. E -m *grak > rek
*gak > 'Yak
246. U, Jiaotesheng 94. B llf *pjlek, bjlek > pjiik, bjak
~ *mjileh: > mjie:
247. U, Yuzao 105. E 1l$ *pjlek, bjlek > pjiik, bjiik
~ *pjileh, bjileh > pjie, bjie
248. YL, Shisangli 162. 1* ~ *mlek > miek ~ *?jiwre > ?jwang
249. U, Zaji A 132. C ~ *tlek, sjlek > tiek, Sj'ak i!{ *dlek > diek
250. U, Yanyi 221. B zr- *tshwat, tSW<lt > tShW;lt, tSW<lt
($ *tshw;lt- > tshw<li251. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. C ~ *lji<lt > ljet ~*ljat > Ijiit
252. Shi 156. J5:1'f~. ~@tlUJtf2o
~ *lji<lt > ljet
~ *ljat > ljat
253. U, liyi 161.E r:t *tshji<lt > tshjet -I;fJ *tshi<lt > tshiet
254. U, Xueji 124. (;f,j',!if;~~, ~z~illo
& *zjW<lt (7) > dijwet i *zjW<lt- > zwi255. U, Zaji 138. 'ff',!if;:f.:}'. dUJ't1ff] ~zA. ~ziMillo
:. *diji<lt > dijet i'. *tSji<li- > tSi256. Zhengzhi, ap. Shiwen 5.16b. E jill, *ijw<lt (?) > dijwet
i *zjW<lt- > zwi*pji<lt > pjiet
257. ZL, Kaogongji, Yuren 237. E ,.IZ, *pji<lt > pjiet
258. Shi 225. B J'f *kji<lt > kjiet iz.'i *gji;)t > gjet

*'

207

206

,--

r---

r -------

6. Zheng Xuan

I Part III: The Date

U, Biaoji 193. B 'J!f. *?jiat > ?jiet- *?jiat > ?jiet


ZL, Kaogongji, Fangren B ~ *kwat > kwat ~Ji *ngjwat > ngjwEt
ZL, Dazongbo 99. B tL *tsriat > t~at ~ *dziat > dziet
YL, Shiguanli 6. E ~ *khjiwat, khiwat > khjwlit, khiwet
~fi *khjiwrei: > khjwie:
@. *niat > niet
262a. ZL, Kaogongji 224. D* ~ *ngiat > ngiet
"unsafe, unstable"
262b.ZL, Kaogongji, Jiangren 243. M ~ *ngiat > ngiet ~ *ngiat > ngiet
*tsjap > tsjiip til! *dzjap > dzjiip
263. U, Neize 100. B
264. ZL, Limen 91. C
*tsjap > tsjiip t& *tshriap > tshiip
265. ZL, Gongren 250. B ir *gap > 'Yap fr'i *grap > rap
266. U, Quli 6. G* t& *tshrap > t~hiip I!& *hjap > xjap

259.
260.
261.
262.

m
m

PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
267. U, Neize 100. D ~~ *Sjah> si -* *dzjang> zjang
268. comm.toShu,ap.SSJ,Shipuxu2a.E ~~*Sjah>si iG*tsjak->tS"i269. YL, Shisangli 163. E ~ *gjah, gjak- > gji, gji:'
1* *kreh- > kiei"to bind, connect"
270. Shi 238. E* *C *kjah: > kji': J!Il *(g) Ijah: > lji":
27l. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.9a. A* 8$ *tsIjah:, tsIjiai: > t~i:, t~i:
'If *tsrrek > t~k
272. U, Jitong 17l. D =1: *dzIjah: > d~i: ;11= *dzIjak- > d~l273. U,Yueling57.D c*kjah:>kj1: E*kjah:>kji':
274. U, Mingtangwei Ill. D ~ *bjah: > bjau: ~ *bak- > bwai275. comm. to Shu, ap. WX 58. A ~ *tshjak- > tSliiiffi *tShjiak > tShjiik
276. U, Biaoji 191. D I?- *gjak- > gjY: ill<: *krak- > k:}j277. U, Quli 17. D ~ *pjak- > pjau- vm *bjiak- > bji278. Shi 256. A* Ii *gjwak- > gjau- 7-... *kjwah: > kjau:
279. U, Mingtangwei 112. D .$. *koh > kau rni *k::>h > kau
280. ZL, Yueshi 122. D .. *koh > kau ljT}f *g:>h, g:lk- >rau, rau281. U,Liqi85.D li*poh:>pllU: ~*poh,pok->p1lU,pau282. ZL, Daoren 13. D J@. *broh > bau *proh> pau
283. U, Wangzhi 48. D ~ *kroh, kroh: > kau, kau: ~W *kjioh: > kjeu:
284. ZL, Luren 242. D @ *dzjoh > dzjau ~ *dzjoh > dzjau
285. YL, Xiangyinjiuli 31. E* riIfi *dijoh > ijau i *tsjoh: > tsjau:
)7;] *tSjoh > tsjau
286. comm. to SSWXZ, ap. WX 180. E lYE *thioh > thieu
~ *thioh > thieu
208

A. Listing of the Data

287.
288.
289.
290.
291.
292.
293.
294.
295.

296.
297.
298.
299.
300.
301.
302.

303.
304.
305.
306.
307.
308.
309.
310.
311.
312.
313.
314.
315.
316.
317.
318.
319.
320.
321.

I 6. Zheng Xuan

Shi 91. E tlz *kr:>k- > kau- t\z *gr:>k- > rauU, Zhongyong 183. E ~ *kr:>k- > kau- fiIi: *gr:>k- >1'auZL, Dazongbo 99. E ljiJl *drj:>h > I)jiiu ljiJl *tIj:>h > !jau
ZL, Jiyi 32. E* Wi *sj:>h > sjiiu filJ *sj:>k > sjak
U,JifaI59.D ~t*ti:>h>tieu ~*tIj:>h>tjau
ZL, Yuren 238. E IDl. *dzah: > dzwo: m. *tsah: > tswo:
YL, Shiguanli 7. E IfF *dzak- > dzwo- ~ *dzak> dzak
ZL, Sijia 56. E f* *krak- > ka- !@ *krak- > kaU, Tangong 38. ~,mlmo j~1i~\a~fficW!o
~ *trjah > tjwo
~~ *tah> two
U, Yuzao 107. D ~ *srjah > ~jwo II *tshah> tshwo
U,Jifa 158-9.D ~ *gjuoh>ju Ilf *gjuoh>ju
YL, Xiangsheli 49. E ~ *phjuoh: > phju: m*phjuh: > phju:
YL, Shiguanli 12. E n~ *hjuoh: > xju: iIf!!\ *hwoh > xwo
Shi 290. D fi *dzjiak- > dzja- ff} *tsjiak- > tsjaZL, Sigedun 172. A {I} *Sjiak- > sjaJ.I:. *tSjah: > tsi':
"to stop over, rest"
Shi 246. D* i!r *Sjiah: > Sja:
~ *sjiak > Sjiik
"to put down, set aside"
ZL, Zuzhu 96. E* ~!l *tsrjak- > t~jwo- ilVl *tSjok- > tsjauill *tsjak- > tsjwoZL, Lizai 85. E ,I!lb *dzIjak-> dfjwo- IlJJ *dzIjak- > d~jwoZL, Dashi 124. D PJI: *pjuok- > pju- jjjl *phjuoh> phju
YL, Jixi 180. D II'.~ *bjuok- > bju- flli *pwoh: > pwo:
ZL, Xiaozhu 136. D 1* *guh> 1'au ~ *guk- > rauYL,JixiI9I.E @i*guh>1'au ~*guk->1'auZL,SigongshiI73.D ~*guk->'Yau- ~*guk->rauYL, Shiguanli 12. D *!iJ *gjuh > gju tfiJ *kjuh > kju
U,Quli15.D ~*njuk->ftzju- Iill*djuk>zjwok
Shi303.D 10J *ga>ra fiiJ *ga>'ya
Shi 47. D .wn *kra > ka 110 *kra > ka
Shi 246. E ~ *kra > ka 110 *kra> ka
Shi 196. A ~ *ngjai > ngje ~ *ngjai- > ngjeU,YuzaoI08.E ~*zjai>jie jJ!1*ijai>jie
YL, Shihunli 15. D ~ *ijai > jie
*Sjai > sje
"to extend"
YL, Shiguanli 12. E ~ *?jwai: > ?jwe: 'tZ *?a./?an
ZL, Sigongshi 173. E ~ *pjireh, bjireh: > pjie, bjie: it *pjiai: > pi:
"equal"
U, Quli 15. D IJ.I}f *bjireh > bjie Pf. *pjireh > pjie
YL, Jinli 141 ~ *bjireh > bjie .!! *bjireh > bjie

209

A. listing of the Data / 6. Zheng Xuan

6. Zheng Xuan / Part Ill: The Data

322. ZL, liangren 246. D 1:: *kwreh > kiwei fE *kwreh > kiwei
323. YL, Shiguanli 12. E ffi *tw:li > tW:li
*tw:li > tW:li
324. comm. to Shu, ap. SJZ 29.1a. A i1f![ *gw:li: >'Yw:li:
fllJ *gw;}i > 'Yw:li
325. comm. to LY, ap. SSl, LY 14.l4b. E F *sji:li > si
*It *sji:li- > si326. ZL, Lingren 35. D ~ *iji:li > jii r *sji:li > si
327. ZL, Changren 107. E* Jjg *ijw:li, ijw:li: > jiwi, jiwi:
~ *?jwai: > ?jwe:
328. U, Liqi 87. E 1t< *?j:li > ?jei
fit *?jai: > ?je:
"to lean on"
329. U, Quli 17. D tnt *pji:li:, pji:li- > pi:, pi- t@ *phi:li- > phiei330. ZL, Dazongbo 101. D ~ *tsji:li- > tsi- *tsji:li- > tsi331. YL, Shisangli 161. D ~ *zjW:lt- > zwi- ~ *ijw:lt- > jiwi332. ZL, Bianshi 172. A J1f1 *ti:li: > tiei: ,f:I! *ti:li: > ti:li:
333a. ZL, liuzheng 33. E M *li:li: > liei: ~ *hli:li: > thiei:
333b. Lixu, ap. SSl, U 1.2a. B ~ *li:li: > liei: ~ *hli:li: > thiei:
334. U, Daxue 213. D R: *li:li- > liei- fU *lji:li- > lji335. ZL, Niizhu 48. E ijfj *kwat-, gwat- > kwai, 'YwaililJ *krwat > kwat
336. Shi 250. D j'iq *njwat- > fiijwai- r"J *nw:lt- > nW:li337. U, Xueji 125. D* !JIt *hj:lng- > xj:lng- ~ *hj:lh: > xji:
ilX *hj:lm > xj:lm
338. YL, Yanli 67. A* ~ *zj~mg- > ji:lng- itS *sung- > sung339. U,litongI69.D IPJ *dung> dung ~FnJ*dung>dung
340. Shi 299. E 8 *?jung > ?jwong mf *?jung> ?jwong
341. comm. to Shu, ap. SSl, ZL 22.l2a. E* *ijung > jiwong
mr *ijung > jiwong ~ *zjung- > zjwong342. ZL, Dashi 124. D* ~ *zjung- > zjwong- ~ *zjung- > zjwong
?(J. *ijung > jiwong
343. Shi 238. E*
*kang kang iJl *trjang ljang
344. YL, Mulu 3. E* t~ *sang> sang c *mjang > mjwang
"burial"
345. YL, Shisangli 162. D %! *sang > sang N *sang> sang
346. ZL, liuzheng 33. E* I: *?ang- > ?ang- ~ *?ung > ?ung
347. U, Liqi 87. E if!5 *prang > peng 'jj *bang > bwang
348. U, Zhongyong 186. A 11 *pjang > pjwang JiR *pra: > pwan:
349. comm. Yl, ap. Shiwen 2.22a. A ~ *dzjang > dzjang
~ *sjang > sjang
350. Shi 193. A ~ *dzjang > dzjang ~ *dili/dzan
351. YL, linli 144. E* f'i'j *sjang > sjang ffi *sjang > sjang

210

352.
353.
354.
355.
356.
357.
358.
359.
360.
361.
362.
363.
364.
365.
366.
367.
368.
369.
370.
371.
372.
373.
374.
375.
376.
377.
378.
379.

380.
381.
382.

rn *zjang > zjang


U, Mingtangwei 112. D W1 *zjang > zjang ~ *zjang > zjang
ZL, Niizhu 48. A .. *njang >fizjang *njang > iiijang
YL, Gongshi dafu Ii 135. E ijl *hjang > xjang It *hjang > xjang
comm. to Yl, ap. SSl, ZL 20a. D :t *drjang: > gjang:
:R *drjang > Qjang
comm. to Shu, ap. SSl, Shu l.la. B f,';j *dijang- > ijang1: *dijang- > ijangYL, Dasheyi 78. E
*srre > ~eng 1:. *srie > ~eng
comm. to YJ, ap. SSl, Shi lD.17b. E ~ *kjie > kjeng
Ji *kjie: > kjeng:
ZL, Jiangren 244. D ~ *dijire/ijang nil: *dijile/ijang
U, Sangdaji 150. D ((J: *sjire-/sjiing- 'I=. *srre/~eng
ZL, Chepu 146. E t~ *bie/bieng Jff *bie/bieng
U, Tangong 31. E* ~1J *mie/mieng ~ *mjie/ntjweng
Shi 248. D ff: *m~/mw:ln r'J *m:i/mw:ln
"a gorge"
U, Yuzao 108. E* IIJ *dw~/dw:ln tfl *sdjw~ (?)/zjwen
Shi 247. D "$: *khw:i:/khw:ln:
*khw~:/khw:ln:
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.20a. D R *k~-/k:ln- ~ *ga: > 1:ln:
U,liyi 166. D 9ft *bjii/bjw:ln 51 *pj~, bj:i-/pjw:ln, bjw:lncomm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.9a. A ~ *bj~/bjw:ln ~ *pjia-/pjanShi 242. D MIi *ljwa/ljwen f1flI *ljw;)/lj~en
U,Liyun77.E*
~*dijia/dzjen
i71*ijia:/jien:
YL, Xiangsheli 52. E Mi *dijwa/ijwen
~ *dzjwa/dzjwan
"pure, unmixed"
comm. to Shu, ap. SSl, LJ 55.3b B ~ *rnji~/mjien ~*mil!/mieng
ZL, Dazongbo 99. D III *gjia-/gjen- lb *gja/gj:ln
YL,Shihunli 17 ft~*zjia-/jien- ~ *Zja:/jiiin:
ZL, Jiangren 245. E EB *di;)/dien fm *dia/dien
D, Zaji 137. E* ~ *tshi:i-/tshien- WI. *tshrji3/t~hjen
Tit *tshia-/tshienU, Jifa 158. D J:ff *da/dan ill. *tha:/than:
D, Sangdaji 156. D
*dzwa/dzwan ~ *dzwa:/dzwan
comm. to SSWXZ, ap. YWU (Zhang 1816:15). C ~ *ga:/ran:
ij!l: *ka/kan
"dry"
ZL, Xiren 301. D Iff *pha-/phwan- n- *pha-/phwan"half'
U,Wangzhi43.D.alt. fJi*pha-/phwan- fll*pra/pwan
comm. to Shu, ap. SSl, Shu 6.32b. D m*mra/mwan

211
r --

r --

--~---

A. Listing of the Data / 6. Zheng Xuan

6. Zheng Xuan / Part III: The Data


~ *mji;}/mjen
383. Shi 47. E ~ *gjwa/jw1?n ~ *gjwa/jwen
384. U, Neize 102. E ~ *mja:, mjia:, mj<l-/mjw1?n:, mjiin:, mjw<ln~ *mjiai- > mji385. ZL, Yuren 237. E* Jii *?jwa/?jwen: III *gjwa/jwiin
386. YL, Shiguanli 12. E 11'- *bjia-/bjiin- ~ *ba/bwan
If. *ta:/tan:
387. ZL, Neisifu 49. D tfIl *trja-/tjan"undecorated"
388. YL, Yanli 66. D 1m *dija- > zjiin- ~ *dija: > iJan:
389. ZL, Shamen 150. D*
*g(r)ja- > zjan- ~ *kjire-/kjiing~ *dija:/zjan:
390. U, Liqi 87. E Uiil *phjia > phjian i'i *pjiai- > pje"lean to one side"
391. U, Liqi 85. D Wi *sram > ~am 5t *sram > ~am
392. YL, Shihunli 16. D fl't *njam > nijam f:f: *nj<lm > llzj<lm
393. U, Daxue 212. D ill *kiam: > kiem: !IV: *?jiam, ?jiam->?Jam, ?jam394. ZL, Siqiu 43. A
~ *hjam > xjam
JJl! *hjang > xj;mg
395. U, Yueling 62. A ~ *glak > l<lk ~tl *khak > khak
396. Shi 166. D ElG*gw<lk>-ywak :fj *gjwah: >jau:
397. YL, Xiangsheli 49. E ~Iii *pjak, pjiak > pjuk, pjak
*pjak, pji<lk > pjuk, pjak
398. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ, Shi 19C.6a. E*
*tsjok > !Sjuk
11:. *tSjah: > tsi:
399. ZL,JifaI59.D ~*mj:>k->mjau- ~*mr:>h->mau400. ZL, Tianfu 111. D ;j!J< *gluk> Iuk ~ *kuk > kuk
401. comm. to Shangshu dazhuan, ap. Shilu (Huang 1848, Shangshu dazhuan
8b) *luk > luk ~ *ljuk > Ijwok
402. U, Ruxing 210. D* ~ *njuk > iiZjwok sx *ijuk > jiwok
403. Bo wujing yiyi, ap. SSJ, Shi 1D.ll b. B ~ *ngjuk>ngjwok
!flJ *khruk > kh3.k
404. ZL, Sijiyan 110. E IJ'j:: *dzak> dzak !!if *dzak > dzak
405. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.20a. E* '# *sak > sak m; *srjok > ~juk
406. ZL, Sijiyan 94. E m*dzjiak> dzjak /If, *zjiak > zjiik
407. ZL, Xiren 13. D 1m *sjiak > sjak !7 *zjiak > zjak
408. Shi 299. E II'F *pjrek > pjak ~ *pjrek> pjak
409. U, Hunyi 217. D ~ *sjrek, tsjrek > sjak, tSjak *tsrrek > t~E-k
410. YL, Sangfu 158. E ~ *srek > siek
J1 *ijreh- > jie"thin cloth"
"smooth, even, well-worked
411. ZL, Sigongshi 173. D ~ *phjat, pjat > phjw<lt, pjwat
91:11 *phjat > phjwat
412. Shi 178. D ~ *pj at, phj at> pjwat, phjw<lt f1& *pjiat- > pjiii-

U, Yueji l30. D Wf *mjiat > mjet M *piat > piet


YL, Sangfu 145. D* ff *di<lt > diet Jf *diji<lt > dijet
ZL, Jiangren 245. D tt *bjat > bjwet ~ *pjat > pjW1?t
U,Ziyi 198.D ~*gjwat>jwllt ~*gjwat>gjwet
417. Shi 60. D ~ *drap> gap
*d<lp > d<lp
418. U, Shaoyi 123. D* A *tSjap > tSJap
~ *tSjap > tSJap
"slice of meat"

4l3.
414.
415.
416.

SOUND GLOSSES

,j

212

419.
420.
421.
422.
423.
424.
425.
426.
427.
428.

429.
430.
431.
432.

433.
434.
435.
436.
437.
438.

comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.7a


comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.33b
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.18a
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.19b
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.22b

* *lah > lai

1{ *lak- > lai-

ft *lak- > l<li-

*l<lh > l<li


fbi. *zjah: > zi: E *zj<lh: > zi:
c *kj<lh: > kji: ~ *kj<lk- > kJiilt *zj<lk- > ii- iiUiiJ *zj<lk- > ii"to feed"
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.2b ~i *gjw<lk- > jau- Ui *gjwak->j<lucomm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.5b and QJYB l.3b ~ *mroh > mau
7:i'i *mj:>h > mjau
comm. to Shu, ap. Shiwen 617a*
ffi *dIjoh > 9j<lU
~ *dZjoh > ij<lu:
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.24b ~t *dijoh > ij<lu
1M *tShjoh: > tshj<lu:
comm. to Shu, ap. QJYB 3.5b.* ft *m:>k- > mau"senile"
~ *m:>k- > maucomm.toYJ,ap.Shiwen2.16b 'Ml: *g:>k->-yau- ~*g:>k->-yaucomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.26b 00 *tah > two jlf~ *tah > two
comm. to Shu, ap. QJYB 3.3a ?I~ *tah > two ~ *tIjah > tjwo
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.10b.* I!jjIj *kah, kak- > kwo,kwo"to trade in wine"
if\ *kak - > kwo- $" *kah > kwo
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.1 b 'f'i. *kah: > kwo: -r!l *kah: > kwo:
comm. to LY, ap. Shiwen 24.4b ~ *mwok->mwo~ *mwok->mwocomm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.29b !i5" *kjah > kjwo ~ *kjah > kji"
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.1 Oa -Ix *nIjah: > pjwo:
& *njah: > iiijwo:
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.13b
*pjuoh: > pju:
1iIi *pwoh: > pwo:
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.23a ~ *sjuh > sju ~ *sjuh > sju

213

A. Listing of the Data

6. Zheng Xuan I Part III: The Data

439.
440.
441.
442.
443.
444.
445.
446.

447.
448.
449.
450.
451.
452.
453.
454.
455.
456.
457.
458.
459.
460.
461.
462.
463.
464.
465.
466.
467.
468.

f.f! *gjak > gjak ~ *kjak > kjak


*mrak>mllk rn *mrak > mllk
M *Zjak > jiak ?iF *ijak > jilik
"satiated"
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.27b ~ *ijrek > jiak ?iF *zjak > jiak
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.27b 1iJ1: *bjat > bjwat 5lfj *bjiat > bjet
comm. to Qiankun zaodu (Huang 1848, Qiankun zaodu 38a)
IHI *gap > 'Yap M *kap > kap
comm. to D, ap. QJYB 4.6a l}(. *kriap, kiap > kap, kiep
i1 *grap > 'Yap
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.14a t~ *tsjap > tsjap W *dzjap > dzjap

469. comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.25a


470. comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.25a
471. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.19a

comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5 .2b ti~ *tsa: > tsa: {t *tsa- > ts11ap. comm. to SJ 476 I\tt *ijai, ija (?) > jie, dija fi *ijai > jie
comm. to LY, ap. Shiwen 24.5b 9.:[J*ttjreh > tje ~ *trjreh- > tjecomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.6a Wi *sjreh, sjreh- > sje, sjem*srek > siek
ap. comm. to WX 624. * Wi *sjreh, sjreh- > sje, sje- I3t *ijat- > jiiiicomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7 .19b ~ *sjwai > swi !Ill *sjwai > swi
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.3b* & *gjiwai- > jwi- lfY. *gljiai- > Ijicomm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.15a ~ *khiwai > khiwei
~ *kwreh > kiwei
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.2a ~ *khiai: > khiei:
~ *khiai: > khiei:
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.16b *- *that- > thai- ~ *that- > th11icomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.14a it *gat- > 'Yai- ~ *gat > 'Yat
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.35a ~ *tsriat- > t~iii~ *tsjat- > tsj'ruap. Jijie comm. to SJ 2232* fl1i *thung:, dung: > thung:, dung:
~ *ijung: >jiwong:
comm. to Shi, ap.Shiwen 7.19b ~ *kjung: > kjwong:
~ *kjung> kjwong
comm. to LY, ap. Shiwen 24.8b fM *kang> kang ~g *kang > kang
comm. to D, ap. Shiwen 14.17b 'ii: *mjang- > mjwangC *mjang > mjwang
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.30b f *dijire/ijang IiX; *dzjire/ijang
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.3b j3(: *tSjire-/tijang- {IE *tSjiie/tijang
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.11a .!'fl. *tii/tao ft *ta/tan
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.19 1'fO *pha-/phwan- N$ *ba-/bwflO.Elf *pra/pwan
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.2b $I *pra/pwan
"distribute"
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.5b $ *krwa-/kwan- ,ffi *grwa-/'YWancomm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 9.24b fJt *kja:/kjlln: f~ *gjiwa-/gjwiin"tired"
*dzrjwa-/d?jwancomm. to LY, ap. Shiwen 24.2b
~ tsjw:f-/tsjwencomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.7 a f* *swil /swan Hi *sw?i-/swancomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.6b ~ifB *ljw:i/ljwen M! *ljw;)/ljwen
comm. of Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.34b ~ *gjwil/jwan ~ *gjw~/jwan
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.3a ~ *bjia/bjien ~ *bji~/bjien
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.24a Ml *gam >'Yam JiJ(. *gram > 'Yam
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.17a ~ *?jam, ?jam- > ?jam, ?jamiii *?jam- > ?jam-

472.
473.
474.
475.
476.

I 6. Zheng Xuan

NOTES
11. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
14. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular for Zheng Xuan's language.
It is possible that in his interpretation of this ZL passage Zheng was influenced by
familiarity with some EH dialects such as those of Zheng Zhong or Fu Qian where MC
ji- can be reconstructed as EH *r-.
23. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language because in SM 149 it has
a contact with. , which in tum has a contact with a velar initial word in SM 1265.
35a. The initial correspondence in this pair of glosses is irregular. These word pairings
seem to represent semantic glosses on a Qi dialect word rather than true sound glosses.
41. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. It seems to represent a Qin
dialect reading (see Chapter 6, section 6.4.3).
61. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage may represent a
dialect like that of Xu Shen, whose MC -ju in a would be reconstructed as EH *-jwah.
70. For a Shiwen reads MC tSiwo: and tSiwo- and GY reads tSiwo- in the ZL title
Zhushi; but we suspect with Karlgren (1963-7: #1542) that these are learned readings
based on Zheng Xuan's ZL commentarr.
77. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. In the Shi line in question
some early versions wrote not a but ~ (*thuh > th;Ju), and this reading of the line was
current in EH times as revealed by its appearance in several EH texts (see Wang 1915:
149). It seems possible that Zheng Xuan knew of this reading and was influenced by it in
his interpretation of the Shi line.
82. Shiwen (9.29a), in a gloss on this ZL passage, reads a as MC kan-; but this is
clearly an attempt by Lu Deming to derive a MC fanqie spelling from Zheng Xuan's
original gloss. cr. Coblin{1979-80:278, n. IS).
90. The text reads: ''TIle xizun is a vessel which takes shayu 'phoenix-feather patterns'
as its decoration ... " With Karlgren (1963-7: #363) we suspect that this passage is
intended as ajiojie type gloss.
101. The sound correspondences in this gloss are problematical. See Karlgren (1963-7:
#1396) for a discussion of this and various related text passages.
104. Several variant and, in my opinion, corrupt versions of this gloss occur in other
sources. For a comparison of these passages see Coblin (1979-80:272-3, n. 8).
118. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Cf. Zheng Xuan 119, where a
is glossed by a word having MC initial s-.

215

214
r -

,-----

,------

6. Zheng Xuan / Part Ill: The Data


130. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular for Zheng's language. It may
reflect a dialect where MC s- can be reconstructed as EH *hrj-.
131. The EH rime category of b is uncertain.
132. The passage reads: "The character jiang ('descend') is (here) read as xiang
('submit') as in the phrase 'Cheng submitted to the army of Qi' (Chunqiu, Duke Zhuang,
eighth year). The sound (turns=) changes to (that 00 gong."
133. The EH rime category of a is uncertain.
141. The initial correspondence for the characters ffi and U!! in this gloss is irregular.
Cf. Chapter 5, section 5.5.
167. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. GY reads b as MC dWiJn,
meaning "anxious". Zheng Xuan, however, attributes to it a meaning "sincere, diligent";
and it is possible that he knew a different reading for the graph in this sense. It is
interesting to note that in the sense of "sincere" JY reads b as MC tSiwen and considers
it to be a loan graph for ;11 (MC tSiwen) "sincere".
169. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. However, the passage is
probably not a sound-based equation. For the Shu passage in question (Le. Shu, Yugong)
Ma Rong's version (ap. Shiwen 3.9b) read a where the current versions read b. Zheng's
gloss was probably merely a graphic emendation in favor of the current versions.
170. The passage reads: "As to the cart for carrying the coffm, ZL refers to it as a
shen (0) cart, Zaji refers to it as a tuan (b), while some write quan (c) and some write
tuan (d). The readings of the sounds all simply (adjoin=) are close to each other. I have
not yet learned which is correct." The initial contacts between a-c and b-d are irregular
for Zheng's language but would be regular for other EH dialects such as that of Xu Shen.
Zheng's comments seem to indicate that he did not view the sound correspondences in
this passage as exact, but merely felt them to be "close".
171. The rime development of b is irregular, for MC -iwen should derive from EH
*-iiwiJn (= Zheng Xuan's *-jiwj). For discussion of the initial correspondence see
Chapter 5, section 5.8.
179. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Another Shi version, ap.
Guo Pu's commentary to EY 7/4, actually read b instead of a in Ode 280, and it seems
fairly certain that Zheng Xuan knew and followed this version, for he quotes the Shi
line this way twice, once in ZL, Xiaoxu 125 and again in U, Mingtangwei 133. We may
theJ;efore suspect that Zheng's gloss is not a sound-based equation but rather is intended
to give a reading based on a different text version.
180. The fmal correspondence in the second syllables of a and b is irregular.
192. The EH rime category of a is uncertain.
194. GY gives for a a MC reading xjwe: which it applies specifically to the ZL title
Sihuishi glossed here by Zheng Xuan. (The modern reading hui in the title reflects this
traditional fanqie spelling.) This reading is not found in the extant QY versions but
appears in Shiwen's gloss on the original ZL passage. We may suspect that the GY entry
derives from Shiwen's reading, which is itself clearly based on Zheng's original gloss.
196. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. It may be based on a dialect
such as that of Xu Shen where MC can be reconstructed as EH *hrj-.
197. As it stands this gloss is phonologically quite regular; but, as pointed out in the
notes to Xu Shen 527 and 528, b probably had initial *dz- in EH times. If this is correct,
then this gloss would constitute a contact between EH *dz- and *di- in Zheng's language.
198. See note 197, which is applicable to this passage as well.
201. C is an alternate gloss on a.
205. Zheng states that a is a graphic mistake for b.

s-

216

A. Listing of the Data / 6. Xheng Xuan


208. For a QY and GY read MC xjtm-. GY also reads MC so, to which it adds the
no.te "appears in LJ". This reading is almost certainly derived from Shiwen, which glosses
a m our LJ passage as follows (12. 13b): "According to the commentary (of Zheng
Xuan~ it is equal to Ei which is read suo (MC so)." Apparently Lu Deming actually read
b. as sa, :uthou~ other !'IC sources read it swa. In any case it seems clear that the reading
sa for a IS a leXicographical gltost based on Zheng's own commentary note.
218. This is probably not a true sound gloss, for Zheng adds the following comment:
"In the ancient script the 'standing heart' (Le. ,t ) was written similarly to 'water' (i.e.
I ). (Later) readers mistook them and consequently wrote qian (Le. wrote a instead of
b)."
220. The rime development of a is irregular, for EH -iJm should yield MC -iJm.
223. The rime development of a is irregular since we would expect EH *-riJm to
yield MC
The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. See Chapter 6, section
6.4.3 for a discussion of the problem.
226. With Karlgren (1964b, Gloss 713 and 1963-7, #1526) we may suspect that
Zheng read not ~ but ;(l;; in the original Shi line being glossed here.
234. The [mal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage may represent a
dialect such as that of Xu Shen where the main vowel in the final of a was probably *-iJ-.
Cf. Zheng Xuan 398.
248. The initial and [mal correspondences in this gloss are irregular. However, it is
possible that Zheng did not read a as *mtEk > miek. Some versions of Zheng's gloss
(see SSJ, YL 35.3a) contain a line which states that the guwen 5)( form of a was m
kiwen (EH *kiwii). Interestingly enouglt, JY gives for this word another MC reading
?jwiiin- (EH ?jiwii-) which corresponds well with the reading of b.
255. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Zheng's note points out that
this reading reflects a phonological error on the part of the people of Zhou and Qin
(i.e. west central and west China). It is thus probable that the [mal of b had EH *-t in
these dialects. Cf. Zheng Xuan 106 where word b is read with the pronunciation of
Zheng's own dialect.
262a. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. I suspect that b is an error
for JI!i! (MC ngiet) "unsettled, in danger of collapsing".
266. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
270. This passage is a quote from BHTY. See BHTY 6.
271. QY and GY read a as MC t~r: while Shiwen reads it as MC tfi:. It is the former
reading which agrees best with b.
278. The initial ina is irregular, for EH *gjw- should yield MCj-.
285. B and c are both glosses on a.
290. Shiwen 9.24b, followed by Karlgren (GS and GSR 1149c') lists for b the MC
readingsjau. However, as pointed out elsewhere (Coblin 1979-80:268, n. 7) this reading is
attributed by Shiwen to Li Gui ""tit, a glossist of the Eastern Jin period (A.D. 317420) and was not a current reading for b in Lu Deming's language. Lu's own reading was

-am.

MCsjiik.

302. This gloss is probably quoted from SW. See Xu Shen 904.
303. B and c are both glosses on a. The vowel correspondence between a and b is
irregular.
327. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
337. B and c are both glosses on a. The [mal correspondence between a and c is
irregular.
338. The vowel correspondence in this gloss is irregular.

217

6. Zheng Xuan / Part III: The Data


341. B and c are glosses on a.
342. Band c are both glosses on a.
343. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is a quote from
BHTY; see BHTY 64.
344. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. A is glossed by b in both
BHTY 63 and Xu 1006. The present passage is probably based on one of these earlier
sources and reflects a dialect where a had initial *sm-. cr. Olapter 5, section 5.5.
346. The vowel correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
351. B and c are glosses on a.
364. Reconstruction of the initial in b is problematical. See Olapter 5, section 5.5
for discussion.
370. This gloss is a quote from SW; see Xu 40.
376. B and c both gloss a. The rime development in b is irregular, for we would
expect EH *-rjiii to correspond to MC -jEn here.
385. The final development in b is irregular, for MC -iwiill should derive from EH
*-iiwan (= Zheng Xuan's *-iiwa).
389. Band c are alternate glosses on a. The phonological correspondence between
a and c is irregular. The reconstruction of EH *g(r}j- for a is conflI111ed by Zheng Xuan
210 and that of *dz- for c by Zheng Xuan 202.
398. The vowel correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage has probably
been borrowed by Zheng from SW. See Xu 1191.
402. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
405. The vowel correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
414. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. A similar paranomastic gloss
occurs in the text of U, Tangong 25, and it is probably on this that Zheng's equation is
based. The U passage presumably reflects a language of late Zhou or WH times where
the initial of b was *dj-.
416. The initial development in b is irregular, for *gjw- should yield MCj-.
418. This passage may be a simple textual emendation rather than a paranomastic
gloss. Zheng Xu an's own version of the U passage (quoted in his commentary to ZL,
Hairen 37) read not a but b here.
426. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Shiwen states that the Shu
passage in question wrote not a but. (MC ijiJu:) and that Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan
pronounced a like b, i.e. ijiJu:. It seems possible that Ma and Zheng were influenced by
the alternate Shu text in assigning the reading ijiJu: to a here.
428. GY reads a as MC xWiJi- in the sense of "type of millet" and XQU- in the sense
of "reduced, diminished". Van Shigu Ml'lffiil (579-645) in his commentary to HS 56
(p. 2507) reads it XQU- in the sense of "diminished" but mOu- in the sense of "muddled,
senile". It is the latter reading which is required here.
432. B is given as the preferred reading for a, while c is an alternate reading.
443. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. However, as argued in extenso
elsewhere (Coblin, 1979-80:273-4, n. 9), the passage may well have been mistakenly
attributed to Zheng Xuan.
445. The initial development in a is irregular, for we would expect EH *g- to yield
MCg- in this environment.
451. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The Jijie commentary does
not mention the original source of the passage but cites it in connection with the term
doutong 4fl'fi , a type of measuring vessel. No gloss on this term exists in any of Zheng
Xuan's extant commentaries, but he does have a discussion of the word douyong 4 if!

A. Listing of the Data / 7. Fu Qian


(a variant term for doutong) in his commentary on U, Yueling 52. It is possible that our
passage is part of a lost portion of this or some other U commentary. In fact, Shiwen
11.29a, glossing the U passage, adds that yong if! (MC jiwong:) has the sound of lJj
here, possibly reflecting some lost comment of Zheng Xuan.1n any case, it is significant
that the current versions of the U passage read not fl'fi but if! here, and Zheng's sound
equation may well have been a gloss on if! rather than fl'fi .

7. Fu Qian
These data consist primarily of direct sound glosses. The basic pattern for
these is x H' y. Glosses which depart from this pattern are quoted in full. There
are also several /anqie, loangraph, and paranomastic glosses, which are quoted
in full. Glosses which are specifically said to represent alternate readings are
marked as "alt."
1. HS 2456* m; *m:)'}' > mW:1i ~ *khj:1'Y > khji'
2. HS 2024 :te *rj:1'Y> jii IPJf *rj:1'Y > jii'
3. HS 3001 * ~1i~ *kjw:1)' (7) dzj:1'Y"'*kjiw:1)' dzj:1 > kj:1u dii '" kjwi dzi
li\)~ *khjW:1'Y (7) dzj:1)' > khj:1u dzi'
4. ap. comm. to WX 633 711 *kjiw:1'Y: > kjwi: iliJl *kjiw:1')': > kjwi:
5. HS 6. 1!f'i'ftmP*Pfz~o
1!f *k:1kw- > kau- p~ *g:1hw > )'au
6. HS 3547 lJJl *hr;),},w > xau ~ *hrarw> xau
7. HS 731 ~ *srj:1'Yw > ~:1U ~ *srj:1)'w > ~j:1U
8. SJ 2073* trf *thi:1'Yw > thieu fI;li *thia-yw > thieu
9. HS 3215 Il;It *darw, thiakw- > diu, thieu- ~ *diakw> diek
10. HS 1922 ~ *la),w: > lau: ~ *la'Yw, lakw- > lau, lau11. HS 1458 lf *makw- > mau- ~ *makw- > mau12. HS 2780 fi *gja-yw > gjau til *gja),w > gjau
-13. HS 2478 ~41t *phjiarw rja'Yw > phjiau jiau
~tt *phjiarw rjarw > phjiau jiiiu
'14. ap. comm. to WX 120 ~ *kjarw: > kjau: m*kjarw: > kjau:
. 15. HS 2225 *kia,),w > kieu !fl *kiarw > kieu
16. SJ 3292. ~~lli:II1\-Pfo
~ *kiarw > kieu:
II1\- *ki:1kw- > kieu17. HS 3215 ~ *kiakw-> kieu II1\- *ki:1kw-> kieu. 18. HS 11 0 M *ba'Y > bwo ifl *bar > bwo
19. HS 3585 E! *pra,), > pa 00 *phra')' > pha
'20. ap. comm. to SJ 2071 m. *dzjar:, tsjak- > dzjwo:, tsjwo~1l *tsrja,),: > t~jwo:
21. HS 25 8: *gjar: > gjwo: ~ *gjar> gjwo
219

218
r ----

r---

7. Fu Qian / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 7. Fu Qian

m*rjwar: > ju:

1m *hjwa-y: > xju:


"Yuyang", a place name
23. HS 37 iW- *bjak- > bju- ffl *bjuak- > bju*kuar> k;}u
24. HS 224 ~ *kuar > k;}u
'25. HS 2981
'01) *kuar > k;}u
~ *kuar > k;}u
26. HS 27
*tsuar: > tS;}U: ~ *tsuak- > tS;}U27. SJ 312 mill *tshjuar > tshju rjj *tshja:/tshjan:
28. HS 2427 mli] *kjuar > kju ftJ *kjuar> kju
29. HS 3324 ijli] *gjuar > gju IiJ)J *gjuar > gju
30. SJ 2891 I.fi *ljai > lje ~t *ljai > lje
31. HS 207 fiR. *sjai > sje Wi *sjai > sje
032. HS 2980 !!G *njai > flZje 5r. *njai > ftzje
33. HS 1429 ~~ *khjai > khje ~ *gjai, kjai > gje, kje
34. HS 3965 ~ *ngjai > ngje ~ *ngjai: > ngje:
35. HS 2684 ~ff! *kjwai: > kjwe: ~ *hjai > xje
36. HS 1820 m*ngjai: > ngje: I/!re *ngjai: > ngje:
"37. HS 1804. friij~~fIffi&o
tiM *tjwai- > tsjwe- ~ *tjang > tSjang fIffi *djwai- > zjwe38. SJ 2073 W *diai, tiai: > diei, tiei ~ *di;}i: > diei:
39. SJ 2073. alt. W *diai, tiai: > diei, tiei: IIi'ff *diai > diei
40. HS 3576
*ngiai: > ngiei: I!7l *ngiai: > ngiei:
41. HS 18*
Kii::.lt *liar- rj;}k (?) kj;}r > liei- dZj:lk kjY
dj;}k (?)
!fi~llt; *liak rj;}k- kj;}r > liekjii- kji
42. HS 2111 !Q!t *dw;}i> dw;}i 1ft *drjw;}i > gwi
; 43. comm. to Zuozhuan, ap. comm. to WX 95. *~~ffi.i!io
*drji;}i: > gi: ~ *rjiai > jii
*rjw;}i: > jwei I!!J *hjw:Ji > xjwei
44. HS 4102
45. HS 2684 ~ *ti;}i: > tiei: M *ti;}i > tiei
46. SJ 323 ~ *tsi:Ji- > tsiei- ~ *tsi;}i- > tsiei47. HS 3752 t,W *tat- > tiii- HWi *tat- > tiii 48. HS 1778 ~ *thjat- > tshjlii- ~ *thjat- > tshjai49. HS 65*
*yjwat- > jwai- if *yjwat- > jwru50. HS 2089.* 1Ji!~~1filfjtzJlliljo
lJ)ls *ph:Jng, b:Jr > ph:Jng, bW:Ji ilfjlj *khrw:Ji- > khwru51. comm.toZuozhuan,ap.SSJ,Zuozhuan 12.10b. f.ll\.,1.&tl2o
f.li\. *pj :Jng > pjung 1.& *pjang- > pjwang52. HS 2880 ~ *brang > blmg ~ *brang > bllng
53. HS 3527 fff.1 *thjang: > tshjang: ~ *thjang: > tshjang:
54. HS 1624 ~ *kjwang: > kjwang: ~ *kjuang: > kjwong:
55. SJ 1984 If! *ngriang > ngwg liJf *ngia/ngien
22. HS 1752

,Ii]

220

1 !

*rjiwang > jWllng ~ *rjiwang > jWllng


Iil!fia *tsjang gjuar/tsjang gju
t/ifli))) *tshjuang- gjuar > tsjwong- gju
58. ap. SJ, Jijie 233 ~ *giang > rieng 7flJ *giang > rieng
59. SJ 253 ;lE *biang: > bieng: fJj *bang, bang- > bwang, bwang60. ap. comm. to WX 633 .'tx *tw:Jn > tw;}n 11!r{ *tw;}n > twan
61. HS 2487 ;fJl' *hjw;}n > xjw;}n m*hjw;}n > xjw;}n
62. HS 869 fnij *gljw;}n > Ijwen ~I *krw;}n > kwan
63. ap. comm. to WX 148 !Ii~ *ngjian > ngjen ~ *ngji:Jn > ngjen
64. ap. comm. to wx
*bji:Jn > bjien 'fi" *pji;}n > pjien
65. HS 4244 ~"If *?ji;}n > ?jien IAI *?jian > ?jien
66. HS 2691 i't!1 *ti;}n > tien JlJt *ti:Jn > tien
: 67. HS 3773 'liz *giw:Jn- >riwen- 11~ *gi;}n- >rien"district"
68. HS 2868 ~ *kwa:/kwan: 1r *kwa:/kwan:
69. HS 2909 ~x *khwa:/khwan: ~ *khwa:/khwiin:
70. HS 1412 rm *ngra/ngan I *ngrai/ngai
71. SJ 2585 ~ *pjia/pjiin I\i *pjia/pJan
72. HS 365 ~ *tshjii/tshjan t~ *tsh;}m: > tsh:Jm:
73. HS 4160 ~ *tshja/tshjiin flit *sja/sjan
74. HS 2417 1i *tshjwa/tshjwan
*sw:Jn > sW:Jn
75. HS 1627 !b *djii/zjan W *diai > diei
76. HS 267
Ma.'; *?jia tjai:/?jan tsje: ~-gz *?jiii tjai/?jan tSje
77. HS 4044* JR: *drjwa:tQjwan: ffllJ *yjwat- > jwai78. HS 2227 Wf. *djii-/ijan- !iI'j! *dja-/ifan179. comm. to Zuozhuan, ap. comm. to SJZ 15.24b. lliHnnjRo
M *dzia/dzien ~ *dzjwa/dzjwan
80. HS 11 Ifk *tam > tam 1& *tam > tam
81. HS 113 Ilt':i *rjam > jiam :Ijl] *tiam- > tiem82. HS 2822 ~ *g:Jm >'Yam -Z;- *g:Jm >r:Jm
83. HS 1055 Il~ *d:Jm: > d;}m: 1tt *dr;}m: > gam:
"to soak (in dew)"
84. HS 2197 JIiX. *gr:Jm > -yam IJ.1< *gr;}m: > ram:
85. HSI053 lllJ*ngj:Jm>ngj;}m -z;-*g:Jm>r:Jm
86. HS 1998* tJJ *(g)l:Jk > l:Jk tgb *(g)l:Jk > l;}k
87. HS 1316* ,~ *trj:Jk, tji:Jt > tj:Jk, tsjet IJi *trj;}k > U:Jk
88. HS 237 r~ *b- > bjuk Nl *b- > bjuk
89. HS 1506 n~ *nr- > pjuk tl1 *nr- > ~juk
90. HS 1198 ~~ *hakw > xiik IfI *hak > xiik
91. HS 2845 '" *brakw > Mk
'" *bakw- > bau"scream, cry out loudly"
"violent, forceful"
56. SJ 2984
57. HS 2868

r*

221

7. Fu Qian / Part III: The Data


A. Listing of the Data / 8. Ying Shao

92.
93.
94.
95.
)-,96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.

HS 195 'J:.li'J *tjuak > tSjwok iI: *tjuak-, tIjuak- > tsju-, tjuSJ 2891 and HS 268* it *rjuak >jiwok ur. *luak > luk
SJ 2875* 1)& *sruak > ~ak ifoll *srak > ~ak
HS 2405 * Ql *khjiak > khjiik :if: *khjia)'-, khjiai > khjie-, khjie
HS 3537. ~g IHi~&o
~g *thiak > thiek
1 i *djiak > ijlik
~*thrjak > thjak
HS 3564 11:11 *tw~t > tW;)t Ttl *trjwat > Hwet
HS 175* tilt *thrjw;)t > !hjwet 1ffi *rjat- > jiliiSJ 2942 f\S *tji~t > tSjet ~ *trji;)t, ti~t > tjet, tiet
HS 2078* ll'i *pat > pwat ~ *pat > pwat
SJ 343 ~ *tjwat > tSjwat
till *tjwat > tsjwat
"tip of the nose"
HS 106 ~ *diap > diep fi':!l!i *diap > diep
NOTES

1. The sound correspondences in this gloss are irregular. I suspect that Fu Qian's
HS edition read not a but !!It (MC khji" > EH *khjah) here.
3. The vowel quality of the EH fmal which yielded MC -j;}U in a and b is uncertain.
8. Our SJ edition mistakenly writes a as I1lf
41. A is a proper name in the HS text. GY (but not the QY versions) states that in
this name the second graph (i.e. shi "to eat'') is to be read as MCji;:- in HS. This is almost
certainly a lexicographical ghost reading based directly on Fu Qian's original HS gloss.
49. The fmal developments in 0 and b are irregular, for we would expect EH *-jwatto yield MC -jwui- here. However, as noted by li (l971:39), this MC fmal does not
occur after initialj- in hekou syllables.
50. The phonological correspondences in this equation are quite irregular. The gloss is
an annotation on a place name which also occurs in a parallel passage in SJ 2712. In SJ
this place is called nota but b;andhere Fu Qian's note, as cited by the Jijie commentary,
substitutes b for a, thereby using b as a gloss on itself. It is probable that the SJ version
best represents Fu's original gloss and that his HS edition read not a but b.
77. The rime development of b is irregular, for we would expect EH -jwat- to yield
MC -jwDi-. However, as noted by Li (1971:39) this MC fmal does not occur after initial
j- in hekou syllables. The phonological correspondences in this gloss are quite irregular.
86. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in Zheng Xuan's language on the basis of
Zheng 395.
87. The MC reading !jiJk for 0 appears in Shiwen (29.6b). QY, GY, and Shiwen (4.3a)
also read MC t$jet. Karlgren (GSR 1257d; 1948-9, Gloss 1520) notes that QY and Shiwen read a as t$jet and then argues at some length that the word should also be read
tj;}k. He was apparently unaware that this MC reading was in fact attested in Shiwen
itself. The MC reading ($jet is almost certainly derived directly from Xu Shen's duruo
gloss on a; see Xu 708.
93. This passage glosses the term Luli :filii , a Xiongnu title. For a discussion of this
title see Boodberg (1979:104). For 0 GY and one QY version read Me [uk, stating that
this reading applies specifically to the title Luli. This is almost certainly a lexicographical
gltost based on Fu Qian's SI and HS glosses_

222
r~------

,-----.

,---

94. The rime development in b is irregular, for EH *-rak should yield MC -uk.
95. Current HS editions read not 0 but @(MC d.Ju- < EH duok-). However, Duan
Yucai (SWGL 769a) and Wang Xianqian (Hanshu buzhu 52.20a-b) argue convincingly
that this character is a copyist's error. Fu Qian's HS text and his commentary on it must
have read a here.
98. Many HS commentators believe that Fu Qian's HS text wrote not 0 but tk (Zjiii< EH djat-). See Wang Xianqian, Honshu buzhu 6.13a-b.
100. TIle MC reading of 0 is attested only in lY.

8. YingShao
These data consist of sound glosses and paranomastic glosses. The basic
pattern for the sound glosses is x ft- y. All departures from this pattern,
including [anqie glosses, are given in full. Paranomastic gloss types are
identified according to the general code.
SOUND GLOSSES
1. SJ 345 *f:l *d~i: >d;)i:
lih *d;)i: > d;)i:
2. HS 51 ~ *k;)i> k~i t~ *k~i >k~i
3. HS 64 ifiit *n:ii-> n~i- ~ *na"i, nang> nai, nang
4. HS 1618 1iHl *k- dzj;)l 'V kjiwe"i dzj;)i> kj;)u dzl'V kjwi dzl
Ji:~ *kh- dzj~"i> khj;)u dii
5. HS 1582 IE *dzrj;)Y> dtt illl *tsrjii> t~i
6. HS 1598 ;:~ *dZ- > ij~u ff, *dZ- > ij;)u:
7. HS 4206 (!);! *h- > xj~u- ~ *h- > xj~u8. HS 1579* (fIN =) l1lf *tb- > thieu tt *th- > thieu
9. HS 1565 !5Jt *d- > dau M; *d- > dau
10. ap. SJZ 30.17b i:tl *gr- >-yau *:tl *kr- > kau:
"to strangle"
11. WX 45 fI *nj- > nijliu:
*nj- > nzj ;)u:
12. HS 22 ~ *ng- > ngieu ~ *ng- > ngieu
13. HS 1464 ~ *na > nwo tv( *na > nwo
14_ WX 7 fW *lcl > .kwo IlIl *kii > kwo
15. HS 365 ~ *p- > pwo: :fflj *p- > pwo:
16_ HS 1616 fflIl *tsa: > tswo: Ii: *tsjia > tsja
17. HS 1597
~ *krii mjiang > ka mjweng
*kra mrang > ka m eng
18. HS 1602 tl *tshja > tshjwo H *tshja > tshjwo
19a. HS 1562 W*rja > jiwo T* *rjii- > jiwo19b.HS 1626 l\! *lja- > ljwo ~ *lja > ljwo-

*l1l

223

A. Listing of the Data / 8. Ying Shao

8. Ying Shao / Part III: The Data

20. HS 1576
21. HS 1574
22. HS 1590
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.

*klm > khau

'l~

*khu > khau

t6J *kju > kju ~ *kju > kju


UfflET *hju rj a'i > xju jfi DHh *hju rj aY > xju jiY

place name
HS 1617 IIIij *hju- > xju- ,I!~ *hju- > xjuHS 1795 ~ll. *gwa: > -ywii: W~ *gwa: > -ywii:
ap. comm. to S1 2070 ~ *sra > ~a lIb *sra > ~a
HS 1636 ~ *gra:, gra- >-ya:, -ya- f'{ *kra:, gra- > ka:, kaWX 105 if( *grai: >-yai:
~(*grii: >-yii:
Deleted
HS 1250 l)1i *drj waY > ~jwe JIi *drjwii> gjwe
fit *sjaI > sje
Wi *sjii> sje
HS 1599
HS 1616 L'\; *tsjaY> tSje 7: *tsjii> tsje
I *dij wa"i > ijwe f* *p- > pau:
S12606*
HS 1627 Hi *rjii > jie ~ *Ijai> jie
HS 173 lltll *rjai:' > jie- ~ *IjaI-> jieHS 1587 t~ *pjiai> pjie f~ *pjiai > pjie
HS 1629 fN. *mjiai > mjie ~m *mjiaI> mjie
HS 3153 U:t *hjiwii> xjwie tt *kiwai" > kiweiHS 729 i'e *diaI> diei pW *diai> diei
HS 1588 Jlt *bjai > bjwei ~E *bjai > bjwei
HS 1574 ~ *pjai: > pjwei: ~F *pjai > pjwei
place name
HS 1589 jl\ *dzjang > ijeng i.~ *tsjang- > tsjangHS 1630 1ifli *lung> lung 1m. *ljung > ljwong
S12499 :l!k: *?ang > ?ang :'R: *?jang> ?jang
HS 286 ~,*khwang- > khwfmg- IlJ{ *khwang- > khwangHS 1469* ~ *gjiwang > gjwang
*gjiwang: > gjwang:
HS 1597 m*rjang > jiang ~ *rjang > jiang
S1 1491 4'; *ljang/ljang ~ *liang > lieng
HS 1625 ~ *ljang, ljang-/ljang, Ijang- ~ *liang> lieng
HS 224 lIlT *thiang, diang > thieng, dieng
M *thiang, diang> thieng, dieng
HS 1602 1i1 *liang> lieng ~ *liang> lieng
HS 1632 ~<ll: *giang>-yieng 1flJ *giang>-yieng
HS 1603 ~ *biang: > bieng:
*bii:/bwan:
HS 1614 ~j: *tw-:J/twan ~ *dwa/dwan
HS 1325 ~ *p~:/ pwan:
*p~:/pwan:
HS 3527 O~ *lji:l'/ljen ~ *ljiS/ljen
HS 1616 om *sjw'5/sjwen 1lJ *zjw~/zjwen
HS 2846* ~j; *ngji:l'/ngjen ~ *ngjiai > ngji

224

,I

f*

"*

58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.

64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.

92.
93.

HS 54 IMl *mji;; :/mjwen: x: *mj;;/mjwan


HS 1611
it: F,- *rjw~: nga/jiwen: ngwo
flPf *rjwa ngraJjiwiin nga
comm. to S1 2884 ~~ *gwii/ -ywiin @ *gwa/ -ywan
HS 1612 11 *gwaJ -ywan 7t *gwa/ -ywan
SJ 3008 H *nga/ngiin . ~li *ngrii/ngan
HS 3277* ~ *swii:, sjwa:/swan:, sjwiin:
!ill] *srwat, srjwat > ~jwiit, ~wiit
S1 2494 ~ *kwa:/kwan: K. *kwii:/kwiin:
HS 1573 01; *tsa-, tswa-/tsiin-, tswiin- IfI,t *tshrjai> tshje
HS 1593
*gii-/yan- + *kii/kiin
HS 4246 1"1'1 *gii-/yiin- H *ga-/yanHS 1581 1f *kra/kan ~ *kra/kan
HS 271 1I!IJ *sra-/~an- ~lh *sra-/~anHS 1626
*phjii/phjw1!n ~ *ba/bwan
HS 1637 w,: *bja/bjw1!n w. *bjiai> bje
HS 1595 Wi- *dzrja/<4jan ~~ *dzjii/dzjiin
HS 1616 1f; *kjiwa:, gjiwa/kjwiin:, gjwan
*gjiw~:/gjwen:
Deleted
WX 92 fiii *mjiii-/mjiiin- ffij *mjia-/mjiiinHS 1612. fFirkffi&o
f-f *kiii/kien '1t *kjang > kjang
~ *kia/kien
HS 1588 ~~ *dam > dam ~ *dam > dam
HS 365 ~ *rjam > jiiim ~ *rjam > jiam
HS 196
*dzjiam > dzjam
*dzjiam > dzjiim
HS 1595 ?Ii *rjam > jiam r *rjam > jiam
HS 1599. ~{f{jij:lt.&o
~ *bak > bak
7rfj *hii > bwo
:It *pak > pak
HS 1580 ,j:JJ *ljak > ljak 1J *ljak > Ijak
HS 1577 m. *b- > bjuk Jtli *p- > pjuk
S1 2692
iIN *tshjuk> tshjwok f.(E *tshruk > t~hilk:
HS 1578 ~~ *mak > mal< ~ *mak > mal<
HS 1577 ~ *rjak > jiiik Zil' *rjak > jiiik
HS 1638 dI'f *Ijak > jiiik ~ *Ijak > jiiik
S1 2499 $L *?rat > ?iit z, *?jiat > ?jet
HS 1796 itIT *tjat > tsjiit trr *tsjat > tsjiit
HS 111 ,~ *khiap > khiep ~ *khiap > khiep
HS 1626. :~!Hf~ft.&o
11 *dap > dap ~ *drjang, drjang- > 9jang, 9jangft *tap >tap
HS 1597 i't *tsjap > tsjap + *dijap > ijap
HS 1597. !l~vUJ~.&o

225

8. Ying Shao

A. Listing of the Data / 8. Ying Shao

I Part III: The Data

ttl *di:!p > diep


place name

VI: *da > dwo

126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.

*tsiap > tsiep

PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
94. FSTY 103. A fflX *gr:!l- > yru.- JIX: *kr:!i- > kru.95. FSTY 91. B* In *lj:!i > ljl: 11: *tSj:!'i: > !Sji:
96. FSTY 93. B m*dijei: > ii: t~ *dij:!'i: > Zi':
97. FSTY 92. A ~ *zj:!'i- > ii- p] *sj:!i > sl
98. FSTY 92. E ~ *zjlll- > ii- Jl. *tsj:!l: > tSi:
99. FSTY 92. A ~ *zjlli- > zi- poll) *zj:!l- > ii100. FSTY 93. E l1il *yj- > j:!un * yj- > j:!u:
101. FSTY 103. A IN *z- > zj:!u ~ *dz- > dzj:!u
102. FSTY 91. A* m*tS- > tsj:!u *dr- > gj:!u
103. FSTY 80. B -Ii! *b- > bjllu: m*m- > m:!u104. FSTY 81. A i'iiIl *ga > ywo $ *ta > two
105. FSTY 109. B i'ilJ *ga >ywo Ii. *ga- >ywo106. FSTY 48. B IlHI *p- > pwo: 'fflj *p- > pwo:
107. FSTY 64. B fflIl *tsa: > tswo: m. *dzii > dzwo
108. FSTY 80. B .tm *khja > khjwo w*khja > khjwo
109. FSTY 82. E ~ *gja > gjwo 15 *kja> kjwo
11 O. FSTY 103. A* Lm *ngja: > ngjwo: lfI! *rja: > jiwo:
111. FSTY 95. B :;Ie *pju > pju lit *pju > pju
112. FSTY 94. B* f11ff *nju > flzju 1 *khju > khju
113. Deleted
114. FSTY 92. A* fff *pju: > pju: ~ *dzju: > dzju:
115. FSTY 111. E fit *phju: > phju: ~ *bju: > bju:
116. FSTY 92. B f:tj *krai > kai 11 *giwai > -yiwei
117. FSTY 82. B ~1Ii *pjiai, pjiai- > pje, pje~ *ba, bja > bwan, bjwvn
118. HGY, ap. TPYL 3045. A* !! *sjai: > sje:
~ *sjai, sjai- > sje, sje- Fa *sji5-/sjen119. FSTY l11.B ~t.}*kjal:>kje: ~*kjai>kje
120. FSTY 108. E .J3; *tiai: > tiei: m: *tiai: > tiei:
121. FSTY 110. B ~ *rjilli > jii filii *ti:!i: > tiei:
122. FSTY 81. E 7rfj *pai-, phai- > pwfti-, phwai- ifit *pjiai- > pjiii123. HGY, ap. TPYL 771. E '1i. *grwllng > '}'WEng JJ{ *kwang: > kwang:
124. FSTY 110. B* Bt *njong > itijung 9!!. *hjung > xjwong
125. FSTY 95. E j:: *drjang: > q.jang:
~ *drjang> c;ljang
"(length=) height of a person"

133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.

FSTY 95. E 't *srang > ~vng IW *siang, siang: > sieng, sieng:
FSTY 94. B l,!E *sjang-/sjang- "if: *sjang/sjang
FSTY 91. A* q; *diang > dieng iF *bjiang > bjwvng
FSTY 103. A ~l *liang > lieng % *ljang, ljang-/ljiing, IjiingFSTY 1. A ;jfrj! *diji5/dijen ffj *sji;}-/sjenFSTY 67. B ;jfrj! *diji5/dijen 111 *sji:s/sjen
FSTY, ap. TPYL 1859. E* H *gi;i/yien
I;!& *ki5/kien
1Jri: *gljiam > ljiim
FSTY 45. E 'llf *kwa:/kwiin: .~ *kwa, kwa-/kwan, kwanFSTY 110. B m*mra > man t~ *mra-/manFSTY 67. B ~ *yjwii/jwlm tl: *yjwa/jwen
FSTY 93. A ru *?jwa:/?jwan: tIM *?jw:! :/?jw:!n:
FSTY 91. A !I'*' *giwa/yiwen 1:: *giwa/yiwen
FSTY 49. B m*d- > diek ~ *d- > diek
FSTY 78. E W: *ngruk > ngiik fj *kruk > kiik
FSTY 108. B ~ *mrak > mvk PI~ *ljak > Ijak fiJj. *bak > bilk
FSTY 59. E ~ *dzjiak > dzjiik it} *tsjiak > tsjak
ap. SSJ, Shi 19D.4a. E f! *dzjiak > dzjak
*dzjiak > dzjiik
"royal field"
FSTY 110. B* ~* *d- > diek fl'f *p-, b- > pjiik, bjak
FSTY 103. A ~ *tsji:!t > tsjet *dzji:!t > dijet
FSTY 64. B JXt *lap > lap 3ttt *ljap > ljiip
FSTY 64. B. alt.* JJI!l. *lap > lap t~ *tsjap > tsjap

NOTES
8. A, a place name, is sometimes incorrectly written without the grass radical in ilie
historical texts. Cf. Fu Qian 8.
32. The phonological correspondences in this example are quite irregular. It appears
in the Suoyin commentary to SJ, where we learn that it was originally a gloss on ilie
place name if! in the parallel HS text (HS 1890). The second character in iliis name
varies in the early histories. In ilie original SJ passage (i.e. SJ 2606) it is written tli (MC
rjiwe, r!jwe-). In SJ 389 it is again written U, but here ilie parallel HS passage (HS 74)
has ffi (Me piau:). The reactions of later HS commentators to iliis last variant are
interesting. The Three Kingdoms glossist Meng Kang iililJlt states that it should be
pronounced like f* (MC pau:), while his contemporary, Su Lin ~ft ,says that it should
be read like ~ (i.e. as MC Ziwe). Yan Shigu states that Su is correct because fIT is really
a copyist's error for here, and in this he is followed by most later commentators (see
Hanshu buzhu IB.19b). It would appear, however, iliat Ying Shao not only belonged to
the same school as Meng Kang and read fIT as MC pau:, but also considered I in our HS
passage to be a corruption of fIT and read it pOu: as well. Ying's note ilius represents, in
effect, a graphic emen~tion and is not a true sound gloss.
45. The rime development in a and b is irregular, for EH *-iiwang should yield MC
-jwDng. However, as noted by Li (1971:45) initialg- does not occur before -jwDng in MC.

227

226
r- -----,

1----

r---

r----

A. Listing of the Data / 9. Gao You

9. Gao You / Part III: The Data


57. 1hls gloss is probably based on Xu 271 and may not represent Ying Shao's
language.
63. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
95. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
102. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage as cited here is a
quote from SW (see Xu Shen 838) and may not represent Ying Shao's language. Some
versions of the text, as cited by Zhu Junsheng (SWGL 5149a) and Zhang Jinwu (Zhang
1816:32) write not b but /lil (Me tSjau). This reading is phonologically regular.
11 O. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
112. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
114. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
118. Band c both gloss a.
124. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
128. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
132. B and c both gloss a.
140. B and c are both glosses on a. The initial correspondence between a and b is
irregular.
143. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
146. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is probably a
quote from the Jijiupian ,~~ill'i .

9. Gao You
These data consist of loangraph, direct sound, and paranomastic glosses.
The identifying code for the loangraph glosses is as follows:
A

x~j'(y

x~ ......

C
D
E

x31Sy
xUlPIl ...... (Z) y
xmPlly
xm't' ...... (Z) y
Others

(Z)y

The basic pattern for the sound glosses is x ff y . Glosses which depart from
this will be quoted in full.
Paranomastic gloss types are identified according to the general code.
LOANGRAPH GLOSSES
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

HN 13.8b. B .:l *dah: > dai: f\; *dak- > daiHN 17.11a. B* ~*nak->nai(~=)~*hnak>thak
HN 2.lOb. B* fi *mrah > mai g; *?jwei, ?wa > ?jwe, ?wa
HN 5.1 b. B ~ *kjah > kji ~ *kah > kai
LS 11.2a. B ~ *thjak- > tslii- ~ *thjak- > tshi-

228

6. HN 8.6b. 7jc~!,UjHI, ;t!:A~ff2j':AMo


1j: *lahw > lau
M *ljakw- > Ijau7. LS 20.21 b. D nih *khahw > khau ~ *khjw,mg > khjung
8. HN 1.4a; 8.8a. B* :j *bahw: > bau: 'if. *ngjah, ngjak > ngjI, ngjak
9. HN l.4b. B 1iU *ljahw> ljau Wi *ljahw > ljau
10. LS 9.3a. G M *gjahw > gjau fit *gjahw > gjau
11. HN 13.Ib. C m*?jahw > ?j,m fj! *?jahw > ?jau
12. LS 15.8a. D* y"t *dzjakw- > dzjau- I;fi! *zjah: > jiwo:
13. HN 6.5a. B* lfc *zjakw- > jiau- .@: *zjwai- > jiwi"to give"
14. HN 4.7a. jJtm'tjfrrffl~Z~, ~*,,7J~Zo
b *mahw > mau ~ *mjiahw > mjiau
"yak"
"to bind up"
15. HN 13.5a. B ~ *tsahw > tsau M *dzahw > dzau
16. HN 19.6b. ;tJ;';ff~Antlo
~ *tshrahw > t~hau t! *tsakw- > tsau17. HN 1.6b. !!1MtAtilfl1.:5(JhZ3C, U')f3.i~OJf1t:fo
!!1 *krahw > kau 3C *krahw> kau
18. HN 5.I2b. B 3C *krahw > kau t5i: *krakw- > kau19. HN 3.1b. G ~ *tsjahw > tsjau M.\ *tsjakw- > tsjau20. HN l.4b. B l!t *sjahw > sjau
*sjahw > sjau
21. HN l.4b. B
*sjahw > sjau *f!l *sjahw > sjau
22. HN 9.17a. B ~ *njahw> fiijliu ~ *njahw: >fiijau:
23. HN 19.7b. A ~ *njahw > nijau ~ *njahw> fiijliu
24. HN 3.1Ib. D jjt *pjiahw > pjHiu ~ *mjahw > mjau
25. LSI9.1b.D ~*niahw:>nie'u: m*nrahw:>I).au:
26. HN I9.5b. B ~ *mah > mwo Ht *mah > mwo
27. HN 4.5b. B j;Ji *lah > lwo ~ *lah > lwo
28. HN 1.15b-c. B m: *kwah > kwo Ml. *kwah > kwo
29. HN 6.2a. B ,r~).: *?ah > ?wo ~ *?ang > ?iing
30. LS ll.4b. D ~ *nah: > nwo: ~ *nah: > nwo:
31. HN 8.2a. it~tlmjljJ.;AitH~zi~o
it *lak- > lwo- W~ *lak- > lwo32. HN 8.2a. B ~ *nrjah > I).jwo Ui *njah > ilijwo
33. HN 1.8b. G 'tf& *ngjah > ngjwo 8g *ngjah: > ngjwo:
34. HN 6.7a. B fJi5 *kjak- > kjwo- tJW. *khjah > khjwo
35. HN 13.Ib. B ~*kuah>kau 1l]*kuah>kau
36. HN 6.4a. B ~ *?uah > ?au 1lIlii *?uah > ?au
37. HN 13.5a. B ~fiJ *guak- > rau- Fo *guak- >'yau38. HN 2.6b. B* ~ *bjuah > bju
~' (=~)*phjah > phju
39. HN 7. lOa. D ~fiJ *kjuah > kju f.iJ *gjuah > gju

229

9. Gao You / Part III: The Data

*ngjuah > ngju ~ *ngjuah > ngju


*hjuah > xju Pf *hjwah > xju
~ *zjuah: > jiu:
~ *zjuah: > jiu:
m*bjuak- > bju- ff *bjuah > bju
i1 *trjuak- > tju- tt *trjuah: > tju:
m*tjuak- (7) > tSju- il!Sl tj:lkw > tsjuk
Ilf *na > na ~ *na/nan
i:lf*ka>ka lifj,:*ka>ka
i*drjei> <tje tfu *drjei > <tje
~ *dzjei > dzje
~ *dzjei > dzje
fifi *djwei> ijwe ffffi *tjwei- > tsjwe{,jIJ *kjei > kje
~ *gjei> gje
~ *zjei > jie
1\!1ll *zjei > jie
"compliant"
53. HN l.l5b. B* ift*mjei: > mje: tJ: *m:li > mW:li
54. LS 1O.2a. G !'I *sjei: > sje: ~ *sjei: > sje:
55a.HN 19.5b. B* n~ *hjwei: > xjwe: 1i *gjwei: > jwe:
55b.LS 6. lOb. lI$~mcr~~=;zMo
I>'\!- *bjiei > bjie M *pjiei:, biei: > pjie:, biei:
56. HN 2.9a. B ~ *zjei- > jie- ~ *zjei- > jie"easy"
57. HN 1.17a. C 01 *hjiwei > xjwie fE *kwei- > kiwei58. HN 8.l1a. F {$ *gei >yiei $. *kei > kiei
59. HN 2.l1a. B fA *lw;}i > lw;}i 1li *lw;}i > lw;}i
t~ *dzw;)i > dzw;}i
60. HN 8. lOa. G ~ *tshw;)i> tshw;)i
"mourning clothes"
61. HN 17.la. D* m*ngw;}i > ngw;}i tE *bjam- > bjwRm"mast of a ship"
62. HN UOa. F i'j! *dw:li:, dW:li- > dw;)i:, dw;)i"metal cap on the butt of a weapon-shaft"

40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.

HN 8.8b. B
HN 2.5a. B
HN 8.5a. B
LS 7.2b. E
HN 17.2a. B
HN 2.5b. D*
HN 5.9li. B
HN l.3a.B
HN 5.5b. B
LS l.3b. A
HN 16.8a. B
HN 8.2a. B
LS 1.9a. D

l'''~

IJIij

4l& *tw~-/tw;)n63. HN 5.4a. B U: *ljw;)i > ljwi G.t *ljw;)i: > ljwi:
64. HN U5b. B ~ *sjw;}i > swi *Ui *sw;}i > sW:li
65. HN 3.11a. B ~ *srjw;)i > ~wi *It *zjw;}i > jiwi
"weak"
66. HN 2.1 b. C* fi *tjw:li > tswi 11ft *zjw;}i > jiwi
67. HN 195b. ftHJt~mgo
fit *hjiw;)i > xjwi ~ *hjw;)i: > xjwei:
68. HN 13.11a. B ~ *mj;)i >mjwei tx *mj~:, mj~-/mjw:ln:, mjw;}n69. LS 7.6b. B Wr *gj:li > gjei Ifilf *gj;)i > gjei
70. HN 9.3b. B R& *sjw;}i/xjwei ~ *tshw;}i > tshw;}i

A. Listing of the Data / 9. Gao You

71. HN 19.8b. B

R& *sjw;}i/xjwei

72. LS 15.2b. E

*11 *?j:li > ?jei

*Ui *sw;)i- > sw;)itx. *?j;)i > ?jei

73. HN 19.5b. B fit *phji;}i:, bji;}i: > phji:, bji:


I1J *mjei, mjei > mje, mje:
74. HN l.10a. ~}.J.m~~1'to
Wi *trji;}i- > ti- ~. *dw;)i > dW:li
75. HN 19.6a. ~~.1tl~, ~*'-z~, tE[-liJ\7Jt--lJ:o
ff: *trji:li- > ti- 11 *trji;)i- > ti76. HN 1.6a. B *'P *sjw;}i- > swi*sjw;)i- > swi77. HN 4.3a. B* (Oft =) !I~ *pj;)t- > pjwei !ft *bj ;}t- > bjwei
78. HN 16.17a. B 11!f *dzi;}i> dziei ,. *tsi:li > tsiei
79. HN 9.11b. A
*ki:li > kiei
*kei > kiei
80. HN 1. lOa. C If *ti;}i: > tiei: m; *ti;}i > tiei
81. HN 7.7a. B m*lat- > Iai- ~ *Iat- > Iiti82. HN 7.7b. B ~ *?jiat- > ?jiii- fM: *hjat > xjllt
83. HN 4.8b. D ~ *sj;}ngw > sjung
*sj;}ngw- > sjung
84. HN 7.1a. B ~ *gung>yung J *kung- > kungread as variant of ~ in the name
Zigong, disciple of Confucius
85. HN 7.1a. B M *gung: >yung: .iJ! *grung: > yang:
86. HN l.11a. B iJl1J *dung- > dung- IITJ *dung > dung
87. HN 13.3b. B iJl1J *dung- > dung*dung > dung
88. LS 22.2b. ri1~~~, ~*'- Zo
1\1 *gung- > yung- ~ *gung > yung
89. HN 8.2b. B !il: *gjung > gjwong JA *kjung > kjwong
90. HN 6.8b. B* fft *njung: > nzjwong: 1ft *phjuah: > phju:
91. HN 13.19b. fft~fl~tf., ~fr1'lzo
iM'1 *njung: > fiijwong: ~ *njung > ilijwong
92. HN 8.8b. B m*zjung: > jiwong: j'ffj *zjung: > jiwong:
93. HN 2.3a. B ~ *mang> mwang ff *mang: > mwang:
94. HN 7.la. B c *mang>mwang jf *mang: >mwang:
95. LS 16.6b. B ~ *hmang, hmang: > xwang, xwang:
~ *mjang- > mjwang96. HN l.3b. B lJ\'i *kwang- > kwang- t-1t *kwang- > kwang97. HN 1.17a. B tfi: *khang- > khangill *khuah:, khuak- > kh:lu:, kh:lu98. HN17.10b.B ~*?ang->?fmg- ii;l:*?ang->?ang99. HN 13.la. B ~ *mrang > mllng i'iti *mrang > mllng
100. HN U5b. B jfff *tsjang > tsjang !tl't *tsjang > tsjang
101. HN 8.8a. B* if!;} *thjang- > tshjang- ~ *thjang: > tshjang:
102. HN 2.3b. B m*zjang- > jiang- tt *zjang: > jiang:

230

231
r---------

r--- -

A. Listing of the Data / 9. Gao You

9. Gao You / Part III: The Data

103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.

HN 5.17a. B zP- *bjiang > bjllng ftif *bjiang > bjllng


HN 1.17a. B ~ *zjwang/jiwang ~ *zjwang/jiwiing
LS 1.12b. B Ii*thw;j/thw;!n
~*dw;j:/dw;!n:
LS 1.5b. B t-l'r *hm~/xw;!n r", *m;j-/mw;!nHN 13.7a. B M *hm;}/xw;!n 'fY: *mjh mji;j/mjw;!n-, mjen
LS 5.3b. D ill[ *gw-;}/'YW;!n & *kw;j:/kw;!n:
LS 5.3 b. im ~ft lli l\l:
lr1! *dw;} :/dw;!n: 4L *dw /dwan
HN 3.l3a. A * ~ *khw;j-/khw;!n- ~ *gjiw;j/gjw;!n
HN 7.1a. B* Y: *mj~/mjw;!n 1)( *mj~:, mj;)-/mjw;}n:, mjw;!nLS 15.2b. 4-J"tHI A~~1N:~~E1fto
IJ~ *?j~/?j;!n
t<. *?j;!i > ?jei
HN 16.17a. ifW~j'Hll~li, ~rs- zJJmmo
ifW *lji;) /ljen ~.o *lji:i -/ljenHN 17.11a. ifWliJtWJ!lIl, ~*" 7Jf.!tzmo
ifW *lji;j, lji;j -/ljen, ljen~ *lji;j /ljen
HN 4.3b. B ~i *zji;j/jien ~L *zji;j-/jienLS 14.3b. C f1t; *srji~/~jEn *srji~/~jEn
HN 2.5a. B* fJ0 *zjw~:/dijwen: fc *zjw~:, rjw~ (?)/jiwen:, zjwen
HN 4.10a. B* m- *gjiw;j:/gjwen: !fl *gjiw;j/gjw;!n
HN 8.2a. ffiiiffW,;Mijo
0

m*gjiw~:/gjwen:

120. LS 6. lOa. G
121. HN 9.16b!"

;Mij *gljw~/ljwen

ill *gjw~-/jw;!n-

*kjw;j/kjw;!n

!t~~~ltElfLmJiJio

~J~~ *sjw~-

122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
232

drj;!hw/sjwen- "j;!U
fLmJiJi *sji;!i bji;!i duah > si bi d;!u
LS 9.3b. B if *gji~-/gjen- rr *kj;j, kj~-/kj;!n, kj;!nHN 6.7a. B M *ti;j/tien ~ *di~/dien
"to block up"
HN 8.9a. C ;&:: *dia:/dien: :!II! *ti;j:/tien:
HN 1.4a. G* ~~ *thi~:/xien: n~ *tji~:/tsjen:
LS 4.6b. C illil *kiw~/kiwen :t:: *kwei > kiwei
LS 1.8b. C I(fe *matmwfm fffi *ma:/mwan:
HN 9.12a. B ril\*dzwa/dzwfm
*dzwa-/dzwiinHN 1.6b-7a. B ~x *khwa:/khwfm: H *khwa > khwa
HN l.4b. B* $: *twa-/twan- ~ *pjiang: > pjweng:
LS 14.5a. G m. *kwa-/kwfm- tit *gjiwa/gjwiin
HN 2.4b. B -rtf *ga-/yfm- f'fJ *ga-/yiinHN 16.3b. B* ~ *hwa-/xwfm- ij~ *nw~-/nw;!nLS 14.6a. D ~ *?wii-/?wfm- tm *?wa:/?wfm:
HN 9.5b. B ~ *mra-/man- H~ *mra-/man-

136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.

168.

169.

HN 5.9a. B ~ *grwa-/'rwan- ~ *grwa-/'rwanHN 6.8a. D M. *bjii/bjwlln :fWf *bja/bjwen


HN 4.2b. D ~ *bja/bjwen f!& *bja-/bjwenHN4.10b.B.a1t. Ji'*hjwatxjwlln a~*hii:,hii-/xfm:,xfmHN 1.17b. B 31 *lja/ljiin ~ *lja/ljiin
HN 3.9b. B 31 *ljii/ljiin ill *lii-/lfmHN 8.5b. B !& *drjaNjan *Ill *drja/gjiin
HN 7.9b. B #ii *djwatzjwiin ffilJj *tjwa/tsjwiin
HN 13.6b. B ~ *trjwa:/tjwiin: fl!j *trjwa-/tjwiinLS 1.8b. C jJi! *tjii:, thjii/tSjiin:, tShjan if'[ *tja/tsjiin
LS 11.6b. D ~ *zja:/jiiin: ~L *zji:~-/jienHN 5.6b. B m*khia/khien ~ *kiang- > kiengHNI7.lOa.B;LS6.1b.D* m*khia/khien ~*gei>l'iei
HN 5.8a. B tt *lia-/lien- *!:I! *lia-/lienLS 26.11b. D* p~ *?iwa-/?iwenPm *?jiat-, ?rat-, ?at > ?j1ii-, ?ai-, ?iit
HN 13.1b. B ~ *tham > thiim tt. *diam > diem
HN 13.17b. B im: *glam- > liim- ~ *gljam:, gljam- > ljam:, ljamHNI7.3a.B fi!!.'i*kram>kam l1fi:*gljam>ljam
LS 5.7a. D ~ *tjam > tsjam ~ *dam > diim
"
LS 18.15b. C ~ *gljam, gljam- > ljam:, Ijam- ~ *hjap > xjep
HN.2.2b. C 1t *?jiam: > ?jam: :ftl; *?jiam: > ?jam:
LS 11.2a. B m< *t;!m, dr;!m > t;!m, <;lam i'Ii *thj;!m: > tshj;!m:
HN 1.8b. B 'tIl. *d;!m > d;!m r;I. *d;!m > d;!m
HN 3.2a. B ~*d;!m > d;!m r;I. *d;!m > dam
HN 4. lOb. B 'tIl. *d;!m > d;!m ~ *d;!m > d;!m
HN 13.15b. B a& *g;!m: > l';!m: ft *gap > -yap
HN 19.13b. B t; *th;!m- > th;!m- ~ *th;!m > th;!m
HN 2.1b. B ~ *sr;!m, sram: > ~am, ~am: ~ *srj;!m > ~j;!m
name of constellation
HN U5a. B* ~ *rjam (?) > zj;!m IW- *d;}m > d;!m
"to spread, extend"
HN 17.8b. B* ~ *srj;Jm- > ~;!m- t~ *srj;!m > ~jam
LS 20.2a. D ~ *bak > bak 'f.'J *bak > b;}k
HN S.2b. fl!J!~JHI:78, ~*,,Zo
*d;!k > d;!k
78 *dah: > d;!i:
name of a type of locust
LS 26.7b-Sa:" J"t11HW~~fl!J!, ff-flHllmo
~ *gw;!k, gjwak > l'wak, jwak
fl!J! *dak> dak
"locust"
LS 1.3a. G ~ *thrjak > thj;!k ~*thrjak > thjak

'*

233

A. Listing of the Data / 9. Gao You

9. Gao You / Part III: The Data

170.
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.

LS 6.5a. E fOj *tJujak > thjak !l-x *thrjak > thjak


HN 8.8a. G 1~ *thjak > thjak \l& *thrjak > thjak
LS 8.8a. B t~ *hjiwak > xjwak flB *?jwak > ?juk
LS 15.8a. D Mf; *gakw > 'Ywok f.!i *gahw: > 'Yau:
HN 2.2a. B tm *krakw > kak M *gahw: > 'Yau:
HN 8.2a. B* 1'lU *sjakw > sjak *113 *sjahw > sjau
HN 5.4a. tt~flif'HJEAJlJ~ril]lItH'i/jm. w~~z1'i~o
t~ *phuak > phuk
fjJj. *phak, bak > phak, bak
HN 7.Sa. B* ~ *(g)ljuak > Ijwok ~ *(g)ljuak > ljwok
HN 3.1a. B* ~ *tjuak > tsjwok i; *druak, djuak > ~l1ik, zjwok
HN 13.3b. B ~ *tjuak, djuak > tsjwok, zjwok Jij *druak > ~ak
HN 1.2b
*thak > thak tR *thak > thak
HN 6.7a. B ~*lak>lak n*lak->lwoHN 3.12b. A* f'\O *tsak > tsak fl'I: *dzak > dzak
HN l.3b. C 1m *krak > k1!k ta *krak > k1!k
HN 1.17b. B ~ *hrak > xuk 1m; *hak > xak
HN 19.8b. B :/Ji *kjwak > kjwak 1i] *kjuak- > kjuLS 15.3b. E ~ *ngjiak > ngjuk ~I! *hjiak > xjuk
LS 4.9b. E* lffi *tjiak > tSjiik 1!1t *tjiak > tsjiik
HN 2.12b. B '~ *hrjiak > sjiik f~ *hrjiak > sjiik
HN 16.12b. B t'l *tsr- > t~~k ~ *ts- > tsiek
HN 6.8a. A ~ *p- > pjiik il'f *p- > pjiik
HN 1.2b. C 18 *kwat > kwat 1'f *kwat > kwat
LS l.4b. C ;J8 *gwat >'Ywat it *kwat > kwat
HN 8.2a. B AIlU *kjwat > kjwat ill: *kjwat > kjwllt
"to butt"
HN 2.4a. tf,!~~A~o
tf,! *sat > sat ~ *sriat > ~t
HN 2.6a. B
*ngat > ngat ~ *ngat > ngat
LS 5.8b. G I'M! *?at > ?at ~ *?at > ?at
HN 8.5a. B
*?riat > ?at ,-L *rat > ?at
HN 17.11a. B* ;:r *kjiat > kjiit ~ *kiat > kiet
HN 2.11a. B* ~ *srap > ~ap p~ *srap > sap
HN 6.2a. B P[3 *?ap > ?ap IjfJ *?ap > ?ap
HN 1.7a. B ~ *drjap > djap ft *djap > zjap
HN 4.7a. B 1Jj *hjap > xjap *hjap > xjup
HN 7.2a. A tiX *hjap > xjap *hjap > xjup
HN 9.Sa. A* tiX *hjap > xjap
*giap >yiep

.jI*

: *tsra: > t~a:


!tr *tsra: > t~a:
HN 11.1 b ~JIt *tshjai: > tshje: Jlt *tshjai: > tshje:
HN 2.4a ~ *bjiat- > bjiai- ~ *bat > bwat
LS 12.5b ~ *tang > tang If *tang > tang
LS 8.4b ffl *mii/mwan ~'&I *mii, mii-/mwan, mwanLS 6.6a!" tiM-E3M~p.ZJlp.o
Ii *gjwii:/jwan: ~J'i. *gjwii :/jwen:
215. LS 23.8b. 9iMIi!WjU}IUJo
~ *ngat > ngat
*ngat > ngat

210.
211.
212.
2l3.
214.

.ll

PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.

r*

222.
223.
224.

225.

SOUND GLOSSES
205. LS 22.9b

206. LS 8.4a
iahw: > ?ieu: y"j) *?iahw: > ?ieu:
207. LS 192b. ~HlcHszfso
~} *mak- > mwois *prak > puk
208. HN 2.6a'!' il tH!fxzJ!o
~ *(g)luak- > lau- - l!: *(g)ljuak- > lju"frequent, many"

PP3 *trjahw > gau

*trjahw > tjiiu

226.
227.
228.
229.
230.
231.
232.
233.

HN 4.4b. E fl:: *dak- > dai- iN *dak- > daiLS 1.8a. A Z *tjah > tSI '. *tjiai- > tsiLS 16.11a. A ka *hrjah: > si: I"f *hrjahw: > ijau:
HN 3.5a. A 7* *pakw- > pau- f~ *bjakw > bjuk
LS 15.18b. A
*pakw- > pau- ~l *brak > buk
HN 1.10a. A mJ *tjahw > tijau ilfflJ *diahw > dieu
"to blend"
HN l3.lla. E 1fnj *khakw- > khau- t.Hi *khahw: > khau:
LS 14.24a. A ~ *duak> duk ;li.\ *djakw > zjuk
HN l3.12b. E* ~ *(g)ljuah > lju
}Sfc*(g)ljuak > ljwok
name of a sword
LS 7.2b. E .1:11 *bjuak- > bju- lIT *b"h: > b:m:
"mound"
HN l3.la. A
*grwai > ,},wai ff,~ *kjwai > kjwei
LS 3.2b. E k2. *phjai, phai- > phjwei, phwai- 12: *pjah> pju
HN 2Ab. E fJlI. *ngjwai, ngjwai- > ngjwei, ngjwei~ *ngjwai > ngjwei
LS 1.9a. E 9 *liai: > liei: r.I *hliai: (?) > thiei:
LS 14.2a. A !J}, *trjangw > ~jung iE *tjang-/tsjiingLS17.ISa.A "/it *tang > tang r:p*trjangw>tjung
LS 6.5b. A fi:l *mrang > mung IIffi: *miang, rniang->mieng, miengLS 6. lOb. A ~ *mL"lg > mung ~ *miang, miang: >mieng, mieng:

234

235
r --

r------

r-----

r-----

9. Gao You

A. Listing of the Data

Part III: The Data

234. HN 13.lb. A 1J *pjang > pjwang ~ *biang: > bieng:


235. is l1.1b.* m-rfrt)J~'1ilHgo
ill *bjang > bjwang
rfli1( *pi:li-/pi~t dzang > piei-/piet dzang
236. HN l2.l2a. E :t *drjang: > djang: tt *drjang- > ~jang"to rely on"
237. HN l5.la. A J'~ *pjiang > pjw~ng ~)j *bjang > bjwang
238. HN 4.2b. E fiji *khjwang:/khjwang: ~i *khjwang:/khjwiing:
"measure of space"
239. is 11.1 b. E IE *diang- > dieng- IrX: *djang/fjang
240. is 9.4a. A i:i *sw'i}-/sw~n- nlJt *zjw~-/dzjwen241. is 6.1a. E ':il: *gjw~-/jwan- ~ *kjw;}/kjw~n
242. HN 6.2b. B ~ *gjw'i}-/jw~n- '!j..l: *kjw;)/kjw~n
243. is l.3b. A :k *thi;)" /thien .;r *hrji;)/sjen
244. is l.lb. B ~ *swa/swan m*tswa/tswan
245. is 25.3b. E cf- *pa-/pwan- (!iii *phjiii/phjiiin
{<T *hrja- > sja246. is 3.lOa. A lJl' *drjiii/<;ljiin
"orbit of a celestial body"
247. is 9.6a. E :fk *dj~m:, dj~m- > zjam, zj~m1* *hrjam, hrj~m- > sjam, sj~m248. is 5.5b. A @( *thj~kw > tshjuk IJf1 *hrj~h: > si:
249. is 23.8a. A ~ *thjuak > tshjwok
~ *thrj~kw, thrj~kw- > thjuk, thj~u250. HN 17.11a. E .::f *kjiat > kjiit *5 *kiat > kiet
NOTES

2. B is emended according to Hong 1775:4.13b.


3. The phonological correspondences in this gloss are entirely irregular.
8. This gloss is phonologically quite irregular.
12. Hong (1775:2.11a) and a number of LS commentators (see SXMZ, vol. 10,
15. 14a-b) believe that b is an error for EI3 (jiiJU < EH *zjahw).
13. The Imal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
38. For b, the SBCK edition mistakenly reads ~.
45. The EH rime category of a is uncertain.
53. The MC reading of a is attested only in JY. For b SBCK mistakenly reads f31.
55a. For b SBCK mistakenly reads ii .
61. The sound correspondences in this gloss are irregular. It would appear that Gao
wished to read a "mast" as IjJ,fl(MC bjwom-) "sail" here. This is probably not a sound
gloss.
66. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
77. The MC reading of B is attested only in JY.
90. This gloss is phonologically irregular. It may be based on the graphic similarity
between a and b. Cf. Xu Shen 1002.
101. The MC reading of a is attested only in JY.
110. The rime development of b is irregular, for we would expect MC -jwan to derive

236

10. SM

from EH -jwiJn (= Gao You's *-jw'J).


111. The MC reading of a is attested only in JY.
117. On the initial development of a see Chapter 5, section 5.8.
118. The rime development of b is irregular, for EH -jiwan (= Gao You's *-jiw'J)
should yield MC -jwen here. However, as pointed out by Li (1971:37) -jwen (in theping
tone) does not occur after initiaIg- in Me.
121. This gloss indicates that Gao You read a as the three-syllable compound b.
However, it probably does not mean that he actually pronounced a as b. Gao's commentary reveals that he believed a to be a type of animal-shaped sash decoration or belt
buckle worn by the northern barbarians. As shown by Pelliot (1928-9:142) the lust two
syllables of b actually transcribe the foreign name for this buckle. The word is written in
various ways in Chinese texts; see Pelliot (op. cit.) and Boodberg (1979: 136-7). It is
possible that b meant literally "the head of the sipi buckle" and was the term ordinarily
used for this item of dress in Gao You's language, for Gao's native area was near the
northern border and may have possessed a number of foreign loanwords of this type.
125. On the initial development ina see Chapter 5, section 5.2.
130. The phonological correspondences in this gloss are entirely irregular.
133. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Gao's note states that a is
read like b in the expression: A.mi!l;:;o~niJ!: . I suspect that b is a copyist's mistake
for ill (MC -ywan-) "fat" and that the phrase means "People refer to wealthy families as
'fat masters' ".
148. The vowel correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
150. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
164. On the reconstruction of the initial ina, see Chapter 5, section 5.5.
165. Instead of a, all current versions read JllifI, which is generally held by later commentators to be a mistake; see SXMZ, v. 10, p. 296.
168. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Hui Dong ;t{tt (SXMZ, vol.
10, 26.lla) suggests that a is an error forti! (MC dak < EH *diJk).
175. On the MC reading of a, see the note to Zheng Xuan 290 above.
177. B can be reconstructed with EH initial *gl- in the language of Zheng Xuan on
the basis of Zheng 238.
178. The MC reading of b is attested only in JY.
182. B has been miscopied as t!!. in the SBCK edition.
187. A and b are also paired by Gao in an almost identical gloss in HN 1.6b.
198. B is missing from the SBCK edition.
199. The MC reading of b is attested only in JY.
204. For b SBCK mistakenly writes j)J(.
208. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM langauge on the basis of SM 1265.
214. The rime development of b is irregular, for MC -jwen: should derive from EH
-jiwiJn (= Gao You's *-jiwJ).
224. A may have had EH *gl-; see Gao 208.
235. In this passage the phonological role of b "to close up and store" seems similar to
that offanqie type glosses, i.e. *bjang =*p(iiJi- dz)ang.

to.SM

The 8M data have been published by Bodman (1954) and will not be
repeated here. The notes appended below' are intended to supplement those
237

A. Listing of the Data / 10. SM


10. SM / Part III: The Data

provided by Bodman (1954:123-42). Numbers refer to individual entries in


Bodman's corpus.
NOTES
5. Bodman reads a "left" in the shangsheng. QY also lists a qusheng reading for this
word.
31. B has no reading in QY or GY. Karlgren, followed by Bodman, reads MC ngwat
because the word serves as a variant reading for f}[(MC ngwat) in a SW (SWGL 6490b)
quote of a Shu passage. The current version of yP reads b as qo@l1;/Jngwai:. lkmsho
myogi (edition: Taipei, 1975, p. 1146) readstjo~&ngwai:, indicating that MC ngwai: is
a valid early reading for the word.
34. Several versions of this gloss exist, and it is questionable which is correct. The
meaning of the gloss is also difficult to interpret. As Bodman notes, b has another MC
reading jiwi: "abundance of fish". JY also attaches to this reading the sense "appearance
of flowing water".
113. This is identified as an alternate gloss. It is probably a quote from SW; see Xu
Shen 896.
121. This is probably a quote from Cangjie pion lilifiNl (ap. Zhongjing yinyi *f.!I!g.
.it). See Wang (1896:370).
130. Bodman reads bas MC ?wa. It also has another reading, ?wo.
136. This may be a quote of Zheng Xuan 299.
211. With Bi Yuan I emend a to I3!J (MCgjwo-).
234. This gloss is based on Zheng Xuan 410. For discussion, see Coblin (Ms. 1,
section 2.2).
269. Bodman reads b as MC phau-. It should be read as Mk, sense of "to trample".
281. Bodman reads b is MC Sjiiu: "few, little". I read it as ~liiu- "younger, junior".
352. A should be read as MC thiek, sense of "to cut off ".
359-360. These are part of the same SM passage and represent alternate glosses on
359/360 a. The fmal correspondence in 360 is regular for the SM language, while that in
359 is not.
406. This is a quote of BHTY 3a.
436. Bodman reads b as MC pjJu:. I suspect that it should be read as pii:, sense of
"inferior, vulgar". A number of Han commentators read it this way in Shu, Yaodian
among other texts (cf. Karlgren 1948'-9: Gloss 1243), and it is quite possible that Liu
Xi was influenced by this exegetical tradition.
451. This is a quote of Zheng Xuan 274.
453. I suspect that a should be read as MC pii:. See note 436.
457. This is probably a quote from EY 2/142 or the Mao commentary on Shi 113,
verse 3.
485. This is a quote from SW; see Xu Shen 854b.
488. This gloss is a quote from SW; see Xu 839a.
493. This gloss is probably based on the Mao commentary to Shi 128, verse 1.
495. This gloss occurs in many earlier texts. See Chapter 5, section 5.3.
498. This gloss is a quote of Zheng Xuan 35a.
501. This is a quote from SW; see Xu 848.
508. This is a quote from EY 1A.1.
572. This gloss is probably a quote from SW (Xu 867) and/or FY 13/10.

583. This passage contains a second part not listed by Bodman: '!'liYifuo
{ tshjang
!iizjang
624. This gloss occurs in EY lA.8.
690. This gloss occurs in Zheng Xuan's commentaries on several of the ritual texts. I
suspect that it is not a paranomastic gloss there.
703. This is an alternate gloss. It is quoted from EY IB/60.
715. This gloss also appears in SJ and BHTY 51.
717. This is probably a quote from SW (SWGL 3263a). The original SW passage reads
',j,. fHllJo;lJi l!!.. Duan Yucai emends to: 'ifi. \'t l!!.. iffi.J.;iJi l!!.. I suspect that the original SW
passage is not a sound-based gloss.
728. This is a quote from EY lA.2.
758. This gloss may be based on a passage in LJ (GZSSJ 126) where Zheng Xuan says
that the word lit in the phrase lit~ is to be read as n (see Zheng Xuan 136). He then
remarks: ff'nffill 'T!:tfj!~ 1!2 "OlOngrong means 'to beat heavily' ". It is this line which may
form the basis for the SM gloss. I think it unlikely that Zheng's defmition is a paranomastic gloss. For a discussion of the LJ passage, see Karlgren (1963-7: #1918).
811. This appears in LJ, Tangong (GZSSJ 25).
816. This is probably a quote from SW; see Xu Shen 1217.
817. This is a quote from SW; see Xu Shen 1219.
822. The initial correspondence in this passage is irregular. However, it is identified by
Liu Xi as an alternate gloss on a. The other alternate (SM 821) is phologically regular.
827. As pointed out by Bodman (1954:60) the initial correspondence in this gloss is
irregular. According to sw (SWGL 1271b) the Chu dialect word for a "writing brush"
was r. jiwet SM *zjwat). In the SM language b could be reconstructed as *ijwat, or
perhaps *dZiwat (see Chapter 5, section 5.8 on the initial of this word). It seems possible
that in Chu a was actually read as *Ziwat rather than *pjiat and that this fact enabled Liu
Xi to pair a and b in this gloss.
829. Bodman reads a as MC tshjwet. I suspect that it should be read as tshwi- "to
bring out, take out" here.
842 This is a quote from YJ, Shuogua. It also appears in SW; see Xu Shen 975.
843. Bodman takes b, sense of "soft and slippery" (this sense attested only in SM)
as a loan for j!I; "sharp", and he consequently reads bas MCjiwiii-. This seems uncertain.
It is probably best to retain the known reading, dwai-, for b.
856. This is a quote from SW; see Xu Shen 982.
857. Bodman reads a as MC sjwiii- and zjwiii-. This word also has a MC reading,
-yiwei-, which is homophonous with b.
881. Bodman reads b as MC 1)iet. SW (SWGL 2938a) states that b is a variant form
of lVi (MC 'lief); and QY, GY, and Shiwen probably follow SW in giving 'ljet as the
reading of b. This reading has been adopted by Karlgren in GS and GSR. However,
Shiwen (3.17a) also gives another reading, 7J~lXniei:; and it may have been this
pronunciation which was intended by Liu Xi here.
888. Bodman reads a "storage crib for grain" as MC Ziwe. This word has an alternate
MC reading, Zjwiin.
901. On the reading of b, see note 881.
903. This is a quote from Zheng Xuan 333b.
915. This may be an implicit quote from SW (SWGL 551a), which may in tum be
based on EY 4/3.
925. Original !'in has been emended to a by Bi Yuan in this gloss. It is uncertain
whether or not this is correct.

239

238
r-- .

r' -----

1-_------

11. BTD I Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data I 11. BTD

941. Several text versions of this gloss are attested. It is uncertain which version is
correct.
948. For b the original SM text read fit (MC elwi), which has been emended to b by
Bi Yuan.
952. This passage also occurs in BHTY 36b and SW (Xu Shen 956).
1016. Bodman reads a "meat sauce" as MC thjan. In this sense GY also reads it jan,
which is homophonous with b.
1071. A "covered or screened carriage" is read as MC bien by Bodman. In this sense
the word is also read bieng in QY and GY.
1077. This is an implicit quote from SW; see Xu Shen 1114.
1105. This is an implicit quote from YJ, hexogram 2.
1128. For a Bodman reads MC tshjan:. In GS Karlgren reads tshjan, which he
attributes to QY. In GSR he reads tshjan:, tshjan-, and tshjen-. In fact, however, QYand
GY both read MC ~hjan: and t~hjen- for this word. Cf. SYHB, pp. 140 and 212 and
Long 1968, rimes ~~(18) and]t (21).
1140. For a Bodman reads MC Zjwen and tSjwen:. This word occurs in the sense of
"femur" in YL, Shaolao, where Shiwen (16.36a) gives two glosses: (1) Zjwen, attributed
to Liu Daoba 'l1JillW: (fl. mid fIfth cent. A.D.); (2) tsjwen, attributed to SW. These
readings are adopted by Karlgren and Bodman. However, in the SM passage a means not
"femur" but "knee". GY gives several readings for a, but none in the sense of "knee".
Liu Xi's reading of the word in this sense seems uncertain.
1181. For a Bodman reads MC diep. GY gives two readings for a: (l) diep "a lined
garment"; (2) zjap "an outer garment, jacket, tunic". The SM text explains a as 11L1::L
"an expression for covering over". Wang Xianqian emends mto fl , changing the meaning
to "an expression for doubling over". Wang's emendation requires the reading diep for a.
I prefer the original SM version, pointing to the reading zjap, which would make a and b
homophonous.
1182. Bi Yuan emends a to read 7!li thiei-, which is homophonous with b. Bodman
has apparently misunderstood this and thinks Bi's emendation is directed at b rather
than a. See his note 1182.
1185. This is probably an implicit quote of the Mao commentary on Shi 17. Cf. also
SW (SWGL 4992).

numbers in the Tripifaka, (2) Chinese transcriptions, (3) EH > MC reconstructions for the Chinese forms, (4) ludic (usually Sanskrit) forms.
1. AN SHIGAO

11. BTD
INTRODUCTION
These data are arranged according to the translators (or translation teams)
discussed in Chapter 4, section 4.11.2, i.e.
1. An Shigao
2. Zhi Loujiaqian/Lokak~ema
3. Kang Mengxiang
Under each translator the texts are arranged in their order of appearance
in the TaishO Tripitaka. Individual transcriptions are ordered according to
page numbers in the Tripitaka texts.
For each entry the following information is given: (1) page and section
240

j.

1. T 13.233.1 fiJll *bj:lt > bjw:lt Skt. buddha


2. T 13.233.2 lliiJ 1}; *?a g:lm > ?a y:lm Skt. agama
3. T 13.233.2* i'fllM *sja- yjwat- > sja- jwiii- Skt. sravastT
4. T 13.233.2 ;ji!I; *tsjei> tsje
Skt. jetavana
*gjiei gjie
5. T 13.238.2 ~flJ *sja-lji:li- > Sja-lji- Skt. San
6. T 13.236.1 51:. *b(r)jam- > bjwem- Skt. brahma
7. T 13.236.3 l'];!"J *sra m:ln > ~a mW:ln Skt. sram~a; cf. Gd. ~am~o
8. T 13.236.3 iJHnW'] *pa la m:ln > pwa la mW:ln Skt. bramal).a
9. T 13.240.1 m'ii *dzjan > zjan Skt. dhyana; cf. Gd.jal).a
10. T 13.241.1 . Itfi: *bji:li khju > bi khj:lu
bji:libiSkt. bhik~u; cf. Gd. bhikhu, P. bhikkhu
11. T 14.241.3 ~DJB *?a nan > ?a nan Skt. ananda
12. T 31.813.1 fIilf'R *kou lju > bu lj:lu Skt. krakucchandha
kjou
kju
13. T 32.814.2 [llt~ *mjok gjan: ljan > mjuk gjen: ljan
gjian
gjan
Skt. maudgalyayana; P. moggallana
14. T 98.992.2 ?fflHll *sja-lji:li- pj:lt > Sja-Iji- pjW:lt Skt. sariputra
15. T 150.875.3 ~m~ *kra la yjwat > ka 1ft jwet Skt. kulapati
kja
kja
16. T 150.876.3 ~ *ma> mwii Skt. mara
17. T 150.877.1 ~m?; *?a na g:lm >?a nii y:lm Skt. anagamin
18. T 150.877.1 Wilrt:?; *sjei da g:lm > sje dii y:lm Skt. salqdagiimin
19. T 150.877.1 ~llrt:tn: *sjou daywan > sju dii ywiin
Skt. srotapanna; cf. P. sotapanna
20. T 150.879.1 ~ *pat > pwat Skt. patra
21. T 150.879.1 ~~ *kra sra > ka ~a Skt. ka~aya
22. T 150.880.2 {lEm *ni:li ywan > niei ywiin
Skt. nirvlit).a; cf. Gd. niv~a
23. T 150.880.2 1;Jj *kjap > kjwp Skt. kalpa; cf. Gd. kapa, P. kappa
24. T 602.163.3 $:Jilt *?an pan >?iin pwiin Skt. iinapiina
25. T 602.167.2 ~ mt~ *?a la han- > ?ii Iii xiinSkt. arhat, arhant; cf. P. and BHS arahant, Gd. araha
26. T 602.170.2 m5i: *pjiak t~ei > pjiik t~e Skt. pratyeka; cf. P. pacceka

241

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BTD

11. BTD / Part III: The Data

27. T 602.173.1
VtiJOO *zjw~t dzja > dzjwet zja
Skt. vidya; cf. Gd. vija, P. vijja
28. T 602.173.1
NO'it *sra la > ~a Iii Skt. sala 'V sala
29. T 607.230.3*7('Yft *thi~n (or*hi~n 1) trjok > thien tjuk
tok
twok
tuk
tuk
Old Iranian hinduka 'V hindukka
30. T 607.230.3
fftfJJu *sang gja > sang gja Skt. sa~gha
31. T 607.230.3
*lUll *Ia tshrat > Iii t~hat Skt. rak~asa
32. T 607.232.3
tHt!'I *tsjan dan> tsjlin diin Skt. candana
33. T607.232.3
jJj\~*na thiai->niithiei- Skt.nam

48. T 224.427.3
49.
50.

51.
52.
53.

2. ZHI LOUJlAQIAN/LOKAK~EMA
54.
34. T 224.425.3 itlltlijijI; *Ia ijwat gjiei > Iii jiwlit gjie
tsjei
tsje
Skt. rajagrha; cf. P. rajagaha
35. T 224.425.3
~OO~ *gjiai dZja gjw~t > gji zja gjwat
Skt. grdhraku1a; cf. P. gijjhaku1a
36. T 224.425.3
r"f. ~ *ma ha > mwii xii Skt. maha
37. T 224.425.3 * ~~tH: *sjou bo dei> sju bwo diei Skt. subhuti
38. T 224.425.3
"~iiii *ma ha sat> mwii xa siit Skt. mahasattva
39. T 224.425.3
~iiii bo sat> bwo siit Skt. bodhisattva
40. T 224.425.3
5mtb *mjiei lak > mjie Iak
Skt. maitreya; cf. Kuchean maitrak, Agnean metrak (Bailey 1946:
780-1)
41. T 224.425.3
3tJ5\::l'lffifIJ *mj~n dijou srjiai Ijiai- > mjwan :lju ~i IjiSkt. maiijusrl; cf. BHS maiijusiii
42. T 224.425.3
m~:;S:ilUIHt: *pan nja: pa la mjiat > pwiin iiija: pwii Iii
mjiet
Skt. prajnaparamita; cf. P. paiifia, Gd. praiia (= Skt. prajiiii)
43. T 224.425.3
t7] fll *tii Iji~i- > tau ljiSkt. trayastritpsa; cf. Khotanese ttiivatrlsa, Agnean tapiitris, Kuchean
tapattris (Bailey 1946:780); also P. tavatitpsa
44. T 224.426.1
rurlit~fX *?a zjwai yjwat trjiai- > ?a jiwi jwat 1iSkt. avivartin 'V avivartika 'V avaivartika
45. T 224.426.2
~~* *sat yjwan nja: > sat jwan iiZja: Skt. sarvajiia
46. T 224.427.2*
f}jl~3trt::~ *pji~n na mjan da pj~t > pjen na mjwan dii
pjw~t Skt. purt}amaitray~lputra; cf. P. pUl}.l}amantiinTputta
47. T 224.427.2-3
fflt JJIIffit5!. *sang na sang ni~t > sang nit sang niet
Skt. sannahasannaddha

55.
56.
57.

58.
59.

60.

61.
62.

63.
64.
65.

66.

'" ~iiJffi rna ha zjan: > mwii xii jilin:

Skt. mahayana
JlanzjanT 224.427.3*
~=:tli:fX *S:lm bat trji~i- > siim bwat 1i- Skt. saJ1lpatti
T 224.427.3
~"I ~ ijijI; *?a S:lng gjiei > ?a S:lng gjie
tsjei
tsje
Skt. asailkhya 'V asankhyeya
T 224.427.3
mltiJl:.tH *pan ni:li ywan > pwiin niei ywiin
Skt. parinirviqla
T 224.429.1
r'f\1)Hl~IAj *sjiak dei ywan ?ji~n > sjiik diei ywiin ?jien
Skt. sakro deviinam indra
T 224.429.1
jtill!~ *b(r)jam- kja zji:li > bjwem- kjajii
ka
ka
Skt. brahmakayika
fiiJ~ *kou zjak > bu ji:lk Skt. kausika
T 224.429.1
kjou
kju
T 224.429.1 * ~IJtw.rurm(rt::)*tat sat ?a gjiat (da) > tiit sat ?ii gjat (dii)
Skt. tathagata
T 224.429.1
ruritnilJ *?a la ha > ?ft Iii xii Skt. arhat; cf. Gd. araha
?lfB'=c{.)!l *sam zja s~m bjat > sam jia sam bjwat
T 224.429.1
zja
zja
Skt. samyaksarpbuddha; cf. Gd. same-sabudha
T 224.429.3
rm'lZ. *zjwat tshra > jiwat t~ha Skt. yak~a
T 224.430.1
"IfPffiiJfl *ma ha kou sjiai > mwii xa kau si
kjou
kju
Skt. mahakau~thila; cf. BHS maha-ko~thila
T 224.430.1
"PilJ.iQ!!lJPj9if; rna ha kja tsjan ijan > mwii xii kja tsjlin jilin
kra
ka
Skt. mahakatyayana; cf. P. mahakaccana
T 224.431.1
~t!! *?jian drji:li > ?jien qi Skt. indra
T 224.431.1
iEllfB flJm *pa zja ywa dei > pwa jia ywii diei
zja
zja
Skt. prajapati
T 224.431.1
{Nt}; *?jiai sra> ?i ~a Skt. Isiina
T 224.431.1
mfIJ~m *dei ywa gjiat la > diei ywa gjat la
Skt. dfp~kara
T 224.431.1
Will! x.: *jiak kja mjan > sjak kja mjw:ln
kra
ka
Skt. sakyamuni
T 224.431.1
!tliJi:. *bjiai khju nrji:li> bi khj:lu I].i
niai- binieiSkt. bhik~ul].l
243

242
r

~-

----

r~--

1-------

11. BTD / Part III: The Data

67a. T 224.431.1
f~i%J;t; *?ju ba sak > ?jau bwii sak Skt. upasaka
f~~ ~ *?ju ba ijiai > ?jau bwii jii Skt. upasika
67b.T 224.431.1
68. T 224.431.1 *
~iiJ ~Ef ~ *?a ywat- sjwan sju > ?ft ywfti- sjwan sjau
Skt. abhasvara + su (bha)
69. T 224.431.1
Jtl~c$-t; *b(r)jam- rna sam pat> bjwllm- mwii sam pwiit
Skt. brahmasahiiIppati
70. T 224.431.2
l'f,]iil; *ma gjiei > mwa gjie
Skt. maghI
71. T 224.432.1
~iiJ 1"Hiifl *?a sjou ljwan > 'lii sju ljwen Skt. asura
72. T 224.432.1
~Jf1 ~l\m *?a nou ta la >?ii nau ta Iii Skt. anuttara
73. T 224.432.1
Imn,flj *zjam bju ljiai- > jiam bjau Iji- Skt.jambudvlpa
74. T 224.433.1 *
!lliiflJ *sat ywa > sat ywa Skt. sattva
75. T 224.433.1
til *gang> yang Skt. ganga
76. T 224.433.3
JiJ1tillb't3) *pan tsja zjwan> pwan tsja zjwen
Skt. paiicabhijiiana
77. T 224.433.3*
~.lI!~J{i)~*i *?ou ywa kou sja-Ia > ?;:m ywa (7) keu sja-lii
Skt.upayakausalya
78. T 224.434.1
ffl)r); *bing sra > bieng ~a Skt. bimbisara 'V bimbasara
79. T 224.434.1 *
il:!lJIfrIr.: *pa sjei nrjak > pwa sje I].jak Skt. prasenajit
80. T 224.434.1
Yi!!~~ *kja zjak > kjajiak Skt. kayika
kra
ka
81. T 224.434.2 f~ *dan > dan Skt. dana
Skt. vlrya
'I#.~ *zjwai diai- > jiwi diei82. T 224.434.2
datdai83. T 224.434.2
li~J:~ *tshrian: dei t~hiin: diei Skt. ~anti
tshriant~hiin84. T 224.434.2 P *sjiai > si Skt. sua
Vi!!t~aJ1l *kja lou la > kja lau Iii Skt. garuq.a; cf. P. garu!a
85. T 224.434.2
kra
ka
~wt*i *kjian da la > kjian da Iii Skt. kiIpnara
86. T 224.434.3-435.1
tsjian
tsjen
?t:~tl\m *gjian da la > gjan dii hi
87. T 224.435.1
kan
kan
Skt. gandharva 'V gandharva
88. T 224.435.1
l"f1~I[.;IJ *ma you lak > mwft rau lak Skt. mahoraga
youyau9'evfcjwt *tou zjwat da> tau dZjwet dft Skt. tu~ita
89. T 224.435.1
Jl:,~ m tM *niai- rna la dei > niei- mwa Iii diei
90. T 224.435.1
nrjiai
Skt. nirmanarati
91. T 224.435.1 . iIUllJl:,J'~,fI1$tl<:3& *pa la niai- mji;)t ywaija bat trjiai >
zja
nrjiai
244

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BTD

PW3 1ft niei- mjiet ywa jia bwat!i


I].i
zja
Skt. paranirmitavasavartin ('V -vasavartI)
92. T 224.435.1
'tt'm~ *b(r)jam- pjat diai- > bjwem- pjwat dieidat
daiSkt. brahmapurohita
ttiIJi.rr: *b(r)jam- pa srian: > bjwem- pwa ~iin:
93. T 224.435.1
Skt. brahmapari~adya
94a. T 224.435.1
~lhiJ'tt *ma ha b(r)jam- > mwa xa bjwumSkt. mahabrahmat}al~
94b. T 234.435.1
l;j *?ap > ?ap Skt. abha
95. T 224.435.1
iEl,fljWt: *pa Iji:li- da > pwa Iji- da Skt. parittabaha
96. T 224.435.1
'!fnIi!ii~ Jjj\ *?ap pa rna na > ?ap pwa mwa na
Skt. apramiiI).abha
97. T 224.435.1
['flfiiJ *sju: ha > sjau: xa
Skt. subha; cf. Gd. suhasuhu (= Skt. subhasubah)
98. T 224.435.l
iliiW!: ~.~lIitJ *pa Ijiat ta sju ha > pwa Ijet ta sjau xii
Skt. pariUasubha
99. T 224.435.1
~iiJi!iiI"~ *?a pa rna sju >?ii pwii mwa sjau
Skt. apram~asubha
100. T 224.435.1
ttf'Tiii *fjwai yjwa phan > jiwi ju phwan
Skt. brhatphala; cf. P. vehapphala
101. T 224.435.1
M'ttfiii *?a Zjwai phan >?a jiwi phwan
Skt. avrha; cf. P. aviha
102. T 224.435.1
MwtiBl *?a da pa > ?a da pwft Skt. atapa
103. T 224.435.1
1ftji *sjou tiat- > sju tiei- Skt. sudrsa; cf. P. sudassa
104. T 224.435.l
~m.,jiJI;-lP.1 *sjou tiat- tsjei nou > sju tiei- tsje nau
gjiei
gjie
Skt. sudarsana; cf. P. sudassi
105. T 224.435.1
M~R\Ut *?a kja njiai- tra >?a kja nzi- taka
ka
Skt. akani~tha; cf. P. akanigha
106. T 224.435.1 *IJ *tshrat > tshat Skt. kestra; cf. BHS k~atra
107. T 224.438.1
~Jtft :c::fiJIJ *?a ijwai sam bjat >?ft jiwi sam bjwat
Skt. abhisatpbuddha
108. T 224.438.1
=Rt; *sam mat- > sam mwai- Skt. samiidhi
109. T 224.438.3
fmwt*i *gjan- da la > gjun- da la Skt. gandhiirva
110. T224.439.3
~*zjam>jiiim- Skt.yama
yjam (?) jam
Ill. T 224.439.3*
iBl*iJl:,WfU.lf~tHx *pa la niai- mjiat ywa zja bat
nrji;)i
zja
245

11. BTD / Part III: The Data

112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.

118.
119.

120.
121.
122.
123.

124.
125.
126.

127.
128.
129.
130.

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BTD

trji::li> pwii Iii niei- mjiet ywii jia bwiit ti


I)..i
zja
Skt. paranirmitavasavartin (tV -vasavarti)
T 224.439.3
Jt'ffi W *b(r)jam- pju-lou > bjwem- pj::lu-l::lu
Skt. brahmapurohita
T 224.439.3
1tiBiflJrf *b(r)jam-palji::li-srian: >bjwem- pwiilji- ~n:
Skt. brahmapari~adya
T224.439.3
i)}(fIJ rr~ljJ *pa lji::li- sju: ha> pwii Iji- sj::lu: xii
Skt. parTttasubha
~ijJiBll"f. (f~nl *?a pa rna sju: ha>?ii pwa mwii sj::lu: xii
T 224.439.3
Skt. apramiiIJasubha
T 224.439.3
f<iJ~ *sju: ha kja > sj::lu: xii kja Skt. subhalqtsna
kra
ka
j:tfj+ i*m *bji::li ?ji::li phan la > bi ?i phwan Iii
T 224.439.3
bji::libiSkt. brhatphala
T 224.439.3*
M j:tJ[~1ft *?a bjiai zja da >?ii bi jia dii Skt. avrha
bjiai- zja
bi- zja
T 224.439.3
mlft~Jt:. *sjuo da sjei ni::li- > sju da sje nieinrjiai
~i
Skt. sudarSana
T224.440.1
B'1ft1lM*sju: dayjwat-> Sj:m: diijwiiiSkt. suddhavasa
T 224.440.2
i1t~'l *niai Ii::li > niei liei Skt. niraya
ljiai
lji
T 224.441.1
MtfiJ *bj::lt tshrat > bjw::lt t~at Skt. buddhak~tra
T 224.447.2
~iI2!!~m *tsja krayjwat la > tsja ka jwet IA
kja
kja
Skt. cakravartiraja
T 224.451.1
i&m:!;l) *ba la kjap > bwit la kjep Skt. bhadrakalpa
T 224.452.2
~iiJr}/;ln *?a dzja bju > ?a ija bjau Skt. acapala
j}7~IftJt:.~J; *pjan man da nrji"i pj::lt > pjw:m mwan dii
T 224.454.1
niai~i
pjwat Skt. pii~amaitriiyaIJTputra; cf. P. pUIJ.~amantiin1putta
nieiT 224.458.1
M~ *?a tShrjok > ?ii t~hjuk Skt. ak~obhya
T 224.462.1
iH!!m *sja- tat la > sja- tiit 1ft Skt. sastaral).
T 224.465.1 *
li~ *bei-Iei- > biei-liei- Skt. pre(ta)
IE ti 7t *niai- zjw::li sian> niei- jiwi sien
T 224.465.1
nfJl"l
~i
Skt. naivasaJp Giilinasaxp.jfiayatanopaga); cf. P. nevasafi (iiiina-

",.

saiiiiiiyatanupaga)
131. T 224.467.1
?fbm *sjou mjiei > sju mjie Skt. sumeru
mjiei:
mjie:
132. T 224.465.3
::)(~t:*m *mjan da la > mjw:m da Iii Skt. mandiirava
liffiMJjfI *Ia lji::ln na > Iii Ijen nii
133. T 224.467.3*
Skt. ratna; cf. P. and BHS ratana; also various Pkt. forms: e.g. radal)a,
lad~a (PischeI1900, section 132)
134. T 224.468.2
iJ!d\{tUJ) *pa la kjap > pwa Iii kjep Skt. bhadrakalpa
135. T 224.468.2
I"f'il"J'NU 'Jlli *ma ha ijw::li yjwatla>mwa xa jiwi jwet Iii
Skt. mahavaipulya
UIlJt'r:~iiJ~ *gjan: da ha tsji::ln: > gjen: dii xii tsjen:
136. T 224.470.1
gjian
dzji::ln: gjan
dzjen:
Skt. gandhahastin
137. T 224.470.1
N;W10tfl1 *sra la ?ji::lidan > ~a la ?i dan
Skt. ~a~iiyatana
] 38. T 224.470.3
WJt'r:i.J!i liill *sat da pa ljwan > sat dii pwa Ijwen
Skt. sadliprarudita
139. T 224.470.3
iJ.lllftli..lff, *gjan: da la zja > gjen: dii Iii jia
gjian
zja gjan
zja
Skt. gandhiilaya tV gandhalaya
140. T 224.470.3*
Jt:.~l~~t:iBl7;) *ni::li- tsja gjan: da pa mj::lt > niei- tSja
nrji::li
gjian
ni
gjen: dii pwa mjW::lt Skt. *nityagandhapramudita (7)
gjan
141. T 224.471.1
'1l:1!I.r)~ *dam mjo gjiat > diim mju gjiit
Skt. dharmodgata
142. T 224.471.3
f~it*ffi *?ju pat la > ?j::lU pwiit 1ft
Skt. utpala; cf. P. uppala, Gd. upada (= Skt. utpada)
143. T224.471.3*
/f~J}f,fIJ*pju nalji3i->pj::lu niiljipj::lt
pjW::lt
Skt. pUIJ<;larlka
144. T 224.471.3
jl.) :UM *kou mj::ln la > bu mjw::ln 1ft Skt. kumuda
kjou
kju
145. T 224.471.3
~H~tJi': *sjou gjan: dei> sju gjen: diei Skt. sugandhika
gjian
gjiin
146. T 224.471.3
~1,\J *tsjam b::lk
> tsjam b::lk Skt. campaka
bj::lk (7)
bjuk
*lH~t~{ *nan dan ywan > nan dan ywan
147. T 224.471.3
Skt. nandanavana
148. T 224.471.3
Hl~t:~ *gjan: da yjwat > gjen: dii jwet Skt. gandhavatI
gjian
gjan
247

246
r ---

1-----

r----- -

r-------

1l. BTD / Part III: The Data

:iJmfil ~~J *kja Iju lak > kja Ijau Iak Skt. garuqa
kra
ka
150. T 224.475.2*
Il(Hi ~ *kju yjwan > kjau jWlm Skt. kupana
151. T 224.477.1
~t:II}!Jt!. *da Ijian nrjiai > dii Ijen I).i
Skt. dharatJI
niairuel152. T 224.477.2*
;Jml~ *kja rna> kja mwa Skt. kama
kra
ka
153. T 280.445.1
1Jl:'.1'j; *tou sra> tau ~a Skt. tu~ara
154. T 280.445.1 *
l~slMtJf:: *rna gjiat dei > rnwii gjiit diei Skt. magadha
155. T 280.445.2
f<iIilli *?a dijat- >?ii zjai- Skt. acala
156. T 280.445.2
i\Z:)Tfli *kjat Ijan ywan > kjat ljan ywfm
Skt. *hiratJyavarI).a
157. T 280.445.2*
il:ntn *Iou gjiaiywan > lau gjiywan
Skt. *rucivarI).a
158. T 280.445.2
i$:JlJ{(l-[ *pa douywan > pwii dau ywan
Skt. *padmavan;ta; cf. P. and BHS paduma (= Skt. padma)
159. T 280.445.1
mllJ!gffifU *la Ijian srjiai Ijiai- > 1ft Ijen ~i IjiSkt. ratnasrI
160. T 280.445.1
f<iI1'*! *?a dzja >?a zja Skt. aciira
161. T 280.445.2
tlJfg.i'![ *tsjam bak-ywan > tsjam bwai-ywan
Skt. *campakavarI).a
162. T 280.445.2
l'fHlj)gmfU *dan na srjiai Ijiai- > dfm na si IjiSkt. dhansrI
163. T 280.445.3
~iiJ~1jf\ *?a Ijw:ln na >?ii Ijwen na Skt. aruI).a
164. T 280.445.3
f;fi'Blm *?ju pa ywan > ?jau pwa ywan
Skt. utpalavan;la
165. T 280.445.3 . r.Yom *gjwan na > gjwan na Skt. gut:ta
166a. T 280.445.3
~JJjp}~ *?a tsjan da>?a tsjiin da
Skt. atyanta; cf. P. accanta, Gd. acada
166b. T 280.445.3*
I;I~ *hjiwei da > xjwie dii Skt. veda (?)
167. T 280.445.3
tfUiWI *kjan dija ywan > kjen ija ywan
Skt. kaiicanavan;la
168. T 280.445.3
NJiiGlfiflj *niat la srjiai Ijiai- > niet Iii si IjiSkt. netrasrl
169. T 280.445.3
*?jwat drj~m > ?jwat djam Skt. uttama
170. T 280.445.3
mr~m *Ia Ijian ywan > lcl ljen ')'Wan Skt. *ratnavarI).a
171. T 280.445.3
'ittI'*! *zjw~i dija > jiwi zja Skt. vliya; cf. Gd. viya
172. T 280.445.3
ft5~ *ywat zjiat >ywflt jiet
Skt. vajra; cf. P. and BHS vajira
-It~ *dam rna > dam mwa
173. T 280.445.3
Skt. dhanna; cf. P. dharnma, Gd. dhama
149. T 224.475.2

mix

248

A. Listing of the Data / 1l. BTD

174. T 280.445.3
+J:r!I''f *p(r)jam rna > pjung rnwft Skt. brahma
175. T 280.445.3
~flj *phan Iji:li- > phwfm IjiSkt. spha!ika; cf. P. phalika
176. T 280.445.3
Hi IJjlr:lliflj *njak na srjiai Ijiai- > nzjak nii ~i IjiSkt. jiiiinasrI; cf. P. iifu)a (= Skt. jiiana), Gd. iiatva (= Skt.jiiatva)
177. T 280.446.2
'Hf' j~m *ijwai ijiai la > jiwi jii 1ft Skt. vicara
178. T 280.445.3
,li},(Wi::: *bat da > bwftt dft Skt. bhadra
179. T 280.446.1
~~IIIlJ *tshat- ha > tshai- xii Skt. saha (lokadhatu)
180. T 280.446.1 * III: 1I1:(~~t: *Sjat- sjat- man- da> sj3.i- sj3.i- mwan- da
Skt. *sasimandala
181. T 280.446.1 j.}lhi! J}fHl1tJ( zjiai ha na drjiai dei > jii xii na <;Ii diei
Skt. sitphanada; cf. P. sThanada, sThanadika, Gd. siha (= Skt. siIflha)
182. T 280.446.1 * (itt ~ )iIHI!l("filx *dzjei- srji:li sat drjam > zje- ~i siit q.jam
Skt. *r~isaptama; cf. P. isi sattarna; Gd. i~i (= Skt. r~i)
183. T 280.446.1
I;HWJAJ; *hjiwei lou zjan > xjwie laujiiin
Skt. vairocana
184. T 280.446.1
(j~,i1;rl'}1;L *kjou dam ywriat dei > kju dam ywat diei
Skt. gautamapati
~JJlI *dZjian na> zjen na Skt. jina
185. T280.446.1
186. T 280.446.1
n :5} *tsjiat ta> tsjet ta Skt. citta
187. T 280.446.1
~JJU;t'.~ *tsja kra ywa > tsja ka ywii Skt. cakravaIa
188. T 280.446.1
1\l T~ *pjat yjwa diei- > pjwat ju dieidatdaiSkt. piirvavideha
f!Pl~l~ *kjou zja nrjak > kju jia I).jak Skt. godiinlya
189. T 280.446.1
zja
zja
190. T 280.446.1
m",(111 *?jwat tan yjwat > ?jwat tan jwet
Skt. uttarakuraval).
191. T 280.446.1
wt.0J1i'fc *11; *tsjii dou rna la > tsjau dau mwft la
Skt. caturmaharajika
192. T 280.446.1 ~ *zjam > jiam Skt. yama
193. Deleted
194. T 280.446.1
~"J r~ I J: ifi: *?a ywat- sjwan sju > ?ii yw:ii- sjwiin sjau
Skt. abhiisvara = su(bha)
195. T 280.446.1
ilJi ~ifi:,l"J *pa Ijiat sju ha > pwa ljet sjau xa
Skt. parlttasubha
196. T 280.446.1
~ijJi}JiI'i'-~ ,;: *?a pa rna sju > ?a pwii mwii sjau
Skt. apramfu).asubha
197. T 280.446.1
,i;;Z: *sju kjat > sjau kjat Skt. subhakrtsna
198. T 313.751.3
~iJJ1UllilJL *?a bjiai la dei>?ii bi Iii diei Skt. abhirati
bjiaibi-

249

11. BTD / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BTD

199. T313.752.2
Iti.Uifl;*mala>mwiilii Skt.mara
200. T 313.753.2*
I;JJiWtl;tJ *pjei da kjap > pje dii kjep
Skt. bhadrakalpa
201. T 313.753.2
J:U"M~ *dei rwangjiat > diei I'wiin gjat
Skt. dfpaJ11kara
l~hlj..tL! *gjan: d:lp )'wa > gjen: d:lp -ywii
202. T 313.753.3
gjian
gjan
Skt. gandhlirva
~np[ififij *?a sjou Ijw:ln >?a sju Ijwen Skt. asura
203. T 313.753.3
204. T 313.753.3
j!J!!W/ *i *kja Iju la > kja Ij:lu Iii Skt. garuq.a
kra
ka
205. T 313.753.3
(i\~'t~(ji *tsji:ln da Ia > tsjen dii lfi Skt. kiJ11nara
206. T 313.753.3
I"'f (.f;l(y] *ma hju l:!k > mwfi xj:lu I:lk Skt. mahoraga
207. T 313.753.3
~"JML\iru *?a sju Ia >?ii sj:lu Iii Skt. asura
208. T 313.754.1
")-wtflJ*pj:ln da Ijiai- > pjw:ln dii Iji- Skt. pUQqarlka
209. T 313.756.1
ffj' \p-~ *?jw:lt tan -yjwat > ?jw:lt tiin jwet
Skt. uttarakurav~
210. T313.757.1
il!.i:JiJtl)'~*padouliai >pwfid:luliei
Skt.padmaniraya
lji:li
lji
~iiH;t1Lf:ffi *?a la la >?ii Iii Iii Skt. atata
211. T 313.757.1
212. T 313.757.1
~iJJ1t;g *?a bji:li ~a->?fi bi Sja- Skt. avfci
bji:libi213. T 313.757.1
~ff~'t *?a ?ju da>?a ?j;m dii Skt. arbuda
214. T 313.757.1
ilJl*iJE:lf.: fU.lj~~ *pa Ia niai- rnji:lt -ywa zjarjwat > pwii
nfJI:lI
zja
Hi niei- mjiet -ywii jia jwet Skt. paranirmitavasavartin
I).i
zja
j}/lii\i.j *na zjw:lt > nii dzjwet Skt. nayuta
215. T 313.758.3
216. T 313.759.1
flJ.lj~~j'$(: *)'wa zja -yjwat trji:li > -ywajia jwet ti~a

~a

Skt. vaSavartin ('V vasavarti)


T 313.760.2-3
)lUT!JjflrITt&:JiJtft1f *sju -ywan na )'wan pa dou rna> sj:lu
),wiin nii )'wiin pwii d:lu mwfi Skt. *suvamavarQapadma
T 418.902.3
~ll:fiJ-:=:.1!t: *pan tsju s;)m m;)t- > pwan tsj;)U siim mwaiSkt. pratyutpannasamadhi
T418.902.3
*~iiJtI'lj!J!!tm*maha-ywankja li:ln>mwiixii),wankja
kra
ka
lien Skt. mahayana + karaI).q.a
T 418.902.3
~wtfll *bat da )'wa > bwfit da -ywa Skt. bhadrapala
T 418.903.1
mt~H}Il~ *Ia li;)n na gjiat > Iii lien nfi gjat
Skt. ratnakara

217.
218.
219.

220.
221.

250

222.
223.
224.
225.
226.
227.
228.
229.
230.
231.

232.
233.
234.
235.
236.
237.
238.
239.
240.
241.
242.
243.
244.
245.
246.

247.
248.

T 418.903.1
W (o;,.fIJ *hjiwei sja-Iji:li- > xjwie sja-lji Skt. vaisalf
T 418.903.1
[ljilll *tsjam pa > tsjiim pwii Skt. campa
T 418.903.1
J~*rtiY *na la dat > nfi Iii diit Skt. naradatta
T 418.903.1
(W i)HMj~i *pa la sjei > pwii la sje Skt. paraslka
T 418.903.1
~il:t!-*sjou sj:lm > sju sj~m Skt. susaJ11prasthita
T 418.903.1
IJllliffii!M *kra la rjwat- > ka Iii jwiii- Skt. kapilavastu
T 418.903.1
lri"J~iJt,ff11 *ma ha sjou sat -ywa > mwii xii sju sat )'wii
Skt. mahasusarthavaha
T 418.903.1
~i'Hifn)PI\ *?a nan pji:ln drji:li >?ii nan pjen q.i
Skt. anathapiQq.ika
T 418.903.1
~jlht *?ji:ln drji:li dat > ?jien qi dat Skt. indradatta
T 418.903.1
~D~1ru *kju sjam: mjiei > kj:lu sjam: mjie
mjiei:
mjie:
Skt. kausambf; cf. P. kosambf
T 418.903.1
f11~,j),~ *)'wa Ijw:ln deu > )'wa Ijwen dieu
Skt. varuQadeva
T 418.903.1
f'TJlM-IIII: *?a dzja sjat- >?a zja sjiii- Skt. ajatasatru
T 418.903.1
'YilfJiiHH'Y:(f *nan dou rwa nan> nan d:lu rwa nim
Skt. nandopananda
T 418.903.1
l'HM*sra gjiat > sa gjat Skt. sagara
T 418.903.1
I'ft*lHtIi *ma nan sjei > mwa nan sje Skt. manasvi
T 418.903.1
r"JMit *?a nou dat >?ii n:lU dfit
Skt. anavatapta; cr. P. anotatta
T 418.903.1
~~m *kjian ta la > kjian tii Iii Skt. kiJ11nara
tsjian
tsjen
T 418.903.3
wttmJe *da H:ln nrji:li > da lien l}i Skt. dharaQI
nI:lInieiT 418.905.1
~iJruwt *?a mjiei da>?a mjie da Skt. amitabha
mjlel:
mjie:
T 418.905.1
%tl'?ttJ *sjou rna dei > sju mwii diei Skt. sumati
T 418.905.1
~1"1 *sjou m:ln > sju mwan Skt. sumana
T 418.905.1
~iiJ )U11~ *?a bjam )'wa Iji:li >?ii bjwem )'wa Iji
Skt. amrapaIf; cf. P. ambapaIT
T 418.905.1
f:li&@ *?ju ba )'wan > ?j:lu bwii )'wiin
Skt. utpalavarQa
T 418.906.1 m*gjiat- > gjiii- Skt. gatha; cf. Gd. gadha
T 418.908.3
g~ *s:lm mja: S:lm bo dei > sam mjau: sam
mriik
bwo diei Skt. samyaksaJ11bodhi; cf. P. sarnmasambodhi
~tli *kju )'wan > kj:lu )'wiin Skt. kupana
T 418.912.3
T 418.913.3
~lit *sjou dat > sju dat Skt. sudatta

=ID'i=

251
r

r - --

----

r-------

r-- -----.

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BTD

11. BTD / Part III: TIle Data

tlJ tlJ *tshrat Iji"i- > t~hat Iji- Skt. k~triya


tfU'(; *Iat- bji"i > lai- bji Skt. rasmi
if1l<ilij *ijou zjw"n > jiu zjwen Skt. yojana
tftJflj *kou Iji"i- > bu Iji- Skt. koti
kjou
kju
,f1I,;(,U *'Ywa Ijw"n > Ijwen Skt. varul)a
253. T 418.918.3
Iw"n- Iw"n254. T 418.919.2
~.fJj'JIJl;ffi *sja-Iji"i- pj"t la > sja-lji- pjw"t la
Skt. sliriputra
255. T 458.435.2
II JIM *mjok gjan: Ian > mjuk gjnn:
gjian
gjan
Skt. maudgalyayana; cf. P. moggalilina
256. T 458.435.2
~~ *kja zjap > kjajiap Skt. kasyapa
kra
ka
257. T 458.435.2
~~:!tJ*ffi *ma ha kou thrji"i > mwii xii bu thi
kjou
kju
Skt. mahakau~thila
258. T 458.435.2
5Jll11i1 )(ift:i)~ *pjhm nou rnj"n dli pj "t > pjen nau rnjw"n
dii pjw"t Skt. piirl}.amaitriiYaI)Iputra; cf. P. pUl)l}.amantlinlputta
259. T 458.435.2
MI(1Hlt *?a nan Ijw"t >?ii nan Ijwet Skt. aniruddha
260. T 458.437.2
~JlUUm *Iat- tra- 'Ywa la > liii- ta- 'Ywa Iii
Skt. ia~traplila
261. T 458.437.2* =:=:1l&:,iJi! *s"m pjei dZjei > sam pje zje: Skt. s~mpadI
262. T 458.437.2
~~ *s"rn rna > sam rnwa Skt. sarna
263. T 458.438.1
~mr' *ba la rn"n > bwii Hi rnw"n Skt. briihmal}.a
264. T 458.438.1
~tB: *sju 'Ywan > sj"u 'Ywan Skt. suvarl}.a
265. T 458.438.2
~JftiJ.l!mlJ:Jjj\ *rna ha kja lou na > mwli xli kja I:m na
kra Ijou
ka lju
Skt. rnahiikarunii
266. T 458.438.3
~m: *tsjei 'Ywan > t~e "Ywan Skt. jetavana
gjie
gjiei
~iIJM. *?a lam> ?ii lam Skt. arama
267. T 458.440.1
~f.\',l! *dat tshrji"n- > dat t~hjen- Skt. dak~iI).ii
268. T 458.440.2
,Jjj\ftftjflj *nja: na srji"i lji"i- > nzja: nii ~i Iji269. T 626.389.1
Skt. jiilinasrl
rift:m *Iou da Ia > bu dii Iii Skt. rudra
270. T 626.389.1
~iHL
*"Ywa pa > 'Ywa pwa Skt. vliwa; cf. P. vappa
271. T 626.389.1
Jtlf,f1J:ttJ1!r*i
*?ou 'Ywa kou ~ja- Ia > ?"u 'YWa kdU sja- Iii
272. T 626.391.1
?oukjou
?"ukju
Skt. upiiyakausalya
273. T 626.391.3 il:!iJ:~~.jtoJflj

249.
250.
251.
252.

252

T 418.913.3
T 418.913.3
T 418.917.3
T 418.917.3

274.
275.
276.
277.
278.
279.
280.
281.
282.
283.
284.
285.
286.
287.
288.
289.
290.

*pa ti~i: ban kou Ijiai- > pwii tiei: bwiin bu Ijikjou
kju
Skt. pratibhlinakil ta
T 626.393.1
~m *zja bjiai > dzja bji P. jhlipita
T626.393.1
mJf~*Iaija>Iiijia Skt.rlija
zja
zja
T 626.394.1 * ~'iJil!llifj[ ttlYi:: *?a pa Ia gjiai da >?ii pwii Iii gji dii
Skt. aparlijita
T 626.394.2
Hf)~ m *zjwai rna Ia > jiwi mwii Iii Skt. virnala
T 626.395.1
M~' *?a bjiai- >?ii bi- Skt. avid
T 626.397.1
(pJflI]' *sra ha > ~a xa Skt. sahli
T 626.399.1
ml~ *Ia bjiai > Iii bji Skt. rasmi
T 626.399.1
#J* *kou suk > bu suk Skt. kusurna
kjou
kju
T 626.400.1
:=::'l'f.lYt *sam rna da > sam mwii dii Skt. sarnanta
T 626.401.3
jtJjj!;~ *kou suk rna > bu suk rnwii Skt. kusuma
kjou
kju
T 626.404.2
mift:Jjj\!;}~f! *Ia da na kjei dou > Iii da nil kje d"u
Skt. ratnaketu
M~'1~ *?a kja dam> ?a kja dam Skt. agadam
T 626.404.2
kra
ka
T 626.404.2
H~ i"fift: *zjw"i sju da > jiwi sjau dil Skt. visodha
T 626.404.2
iiUrJ.,'JfII *zjw"i sra ija > jiwi ~a jia Skt. bhai~ajya
zja
zja
T 626.404.3
~~;fU *tsja kra "Ywa > t~a ka 'Ywii Skt. cakravlila
kja
kja
f,UfI',N,~ *dei 'Ywa gjiat > diei 'Ywii gjat Skt. dIpa~ara
T 626.405.1
~ift:*bat da > bwiit dii Skt. bhadra
T 626.405.1
3. KANG MENGXIANG

.l!mt-ltmfit.J *kja zjw"i Ia 'Yjwat- > kja jiwi Iii jwliikra


ka
Skt. kapilavastu
292. T 184.461.1
fe.tftJlf't: *ni"i- gjou da> niei- gju dii
nrjidi kou
I)i bu
kjou
kju
Skt. nyagrodha; cf. P. nigrodha
293. T 184.461.1
~:tl *niai- gjan: > niei- gjan:
nrjiai gjian I)i gjan
Skt. nirgrantha; cf. P. nigal}.tha

291. T 184.461.1

253

11. BTD / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BTD

294. T 184.461.2
~JtHlf:\'j *dei ywa yjwat- > diei ywajwiiiSkt. devavatara
295. T 184.462.2
iSi~t *pa da> pwa da Skt. bhadra
1'% Jf!) *rna zja > rnwa jia Skt maya
296. T 184.462.2
zja
zja
291. T 184.462.2
:& % *gju zji:li > gj:lU jii Skt. gopi 'V gopika 'V gopa
298. T 184.462.2
m~ *Ia yjw:ln > la jW:ln Skt. rabula
j'mm *kja la > kja la Skt. kala
299. T 184.463.3
kra
ka
300. T 184.464.1
~iiJ% *?a iji:li > ?a jii Skt. asita
301. T 184.464.2
f~~~*?ju dam pat>?j:lu dam pwat
Skt. uq.urnbara 'V udurnbara
~iJtfiJll *sjou pa bj:lt > sju pwa bjwat
302. T 184.465.2
Skt. suprabuddha
303. T 184.465.3
f;fWt: *?ju da > ?j:lU da Skt. udayin
304. T 184.465.3
~ii *deu dat > dieu dat Skt. devadatta
305. T 184.468.1
lloJilJV~ *?a no rna > ?ft nwo mwa
Skt. anorniya; cf. P. anoma
306. T 184.468.1
mup *bing sra > bieng ~a Skt. bimbisara 'V bimbasara
301. T 184.469.2
~"Jfiili!lil *a Ian kja lan>?a Ian kja Ian
kra
ka
Skt. aradakalama
308. T 184.469.3
~m *sa la > sa la Skt. sala 'V sala
309. T 184.412.2
J't ~ *pat- ta> pwai- ta Skt. pattra
310. T 196.141.3
fJf:~ *dei yjw~t- > diei jweiSkt. trapu~a; cf. P. tapussa, Khotanese ttravaysa- (Bailey 1946:186)
311. T 196.141.3
iJtfU *pa Ijiai- > pwa lji- Skt. bhallika
312. T 196.141.3
1m jjMiiJl~ *?jwat dou lam pj;it > ?jwat d:lu lam pjwat
Skt. udrakararnaputra
313. T 196.141.3
:JtJt~ *kou 1i;m > k:lu lien
kjou
kju
Skt.kau~qwnya;cf.P.koQ4aiina

314. T 196.141.3
315. T 196.141.3

I1HJt *bat dei> bwat diei Skt. bhadrika; cf. bhaddiya


~ ImtJflJ *ma Mrn kou lji:li- > rnwa n:lrn bu Ijikjou
kju
Skt. rnahanarnakoUya
316. T 196.141.3
iBlm~ *pa la nat- > pwa 13 naiSkt. variiI).asI; cf. P. bariiI).asI
311. T 196.148.1
tJtjjJHI *zjwat dou dan> jiwat d:lu dan
Skt. sUddhodana
318. T 196.149.3
f~l;)m*?juyjweila>?j;lUjwela

Skt. uruvilva; P. uruvela


319. T 196.149.3
rJeIirf,!ji *niailan dzjan > niei Ian ijan
Skt. nairaiijana; cf. P. neraiijara 'V niraiijara
320. T 196.149.3
tnf'\'*fI: *?jwat pjiei: la> ?jwat pjie: la
Skt. uruvilva; cf. P; uruvela
321. T 19(j.150.3
fMljhl *ijarn pjiak > jiarn pjak Skt. campaka
322. T 196.150.3
~wn\ Ie, *kou zja niai- > k~u jia niei- Skt. kausarnbi
kjou zja nrji~i kju zja Qi
323. T 196.150.3
NI~ I(J) *?a rna l:lk > ?a rnwa Iak Skt. arnalaka
324. T 196.151.3
1J1I4JM!I if! *na dei kja zjap > na diei kja jiap
kra
ka
Skt. nadIkaSyapa
325. T 196.151.3
iIi!lJf!)j!m~ *kja ija kja zjap > kja jia kjajiap
kra zja kra
ka zja ka
Skt. gayakasyapa
326. T 196.153.1
jQ!lII~t *kja Ian da> kja Ian da Skt. kalandaka
kra
ka
321. T 196.151.3
j'mJfj) %~ *kja zja sji:lt > kja jia sjet Skt. gayasir~a
kra zja
ka zja
328. T 196.153.3
lJjl,\ililWi:: *na la da > na la da Skt. narada
329. T 196.153.3
f;fiJt tf *?ju pa thi:li- > ?j:lU pwa thiei- Skt. upati~ya
330. T 196.153.3
#'Jf1\Wt: *kou ljW:lt da > buIjwet da Skt. kolita
kjou
kju
331. T 196.154.1
iIi!l*IHll~ *kja ijwai layjwat > kjajiwi lajwut
kra
ka
Skt. kapilavastu
332. T 196.155.1
IloJWPJll*?alouna>?al:luna Skt.aruQa
333. T 196.155.2*
r~#f}m *ni:li- gjou Ijw:lt- (?) > niei- gju Ijwinrjiai kou Ijw:li- (?) Qi k:m
kjou
kju
Skt. nyagrodha; P. nigrodha
334. T 196.156.3
J!iU;Wt: *t~ei da > tsje dft Skt. jetavana
gjiei
gjie
335. T 196.151.1
~{,J(~ = )'iilJt *kou zjarn ni:li- > bu jiiim nieikjou
nrji:li kju
Qi
Skt. kausarnbi
336. T 196.151.1
f/HWm *gj(w)o srji:li la > gju ~i la Skt. gho~a
kj(w)o
kju
331. TI96.151.2
f:I~*?judian>?j:ludien Skt.udayana
338. T 196.161.2
xWt:m *rnj:ln da gjiat > rnjwan da gjat
Skt. rniirdhagata
255

254
r----

,----

,----

11. BTD / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BTD

339. T 196.161.2* t&:fj;*batgjiai>bwat gji SkLvrji;cf.P.vajji


340. T 196.161.2 Hunl~~ft *zjwai zja Ijei > jiwi jia Ije Skt. vaisalI
zja
zja
341. T 196.161.2 ~"J J'L fl Lflj *?a bjam ywa Ijiai- >?a bjwgm ywa IjiSkt. amraplilI; cf. P. ambapalI
342. T 196.163.2 ~,\t~i[~ *ban douyjwat > bwan daujwgt
Skt. bandhumalI
343. T 196.163.2 )j;Jj~n *bjian dou > bjien dau Skt. bandhumli
344. T 196.163.2 *IH~j *ijwai yjwat- > jiwi jwai- Skt. vipaSyin
NOTES
3. EH *-jwat- in 3b should yield MC -jwvi- here; but, as pointed out by U (1971 :39),
this fmal does not occur after initialj- in Me.
29.Cited after Mayrhoffer (1973:159 and 325). On the reading of a see Chapter 5.
section 5.2. For b GY reads MC tjuk, tuk, and twok, identifying tjuk as the correct
reading in this word. It is possible that the GY tradition postdates BTD and that tuk or
twok is the correct reading.
37. B is also read MC bai:, bak, andpjau:. GY indicates that it is read MC bwo in the
word bodhisattva (#39 below).
46. For b the text reads;jjf\, which we emend to IJjI following Pulleyblank (1962:124).
49. The rime development in 49a is irregular, for EH -am should yield MC -am.
Perhaps the word should be reconstructed as *sam for BTD.
55. This word is usually written in the text with characters a-d. Character e is added
in T 224.464.3.
68. The MC reading of c is attested only in JY.
74. After b the text repeats a (i.e. sat rwa sat). This may be a copyist's error.
77. B does not appear in lexicographical sources. It may be a variant form of .1l! (MC
r wii).
79. Perhaps c is an error for ~ (MC !ljef).
111. C and d are reversed in the text.
118. This item may in fact be a copyist's fusion of transcriptions for avrha and atapa
(cf. 101 and 102 above) which frequently occur together in lists of brahmaloka. See
Kirfel (1920:192) and Edgerton (1953.2:270).
129. A is also read as MC pe.k. GY indicates that it should be read MC biei- in this
compound.
133. This transcription is followed by the element HI1I1 which is difficult to interpret.
One version of the text writes not tt but ~. Perhaps H: is an error for Hi. It is also
possible that IJjI is a mistake for 1111. This would yield a compound ~ (-~) 1\11 tfie two
*tfiei two '" k(rJjei two) which may represent foreign -ketu. The name Ratnaketu
occurs at the corresponding point in the parallel passage in the A~!asiihasrikiipraj;iiipiira
mitff.
140. The identification of this transcription is problematical. Pulleyblank (1962:227)
suggests Skt. gandharvavatf.
143. A is also read as MC pjau: and pjau-.
150. This Sanskrit form is given in Soothill and Hodous (1934:419) but I have not
found it elsewhere. Various other sources equate the Chinese form with Skt. kumbhiilJrJa.

256

152. This item is part of a longer compound which I have been unable to identify.
154. The Chinese transcription may reflect a derivation such as the feminine adjectival
form miigadhikff.
157. B is probablY an error for II~ (ii- < *dijiai-).
166b. The identification of this item is uncertain. It occurs several times in this T 280
passage in variant forms such as ~1\, ~i!":m (MC xjwie !ti), 1>1\1"XI~t: (the graph r~ here may
be a corruption), Iii'; !, (MC xjwie dfii-); and in later translations of the original Indic text
(e.g. T 278.418.2-3, T 279.58.1-2) it is consistently rendered as 1'1' "wisdom". It seems
unlikely that our transcription could represent vidya "wisdom" since Skt. -dy- should
probablY correspond to Indic -j- in the language transcribed by BTD. Cf. #27 above.
180. The identification of this expression is uncertain. It is rendered in T 278.419.1
as iiJIlifl "full moon" and in T 279.58.3 as IfliiiJllifl "round full moon". The reconstructed
Sanskrit form means "disc of the moon". Cf. Edgerton (1953.2:524) fasima1JrJaliibha
"name of a Buddha".
200. A is probably an error for iIli: (MC pwa) or some other similarly written graph.
261. B may be an error for iIli: or some similarly written graph.
276. D is probably an error for i!& (ti- < *d1jiai-).
333. Interpretation of this example is problematical. Perhaps 333c corresponds to
Skt. -rodh-.
339. B may be an error for ,*.

INDEX OF SANSKRIT WORDS IN THE BTD DATA


This index is arranged according to the order of the Latin alphabet.
Diacritics are ignored in the alphabetization.
abha 94b
abhlisvara + su(bha) 68, 194
abhirati 198
abhisarp.buddha 107
acaIa 155
acapala 125
acara 160
agadam 285
agama 2
ajatasatru 233
akani~tha 105
ak~bhya 127
amalaka 323
amitabha 240
arnrapiili 243,341
anag1imin 17
ananda 11
anapana 24
anathapiI}gika 229

ana vat apt a 237


aniruddha 259
anomiya 305
anuttara 72
aparajita 276
apramaI}abha 96
apramal)asubha 99,115,196
aragakalama 307
arlima 267
arbuda 213
arhant, arhan, arhat 25,56
aruI}a 163,332
asaftkhya '" asabkhyeya 50
asita 300
asura 71, 203, 207
atapa 102
atata 211
atyanta 166a
avIci 212,278
257

11. BTD / Part III: The Data

A. Listing of the Data / 11. BID

avivartin, avivartika 44
avrha 101,118
bandhuma 343
bandhumatT 342
bhadra 124,134,178,200,290,295
bhadrapala 220
bhadrika 314
bhaiajya 287
bhallika 311
bhik~u 10
bhik~u~1 66
bimbisara '" bimbasara 78,306
bodhisattva 39
brahma 6, 174
brahmakayika 53
briihmaI).a 8,263
brahmapariadya 93,113
brahmapurohita 92, 112
brahmasahiiIppati 69
brhatphala 100, 117
buddha 1
buddhak~etra 122
cakravltla 187, 288
cakravartiraja 123
campa 223
campaka 146,321
*campakavarl]a 161
candana 32
caturmaharajika 191
citta 186
dakiI]a 268
dana 81
devadatta 304
devavatiira 294
dhanasrl 162
dharaQI 151, 239
dharma 173
dharmodgata 141
dhyana 9
dlprupkara 64,201,289
gandhahastin 136

katriya 249
ketra 106
kulapati 15
kumuda 144
kupana (or: kumbhiil)qa?) 150,247
kusuma 281, 283
magadha 154
maghI70
maha 36
mahiibrahmaI).~ 94a
mahiikaruI).ii 265
mahiikatyayana 60
mahiikau!hila 59,257
mahanamakopya 315
mahasattva 38
mahasusarthavaha 228
mahavaipulya 135
mahayana + karal)c;la 219
mahayana 48
mahoraga 88, 206
maitreya 40
mandiirava 132
manam 236
maiijusri 41
mara 16,199
maudgalyiiyana 13, 255
maya 296
miirdhagata 338
nam 33
nadikaSyapa 324
nairaiijana 319
naivasaqtjiianasallljiiayatanopaga 130
nandanavana 147
nandopananda 234
narada 328
naradatta 224
nayuta 215
netrasr"i 168
niraya 121
nirgrantha 293
nirmal)arati 90

gandhiilaya '" gandhalaya 139


gandha~a 87,109,202
gandhavatT 148
ganga 75
garuqa 85,149,204
gathii 245
gautamapati 184
gayiikasyapa 325
gayiiSIr~a 327
ghoila 336
godanIya 189
gop! 297
grdhrakiita 35
gUI).a 165
hinduka (Old Iranian) 29
*hiraI}yavarI).a 156
indra 61
indradatta 230
Isiina 63
jambudVipa 73
jetavana 4,266,334
jhapita (pall) 274
jina 185
jiiiina~r"i 176, 269
kala 299
kalandaka 326
kalpa 23
kiima 152
kiiiicanavan}.a 167
kapilavastu 227,291,331
ka~ya 21
kiiSyapa 256
kau\l9inya 313
kauSlhnbI231,322,335
kauika 54
kayika 80
kiqmara 86,205,238
kolita 330
koti 251
krakucchandha 12
k~ti 83

258

nirvaI).a 22
*nityagandhapramudita (?) 140
nyagrodha 292,333
padmaniraya 210
*padmavarQa 158
paiicabhijiUina 76
paranirmitavaSavartin 91, Ill, 214
parasika 225
parinirvaI).a 5 1
parlttabha 95
parlttasubha 98, 114, 195
patra 20
pattra 310
prajapati 62
prajiiapiiramita 42
prasenajit 79
pratibhiinakii!a 273
pratyeka 26
pratyutpannasamadhi 218
preta 129
pUl)qarika 143,208
piirl)amaitrayal]Iputra 46, 126, 258
piirvavideha 188
rabula 298
raja 275
rajagrha 34
riikasa 31
rasmi 250,280
rii~!rapala 260
ratna 133
ratniikara 221
ratnaketu 284
ratnasii 159
*ratnavan;la 170
*Hisaptama 182
*rucivarI}a 157
rudra 270
sadaprarudita 138
aqiiyatana 137
siigara 235
saha 179, 279
259

r ----

r -

---

11. BTD

I Part III: The Data

sakrdaglimin 18
sakro devanam indra 52
sakyamuni 65
sala 'V sala 28, 308
sarna 262
samadhi 108
sllJ11anta 282
sarrgha 30
sal1lparu 261
sarrpatti 49
samyaks3f!1bodhi 246
samyaksarrbuddha 57
sannahasannaddha 47
sari 5
sariputra 14, 254
sarvajiia 45
*sasimal)qa1a 180
sastaral}. 128
sattva 74
rua 84
sifJ1hanada 181
sphatika 175
sramal)a 7
sravastI 3
srotapanna 19
subha 97
subhakrtsna 116,197
subhiiti 37
sudarsana 104, 119
sudatta 248
suddhiivasa 120
suddhodana 317
sudrsa 103
sugandhika 145
sumana 242
sumati 241
sumeru 131
suprabuddha 302
susatpprasthita 226

suvan}.a 264
*suvarQavarI}apadma 217
tathagata 55
trapu~ 310
trayastriIpSa 43
tu~ara 153
tu~ita 89
udayana 337
udayin 303
udrakaramaputra 312
uqumbara 'V udumbara 301
upasaka 67a
upasikli 67b
upati~a 329
upayakausalya 77, 272
uruvilva 318,320
utpala 142
utpalavarQa 164,244
uttama 169
uttarakuraval). 190,209
vairocana 183
vaisali 222,340
vajra 172
varal)asi 316
varuI}a 253
varuI}adeva 232
vaSavartin 216
vli~pa 271
veda (1) 166b
vicara 177
vidya 27
vimala 277
vipasyin 344
vIrya 82, 171
viwdha 286
vdi 339
yak~a 58
yama 110, 192
yojana 251

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

Graphs in this index are arranged according to stroke order. Within each stroke
the order is that of the Daikanwa jiten (Morohashi 1955-60). References are
to the sources listed in III.A and to the entry numbers of each source.
1 Stroke
- Xu 1252; Zh. Xuan 259

Xu 286
Xu 701
"- Xu 216
z., BHTY 120; Ying 88
L Xu 458
J Xu 743
v Xu 741
"

'\...

2 Strokes
T
';

C
1..\

!'J
h
/\

JL
JL
13

I.

c
lY...

(1)

Xu 413
Xu 188
Xu 73, 841, 842
Xu 928
Zh. Zhong 1
BHTY 13; Xu 74,808
Xu 1224
Zh. Zhong 36
Xu 167
Ying 82
Xu 383
Xu 249
Ying 92
Xu 34
Xu 310
Xu 593
3 Strokes

:t: Zh. Xuan 355; Ying 125; Gao 236


-- Xu 1164;Zh.Xuan220;BTD49,
260

i'.
/,

1J.L
FL
7...

r
TL
~~

J[

11
)/..

)z.

/;'

k.
Ix

.-f

'J'
J1

57,69,107,108,218,246,246,
261,262,282
Xu 983;Zh. Xuan 356
Xu 12,803
Zh. Xuan 82
Zh. Zhong 80; Xu 496
BTD 243, 341
Zh. Zhong 143; BHTY 16; Xu
820, 848, 885, 886; Zh. Xuan
15,278
Xu 173
Xu 902; Zh. Xuan 61, 62; BTD
100,188
BHTY 47, 63, 68; Xu 1006;Zh.
Xuan 344,454
Xu 789
XU 696,736
Xu 10
BTD58
Xu 876
BHTY 4;Xu 816;Zh. Xuan 272
Xu 277
Zh. Xuan 407
Zh. Xuan 448
Zh. Xuan 436
Du 2; Xu 813, 1242
Xu 716;Gao 198,250
Xu 537, 552
Xu 855, 863, 867, 868
BHTY 33, Xu 953; Zh. Xuan
325,326; BTD 84
261

3-4 strokes

I Part III: The Data

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data


IJg

'f' Xu 746
IJ]

r.
C
C
B

T
.,

rt

I'J
lL

T
j-'

Xu 1133, 1249
Zh. Zhong 52
BHIY 5; Xu 456; Zh. Xuan 20,
21,273,422
Zh. Xuan 14
Xu 19, 815;Zh. Xuan 421
BHIY 85 ;Xu 491 ;Zh. Xuan
190;Ying 66
Xu 855
Xu 571
Du57
Xu 984
Xu 329
Xu 1241; Zh. Xuan 7
Xu 725
4 Strokes

l ' Xu 818, 819, 1214; Zh. Xuan


!j

fI:

rp

+l
~

f't

Z
T
:E;

7i
Ii.

Ie

fIIA.
()t
fl'

ffJ

fc
;c

12;BID 143
Xu 907
BHIY 12;Xu 62, 845
BHIY 55, 56;Xu 986,1247;
Gao 231
Xu 674
Xu 315
Zh. Xuan 457
Xu 1241;Gao 217
Xu 907
Zh. Xuan 465
Ying 105
Xu 880
Zh. Xing 7; Zh. Zhong 54, 57;
Zh. Xuan 138
Gao 201
Xu 1181
Xu 839a; Zh. Xuan 31; Gao 10
Xu 315
Zh. Zhong 1; BHIY 84; Xu 6,346
Xu 454,1107; Ying 59; Gao 117
Xu 1137

Xu 1234
-7f Xu 968
rAJ Zh.Xuan 336
7} Xu 1083, 1084, 1085, 1102,
1248; Zh. Xuan 116,367; BID
126,208
lj/J Xu 714; Zh. Xuan 253
1\1 Xu 54
'l}) BID 140
-it BHTY28
~ Xu 950
ft- Zh. Xuan 130
'F Xu 880, 881
&. Xu 1235
Q
Xu 693
&. Xu 1144
: Xu 1073
:f: BHTY96;Xu 1168
7:. BHIY83;Xu 1090, 11 16; Gao
243; BID 29
1;;: BHIY 24; Ying 111 ; Gao 227
:k: Xu 1231
j-' Xu 747
/,t BHTY 101; Xu 854b
j~
Zh. Xuan 171
It!. Du44;Zh.Xing8;Xu427,428;
Zh.Xuan 154;Ying53;Gao 109
i]l Zh. Zhong 75; BHIY 38; Xu
468,1090, 1115;Zh.Xuan
176,370
,L' BHTY 95
Xu 883
~ Xu 935; Fu 76; Ying 31; BID
26
Xu 1129; Ying 58; BID 41, 46
65,132,144,258,338
':j- Zh. Xuan 73a
rr Gao 122
}j Xu 383, 394,1015,1016,
1247;Zh. Xu an 348; Gao 234
(l
Xu 1217, 1218

Jh:
il::
)L

x..
If):

It

to
II:;
;I(
)c

m
0/:

9.
~l'

;f

I:
I>iJ

5 Strokes
rt Ying 18
1~

Zh. Xuan 12, 13


l!t BID 180, 180,233
Ii:: Xu 55, 810; Ying 4; BID 10,66
iJ'i BHIY 72; Xu 1032
t. Du39
it Xu 1002
flli Fu 73
f[ Xu 357
fz: Zh. Xuan 11
1"1 Xu 1197
t\ BHIY 3;Gao 1,216
1;- Xu 1070; Ying 47, 48,129
7(. BHIY71
I;;J Xu417
BHTY 51, 52
ll:J Zh. Xuan 126
:: Xu 1221

,.

'*

262
r-----

BID 135, 190


BHIY 103, 104
Xu 460
Zh. Zhong 143; Xu 812,1191;
Zh. Xuan 301, 398; Ying 95, 98
XU 920,921
Xu 492, 1130;Zh. Xuan 60
Zh. Zhong 35; Xu 961; Zh.
Xuan319;BID 10,66, 117,
118,198,212
Xu 828
Fu 76; Ying 31
BHIY 36b;Xu 956
BHIY 28, 29;Xu 929, 938
Zh. Xuan46
BHIY25
Xu 859
Xu 1151; Zh. Xuan 380
Zh. Zhong 18; Ying 59
Xu 1022,1027
Xu 372

zlj
flj
r)]

1311
~t

.'rII~

l5
~

': 9"P

til
11)
III}
)L

11

.{i
.~

H]

(.xl
(6l
(l9

'&

*
*
IIJ!.
'1t..
Jt

rot
jl~

U
I'll
;(p

=F
71'
f;h

It

1p

I 4-5 strokes

Zh. Xuan 112


Xu 493
Zh. Zhong 52; Xu 995
Zh. Xuan 313, 314; BID 187,
227
Ying 81
BHIY 89;Xu 1126, 1127,
1140; Gao 245
XU 301
Xu 579; BTD 146, 161,223
Du 7; BHIY lOa; Xu 832
Xu 877; Zh. Xuan 433
Xu 27, 158;Fu 25;Gao 35,185
XU 1l0;Fu 16, 17
XU 543
Zh. Xuan 22, 424
Zh. Xuan 429
XU 799; Ying 97
Xu 787
Ying 101
Xu 972
Xu 695
Ying43
Xu 38
Ying 13; BID 305
Xu 25
BID 66,90,91, 111, 119,126,
130,140,151,214,239,292,
293,322,333,335
Xu 647
Xu 144,928; Zh. Xuan 439
Fu 21
Ying 96
Xu 870, 899, 912
Xu 611
Xu 1054, 1055;Zh. Xuan 163;
Ying 128; Gao 103
Xu 854b
Zh. Zhong 35
Zh. Zhong 78; BHTY 93;Zh.
Xuan 386
263

r-

r ....--

r---

r- -

f----'-'

,--

,---

.. _--

,---

,--

5-6 strokes
~ll

,IZ,

tJJ

Ix

fJJ

*
*
*
7$;:

tL
iE

J;
ffl:
iS~

il;;

{E

1ft
11jB
~

i:t
10

m
fI

E
$

S
J.t
Illl

13
:{']

7.G

*1\.
1L

264

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

Part III: The Data

Xu 701; BID 14,46,92,126,


188,254,258,312
Zh. Xuan 257
BID 43
BHIY9b
Xu 681
Zh. Zhong 100; Fu 86
Xu 721
Xu 966
BHIY 41; Xu 723
Ying 54
Zh. Xuan 261
Xu 411,1045,1050,1061,
1062; Gao 230
Xu 730
Xu 9, 796
Xu 299; Ying 120
Zh. Xuan 372
Zh. Zhong 96; Gao 61
Fu4
Ying 92
Xu 572
Xu 477;Ying 137
Xu 1154
Du 40; Zh. Zhong 138; BHIY
77; Xu 1042,1049, 1060;Zh.
Xuan 357, 360;Ying 126
Xu 1000,1001
Xu 1117, 1118;Zh.Xuan 179,
184,375
Zh. Zhong 128, 135;Xu 765
Xu 1077, 1099, 1249; Ying 131
Xu 670; Gao 220
Ying 71
Xu 389
BID 13,255
Xu 1208; Fu 96
Zh. Xuan 120
Xu 926
Xu 1221
Zh. Zhong 38

T Xu 203

It

H Xu 413
II)) Xu 1177

6 Strokes

Ja Xu 598
ZE;

Xu 344
13: BID 68,194
Y: BHIY lOb; Xu 859, 860, 861,
862; Gao 17,18
~ BHTY 1 ; Xu 797
~ Zh. Xuan 471, 472; Ying 86
f'11 BHIY 56;Xu 986
Hi: Gao 73
ff: BHTY 96; Xu 1162; Zh. Xuan
392
:IE Fu 95
W BID 63,117,137
~
Xu 607
tK Xu 629,1186
1x Xu 1227;Zh. Xuan 415
1* Xu 57;Zh. Xuan 32; BID 206
1E Xu 985
ge Xu 120
IJlI. Ying 124
7t BID 130
7t BHTY 66; Xu 1008
:i:: Zh. Xuan 371
Xu 997;Zh. Xuan 132,452
tg Xu 273
:JfIJ Fu 58; Ying 51
71J Xu 745
Ill: Xu 395
it Xu 711
f'fJ Xu 1114
~ Xu 204
.n Xu 936
x Xu 648
""
fit Xu 142; Zh. Xuan 297; Ying
22; Gao 41
pp Xu 519

"'"

<3

lilJ
15
115
~

u1:
11(;
~
(Cl]

IJSl

oE
J~

:till

tn

Po

~t',

ff-

't
';'f

*=!j=
1-11

11'
ff
~

7th
7J
if
Jj(;

Zh. Zhong 135; Xu 1236,1237,


1238; Zh. Xuan 265; Gao 161
Zh. Xuan 258
Xu 348; Zh. Xuan 339; Gao 86
Zh.Zhong 131;Xu 1044, 1246
Gao 37
Xu 821
Xu 876
BID 105,260
BID 72, 98,186,238,309
Zh. Xuan 324
Xu 286
Xu 1101; Fu 65; BID 52, 61,
230
Xu 944;Zh. Xuan 181,322,
446;Gao 126
Fu 2
BHIY30;Xu 947
BHIY 34; Zh. Xuan 110,326;
Fu 43; Ying 121; BID 53, 67b,
177,181,297,300
Xu 890
Xu 1196
Xu 897; Zh. Xuan 57
Xu 950; Gao 227
Zh. Xuan 454; Gao 95
Xu 822,1243
Xu 22
Xu 1205;Zh. Xuan 55
Xu 854a
Xu 1128, 1152; Zh. Xuan 318;
BID 24
Ying 97,98,99
Xu 838; Ying 102
BHIY 84; Xu 1249
Ying 76
Xu 625
Xu 229; Zh. Xuan 88
Xu 297
Xu 142
BHIY 121 ;Xu 1215

6 strokes

Ix Ying 124
nli: BHIY 2; Xu 1246; Zh. Xuan
359,455; Gao 239
H Ying 67
m Xu 448
ill Xu 163, 914;Gao 97
Ii)., Xu 539
'7 l3
Xu 109
1U Xu 480; Zh. Xuan 164, 165;
Ying 56; BID 76,251
11!! Xu 662
~ Zh.Xuan443
if Xu 825; Zh. Xuan 396; Ying
100
:H Xu 634
Xu 191
iJ; Xu 346
tJJ Xu 1179; Ying 82
Xu 240
Gao
210
Jlt
7E BHIY 36a; Xu 955
~ Xu 740
~"J Zh. Zhong 105
n Xu 509; Ying 66
rr Du 10
ttx. Zh. Xuan 436
ifu Xu 209, 211,247; Zh. Xuan
180; Gao 48
1j( Xu 29
Zh. Xuan 28
H. Xu 268
B Du 63; Zh. Xuan 244
Y. Xu 530
fir BHTY 100; Xu 1189
:it Xu 967
Xu 687
ffi Xu 39
$ Xu 1023
~;j BHTY 26; Zh. Xuan 68
~ BHTY 8, 15;Xu 829
~ BHTY 8; Xu 829
>

265

6-7 strokes

I Part III: The Data

In! Xu 11; Zh. Xuan 8


lJJt Xu 56
!~~ BHIY 80;Xu 1092
e:! Xu 801
g Xu 283, 962
To Xu 288;Zh. Xuan 106,255,
330;Gao 217
f-3 Xu 849
fit BID 218
t{ Xu 1076;Zh. Xuan 366
n Xu 1013
i<. BHIY 40; Xu 276,954; Zh.
Xuan 161; Gao 72,112
(Uj Xu 130
1'4 BHIY 44
HI Xu 143
Ill!!. Xu 225

7 Strokes
Zh. Xuan460
fR BHIY 112;Gao 207
{JR Zh. Xuan 52
f* Xu 499; Ying 52
fiJ Ying 50
f$ Zh. Zhong 140; Xu 1095; Zh.
Xuan 172
ftl Zh. Xuan 421
fJJu BID 30
fH Xu 248
fa Xu 23
fm Zh. Xuan 375
@ Zh. Zhong 81,82
(iL Zh. Xuan 445
tt: Xu 172
Vi Zh. Xuan 439
(t Zh. Xuan 424
fiiJ Zh. Xuan 312
#< Xu 136, 137, 898
(iJIl Zh. Xuan 473; BID 1,57,107,
122,302
f'F Gao 182

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data


~ Zh. Zhong 128; Zh. Xuan 475
H Xu 1168
M~ Xu 1058
Xu 554
fJ.5i. Xu 215
/J.R: Xu 762
~. Xu 1128
I,dt Zh. Xuan 329
'li:: Zh. Xuan84
' Zh. Xuan 74
' Xu 256
'~ Xu 349
,
It.;
BHTY87;Xu 1078;Ying61
Zh. Zhong 50; Ying 123
'i'J Xu 558
'1- Xu 705
~ Xu 361; Zh. Xuan 135
~ Xu 958
7'tXu 1102
CE
'" Xu 384
EO!.
,I, Xu 713
'N
-1
Xu 601
illS Zh. Xuan 166
"16 Xu 901
IP~ Xu 781
-ffi- Xu 443
fT1:j. Xu 435
11>: Xu 513
1r; Zh.Zhongl30
}jf; BID 60,183
?
Xu17
7T
H Zh. Zhong 110
#3 BHTY 42; Xu 304; Fu 38
: Xu 124
V-k Xu 1240
a Xu 824;Zh. Xuan 20, 276
;~ Zh. Xuan 226
J:
XU 802; Zh. Xuan 18,268
tt Xu 76
tJ~ Xu 314
H! Zheng Xuan 167

}t Xu 975
; Gao 237
~IJ

~O

'lJIJ
flJ

Jl}J

NJ
Ii)}]

:W)
t';J
!J~

;ft
~

N
-@;

IJ&
li
1=1

'*
I~I

Uti

rn
.118

:fk
_lei:,

..

J:1f

**1f

Zh. Xuan 411


Zh. Xing 10; Xu 1134, 1151
Du 15, 64;Zh. Xing 5;Zh.
Zhong 89
Zh. Xuan 334; BID 5,14,41,
43,73,95,113,114,143,159,
168,175,176,208,222,249,
252,254,269,273,311,315,
341
Du 16;Zh. Xuan 304
Xu 768, 1156; BID 23,124,
134,200
Xu 141; Fu 29, 57
Xu 103
Zh. Xuan 34
Xu 514; Zh. Xuan 187
BHIY 78; Gao 120
Xu 599; Fu 85
Xu 819
Zh. Zhong 98;Xu 564,592,
593, 1165;Fu 82, 85; BID 2,
17,18
Xu 1212
Zh. Xuan 266
Xu 873; Ying 59
Zh. Zhong 5a; Xu 826, 831,
1187,1188; Zh. Xuan 231;
Fu 5
Xu 391
Xu 187
Gao 110
Zh. Zhong 70; Zh. Xuan 165,
169
Xu 596
Xu 961
BID 181
Xu 364
Xu 437
Xu 309

'.~

*
LW

II..!..,

"..:.~

266

,-

I 7 strokes

'tJJ. Fu 89

tX

Xu 873

J!X: Xu 620; Zh. Xuan 276; Ying

94
Xu 333
lli Xu 455
t& Zheng Xuan 264, 266
1fl Xu 1226
tx BHIY24
m Xu 226
H: Gao 51
tY: Gao 68,111
HI Gao 192
tk Xu 1232
fA.: Zh. Xuan 41
ift- Xu 345
1r:; Gao 214
bt Zh. Zhong 57; Gao 97
.ffr Ying 89
th.z Xu 213
(Ii( XU 59, 60
L'J XU 19
t~ Xu 154
F.l
Zh. Xuan 379
F
~ Du 38a; BHIY 67, 88
tt Xu 1012; Gao 236
t\': Du57
1'1: Xu 118
ftll Xu 225
1'i'. Xu 21
:illl: Xu 718
}Y- Xu 490,1122
..
.Jo Xu 2
;j( Xu 55, 826
i'B Gao 191
i~ Xu 326
(:1: Gao 107
ik: BHTY 122;Xu 753, 760,1231
IE. XU 445
lie Xu 543
It Xu 604, 1167;BID 169, 182
~

267
r-

r -

r"

~-'-~

,-

r--------

r------- .

r-------

7-8 strokes

I Part III: The Data

V\i. Gao 109


{iIj Xu 237
i"I' Xu 352
(tJ) Du 14; Zh. Zhong 23; Zh. Xuan
90,206; Ying 25; BID 7,28,
63,78,137,153,235,279,287,
306
vii Xu974;Zh.Xuan 125;Ying 122
1'i Xu 692
1k Xu 820;Zh. Xuan 15
';it: Xu 79; Zh. Xuan 23; Gao 6
~llj Xu 256
jE Xu 385; Ying 45
5'k BHIY 117;Ying 143
gz Xu 27
Zh. Zhong 59; Zh. Xuan 437
ffJ Gao 92
IE) Zh. Xuan 183, 184
mr Ying49
tg Xu 386
Jfj Zh. Xuan 75
1'1. Xu 268; Gao 121; BID 59
'T.u
Jt. BHIY 13, 16
flf BHIY85
it) Xu 537
Zh. Xuan 73
B Xu 27
C Zh.Zhong55;BHTY70,Gao 94
5i Xu 1150
tIl Zh. Xuan 238
Xu 518,1147
a
:fr Fu 93
!iL Zh. Xuan 73a
~ Xu 231
J't BID 309
7Jf; Zh. Xuan 275
lE Fu26
-!t Xu 1098;Zh.Xuan 173;Gao 243
Xu 1249
liZ Xu 1093
Xu 31, 823
0

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

il Xu 491
a. Zh. Xuan 62
ill Xu 20
l!!1 Zh. Zhong 28; Zh. Xuan 316
5)1) BID 46, 229, 258
m BID 17,33,46,47,96,133,
143,162,163,165,176,181,
185,215,217,221,224,265,
269,284,324,328,332
!ffl BID 91
@ BHTY 15;Xu68,69,851
Xu 522
'Ii. Xu 894; Zh. Xuan 14; Ying 95
~jC Xu 521
iiJJ Gao 237

r;

268

8 Strokes
~

;ffi;

'it
'1~

fit

lx
f'lt
f~

f~
{{j

ft:
ff(

7(,
ffi
;I't
~

lfr
H'"
ft..
~
~Jj

Fu 59; Ying 52; Gao 234


Xu 260
Xu 919
BHTY 4;Xu 816, 1243;Zh.
Xuan 272
Xu 1237
Xu 860
Gao 116
BHTY 1
Zh. Xuan 1,2,419,420
Xu 230, 241
Zh. Xuan 22
Xu 1125
Xu 954; Zh. Xuan 328
Fu 32
Xu 1028
Zh. Xuan 10,21; Fu 41
Zh. Zhong 76; Gao 124
Zh.Xuan 245
Xu 342
Zh. Zhong 98; Xu 563; Zh.
Xuan 222
Zh. Zhong 79,125; Xu 1226;
Zh. Xuan 335

""IJ Zh. Zhong 126; Ying 63


j'IJ Xu 90
,fIJ BID 31,106,122,249
~ilJ
~Jj

.'iI)
lIlJ
')1'-

l'

tbh
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if;
til

,liZ
liili
~

lV
~

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~riJ

Jill
111'

ftJ

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jll'

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.101'
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tlc
~

Xu 240, 727; Zh. Xuan 96


Zh. Xuan 395
Xu 698
Xu 39
Xu 939; Zh. Xuan 320
Zh. Zhong 122; Xu 964,1213;
Zh. Xuan 250
Gao 204
Xu6
Xu 241
Xu 548,549; Ying 73
Xu 155
BHIY 101; Xu 638
Xu 750
Xu 1228
BHIY 27; Xu 923
Xu 1244;Zh. Xuan 426
Zh. Zhong 7; BHIY lOb; Xu
838; Zh. Xuan 285; Gao 221
Zh. Zhong 33;Xu 966
Gao 41
Xu 188; BID 56, 59, 60, 94a,
97,98,179,181,265,279
Xu 1044;Zh. Xuan 151
Zh.Xuan 243
Xu 186,494,926; Zh. Xuan 83;
BID 62, 64, 74, 91,111,214,
216,220,228,232,234,243,
253,260,288,294,341
Ying 129
BHIY21
Xu 1077
Zh. Xuan 377
Xu 1055
Fu81
Ying43
Xu 636
Xu 441

I 8 strokes

tEt BID 61, 229, 230, 273


.ttl Gao 43, 225
3f" Xu 573
f,( Xu 910
if, Xu 1048
1 Xu 299
111 Gao 156
lm Xu 700
"""
AA Xu 499
-til- Du 21; Fu 33; Ying 119
be.
BID 316
7f"
$: Xu 1004
em.
Xu 1145
5<:
QiiJ Xu 189
BHTY 41
~ti Xu 579
& Xu 1233
'i"
= Xu 190
Q;V BHTY 35
~h Gao 218,248
till Xu 144
~t Xu 1049; Zh. Xuan 360
~ BHTY 29; Xu 196; Zh. Xuan
318,327
f!.Jl Ying 14
"'Xu 1009
E
C7
BHTY 53
'"
JE Du 26,43;Xu 1067, 1068;Zh.
Xuan 153;Gao 239
~ Zh. Zhong 88; Xu 497, 498,
1145
1L Zh. Zhong 137; Xu 943
f,';j Zh.Xuan 356
F3t Xu 651
h!i Xu 135; Zh. Xuan 59,435;
Ying 109
}ffi Zh. Zhong 123; Xu 702
flliJ Xu 373
Hi BHTY 3;Gao 216
ffi Xu 1201
$,\( Xu 720

"*

269

8 strokes / Part III: The Data


j.\J

It\

Itj

Hi
M't
Iff

JJifi

'Jt
,JJJl.
lC<
':)'

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(fU

it
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II
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M~

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llIG
~

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r~

14k

JR
t~

m
rR:
lli
1ft

m
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ty:

Xu 981
Gao 80
Zh. Xu an 282
BHTY 67
Zh. Zhong 30; Zh. Xu an 96
Ying Il4
Du 22
Xu 555
Du 10
Gao 30
Xu 304
Xu 239
Xu 1022, 1031;Zh. Xuan 140
Du 42; Zh. Xuan 456
Ying 107
Xu 426
Gao 230
Xu 703
BTD 55,128
Ying 22
Du 40; BHTY 77; Xu 1060
Xu 850
Fu 98
Xu 198
Xu 577
Zh. Xuan 201
Zh. Xuan 349,350
Zheng Xuan 396
Xu 306, 307; Zh. Xuan 334
Xu 10 17; Gao 235
Zh. Zhong 136; Xu 148
Zh. Xuan 129, 267; Ying 41
Xu 226
Zh. Zhong 69; Gao 125
Xu 123
Xu 1021
Gao 8
Zh. Zhong 43; Fu 45; Ying 120
Zh. Xuan 298; Ying 115; Gao 90
Zh. Xuan 66
BTD 49, 91,111,314,339

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 8 strokes

i\ Xu 892
,Eo
"}
Xu 43
(K Xu 382
Tit Xu 777,778, 780;Zh. Xuan 417;
Ying 91 ; BTD 202
fA<: Xu 693
ill Zh. Xuan 303; Fu 20
inJ Zh. Xuan 312
fr1 Xu 821
i'jI] Zh.Xuan 432
tlI:; Xu 598
Xu 1143;Zh.Xuan 166, 169,213
R BHTY71
18 Xu 128
U6 Xu 280
illl Xu 706
i1\I) Zh. Zhong 100; Xu 1176
t#3 Xu 61
JrJi, Xu 432
iJli. Xu 180; Zh. Xuan 81; BTD 8,
42,62,79,91,93,95,96,98,
99,102,111,113,114,115,
134, 138, 140,158, 164, 195,
196,210,214,217,223,225,
271,273,276,295,302,311,
316,329
t~ BTD22,51,121,319
i!l: Xu 757
it Xu 174,175; Zh. Xuan 79, 240;
Fu92
rt- BHTY 89; Zh. Xuan 189,458
~ Du23
~ BTD 110
tic Xu 762
llti Du 51 ; Zh. Xuan 348
!jX BHTY 104; Xu 796
fu Xu 1251,1252
~iF Xu 271; Ying 57
H. Xu 175
jrl Zh. Xuan 69
~f'I Xu 128

-t{.., Du 17; Xu 140; Zh. Xuan 310;

tUl
1);1"
Ijj(
Jl)c

Ii'!:

,.,

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nA
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m~

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t~

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t~

A,i:

Fu 28; Ying 21; BTD 12,54,


59,77,144,252,257,272,
273,281,283,292,313,315,
322,330,333,335
Xu 752; Fu 101
Xu 425,1084
Zh. Xuan 147; Fu 51
Du 42; Xu 1062; Zh. Xuan 456
Xu 902
Xu 426
Xu 1180
Xu 1214
Xu 420, 453, 521
BHTY 62, 69, 70; Xu 1029,
1247; Zh. Xuan 362; Ying 17
Xu 1079, 1080;Zh. Xuan 155
BHTY 34,117; Zh. Xuan 410,
472; Gao 56
Zh. Zhong 118; Zh. Xuan 241
Xu 443
Zh. Xuan 192
Zh. Zhong 104; BHTY 11,45;
Xu 628; Zh. Xuan 229
Xu 988
Xu 83
Xu 1087
Xu 889
Xu 921
Xu 62
BHTY58
Xu 785
Gao 79
Xu 262
Du 11
Xu 1172
Xu 602
Gao 53
Du20
Xu 935
Xu 1165

270

If Xu 360
Hi Xu 692
Ik BHTY 122
flt Xu 221
J/t XU 358,996
w Xu 962
71
M Xu 71
Hl Ying 22
"'"
13
Xu 382; Ying 17; Gao 232, 233
I({ Zh. Xuan 227
'i9( Xu 450
fU Zh. Xuan 441
~e Du 2,3; Zh. Zhong 4; Xu 815
iiii5 Xu 264
?'o
~
Zh. Zhong 51;Xu 339; Gao 7
'7'<
-c Zh. Zhong 51
'!!r
BTD29
H Xu 28,58,841 ;Zh. Xuan 283
.t Ying 76
or Xu 769
~ Xu 177
Ilk Xu 760
HE Ying 39
n1 Ying 76
n4l Zh. Xuan 167
IIA: Xu 526
~
Xu 640, 1194
JJr1J BHTY46
CiJ Xu 423,1100
0 Xu 91O;Zh. Xuan 63, 301,
302; Gao 246; BTD 3, 5,14,
77,128,212,222,254,272
~IJ Xu 736
!k Xu 133, 567; Zh. Xu an 391
:;c Gao 111
'r; Zh. Xuan 425
!Ji. Xu 792
~ Zh. Zhong 139
E: Fu 19
jJ:j Du 65; Xu 325,326; Zh. Xuan
336
~

271
r ----

r---

r---

-~,---

,---"

,----

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 9 strokes

8-9 strokes / Part III: The Data

fre Xu 169
BTD45
1,It. Xu 882
f~ Xu 1096
f~ Zh. Xuan 307
Xu 415,1067
r
{S Xu 894
ifiL Ying 88; Gao 197
{E Xu 159
l! Xu 1031; Ying 45
ffi Zh. Xuan 269
ill: Xu 13;Zh. Xuan 141
~ Zh. Xuan 76; Ying 84
Ii~ Fu3
~ Du 49; Zh. Xuan 462
[/1 Zh. Zhong 43; Zh. Xuan 332
1ill Xu 150,908
Zh.Xuan6
ill Zh. Xuan 65
~ Xu 985; Zh. Xuan 355; Ying 91,
fm Xu 989
125
{it Xu 1078
I" Xu 1075, 1249;Zh. Xuan 363;
~ BHTY92
BTD 7, 8, 242, 263
i* Ying 32
~ Ying 103
Ii Xu 168
m Zh. Xuan 65; Fu 20
ffi Xu 1107, 1111, 1114;Zh.
Il"F Zh. Xuan 293
Xuan 172, 173; Ying 118, 130
M Xu 189, 190;BTD 2,11,17,25,
0=1
II
BHTY 9a; Xu 830, 832
44,50,55,56,68,71,72,99,
'\[ Xu 684
101,102,105,107,115,118,
a BHTY 86;Xu 492,1124
125,127,155,160,163,166a,
1'lIJ Zh. Xuan 290; Gao 175
194,196,198,203,207,211,
212,213,229,233,237,240,
""U Zh. Xuan 211; Fu 79
243,259,267,276,278,285,
WJ Zh. Xuan 210,389
300,305,307,323,332,341
iIW Gao 169
p(j Fu81
~ Zh. Xuan451
Xu 1162; BTD 315
wt BTD 18, 19,46,86,87,89,95,
109,118,119,120,126,132,
~ Xu 78
136,138,139,140,148,151,
ra Xu 219
166a, 166b, 178, 180,200,205, )lIf Xu 138
208,213,220,239,240,258,270,
~ Xu 1127
276,282,284,286,290,292,295, pt Zheng Xuan 55
~ BHTY 35
303,326,328,330,334,338
~ffi: Zh. Xing 6; Ying 117; BTD 200, ': !1jt Fu 9
~ Zh. Xuan 222, 467; Fu 84
261
~ Xu 210
Zh. Xuan 72; Fu 23
P Xu 202
ft Xu 952
f1l1 Xu 825; Ying 100
BHTY74
fZl
:tEl Xu 289
:lP Xu 511; Ying 40
!E Xu 937
9 Strokes
:!1i Ying2
J:j[ BTD 150
''- Xu 415,1068; Ying 128

.~

j:i;

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'*

272

...

~
W~

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f{Z;
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ti"!
Xu 1051
Fu 26
'III
Fu 13
1f.iJ
t
Zh. Xuan 258
off
Ying 68
4'tli
Xu 276
Zh. Xuan 59
tll~
Xu 480,1119
(I
#5
Gao 200
6J~
Xu 35
Xu 1101
lR
Gao 83
lVr
Xu 442
Ol!i
Xu 547
Xu 1
itf
Xu 431, 1133;Zh. Xuan 91
Xu 1219
!J1
Gao 136
'fi
Zh. Zhong 48
Zh. Xuan 236, 237
lI'F
BIiJ
Xu 761
:l[::
Xu 801
fl9f,
Xu 456
Du 26;Xu 945
I!Pe
Zh. Zhong 55; Xu 374
-b
Zh. Zhong 22
ttl
Zh. Zhong 8;Xu 65 ;Zh.Xuan 38
-tF
Xu 1018; Zh. Xuan 352
~
fJi;
Zh. Xuan 205
Xu 479
tB
Xu 874
Du 24; Xu 236; Zh. Xuan 98, 246 m
Xu 1147
tJf
Xu 811
tt
Xu 1076, 1081; Zh. Xuan 366
Xu 705; BTD 259, 330
fA
Xu 892; Gao 30
1'!&
Xu 814
.f!?i:
Xu 785, 792, 1240
Xu l111;Zh. Xuan 174
till
Ying 96
H

'*

BTD75
Zh. Zhong 47
Xu 990
Gao 151
BHTY45
Xu 728
Xu 278
Gao 87
Xu 106; Zh. Xuan 41
Xu 163
Xu 877; 878
Xu 1202
Du 22;BHTY 30; Xu 213;Zh.
Xuan 88, 317; Ying 118; Gao
56;BTD 119
Zh. Xuan 33
Xu 1048, 1071
BHTY 79; Zh. Xuan 168
Xu 257; BTD 108,218
Zh. Xuan 242, 404; Gao 182
Ying 23
Xu 1061
Gao 77
Du 56
Xu 737;Zh. Xuan 449
Du 9;Xu 871
Xu 1054
Xu 18
Xu 305
Zh. Zhong 134; BHTY 111
Xu 40, 52, 865,918; Ying 11
Dull
Gao 180
Zh.Zhong 116,117;Zh.Xuan
243
Xu 580
Zh. Xuan 332
BHTY16
Xu 1135
Xu 694
Gao 44
273

9 strokes
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B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

Xu 63; Zh. Xuan 35a


XU 199,931
Xu 1191; Zh. Xuan 398
Xu 61,1193
Xu 711
Zh. Zhong 76;Gao 124
Xu871
Ying I;Gao 167
BTD 250, 274, 280
Fu 79
Xu 994; 1009; Gao 86,87
Xu 429,430
Ying 10
Xu 358
Xu 627
Xu 99
Xu 1008
BTD 19,22,51,157,158,161,
164,167,170,201,217,217,
244,266
BTD 172
Zh. Xuan 265,475
Xu 752
Du6
BHTY 72;Xu 1032;Gao 130
Xu 1134
Xu 80
Xu 972
Xu 89
Xu 763
Ying69
Xu 162
Zh. Xuan 313
Zh. Zhong 139
Zh. Zhong 59; Zh. Xuan 147
Gao 247
Xu 1007
Xu 1118
Zh. Xuan 122
XU 1185
Xu 279,957

11$ Zh. Xuan 271

I~I

,--. Zh. Zhong 56; Xu 375, 376,

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In Du51;Zh.Xing 10; Xu 1126,

384;Zh. Xuan 140


Zh. Xuan 141,351
Xu 1083
XU 754
Zh. Xuan 150
Xu 558
Xu 867
Xu 263
Fu 11
Xu 347, 531
Zh. Zhong 37
BTD 4, 34, 50, 70, 104, 266, 334
Du32;Zh.Xuan 141;Gao69
Zh. Xuan 347
Zh. Zhong 25; Xu 152
Gao 40
Zh. Xuan 428
Gao 129
Xu 965
Zheng Xing 11
Xu 594
Zh. Zhong 49
BHTY 6; Zh. Xuan 270,422
Xu 71
Xu 433
Xu 1197
Xu 357
Xu 996
Xu 726
Xu 586, 1159
Xu 465, 542
Ying3
Xu 1091,1248
BTD 57,62, Ill, 118,139,189,
214,216,275,287,296,322,
325,327,340
Xu 430
Xu 712
Fu 29
Zh. Xuan 274

I~

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Zh. Xuan 380


XU 1104
Xu 47
Ying 105
Gao 115,146
Zh. Xuan 56
Gao 7
Xu 85; Zh. Xuan 425
Xu 723
Du 6; Zh. Xuan 282
Xu 162
Zh. Xuan 57; BTD 42, 45, 269
Xu 582
Ying 18; Gao 209
Xu 1154
XU 551,1064, 1065;Zh. Xuan
361
Xu 10
Gao 28
Zh. Xuan 411,412
BHTY 9b, lOa; Ying 103
Xu 573;Zh. Xuan 212
Zh. Xing 2
Du 7; Zh. Xing 2
Xu 1222;Zh. Xuan 125
Xu 1199
Gao 52
Xu 540
Zh. Zhong 42;Xu 291 ; Gao 67
Xu 717
BTD48
Xu 105
Xu 1218
Xu 55
Xu 477
Zh.Zhongl04;Zh.XuanI3,274
Xu 66
Zh. Xuan 26
Zh. Zhong 36;Xu 25, 26; Fu 4

r-----

'fIr Gao 241, 242


;" Fu 95
=
JlIt Xu 323
ill]! BTD 15,53,60,65,80,85,
105,116,123,149,152,204,
219,256,265,285,288,291,
299,307,324,325,325,326,
327
i~ Xu 1050
iQ Zh. Zhong 134;BHTY 110,
111,112
~ Zh. Xuan 256
:fJB Gao 172
fll Xu 708; Fu 99
I~I) Xu 432
lfB Xu416
B Xu 302
[iff Xu 51 ; Zh. Xuan 284
jlj'j Xu 127; Zh. Xuan 470
Ili'f- Zh. Xuan 132
I;N Zh. Zhong 65
~~

Fu35

~~

Du 1

1m Ying 75
"IL
f'1

BHTY98

Eli\. BHTY 50;Fu 51

fR Zh.Zhong 34

ft Zh. Xuan 423; Fu 41

Xu 847,913,1244; Gao 218;


BTD 97,114,115,116,120,
286
1't Xu 386, 1072; Zh. Xuan 354
10 Strokes

""F Xu 644
~ BTD 68, 98,99
f}t BTD 184, 189
f~ Xu 1146
{i!,( Zh. Xuan 234; Gao 248
f'Y BTD320
fit BHTY 31 ; Xu 10 15

275

274
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I 9-10 strokes

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B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 10 strokes

10 strokes / Part III: The Data

fr Zh. Zhong 122;Zh. Xuan 250

09.

it Xu 1005

ifill

I'i: BTD 161

It~

"
I""!!( Xu 560
{ITh Gao 50
1M Xu 336
11* Zh. Xuan 307,308,309
f{,j Zh. Xuan 328
II',
Xu 1041
d,
fit Xu 1206;Zh. Xuan 300; Ying
141
({~ Gao 67
Irt Zh. Xuan 461
11,Ii Gao 34
fAA Zh. Xuan 369, 464; BTD 71 ,
138,203
~ Gao 3
~ Xu 884,1066, 1247;Zh. Xuan
152,372; Gao 233
liE BHTY36b
it]} Xu 396
FfiJlj Zh. Xuan453
.!frlj Zh. Zhong 108
tjlj Gao 51
MlIj Gao 193
WJ Xu 1026
[~ Zh. Zhong 34;Xu 293,294;
Zh. Xuan 115, 116
~ Xu 59
~ Xu 606
~ Xu 1248
~ Xu 536; Zh. Xuan 465
ot Xu 361
ilf Xu 183
[I~'j
Zh. Xuan 49
I!f Fu6
o~ Zh. Xuan 67, 299
nJE: Xu 379
II;'>; Fu 82
n~ Gao 200
uJg Xu3

276

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Xu 774
Ying 106
Ying 110
Zh. Zhong 80
Xu3
Xu 380
Zh. Xuan 403
Xu 716
Ying 26
Du 25;Xu 302
Xu 863
BTD308
Xu9
Xu 281
Xu 658
Fu 55
Xu 24, 818
Xu2
Zh. Xuan 463
Xu 1098
Xu 1103
BHTY 55
Xu 887
Xu 312, 930; Zh. Xuan 449
Xu 1125, 1152
Zh. Xuan 47
BHTY 23; Xu 893; Ying 17
Zh. Xuan 342
Xu 899
Zh. Xuan 471
Xu 104
Xu 715
Xu 42
Zh. Xuan 174
BTD 41,159,168,182,269,
336
Xu 438
Xu 1207; Zh. Xuan 406
Zh. Xuan 290
Xu 655
Xu 548

1~
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Xu 362
Gao 147
Ying 93
BHTY95
Xu 680
1
Zh. Xuan 452
Zh. Zhong 95
BTD 317
BHTY 42
Xu 369
Gao 32
Du 48; Xu 434, 1113; Zh. Xuan
175
Xu 1069, 1073; Ying 49
Zh. Xuan 101
Xu 775
Xu 1004
Zh. Zhong 17
BHTY 108; Ying 139
Zh. Zhong 79
Xu 1236
BHTY 19
Xu 236; Zh. Xuan 98
Xu 107
Xu 1017;Zh. Xuan 347
BTD60, 166a
Gao 14
Xu 948; Zh. Xuan 64
Xu 974
BHTY 3a; Zh. Xuan 9
Zh. Zhong 74;Xu 464,1110
Xu 896, 897
Fu89
Fu94
BHTY 118; Xu 704; Zh. Xuan
251,252; BTD 98,195
Xu 350
Zh. Zhong 14;Zh. Xuan 287,
287;Gao 18
Fu 22
BTD32

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BHTY 1
Zh. Xuan 245; Gao 183
Zh. Xuan 3, 5
Ying 37; Gao 57
Ying9
Gao 96
Gao 61
Xu 1216
BHTY57
Zh. Xuan 345
Xu 495; Zh. Xuan 83; Ying 60;
BTD 52,147,156,219,264
Xu 1192
Xu 167,920;BTD4l
Zh. Xuan 161; Gao 112
Xu 738; Gao 194
Xu 478
Zh. Xuan 448
Ying 89
Xu 644
Xu 507
Gao 173
Zh. Xuan 74; BTD 73, 125
Xu 663
Ying 93
Xu 949a
Zh. Xuan 262a;BTD 47,168
BHTY 106; Gao 20, 21
Zh. Zhong 38; Zh. Xuan 445
Xu 835, 852
Xu 861
Xu 1112
Xu 121
Xu417
Xu 1229
Zh. Xuan 194
BHTY 49
Xu 472
Gao 89
Xu 33
XU 15
277

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 10-11 strokes

10 strokes / Part III: The Data

J,+ XU 895
fitl Xu 431
JlI Zh. Xuan 19
.Fir Xu 1013
JI: Zh. Xuan 322
HE Zh. Zhong 84; Zh. Xuan 192,
381,459
JIl!I\. Xu 153
111'1' Zh. Xuan 189,458
Xu 629
111
Wi Xu 844; Gao 9; BTD 12, 149,
204
fif Ying 54
J2;
(I' Xu 33, 75,173; Ying 7; Gao 249
Xu 885
:fJft Zh. Zhong 30
jfc Xu 697
WI Xu 580
fiJi Xu 1037
~ Zh. Xuan 346; Gao 98
Ii Ying 16
111:l Xu 140
tl!x. Xu 731
~ Xu 779
II~ Gao 125
Ilr-l Ying 22
!H: BTD 205; Xu 1094
tf Xu 497
llilt Zh. Zhong 27
!It Fu67
I~l' Xu 280
t-E BHTY 25; Ying 21
fil Xu 934
;<.
--6"
Ying 13
'Hi Xu 1208
,rib Xu 35, 76
MJ Zh. Xuan 72
,f,10 Xu 621
If,fi Ying 16, 107
~jj; Xu 506
,rut Xu 637; Zh. Xuan 79, 233, 303;

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Xu 1090,1096,1097,1099,
1249; Zh. Xuan 370; Ying 130,
131
Gao 76
Xu 800
XU 931
Xu 691
Xu 707
Gao 206
Zh. Zhong 96
Xu 109; Gao 206
Xu 390
XU 706; Fu 97
Xu 170
Xu 729
Gao 105
Zh. Zhong 66; Xu 455, 469,
1108
BHTY 12;Xu 168,845
Du 45;Zh. Zhong 70, 132; Xu
436;Zh. Xuan 154,371
Xu 221; Zh. Xuan 92
Xu 450
Zh. Zhong 49, 50
Xu 127
Zh. Zhong 66
Xu 606
Zh. Xuan 50, 51
Zh. Xuan 405
Xu 1230;Zh. Xuan 262
Xu 764
Zh. Xuan 346
Zh. Zhong 56;Xu 375
Zh. Zhong 31
Zh. Xuan 428; Fu 11
BTD 35, 157,276,339
Zh. Zhong 11
Xu 586
Xu 1241; Zh. Xuan 8; Ying 3
Xu 344

77
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Zh. Xu an 286
Xu 766; Gao 155,202,203
Zh. Zhong 120
Xu 761; Zh. Xuan 262b
BTD 44, 49, 91,216
Xu 136
BTD24,42,51,76,218
Xu 917
BTD 129
Xu319
Xu 940,941
Gao 93
Ying5
Zh. Zhong 13; Zh. Xuan 45
Fu 3;Ying 4
XU 370; Gao 91
Gao 32
Du47
Xu 749;Fu 74
Xu 797
Xu 374;Zh. Xuan 139
Xu 203
Gao 69
Fu 31; Ying 30
Fu6
Xu531
Xu 523
Zh. Xuan 46
Zh. Xing 9
Gao 60,65
Zh. Xuan 175
Zh. Xuan 317
Zh. Xuan 392
Xu 515
Xu 180; Zh. Xuan 94
Xu 914
Zh. Zhong 72
Ying 69
BTD 156, 197
Xu 1205
Xu 31, 823

278

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Zh. Xuan 102


Zh. Xuan 190; Ying 62
Xu 995
Ying 34
BHTY 5; Xu 1242; Zh. Xu an
273
Zh. Xuan 212
Zh. Xuan 193,209
BHTY 32; Xu 298
Zh. Xuan 323
Xu 286
Xu 349; Zh. Xuan 338
Xu 728
Gao 186
Xu 365
Xu 114
Xu 667, 675
Zh. Zhong 105; Xu 1196
Xu 218; Gao 52
Xu 846; Zh. Xuan 285
Xu 463
Xu 419; Fu 58; Ying 51
Fu 87
Xu 669
Zh. Zhong 42
Xu 892
Xu 751;Gao 191, 192
Xu 866, 1198;Zh. Xuan 279
Xu 690
Xu 959
11 Strokes

4i Xu 260
ijll: Zh. Xuan 379; BTD 87
~ Xu 539
1~ Xu 504, 542
iff BHTY79
ffi'x Zh. Xuan 53
m BTD245
flllj Xu 925; Zh.Xuan 390;Gao 245
v1 Zh. Zhong 63
279

r--

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r--

r-----

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data I 11 strokes

11 strokes I Part III: The Data

fill BTD 109


M Xu 811
ftfIi Ying 75
f!l! Xu 748
fH~ Xu 1180, 1181
(ii Zh. Xuan 77
're Xu 160
M BHTY92
If I] Zh. Xtlan 236
fjJ Zh. Xuan 395; Fu 86;BTD 40,
88,149,206,323
if!}) Du 37; Zh. Zhong 53; BHTY 59;
Xu 352, 988
M Xu 662
vJ Xu618, 1186;Gao 166;BTD 146
m: BTD 79,189
~\:;. Xu 143; Ying 112; Gao 36
~ Xu 605;Zh. Xuan 219, 220;
Gao 163
Ui Xu 1095
p~ Xu 359
Pi: XU 782
pJ1t Xu 129
ptt Gao 66
Illlj Du 62; Zh. Zhong 116, 117
P& Gao 199
~ Xu 735
7 "3 Gao 205
W Xu 881
~ Zh. Xuan447
~j Xu 564
~ Xu 724
!!l Xu 1136
~ Zh. Xuan 92, 321
hl! Xu 191
ji'! Gao 225
n
~ Xu803;Zh.XuanlO,435;Fu41
! Xu451
~ BHTY62
~ BHTY 80, 94; Xu 1043, 1100;
Ying 132

280

!it Zh. Xuan 323


~ Xu 457
Y Xu 269
~ Xu 1029
~ BHTY 27; Xu 923
QJt Xu 13
bZ Xu 735
W; Gao 208; BTD 265
ilk BTD 67a, 67b, 124, 244, 263
~ Zh. Xuan 384
~ Xu 196
b..li Xu 770
~ Xu 1079
Qg Xu 498
IJ.IJI. Xu 939; Zh. Xuan 320
@ BHTY 11
q;tf Xu 403
~ Xu 590, 591, 1163
m Zh. Xuan 232
Jir BHTY 81
Zh. Xuan 413; BTD 111
Jff- BHTY 91 ;Xu 525
IH Zh. Xuan 361
,'J].
Zh.Xuan 137
""
Ht Zh. Xuan 100; Gao 60
m. Fu 70
iI@ BTD35
~ Xu 607
m Xu 858
n; Xu 21
t(! BHTY86
~ Xu 1035
.~ Zh. Zhong 87; Xu 738
m Fu47
#~ Xu 1130
~ Zh. Zhong 29; Xu 220; Zh.
Xuan 97
W: Zh. Xuan 70
gn Zh. Xuan 138, 139
11# Xu 366,1000; Zh. Xuan 341
BHTY 64; Xu 1035; Zh. Xuan

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343
Xu 322
Xu 425
Gao 54
Zh. Xuan 136, 137
Xu 1011
BTD 327
Xu 843
Xu 501 ; Zh. Xuan 460
-;.,
Xu 285
Xu 290
.~
Zh. Xuan 27b
BHTY75
Xu 689
Gao 106
Fu 53
BTD44,82, 100, 101, 107, 130,
135,171,177,277,286,287
Du 60; Xu 641
Zh. Xuan68
Xu 1170
Xu 779
Xu 904
Xu 227
Xu 784; Zh. Xuan 263, 476
Zh.Xuan89
Fu40
Xu 1161; Gao 162
Zh. Zhong 129; Xu 770, 1233;
Zh. Xuan 263, 264,476; Ying
146
Xu 766; Gao 156
Zh. Zhong 130
BHTY 19; Zh. Xuan 288
Xu 623, 624; Gao 170,171
Xu 981,1227
Zh. Zhong 111; Xu 657
Xu 131
Xu 399,1046
BHTY 107
:
Du 35; Zh. Xuan 121

J#; Xu 512
fff Zh. Xuan 127
~ BTD 185
~ Xu 1033, 1034
t",-, Zh. Zhong 61
tm Zh. Xuan 451
1.- Du 33
,1'0
t"" Xu 1188
~ Du 38a; Zh. Xing 7
(,* Xu 638; Zh. Xuan 40, 286; Fu
8; Ying 8
!f.! Fu 15
Wi Zh. Xuan 43
~ BTD243
~ Ying94
trn Zh. Xuan 365
iJt BTD 6, 53, 69,92,93, 94a,
112,113
Btt Xu 452
fJ: Zh. Xuan402
mx Xu 292
j'f'.-e Xu 949a
W?i Zh. Zhong 119
im Zh. Xuan 467
ifi'il Xu 668
i'~ Zh. Zhong 109
tl:ll Ying5
7# BTD78
tfi;} Gao 101
r.!&: Gao 172
ffili Fu 62
~ Zh. Zhong 99; Xu 609,1158;
Ying80
f* Xu 612, 1173, 1174; Gao 247;
BTD226
Xu
445
~
BHTY
74;Xu 1056
iii
Xu
1146;Zh.
Xuan 201; Fu 27
i'l~
(tiJ Xu 1247
HI Xu 649
~ Fu 76

281

11 strokes / Part III: The Data

Hz Du 49;Zh. Xuan 156

*lit Xu 180

tt Zh. Xuan440

1,1'; Xu 113

*fr

iffi Xu 111,220

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~
~
r,

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 11-12 strokes

,tfi,
7\';

*m
Me

tr

JF1fT
~

WI

*JZ

Zh. Zhong 60
~
Xu 1092
*tJ
BTD 121,210
*~
Xu 389,390
til
BHTY 6; Xu 869, 1176,1177,
*f!J
1 179; Zh. Xuan 270
~z
Xu 122,769
m:
BTD 93,113
5
~
Xu 812
.)"j'
Ying 140
Fu41
Jif
Xu 108
Xu 29
~
~(Ij
Xu 1051;Zh. Xuan 359,455
Ying 37; Gao 57
~m
Xu 250
flit
/f.I(
Ying 56
' ' ij
Zh. Zhong 65
\S\ . If:'f
Xu 554, Fu 55
Xu 197
: M~
Xu 1023
Zh. Zhong 15; Zh. Xu an 29 I
U
Fu 13
Ti.
Xu 1238
Zh.Zhong 28;Xu 216,217,219; P
Zh. Xuan 316, 440; Ying 33, 34
\ill
Fu99
M
Xu 106
:It
Xu 1007
'
i!
Zh. Xuan 142; Fu 37
~
Xu 1042;Zh. Xuan 357
~
Ying 138
ii
Xu 30
Zh. Xing 5; Gao 38, 43
~
Zh. Zhong 116; Xu 671, 672
jf
j!j'.j
Du19
Fu 45; Gao 80
rii
rJi;.
Xu 308
Xu 699
I\!JA.

'*

+~

'

Zh. Zhong 78
Zh. Zhong 69
Ying 1 ; Gao 1
BHTY 51
Zh. Xuan 292
Xu 178; Zh. Xuan 310
Xu 764
Xu 872
Xu 872
Xu 233
Xu 146
BTD 194, 195, 196, 197,217,
264
Xu 699
Xu 561
Xu 710
Xu 501
Xu 57
Xu 52
Xu 1091,1104
Zh. Xuan 29, 34; Ying 8; BTD
207
Zh. Xuan 136
Xu 622
Xu 131;Zh.Xuan58;BTD274
Zh. Xuan 207, 208
Gao 99
Xu 1052
Xu 447, 448; Gao 116
Xu 442
Xu 68
Xu 774, 775
Du 58; Zh. Xing 13
Xu 48
Xu 884;Zh. Xuan 434;Ying 85
Gao 93, 94
Xu 482
Xu 117, 182
Xu 32, 630
Xu 264

Xu 636
fiJ.r Zh. Xuan 254; BTD 27,89,215
$< BTD21
~ Gao 108
Xu 223
H1 Xu 85
iN Zh. Zhong 18
1jff Zh. Xuan 160
~fJ Xu 1212
;ty Xu 88; Gao 16
~'f Xu 149
!ii BTD 182
~ Zh. Xuan 364
~ Xu 889
~ Xu 229
1t Xu 1085
& Xu 595,1163
~ Xu 1132, 1248; Ying 133
Zh. Xuan409
ti'1 Xu 406
M Xu 457
lW Xu 371
lffl Zh. Xuan 260
~ Xu 215
'-Ii Xu 1144
Xu 1234
;m Xu 991,998, 1063
;m Xu 327; BTD 155
)! Zh. Xuan 76; BTD 283
::-...1:
,It...l Du 4, 61; Xu 846
if! Zh. Zhong 86, 90; Xu 114 I; Gao
140,141; BTD 13,156
$II Xu 666,879
~~ Ying 77
tllS Xu 603, 613, 614
~ Xu 333
rf:! Ying 67; Gao 132
r;f-l Zh. Xuan 413; Gao 235
~~~ Xu 5, 336

'R

282

~.t

~
@'

B3
~

~
ill
7'7

N~

I;fi

hU:
~

I~

iiJJ.
J1[
~

Xu 1171, 1175;Zh. Xuan224,


468
BHTY 33; Xu 953
Gao 55b
Xu 343
Xu 570
Xu 319
Xu 645
Zh. Xuan 297
Xu 1056
Gao 238
Xu 808
Xu 555
XU 119
Du 15; Zh. Xing 5; Xu 157; Fu
23
Xu 654; Zh. Xuan 235; Fu 93
Xu 1178
12 Strokes

f~ Zh. Xuan 50, 51


t1t Fu 59
f% Xu 249; Gao 58
WI Zh. Xuan 277
I~ Zh. Xuan 288
'3'e BTD 89,153
nlJ Xu 396,1024
1Jj Xu 642; Fu 10
~ Xu 740
*~ Xu 324
1il Xu 242
w,j'f Fu 39; Ying 38
Ill! Fu 83
~ Xu 1073; Zh. Xuan 202, 388, 389
II!i Fu 102
'a,
HI Xu 637
fl Xu 807; Zh. Xuan 16,337
p~
Xu 1223
~ Zh. Xuan 426
," Xu 599
hfGJ Xu 234
1111

283
r' '

r--'----

I'

r------

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,-

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 12 strokes

12 strokes / Part III: The Data

'tJH Xu 418
~
un
Jill

r(t
~~
~

'*
;1"~

"-

JW
it
~

n;
~
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~
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~

m
f$.

Wi

tlli
fi'iR
M
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M
ilit
1~7J

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rr,
~M

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II);!

niH

BHTY 63; Xu 1006, 1019; Zh.


Xuan 344, 345
Xu 790
Zh. Xuan 457; BTD 190,209
Zh. Xuan 28
Xu 734
Ying 12
Zh. Xing 1; Zh. Xuan 26, 27a;
Gao 219,220
Zh. Xuan 259
Zh. Xuan 365
Xu 308
Du 43; Zh. Zhong 63, 68; Zh.
Xuan 153, 180
Fu 96
Xu 86
Xu 890
Xu 533
Xu 72
Fu 32
Xu 795; Fu 1
Zh. Xuan 384; Xu 281
Xu 1138; Zh. Xuan 383
Xu 47
Xu 767
Ying 72
Xu 753
Zh. Xuan 277; BTD 112
Xu 1037
Xu 476
Xu 176
Xu 846, 851; Gao 12
Xu 772
Xu 428
Xu 652
Zh. Xuan 397
Du 32; Zh. Zhong 37; Zh. Xuan
112
Xu 153
Zh. Zhong 2

284

~
5li~

flffi
f~

rli'l
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~
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~
ilE:

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,(... (.-

tffil
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tt
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t&
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11
~
fo~
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BHTY7
Xu 700; Zh. Xuan 473
Xu 371; Fu 52
Xu 551
Ying 83; Gao 219
Xu 1088; Zh. Xuan 364
Gao 106,213
Xu 650,1192
Zh. Zhong 88
BTD 187,202,271,289
Xu 875
XU 193
Fu 37; Gao 50
BTD 176
Zh. Zhong 102
Xu 169
Xu 237
Xu 201
Zh. Xuan 77
Xu 739
Zh. Zhong 133; Xu 674, 682
Du39
Xu 401
Xu 1148
Zh. Xuan 78
Xu 957
Fu 38,39, 75; BTD 37, 52, 62,
64, 83,90, 145, 154, 184, 198,
201, 241, 289, 294, 310, 314,
324
Xu 1025; Zh. Xuan 144, 145
Du 14
Zh. Xuan 237
Xu 1138, 1139; Zh. Xuan 383;
Ying 135
BTD 13, 136, 139, 140, 145,148,
202,255,293
Zh. Zhong 46
Fu 53; Gao 101
Du 45; Fu 60; Ying 53
Zh. Zhong 19, 20; Zh. Xuan 54

Wi Zh. Xuan 95, 442, 443; Fu 31;


Xu 212; Ying 30; BTD 18, 79,
225,236
~~
13
Xu 515
..
Jr?.
XU 1038
n~ Xu 130
B
BS
Xu 1047
~ Zh. Xuan 441
tt BTD 33, 329
'~l
ijiJl BHTY 20; Xu 92, 864; Zh. Xuan
289,289
J!:)j Xu 805
tili Xu 427,1087
~ Xu 493
)J'
XU 806
*'
tl{ Xu 1012
+-1t Zh. Zhong 133; Xu 682,739; Zh.
Xuan 469
t~ Xu 44
t.t Xu 605
f'"!Ii. Xu 578, 584
f* Xu 643
tR BHTY 87; Xu 1123
~ Zh. Xuan 159
~ Gao 134
~f Xu 1204
fm] Xu 73
M Zh. Xuan 17
lit'. Fu42
tW Zh. Zhong 32; Ying 35
fi Gao 195
~ Xu 804; Fu 1
~ Xu 697, 703
~J.: Xu 64
ffX Fu69
gt Xu 595
9~ Xu 490, 1122; Zh. Xuan 350
~ Du 36; Xu 320
~ Gao 133
i'i Xu 905
~ Fu 84
~A

il!iJ
t~

t~

1!!f
i*
7*
Iffil

i'm
nt
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~

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W?

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JJ1Z

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~

Fu 21; Ying 109


Zh. Zhong 113
Zh. Zhong 102
Du 23; Xu 207
Xu 1223
Zh. Xuan 33
Xu 421;Gao 108
BHTY 107
Xu 485
Ying 104
Zh. Xuan 225; Fu 83; Gao 157
Gao 40
Gao 107
Du 12; Xu 900, 901; BTD 141
Xu 461
Xu 94
Xu 89, 862
Xu 526
BTD77
Zh. Xuan 61; BTD 318
Xu 505
Zh. Zhong 58
Zh. Xuan 227
Xu 424
Xu 293
Xu 467
Gao 197
Zh. Xuan 35
Xu 272
Xu 639
XU 882
Zh. Xuan 385
BHTY 53
BHTY 97; Xu 615,1169
Xu 270
Ying 70
Xu 205, 678,1209
Xu 134
Zh.Zhong 23; Xu 134; Zh. Xuan
296
Xu 1059
285

12 strokes I Part Ill: The Data


jfl!

ft
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~jB

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~

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m
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~
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:nt
ffl
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1M!
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ij5
ijlj

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SIll

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

BHTY 57; Xu 989, 990


Xu 983; Zh. Xuan 130; Gao 212
Zh. Xuan 415
Xu 44,45
Xu 621
Xu 549
Zh. Zhong 121
Ying 25
Xu 1187
Xu 1106
Du 1
Xu 748
Xu 1149
Xu 1232
BHTY 58
Xu 1189
Ying 91
Xu 1203
Zh. Xuan 107, 124
Xu 461
Xu 758; Gao 250
Zh. Zhong 47
Zh. Zhong 14; Ying 10
Gao 181
Du 54
Xu 967
Xu 936,937
Xu 1124
Zh. Zhong 22; Xu 132
Zh. Xuan 414
Xu 99
Zh. Xuan 351
Gao 202
BHTY 17; Zh. Xuan 232
BHTY 31
Ying 29
Xu 570
Zh. Xuan 407
BHTY82
Xu 724
Xu 397

~ Zh. Xuan 251, 252


'fti Xu 922
1iIi Zh. Xuan 306,437; Ying 15,106
~ Xu 698; Gao 158, 159, 164
JU,! Xu 298
til Xu 214
b"W. Zh. Xaun 213
I1!IIi Ying 14; Gao 28
~ Ying 121
~ilJ BTD 36, 38,48, 114, 115, 116,
135,136,195,219,228,257
illE Xu 411
~ Xu 888
ij!iJ Gao 37
H- XU 878
nil
~f Gao 103
dill Xu 1251
,m Zh. Xuan 303
~ Xu 744
~H\ Xu 694
~!\ Gao 13
I\i Xu 148
ffi: BTD 105
"'J'(
Xu 243
lIZ Zh. Xuan 200
it BHTY 46; Xu 255, 296
IItJ Xu 15
Jl Zh. Xuan 157, 158, 368; Ying
39
~~ Xu 512, 523
~ Xu 462
;l] Zh. Xuan 291; Gao 205
tJI1 Xu 702
~ Xu 982; Zh. Xuan 416; BID 15,
44,123,148,209,214,216,331,
342
1m Xu 973; Gao 211
WJ: Xu 712
Udt Gao 210
:It Zh.Zhong58
UI!J Gao 39

Xu 289

Iif!. Zh. Zhong 5a; Zh. Xuan 24, 279,


Ifr

F3

lif
~
~Ij

ro
:!il<
P'I

ff
.~

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ill

~
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<=1

Eli
~

111
ff
j!

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~

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~
~
~
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ID:

rn

illf
jKi
fij

280
Xu 664
BHTY 26; Xu 898, 932;Zh.Xuan
58
Xu 372
Xu 940, 941
Ying 136
Xu 403
Ying 68
Zh. Xuan 378
Du28
Gao 118, 119
Zh. Zhong 2; Zh. Xuan 4
Zh.Xuan6
Xu 466
BTD 37, 39, 246
Xu 125, 903;Zh. Xuan 52;BHTY
22
Xu 970
Xu 359, 360
Du 13
Gao 4
Xu 496
BHTY 50; Xu 340
Xu 1065
Xu 494; Gao 66
Xu 284, 285
Xu 810; Ying 108; Gao 34
Xu 686
Xu 30
Gao 17
Xu 781
Xu 420
Gao 89
Gao 147,148
BHTY 49,52
Zh. Xuan 19
Xu 991
Ying 116

286
r-

I 12 strokes

lI{i

Gao 187
i'!Jl Xu 239; Zh. Xuan 390
W Zh. Xuan 66
,!iJ Fu 24; Gao 39
IJ~
Xu 1105
Xu
370,1002; Gao 90, 91
W
Du
64;
BTD 178
'R
it Gao 177
~ BID 82, 92,188
~ Xu 1110
J! Xu 643
ii Xu 16,17
~ BTD 172
~ Zh. Xuan 254, 256
Itlll Xu 334
Jt;~ Gao 72
Inl Zh. Xuan 295, 430, 431; Ying
104
~J\1l XU 997
Ifl~ Xu 151
!'if. Zh. Xuan 242, 293,404
I'ffi Zh.Xuan 432
~ Gao 98
i)j Xu 1016
it Xu 604
Jft Xu 454
j~ Xu 615
m Gao 121
~~) Xu 1119
1m BHIY 88
I~' Xu 1131
f-J,tJ Xu 449
~~ Fu 65
~~ Xu 905
~ Zh. Xuan 145, 146; Ying 46
~ Xu 713
~ffI
Zh. Xuan 122
H
11~! Xu 794
lilt Xu 394
~ Xu 788, 789
~ BID 298
287

r -

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r----

r-----'

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12-13 strokes

I Part III: The Data

rQ Gao 85
IIIJ{ Xu 1082, 1089; Gao 240
?J{ Zh. Xuan 438; BTD 19,37, 71,
103, 104, 119, 131, 145, 203,
226,228,241,242,248,302
ftJjt Xu 545
M Xu 1224
(~ Xu 342, 351
Xu 906
m Xu 277; Zh. Xuan 104

13 Strokes
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1i'U

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fW,

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lb
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III
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I'l

rtki
(fIR
MliiJ
II~

Lm
~
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'J;r;

liJ1

JH
288

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data


~

~
~

1m
~

I@
~
~
ff
fCI

!l't

Xu 505, 1120
~
Zh. Xuan 387; Gao 145
~
Xu 86
~
Xu 1249; Gao 144
~
Xu 1020; Zh. Xuan 349
~
Xu 903
I1Ii:
fY!f{
Zh. Zhong 138; Gao 238
,t&
Xu 70
Zh. Zhong 16; Xu 91
Gao 207
~
BHTY 17
~
Xu 81
,~
Zh. Xuan 373
f~
Xu 100
m
Zh. Xuan 324
t~
Xu 82
f'~
BHTY 119; Xu 1182
~
Xu 765
itx
Xu 576,1160
~
Zh. Xuan 423; Ying 99
*Zh. Xuan 24
~
Ying 135
fi
Xu 536
tjlj
Xu 367
tffi
Xu 113, 114
tffl
Xu 798; BTD 67a
Zh. Xuan 180, 182; Gao 123; t~
BTD 337
~%9:
Xu 557
!t~

Xu 343
Xu41,46
Zh. Xuan 329
Zh. Xuan 144, 338
Xu 46
BHTY 23; Zh. Zhong 20; Zh.
Xuan 294
Fu 56
Xu 882
Xu 22
Xu 323; Zh. Xuan 120
Gao 83
Ying 65
Zh. Xuan 248
Zh. Xuan 82
Xu 556
BTD94b
Xu 588; Ying 132; Gao 153
Xu 958; Gao 68
Xu 837,840, 1193; Zh. Xuan 30
Xu 529, 530
Xu 1250
Xu 837, 840
Ying 90
Xu 650
Du 48; Zh. Xuan 176, 177
Xu217
BHTY 118
Xu 587; Zh. Xuan 217, 218
Xu 790
Gao 134
Zh. Xuan 30
Zh.Xuan 44
Gao 174
Zh. Zhong 114
Zh. Xuan 35, 78; Fu 13
Fu 7
Zh. Zhong 74
Xu 681
Xu 646
Xu 118

r Zh. Xuan 155


!t~ Xu 195
III Xu 218; Ying 33
'm: Gao 120,241
H!I! Fu44
~" Xu 906
~ Zh. Xuan 146
WI Zh.Zhong44;Xu 976, 977, 979,
980; BTD 68,194
filii Gao 180
fEZ Xu 126
ttl Xu410
,jj Xu 1185; Zh. Xuan 397
t/iIJ Xu 185
tl'f Xu 133
t1i BTD 174
t!J Xu 421
ti~ Zh.Zhongl24
Hl Du 53; Zh. Xuan 461
Hk Xu 36
~ Xu 147
t~ Gao 149
~ Xu 67
~ Xu 546
tJ Gao 117
j1J! Zh. Xuan 469
Ui Zh. Zhong 61
~t Xu 596
Ittit Xu 527
~t Xu 110
&t Xu 608; Zh. Xuan 337
~ Gao 82
~ Xu 982
71- Gao 213
~ Du 44; Zh. Xing 8
~ Xu 232
11'{ Xu 194
tl Zh. Zhong 97; Xu 581; Zh. Xuan
218
$ Xu 451, 956; Fu 101
lYfo Xu 773

m
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i'fi
1ft

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~

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M

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l~

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~

t~
~
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JJi'l
J{li

ffl:
~
Jjffi
~

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~

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I 13 strokes

Zh. Xuan 402


BHTY 121;Xu 1215,1229
Fu 66
Xu 813
BTD 184
Xu 183; Gao 47
Xu 38, 80
Gao 64
Xu 146; Zh. Xuan 70
Fu44
Gao 139
Zh. Zhong 141
Xu 405, 406
Xu 756
Zh. Xuan 32; Ying 23
BTD 191
Xu 398; Gao 102
Xu 168
Xu 550
BTD 167
Xu 799
Xu 569
BHTY 9a; Xu 830
Xu 263
XU 261
Zh. Zhong 92; Fu 77
Xu 124
Fu 37
BHTY 119; Xu 1220
Ying 29
BTD306
Gao 231
Xu 627
Zh. Xuan 97, 319
Xu 886
Xu 284
Xu 582; BTD 231
Xu 7
Xu 269
Xu 632, 633
Fu40
289

13 strokes I Part III: The Data

IL'k Xu 654
JIi Xu 672
~ Xu 1043
flit Du 46; Zh. Xing 9
ifiW: Zh. Zhong 83; Zh. Xuan 85
ili* BHTY 106; Zh. Xuan 400
*"-' BHTY 97; Xu 1169
~~ Xu 827; Zh. Xuan 25
~fBJ Ying 24
f!li' Xu 204
BHTY 48
Xu 695
~ Xu 1213
~ Xu 630
YTI XU 1057
W.i Zh. Xuan 171
7~ Xu 164
~ Xu 132
Fu 68; Ying 64
Xu
506
~
Du62
~
~It* Zh. Xuan40
~ Zh. Zhong 95; Xu 559, 1149
*f6 Zh. Xuan 104; BTD 257
*I~ Zh. Xuan 39, 47, 223; Gao 21,
175
~ Zh. Zhong 62; Xu 379, 380
~ Xu 270; Zh. Xuan 84, 444
'i' Xu 741
'a Zh. Xuan 17
fl BHTY 78; Xu 1103; Gao 110,
118
iff BTD 165
~ Zh. Xuan 93, 315
~ Xu 791
t!!J Du 16; Zh. Xing 4; Zh. Zhong
24; Xu 911; Zh. Xuan 304
~ Xu 1063; Ying 127
~~ Du 34; Zh. Xuan 117
li~ Du 34; Zh. Zhong 39; Zh. Xuan
117,325
"/$':'

m
m

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7G

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data I 13 strokes

IW Zh. Zhong 113

jf,

J~

Jrfi
III
1m
~
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c\n

{JI,

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i'iii
~

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mt
!itJi
!ltl'l

ro
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~
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f~

f!!tt
lii
fl!J
!Ul.
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11

a
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f,

Gao 133
Xu 1071
Zh. Xuan 418
Xu 1003
Ying 83
Gao 82
BHTY 14
Xu 313
Zh. Zhong 25
Zh. Xuan 281
BTD 256, 324, 325
Xu 1183, 1184
Xu 896
Xu 610
Zh.Zhong 53
Fu 19
Xu 1010
Ying 17
Fu 61
Xu 590
Zh. Xuan 280, 429
Zh. Zhong 17; Zh. Xuan 43, 44
Xu 661
Xu 452, 11 06; Zh. Xuan 170
Fu98
BTD 297
BTD21
Xu 1170
Zh. Xuan 247, 321; Ying 35
Xu 135
Xu 632
Xu 687
Xu 520
Fu 22
Gao 95
BHTY7
Xu 278
Xu 802; Zh. Xuan 267, 268
Xu 1081
Xu 7

;rr
Illli
iJ.ll
~

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.l*
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!.r_

m:
T~
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~Il

Un
~

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ti

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3m
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i!i

Xu 979
Ying 2; Gao 4
Zh. Xuan 352
Xu 836, 839
Zh. Xuan 339
Gao 154
Xu 210, 933
Zh. Xuan 25
Xu 303
Xu 1135; Gao 136
Xu 253
XU 156
Xu 668
Du 63; Zh. Zhong 115; Zh. Xuan
244,470
Ying 140
Xu 29
Du 29; Xu 267; Zh. Xuan 106
BHTY21;Xu 126;Zh. Xuan 433;
Ying26
Xu 34
Xu 238
Xu 395
Xu 238
Gao 31,181
Xu 412
Xu 345
Xu 527, 528;Zh.Xuan 170, 197,
198
Du33
BHTY 2; Xu 8; Zh. Xuan 3,4, 5
BHTY 114, 115; Xu 1210; Zh.
Xuan 246, 247, 408; Ying 143;
Gao 190; BTD 26
Xu 949b
Zh. Xuan 131
BTD 321
Zh. Zhong 73;Xu 471,473,474;
Gao 242
Xu 184, 185
Xu 733; Gao 196

_.

i~

~,

291

290
.

iil Zh. Xuan 284; Ying 101


ill BHTY18
:!;Xu 726; BTD 224, 230, 237,248,
J
268,304
mil Xu 1030, 1036
~B Xu 444
~r\ Fu 90
fiHi Zh. Xuan 285
i1J Xu 1069, 1070; Ying 47, 48,50
P.t Xu 300
tt: Gao 44
ill Xu 1156
ffi Ying 59
~ BTD 20,69, 142,301
~1; Xu 768
j{i] Du 17; Fu 24, 25;Gao 35
rrJl! Xu 583
1'* Xu 244
1% Xu 677
~~ Xu 459; Gao 214
~m BHTY 60,61
tIT, Xu 251; Gao 59
Zh. Xuan 133
yilf Xu 1057
f~1 Xu 1115
f& Xu 780
fIT Xu 652
~ Zh. Xuan 341, 342
~~ Zh. Xuan 262
1m Zh. Zhong 64; Xu 275
Hi Xu 1172
1M Zh. Zhong 84; Xu 511; Zh. Xuan
367,459
;j[~ Fu 60; Gao 62
(ijj Xu 624; Gao 169, 170
flk BHTY98
fW Gao 138
.~':J Xu 649
!~I!! Xu 214
!ljJlI Zh. Zhong 72; Xu 1089
,~
Xu 174

-----

r-----

1-

---~-

r------

,---

,--~-

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 14 strokes

13 -14 strokes / Part III: The Data

fiJI.
111
Mlf
!!!IJ

Xu 234
Gao 132
Xu 184
Xu 759
/if.!; Xu 54, 178; BTD 150,231,247
~it Fu43
fill Xu 341
~Jz Xu 879
iIlZ Xu 660
14 Strokes
I~
I~
f~

II
ffif
fj'f

~
~

Jl
Fl~

IIU
~b

m
~

lID:
~
~
~

'!i
.\IX
~

~
~
~

ti

i'.

'f.~

292

Xu 387
Xu 886
Zh Zhong 106, 107; Xu 651
XU 715
BTD 30, 47, 50
Zh. Xuan 158
Xu 4; Ying 81; Gao 166
Xu 347
Xu 511
Xu 235
XU 1209
Xu 392
Xu 18
Xu 26
Zh. Xuan 216, 393
Xu 667
Xu 909
Xu 750
Zh. Zhong 137; Zh. Xuan 314
Zh. Xuan 53, 54
Zh. Xuan 170
Zh. Zhong 48
Xu 462; Zh. Xuan 182
BHTY 102
Xu 617; Ying 93
Gao 122
BHTY 8; Xu 848; Ying 6
Xu 557,696
Xu 195

~~

Ying 24
'If Zh. Xuan 118
~ Xu 287
~ Gao 135
Jill Xu 279
~ Xu 112
~ Xu 1225
JJ; Xu 874
~ Xu 887
Xu 1217, 1219; Zh. Xuan 255,
414; Ying 144
'til
-.- Xu416
IE BHTY 109
~~ Xu 164; Ying 20
f.l'f- Xu 266
~ Xu 673
f!: Xu 1082
~ Fu 3;Ying 4
~ Fu 72
1t!J Du37
t~ Du 52; Zh. Xuan 151; Ying 134;
Gao 135
'~ Xu 771, 793
~ Zh. Xuan 261
Ifl: Gao 194
;fill' Xu 332
~ Xu 932
tl& Zh. Zhong 110; Zh. Xuan 235
11 Zh. Xuan 100
:J!i!; Gao 187
t+Ji Zh. Xuan 391
Xu 400
~ Gao 163
~ Xu 98
.w~ Xu 253
~ Ying 64
bj{ Xu 805
~ Gao 232
fJ; Xu 129
~. Xu 468
.~ Zh. Zhong 75; Zh. Xuan 179

Jj'! Xu 193,194

J!It Xu 245

Xu 1034
Xu 151
pt Xu 776
-It Zh. Xuan 71
m Xu 934
m Xu 262
~ Xu 83
tMi Gao 222
~ Xu 481;Zh. Xuan 386; BTD 273
~ Xu 161,915
f~ Xu 656
tfl: Xu 757
mil Fu 12
Lili): Xu 69
:JJX Gao 47
,!1~ Xu 875; Gao 29
f,~ Zh.Zhongl29
i. Xu 273
~~ Xu 1211
~ Du 59; Zh. Xuan 29; Fu 9; Ying
138
1tI'i Zh. Xuan 37
ii Ying 20
ii'lil Xu 688
ffi.. Gao 33
Zh. Xuan 253
~ BHTY 81; Xu 392; Zh. Xuan 374;
Gao 146
~ BTD 77, 272
t~ BTD25
~ BTD 126, 180
tl{ Zh. Zhong 27; Gao 49
~ Zh. Xuan 225
& Xu 79
,'Wi BHTY 90; Xu 470; Fu 61
1iWi Zh. Zhong 10; Gao 222
H~ XU 917
Xu 656
~:<.
~jJ: Zh. Xuan 403
~ Zh. Xuan 142
.m Xu 331
II

7K

1*

BTD 86, 238


Xu 465
~ Xu 817, 1241;Zh.Xuan 11
~ Gao 42
mr Xu 1140
Wj Xu 1024
IDt BTD 136
~ BTD88
0JE8 Xu 245
~ Zh.Xuan 446
~ Xu 335
~~ Xu 930
IjitYi Xu 946
l~'
ffii Xu 484
y-g BTD 55, 64,141,154,201,221,
235,289,338
w,
)llfq Xu 484
TI- Xu 24
W Xu 960
(:5 Xu 553
1f; Xu 12
;w Zh. Xuan 204
rn Ying 73
1m Zh. Xuan 229
if; Xu 228
1f Fu 68; Ying 133
''..'1
1.1
Xu 600 .
f.'f Gao 76
f-~ BHTY 73; Xu 1046, 1047
~

*'* Xu
603
Xu 970
~

~.i<

Zh. Xuan 238; Gao 177

IN Zh. Zhong 3; Zh. Xuan 269


Xu 399; Zh. Xuan 149
Zh.
Xuan 149
*f1l
Xu 1194
*ft Xu 205, 272; Gao 65; BTD 291,
331,340,344
~.\ Xu 514,1132
fjl

293

14 strokes
*liloJ
t~

m
'k
*1.<

*fll

*
*Pfi
~

m
m-

it
~

~
Ifj~'

if';

f/j
~

Ilfl
ij~

Wl$
W~

Part III: The Data

Zh. Zhong 54; BHTY 64; Zh.


Xuan 343, 453
Zh. Zhong 40; Xu 1228
Gao 119
Xu 63
Gao 151
Zh. Xuan 7
Xu 419
Xu 1028
Zh. Xuan 109
Ying 32
Xu 90
Gao 165
Gao 199
Xu 227
Xu 911,1206
BHTY 107; Xu 916, 993; Zh.
Xuan 35a; Ying 114
Xu 1075
Xu 422
Xu 664, 665
Xu 201
Ying 19a, 110; Gao 12
Du 12; Xu 901
Xu 842
Zh. Xuan 9
Xu 987; Zh. Xuan 133
Zh. Zhong 5
Zh. Xuan 185,376
Xu 355
Du 13; Zh. Xing 3
Fu 50
Fu 18; Ying 81
Xu 1155
Fu 74
Xu309
Xu 116
BTD 42, 91, 214
Zh. Xuan 69
Xu 307
Zh. Zhong 101;Gao 168

lfI!

"'J"

"'' '

'*

it"!

T!if
~

lit
MIJ

till
~

1i
~

IlW
]f
~1'i

tffli
IjIJ!Z

294

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

,- -----

~Sl

fin Zh. Xuan 374

~It

Xu 794
Zh. Zhong 42
~ Ying40
Wi Xu 311
Xu 438
~If Zh. Xuan 113
rJl. Xu 574
m Xu 397
If Xu 327, 328, 598
;;!i
UP
Xu 942; Gao 33
rf,ti Xu 831
~3Tl Zh. Xuan 342
lifIl Xu 111
n6 Xu 388,1039
IDt Xu 975; Zh. Xuan 128
~ Xu 231
;: Xu 81; Zh. Xuan 42
~ Zu. Xuan 399
fill Xu 258
fr Xu 440, 1086, 1109; Zh. Xuan
162; Fu 64
fiG Xu 444
It!\: Zh. Xuan 305
M Gao 184
U Xul
iff. Xu 16
m Xu973
lIili Gao 92
;~ Xu 385
~ Xu 200
$I[ Xu 786
Xu438
flIl Xu 908; Ying 115
j i Xu 422; Zh. Xuan 463; Gao
240
jJI Xu 200, 265
~ Xu 1137
Jiij~ Xu 5;Fu 50
~~ Ying 85
~;p Fu 63
1it~ Xu 117

M
llilli

$~

U
j!~

~
~j\;

H;
$;1;

liii
Ift1
f};]

rlH
l,'n'l

M'i
riff
1'1

m
IML

~
~

.,

%:
l'ili
Ii!

m
~Jt

Ulff
~

grz
tJlti

'ii~
!i&
.'j

M
ti
~!}

*-

11'f

Xu 115
Gao 244
Xu 870; Fu 18
Xu 348
Xu 230
Xu 271,467; Fu 63; Ying 57
Xu 232
Xu 408
Zh. Zhong 131 ; Zh. Xuan 362
Xu 578
Xu 1160, 1166
Zh. Xuan474
BTD 127
Xu 944
Ying 58
Zh. Xuan 450
Zh. Zhong 26; Zh. Xuan 75
BHTY 18; Xu 856
Xu 339
Xu 634
Xu 1021
Du 28; Zh. Zhong 33
Xu 103; Zh. Xuan 48
Xu 754
Zh. Xuan 381
Xu 925
Xu 751
BTD220, 290
Xu 680
Xu 625
Xu 1235
Xu 786
Xu 36
Xu 402
Xu 252
BHTY 76; Zh. Xuan 152
Xu 283, 949b, 962; BTD 278
Du 29, 30, 31; Xu 300, 971,
Zh. Xuan 105, 108, 124; Gao
78

14 -15 strokes

15 Strokes
/Il$ Xu 1210
(l~ Zh.Zhong93; Zh. Xuan 93, 315;
Fu34
Xu
465
t*
tn Zh. Zhong 103
~ Xu 310
~ Fu80
~IJ Gao 9
IJiJJ Xu 313
J~ Xu 568
1lJ!; Xu 317
P't XU 788
Ilffj Zh. Zhong 12
nl\ Fu 5
Pli Gao 55a
~ Ying 108
~ Xu 619
~JI Xu 224,927; Zh. Xuan 101; BTD
166b,183,222
Xu
675
iJll!
~ Xu 755
/ff!l Xu 612
Wi Xu 206, 222
~ Gao 22
it Xu 544
'k~ BHTY 82; Xu 145, 155
n Fu69
Iii BHTY 43; Xu 969; Zh. Xuan
114
~ Xu 255
~u Xu 192
dIM Ying 12
$!!ll Zh. Xuan 73, 299
~ Xu 516, 544
14 Du 50; Zh. Zhong 77; Gao 142
Iff. Zh. Zhong 99; Xu 608; Zh. Xuan
394
~ Zh. Xuan 399
~ Zh. Zhong 45
295

r--- ---

r---

,------ -

,---

1-

r---"---

r-----

r---

15 strokes / Part III: The Data

T1f. Ying 123


~I't'! Zh. Zhong 82
~ Xu 666
W: Xu 746; Zh. Xuan 180
fi~ Zh. Xuan 434
,Ifl,. Zh. Xuan 226; Gao 2
Xu 369
[~ Ying 19b
~ Xu 843, 850
~ BTD 219, 221, 239, 313
'tl Xu 626
t!f! Zh. Zhong 81
~ Gao 162
1m Xu 192
tit Zh. Xuan 157
~ BTD 36, 38, 48,59,60,69, 70,
88, 90, 94a, 96, 99, 115, 135,
152, 154, 173, 174, 191, 196,
206, 217, 219, 228, 236, 241,
257, 262, 265, 277, 282, 283,
296, 305, 315, 323
1;1 BHTY 37; Xu 282, 287; Zh.
Xuan 330
~ Zh. Zhong 127
l!lll Zh. Zhong 85
~ Gao 25
11 Xu 230
~ Xu 546,1245; Zh. Xuan 91
if Xu 1161
1If! Xu 486
~ Zh. Zhong 45;Xu 718, 719,720,
722, 1222; Fu 100
tft Gao 77
?~ Xu 869
~ Xu 150, 154; Zh. Xuan 298
fit Zh. Xuan 81
~ Zh. Xuan 204
tl Gao 176
~ Zh. Xuan 249
~ Xu 463, 1117; Zh. Xuan 183
if& Xu 138

*'

296

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 15 strokes

Jlix: Xu 658;Zh.Xuan 76; Fu 94


~ Fu 91
B!Ii Gao 139
m Fu49
m BHTY 109
fa Xu 258
~ Gao 165
~ Zh. Zhong 127; Zh. Xuan 262a,
262b
t! Gao 15
mi Xu 688
~ Xu 517, 538; Zh. Xuan 186; Gao
138
l1t Zh. Xuan 23; BTD 85,112,157,
183,270,332
~ Xu 125
~ Xu 648
tlii Xu 123
f~ Xu 112; Zh. Xuan 60; Gao 26
yJli: Zh. Zhong 120
~ Gao 115
'!ft Gao 100
131 Xu 377
1M Gao 198
~ BTD 100, 101, 117, 175
m Ying 79
700 Xu 949a
(!! Xu 591; Gao 158,160
1tIl Xu 864
~ Gao 164
dt Xu 259;Zh. Xuan 103
7AA BHTY 36a; Xu 955
ltt Xu 924
j!j Fu 52
M Gao 85
ill Fu 88
~ Xu 98
~.!\ BHTY 102; Gao 223
t~ Xu 1164
t1i! Gao 63
~ Zh.Xuan42

~~

.f!\
.fl

fifl
~

"'"",
~
j~

~
~

tm
E!
c

A'"

~ Hi
~

ftf:
~

JIiIlj
~

l~
~

f!f
~

M
ji{
~

rn

f1!
rl
fFo
~
~

'"
m
lFJ;
~

Xu 673
~ Zh. Zhong 132; Xu 1143, 1148
Fu 56
~ Zh. Zhong 6
Xu 356
~ Fu 71
Zh. Zhong 3
Xu 414
Xu 1074
~ Gao 149
BHTY 69
~ Xu 844
Zh. Xuan 164
1m Zh. Xing 6; Zh. Zhong 29; Xu
Xu 274
235
Fu48
~. Xu 171
Fu48
1l~ Zh. Xuan 308
Xu 331
~ Zh. Zhong 87;Xu 547; Zh. Xuan
Xu 766; BTD 96
201,203,211
Xu 1199
Zh.
Zhong 31
~
Xu 108
lim Xu 535
Ying 70; BTD 342
m Zh. Xuan 113
Xu 717
JL~ Xu 93
Gao 104
Ying 111
Xu 575
ijt!J Zh. Xuan 197
Xu 1094
~ Zh. Xuan 283
Zh. Zhong 115
~ Xu 366,1001
Xu 588
RJ Xu 355
Zh. Zhong 68
'~ 1iif Fu8
Zh. Zhong 19; Xu 893; Zh. Xuan ~ Gao 140
294
7# Xu 1064
Xu 301, 968; Zh. Xuan 447
m Xu 952
ali
Du 19; Zh. Zhong 10
Gao 24
7R
1$. Xu 756
Xu 1200; Zh. Xuan 400
Xu984
~ Xu 483,502
Zh. Xuan 182
~ BTD 179
Zh. Xuan 351
~ Gao 100
Xu896
:IfE. Xu 356
BHTY 120
c>lt Xu 42
Xu 572
~ Xu 1175; Zh. Xuan 224, 468
Fu 71
m Xu 733
Gao 143
!@ Xu 1139
Zh. Zhong 92
~ Gao 99
Xu 631
1MJ Xu 978; Fu 49,77; BTD 3,120,
Ying90
227,291,294,344
Xu 868
W Zh. Xuan 281
Du54
fj Xu 211
Zh. Xuan 382
~ Du 21; Zh. Xuan 89; Fu 33

,''

297

15-16 strokes / Part III: The Data


,jJ'(
(1

N~l

.~fl
) I:

;U\
'-1<.

li?C
"'if:

iiR

~~

flit
' f
y~

iilffJ
~A.

iilZ'

Jr
Ili&
_2.

() IUIiJ

ft
'H

JJj
~

~~

lrf:

m
~M
~;';j

J,f
~

4!ilJ

'lR
1fr.
~

i8!
ii\il;
~

ill!
.:a....

,g

jJ!
~~

~
fift
11

Xu 943,1245
Xu 78; Gao 221; BTD 232, 304
Xu 435
XU 824
Xu 804
Xu 560; Ying 77
Xu 671
Xu 916
Zh. Zhong 142
Zh. Xuan 369, 464; BTD 253
Xu 1173
Xu 338
Xu 922
Zh. Zhong 7
Zh. Xuan 2, 419, 420
Xu 424; Ying 132
BHTY 37; Xu 1216; Gao 75;
BTD 186
Xu 618
Xu 466
Zh. Xuan 202, 203; Ying 72
Xu 198
Xu 294
Fu96
Ying 119
Xu 628
Xu 747
Zh. Xuan 185,376
Zh. Zhong 90
Xu 721
BTD 163,232
Xu 684; Zh. Xuan 249,409
BTD 283
Xu 909; BTD 76,123,140,187,
288
Zh. Xuan 127
Xu 74
BHTY 44
Xu 589
Zh. Zhong 67; Ying 55; Gao 114
Xu4

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data / 16 strokes

!o/f Xu 964

;(~

!j

fit
~

~
$Hj

f'1'il

1m
~
~~~

fit
ff
~
~

*~
110
M@

i(f

it
!M:
~ll.

~
!ll~

IJi.
Itt
Bi~

.!It

W1\

Xu 951
Xu 328
Xu 663
Xu 775
Zh. Zhong 126
Zh. Xuan 305
Xu 894; Ying 19b
BTD34,58
BTD 151, 159, 170
Gao 74
Gao 20
Xu 1069
Xu 1093, 1113
Fu 54
Xu 254
Xu 535
Xu 745
Xu 611
Xu 387,1018; Gao 102
Xu 176
Zh. Xuan 292
Xu 410
Fu 97
Zh. Xuan 94
Xu 1097
Xu 373
Xu 510
Xu 686

'Ii'L
f~l

r-

~.~

~~

'*l
;t~

mJ~
1<
fl!].

tft
"II<
r'-

fiI

m
jf.i
~~

~
{If

,M;
~
~
~

fijI
~

;fm
~

fi\'i
f$

gx

16 Strokes

ux
~

Xu 918; Ying 112


~ Xu 817
~Il Zh. Zhong 26
ftll Xu 971
~ Fu 17
P~ Gao 150
1J(lr
Xu 314
n
~ Xu 584, 594, 598
1*1 Xu 676
In! Xu 1142; Zh. Xuan 385
fi11f

'if
t::~-,

~~

iM

WI
if{

j;j
~
t~

/!5'f

BHTY60
Du 50; Zh. Zhong 77; Zh. Xuan
377
Fu 78
BHTY 99; Xu 635
Ying 87
Xu 119
Xu 1026, 1040, 1059
Xu 439
Xu 320
Zh. Xuan 193,209
Xu 559
Xu 755
Xu 725
BHTY61
Fu 80
Xu 101
Du35
BTD 141, 173,285,301
Xu 782
Du 56; Zh. Xuan 228
Du8
Zh. Zhong 107
Xu 159, 177,924
Gao 22
Xu 538
Xu 742, 743
BHTY 65; Zh. Xuan 148; Gao 96
Du9
Xu 807
Gao 203, 204
Xu 691;Fu 41
Zh. Xuan 48
Xu 145
ing27
Gao 154
Zh. Zhong 13
Zh. Zhong 109, 112; BHTY 105
Xu 791,1182
Xu 731
Xu 510

298

,-

/1: Zh. Xuan 160


Zh. Xuan 234, 275; Gao 5
i1i! Gao 145
.~
Xu 447
t(!-\ Du8
(~ .~
Xu 102
'WE Xu 97
'" Xu 610
2Q Xu 378
iIJ,l!i Gao 211
~ Zh. Zhong 109; Gao 223
J1i BHTY 65, 66
Ji Xu 429
fJJI. Zh. Zhong 16
IlIft Xu412
~ Zh. Xuan 450
Ii! Xu 116
IL~ Xu 1225
6,~ Xu 77
J Xu 1020
,~
Du 3; Zh. Zhong 4
~ Zh. Xuan 36
BHTY 114, 116
~1 Xu 1074
~ Xu 828,1190
Xu 631
i[ Gao 48
fi Zh. Xuan 37
,m Xu 37, 67
~ Xu 407; Zh. Xuan 248
~ Gao 70
~ Zh. Zhong 114
~ Xu 402; Fu 67; Ying 137
~ Xu 48
Ci Xu 436
~ Fu 35
Jif BTD 72, 104,237,258
ij~ Xu 274
R~ Gao 19
nil'f Zh. Xuan 388
"
J!.f!!! Xu 139,900; Zh. Xuan 67
~

299
r- ----

r--

r------

r---

r-

16 strokes
~
f,f,

"""
!II!
i71i

Ut~
~

fi
rIi
ttl:

~
~

() JfIl
~
~1I

9!l
I!Cil
If{ff
{fij

9~

~;l;!

~i'\l

,iJ'j
~l:1

ritE

i@
~l1i

~~

=
ffiij
~!11

nIt.-

m
~~

~
t~

of]
"'"

f~

I Part Ill: The Data

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

~
Xu 446
~
Xu 282
~
Zh. Xuan 337, 394
~
Xu 633
Zh. Zhong 46; Xu 960; Zh. Xuan ~
Pili
412; Ying 122
Xu 157,912
~
~
Gao 55a
~
Gao 159
,ffil
Xu 1183, 1184
Ying 71
m
Zh. Xuan 126
~
Xu 325
~
Zh. Xuan 109
~
Xu 377
~
j!!
Du58
Xu 576
C>&:
Fu34
M
Gao 2
~
Xu 259
~
Xu 1066
i'J!
Gao 167, 168
~
Xu 1014; Zh. Xuan 148
;f,.}
Gao 25
~1
Xu 407
~
Xu 613
~
Xu 50
Igj
Zh. Xuan 56
BID 261
M
BHTY38
M
BHTY 30; Xu 945, 946
~
Xu 261
~
BHTY88
~
Xu 525
III
(J
Xu 814
Xu 895
~
Xu 620
i!
jfli
Xu 795
Xu 734
iiifl
BID310
~
('im
Zh. Xuan 71; Ying 19a

300

Zh. Xuan 295, 431


Gao 42
Xu 485
Gao 24
Xu 318; Gao 81; BTD 250, 260
BHTY 54
BID 251
Xu 551
Fu 102
Zh. Xuan 198
Du 15; Zh. Xing 5; Xu 522
Xu 266
Xu 1088
Fu 73
Du 47; Xu 478; Ying 63
BHTY 39; Zh. Xuan 111, 331;
Gao 13
Xu 107,856
Ying 126
Zh. Xuan 401; Gao 224
Xu 951
Gao 62
Xu 561
Xu 233
Xu 553
Zh. Xuan 94, 410, 442
Zh. Zhong 118; Zh. Xuan 241
Ying 78; BID 73, 321
Fu 76; Gao 196
Xu 1080
Zh. Zhong41;Zh. Xu an 118,119
BHIY 29;Zh. Xuan 111
Zh. Zhong 39; Xu 246
Xu 53
Xu 77,105
Xu 567
BHTY 113
BHIY 73, 75; Xu 1058
Xu 1150
Gao 127
Xu 257

lift Xu 847, 913; Gao 121 ;BID 158,


191, 210, 217, 234, 284, 312,
317,342,343
fUi. Gao 161
~ Xu 1052
Xu 1086; Zh. Xuan 466; BID
343
M Fu2
8W Xu 704
~ Gao 183
ill. Xu8
~ Xu 1053
Mi Ying9
~f Gao 75
m Xu 994
II( Zh. Xuan45
V Xu 1204
Zh. Zhong 125; Zh. Xuan 260
~t: Xu 20
?~ Xu 65
!6j Fu28
!s Xu 670
t Gao 209
Jl,!( Xu 719
~ Gao 29
!t Xu 1167
~X Xu 619
Ai)} Xu 1108
M Gao 10
ii~ Du 38; Xu 992; Zh. Xuan 135;
Ying42
~ Xu 808, 809;Fu 3; Ying 4

l;I

rt

~W

1fIii
1i9i
~i

W:
51ft
~

m
tfI

fr*

4l
~

J,
f*

tl
t~

~
~
t~

mr
i
~
~

tJ!'f
ifg
ifj'!

17 Strokes

;!;t;
g

fA

'~

f~

Xu 251; Gao 59
Gao 11;BID67a, 67b, 142, 164,
213, 244, 301, 303, 318, 329,
337
IIi! XU 776
~ BHTY90
m Ying 118
=

~
~

1m
1l

I 16-17 strokes

Gao 184
Xu 43
Xu 732
Xu 137
Zh. Xuan 466
Xu 919; Zh. Xuan 311
Zh.Xuan 80
Gao 8
BHIY 108; Ying 139
Du 24; Ying 36; BID 40, 131,
231,240
Zh. Zhong 71; Gao 70, 71
Zh.Zhong 64
Xu 679,1211
Fu 46
Xu 828,1190
Du65
Zh. Xuan 162
Gao 152, 155
Zh. Zhong 108
Xu 165
BID 32,81,137,147,162,317
Zh. Zhong 103
Ying 78
Xu 685
Fu36
Xu 959
Xu 88
Xu 635
Xu 1239
Fu46
Xu 562; Gao 152
Zh. Zhong 15
Gao 104
Zh. Zhong 41
Xu 929, 938; Zh. Xuan 194
Xu 659; Fu 92
Xu 773
Xu 645
Zh. Xuan 150
Fu 64
301

17 strokes I Part III: The Data

P'

Xu 161
Xu 857
J~ Xu 87
f:\i'i Xu 690
Jft Xu 513, 555
.I~ Xu 1220
Iff Xu 563
jl Xu 1003
jff Fu 72
Ug Xu 14
11\1- Xu 1174
Ui\l Ying 55
~ Xu 101; Fu 14
li1f Zh. Zhong 67
P1i Xu 381
~~ Xu 14
~
Xu 1011
="
~Ij! BTD 9, 319
fit Xu 381
ffi Xu 45
~ Xu 999
n Gao 129
Xu 1045
i: Du 36; Zh. Xing 11
~ Du59
Zh. Xuan 271; Gao 189
1'$ Zh. Xuan 219
Xu 441
f'! Zh. Zhong 5
$ Zh. Xuan 257
f,il Xu 364
fffi Zh. Xing 13; Zh. Xuan 405
~ Zh. Xuan 134; Fu 57
~ Du 52
~ Zh. Xuan 134
l'J't Gao 189
m Xu 321
Zh. Xuan 223
*~ Gao
64, 71
*111
~ Ying 117
fJi! Zh. Zhong 9
Ffrl

J.~

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

: m
~
~

~
~
~

=
~t

HI
J!f1.l
~l;

~
~;
(j,~

.".IJ

1ft

m
M

~lS

fiT

fff
j!ft
~
~

;J
~

M
~

flJt
I!IDl
~
~
~
i'J

~
~

lit
~

IlbJ

~~

Xu 834; Zh. Xuan 36; Gao 14


Xu 93
Xu 329, 330
Xu 464
BTD 54, 80
Zh. Zhong 86; Xu 1141, 1248'
Xu 207
BHTY 76; Xu 418; Ying 127
Zh. Xuan 354
Xu 541
Zh.Zhongl36
Ying 140; Gao 176
Xu 915
Xu 334
Xu 1155
Zh. Xuan 123
BTD 129
Zh. Xuan 159; Gao 137
BHTY47
Xu 1112
BTD 38, 39, 45, 55, 74, 74, 138,
182,228
Gao 188
Gao 15
Xu 332
Xu 362
Fu 15
Gao 201
Zh. Zhong 101
Zh. Xing 1; Zh. Xuan 27a
Xu 474
Xu 60
Xu 160
Zh. Zhong 111; Xu 657
Fu 91
Xu 434
Xu 265
Zh. Zhong 142; Zh. Xuan 217,
393
Xu 495
Zh. Zhong 66

~l

U(Ij
~
H

i!
~

M
~
ijB

'fJi

m
H~

m
~
~

Itt:

Jl

,"

iii~

m
#)

m
fI?
~

00
00
~

~
~
~

!ilft

Jt
ff

it
1&

:M
~
~

Du25
Ying 60,61
Zh. Xuan 306
Xu 640
Xu 507
Xu 209
Xu 121
Xu 475
Xu 529
Zh. Xuan 76
Du 53; Zh. Zhong 91
Zh. Xuan 27b
Gao 148
<~
Gao 123
Ying38
Xu 405
Xu 446
Xu 401
Ying6
Zh. Xuan 427
Ying46
Gao 130
Xu 759
Zh.Xuan 309
Zh. Zhong 91; Zh Xuan 205
Du 55; Xu 1171; Zh. Xuan 221
Xu 487
Zh. Xuan 430; BTD 27, 35,125,
160,167,171,233
Zh. Xuan 105
Xu 1239
BHTY 40; Xu 458, 472
Zh. Xuan444
Xu 152
Xu 171
Xu 665
BHTY 68; Xu 1019
Zh. Xuan 231
Xu 223
Xu 1201
Zh. Xuan 188

302
1-

I 17-18 strokes

'R Xu 248
~i

~
~
It'"

f!ifli
f!fPJ
!f
~

,.

ili
lJIi
~

&l1
~

ww

Du38
Xu 409, 540
Xu 23
Zh. Xuan 123
Xu 11
Xu 368
Zh. Xuan 95,195
Xu 350; Gao 84, 88
Ying 36
BHTY32
Zh. Zhong 97
Zh. Zhong 8;Zh. Xuan 38
Xu 1159
Xu 592
Xu 509
Xu 646
18 Strokes

ft!! BTD 268


~ Xu 993
~ Zh. Xuan 110
!'i Gao 127
fi Ying 11
m! Zh. Zhong 121
r~ Xu 1129
00 Xu 305
~ Xu 569
~ Gao 226
fji{ Xu 1109
ir5 Xu 683
3l BHTY 105; Xu 653
iii Gao 157
i'lIJ Xu 835
nR Xu 104; Zh. Xuan 49
m Xu 37
it Ying 145
Xu 391; Fu 54
~ BHTY 115, 116; Zh. Xuan 408;
Gao 190
.ti Xu 639

, 303
r--

I -----

r------

r -------

r-----

r--

r------

---

r---~

I-~----

~-

-----

18 strokes

I Part III: The Data

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data


~:.;:

iIi BHTY54
ill Zh. Xuan 373

ill

mi

Ll Xu 737
Xu 685
Xu 120
r~ Xu 140, 158; BTD 336
~!(1 Xu 977; Zh. Xuan 103,335
ift! BHTY 43;Xu 303, 969;Zh. Xuan
114,333b
~ Xu 965
ffj Xu 311
fli Xu 616
tQi Xu 337
1m Zh. Zhong 85; Xu 337,1135
ii Gao 212
(}MI BHTY17
t; Xu 589
Xu 784
~ Zh. Xuan 210, 389
~ Xu 709
Zh. Xuan 39
~ Xu 772, 787; Zh. Xuan 418
~ Zh. Xuan 228
~ Xu 166
f!i BHTY 14;Xu 56,809;Zh. Xuan
278
it Xu 1178; Gao 3
if Xu 22
f.il.: Zh.Zhongll
ft Zh. Xing 3, 4; Zh. Zhong 24;
Zh. Xuan 300; Ying 142
If Xu 568; BTD 267, 312
~ Xu 1005, 1010; Gao 235
fJ'i BTD246
,ji Xu 340
5m. Xu 84
fl!. Fu 75, 78
m Gao 23
1lJ Xu 998
5f BHTY 39; Zh. Xuan 128,331
1,1 Xu 580
f1lj Xu 661
tifl Zh. Xuan 387

*'

;.

304

"~w:

m
~

~\i'i

im
~

~
~Wi

~
:"10-

II)
jIj~

H
ml
~

~
~

INl
00
I7l1I

M
M
1ft
~
[lMt
~

~
~

j\

M
~11:
~ll!

~
~

Xu 139
Gao 36
Xu 888
Xu 324
BHTY 100
BTD 103, 104
Fu47
Xu 72
Xu 1198
Xu 858
Xu 1105; Gao 144
Zh. Xuan 119
Xu 312
Xu 502
Xu 208
Xu 202
Xu 622; Zh. Xuan I
Xu 574, 575
BHTY 110
Xu 408
Xu 66, 84, 87; Gao 174
BHTY83
Zh. Xuan 178
Zh. Xuan 102
Zh. Xuan 474
Zh' Zhong 123; Xu 1230
Xu 614
Xu 653
Xu 669
Xu 365; Zh. Xuan 340
Gao 58
BTD340
Xu 267
Xu 453
Xu 852; Gao 6
Xu 783
Xu 471
Xu 242
Xu 409

~
@J{

M:ri
IIJH
~

~
~

M!

m
~~

1M
~

[ttl
~

\V1t

fJl
~~
~

TI

U
III
~

f,
fiR

!11

!!,

m
m
~

Il\t
lfIj

fi

I 18-19 strokes

i!!fi Xu 1249
~ Xu 854a
~ Gao 54
Xu 838; Ying 102
~ Xu 987
li~ Gao 153
~ Xu 826, 827
ftt BHTY22
ii Xu 798
Hii Xu 853
~ Xu 980
lfli Xu 556
*'V~ Xu 82
m. Fu 16
*~ Ying 86
m Du 27; BTD 8, 15, 25, 28, 31,
34, 42, 56, 64, 72, 77, 85, 86,
87,90,91, 109, 111, 117, 123,
124, 128, 132, 133, 134, 135,
137, 139, 142, 144, 159, 168,
170, 177, 191, 198, 199, 204,
205, 207, 211, 211, 214, 221,
224, 225, 227, 238, 254, 260,
263, 270, 272, 275, 276, 277,
280, 284, 291, 298, 299, 308,
316, 318, 320, 328, 331, 336
fft Zh. Xuan 196
~ Zh.Xuan87
19 Strokes
Ill. Ying 145, 146
Ii. Gao 63
BTD 11, 147, 229, 234, 234, nlln
236,259
il, Xu 91
Gao 27
TI Xu 1249
Zh. Xuan 327
if Xu 165
Zh. Zhong 21; Xu 115
~ Ying27
Ying44
i!1it Fu36
Gao 226
~J}t Gao 186
BHTY93
II Xu 641
Zh. Xuan 31
~~ Xu318
Ying44
~ Xu 166
Zh. Zhong 124
*.l* Xu 488,1120
Xu 1142
n11. Ying 41
Zh. Zhong 73
Zh. Xuan 417
Xu 335
Xu 1131;Fu 70;Ying62
Xu 597
BHTY 91; Gao 143
Xu 1025
Gao 150
Fu88
Xu 228
Xu 806
Zh. Xuan 115
Gao 55b
Xu 689
Zh. Xuan 94
Zh. Xuan 199
Gao 88
Xu 601
Fu 24
Gao 228
Gao 121
Gao 173
Xu 182
Zh. Xuan 177
Gao 38
Xu 92
Fu 57

~A

305

19-20 strokes
cil~
~

K\1\

WI.
~

oa

p~

IIlf
tl!
~

&Wi

Wi

m
~

J!!
~

,i
,~
\ ~7

"

~
~
~
i

~
11&

!:S

~
~

m
~

~
~
~

IUl

mi
~l

Jft
~

fA

~
~

I Part III: The Data

Xu 187
Xu 1250; Zh. Xuan 18
Xu 95
Gao 160
Ying 15
Xu 243
BHTY 48; Zh. Xuan 129
Xu 623
Xu 96
Gao 137
Fu 100
Xu 742; Gao 193
Zh. Xuan 416
Xu 96; Fu 14
Fu 12
Du5
Zh.Zhongl06
Fu 10
Gao 113, 114
Xu 800,1241
Zh. Zhong 141;Xu 550
Xu 149
Xu 316
Xu 609
Gao 19
Xu 322
Du 46; Xu 400, 401, 423
Zh. Xuan 341
Xu 1038
Xu 288
Gao 208, 224
Xu 1153
Xu 1123
Xu 367
Xu 70
Xu 208, 933; Zh. Xuan 86; Fu
30
Du 18; Gao 46
Xu 617
Xu 207, 295; Gao 73
Zh. Xuan 186

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data


~ri

Xu 459
~

M Zh. Zhong 140; Xu 475, 1116;

1m
~

m
fl(l
~
~

.."
iii

~
~
~..IIi
~!1}

tit

"
II

S
In

Zh. Xuan 178; Fu 66


Xu 252
Xu 963; BTD 333
Zh.Xuan 121
Xu 581
Xu 891
Xu 196
Xu 927
Zh. Xuan 187
Xu 1027
Fu27
Xu 437
Zh. Xuan401
Xu 64
Du 27; Xu 947, 948; Fu41
Du 31; Zh. Xuan 107
Ying42

iU>

J<X

m
Wi
~
~

ft!li
Jii't!

r1ro

Ni
K:tiff..

JA
!t!t
s

fl
~
1~
~~

20 Strokes

9i Xu 58
~

lIf
~g

an!

m
~
~

11
7'l

!i.

tr
~

tflIi
tlk

,li\1
Ii

Xu 710
Xu 290
Xu 97
Xu 577
Zh. Xuan 141,143,353
Xu 833
Zh.Xuan 64
Zh.Xuan376
Xu 729, 730
Xu 602
Xu 732
Xu 476
Xu 469
Xu 100
Gao 171
Xu 524
Xu 102
Zh. Zhong 94; Zh. Xuan 90
Zh. Zhong 93,94; Zh. Xuan 195,

ti
~
~

,~

~
~~

M1
~
~
~

m
~

1\\

306

206,207,208
Xu 992
Xu 642
Xu 388
Xu 769
Xu 1207; Zh. Xuan 406; Ying
141, 142
Zh.Xuan 438
Xu 500, 541
Fu90
Xu 376
Gao 113
Du 5; Zh. Zhong 9; Xu 857
Ying 136
Zh. Xuan 163
Xu 439
BHTY 99; Xu 833
BHTY 103; Gao 249
Xu 783
BTD 184
Zh. Xuan 358
Xu 942
Xu 1053
Xu 534
Xu 707
Xu 659
Gao 16
Xu 1211
Xu 566
Zh. Xuan 131
Zh. Zhong 119
Zh. Xuan 333a; Gao 229
Xu 904; Zh. Xuan 63, 302; Gao
188; BTD 52, 65
Xu 722
Zh. Zhong 12
Zh. Xuan 156
Ying 80
BHTY 59; Xu 999
Xu 338
Gao 31

"
i~

flo
~
,~

,~

fl),'
~R
~
U'
ill\!'

~~
.~

m'' '

...!!l<

~~
~~

1iJ
Mft
~

I 20-21 strokes

Zh. Xuan 80
Du 55; Zh. Xing 12
Xu 297
Fu 13
Xu 1072; Zh. Xuan 196
Fu 7
Xu 708; Fu 87
Gao 49
Xu 1230
Xu 587
Xu 481
Xu 763
Xu 50
Fu62
Xu 891
Xu 473
BHTY 94; Xu 1166
Xu 504
Gao 105
Xu 199
Xu 94
21 Strokes

Zh. Xuan 86

IH Du 18;Xu 181;Gao 46
fttl Gao 128

nw
K

H1>I
)j}
~

.~

)gi

tIfi
ml
111
1it\:
il

f!

1m

Xu 95
Xu 508
Xu 244
Xu 660;Zh.Xuan 233,239,240,
311; Gao 179
Gao 228
Xu 503
Zh.Xuan 340
Xu 767
Xu 250; Ying 116
Xu 1121
Zh. Xuan 214
Ying 79
Zh. Zhong 83
Gao 141
307

r"

r----

r----

r- ----

r---~~--~

.-----

21- 22 strokes
~

I Part III: The Data

Xu 518

ffii Du4

m
m
~

'Tf

f~

m
~
~

M
iii
I!'ii
i/f;li

t\lil
~"".

~(!

~
pir,f

Mil

I
~

,Jt
Fo$

M
i~

R
~
fRjlj
~
~

ia
~
~

;liIj

I~~

m
ft~;iJ

308

Gao 81
Xu 1200, 1203; Zh. Xuan 239
Gao 142
BTD83
Gao 11
Du20
Gao 215
Xu 128; Gao 195
BTD 255, 307, 307, 319, 326
Xu 156
Xu 677
Fu30
Zh. Xuan 168
Xu 368
Xu 777
BHTY 113; Xu 883
Xu 1033
Xu 49, 836, 839
Xu 433
Xu 1195
Xu 404
Xu 647,1195
Zh. Zhong 40
Zh. Zhong 89; Zh. Xuan 200
Xu 49,53
Xu 41
Xu 524
Xu 578
Zh. Zhong 112; Gao 178
Xu 470
Xu 1036
Fu 57
Zh. Xuan 432
Xu 528; Zh. Xuan 462
Zh. Xuan 16; Gao 5
Gao 23
Xu 483
Xu 834
Xu 222

B. Stroke Order Index to the Data

fJi BTD 16, 199

~ Xu 404

l-!; Xu 341

?I Xu 181

Jm

V Du 60, 61

jf Zh. Zhong 6
~~ Gao 79
11 Xu 655
~ Xu 398
~ Zh. Zhong 32
fir Du 30; Zh. Xuan 108
fi Xu 532,533
~ Xu 254
tiS Xu 849
M Xu 727

M
~
~1'Ii
~Iji
1'-"

00

~rt

t"i

n
:!!''ii
~
~

22 Strokes
f1 Zh. Xuan 363
Xu 571, 583
Xu 317
m Gao 128
m Xu 532; Zh. Xuan 199; Gao 131
fit Xu 545
(1ft Gao 53
f~ Xu 865
1.'1 Zh. Xuan 191; Gao 131
J~ Xu 40
~ Xu 793
Ii Xu 306
~ Xu 378; Zh. Xuan 353
tJl Xu 1039, 1040
*i Zh. Zhong 21; Gao 27
~ BTD 284
1ft! Xu 414
n Xu 353, 354
it Xu 224
lJYl Xu 516
~. Xu 853
~ Xu 709
~ Gao 74
ill Gao 246
.if! Xu 172
nil Ying 65
m Gao 45

*.

Xu 292
Xu 1157
Xu 1030
Xu 616
Xu 486
Zh. Zhong 60
Zh. Xing 12; Zh. Xuan 221
Xu 683
Xu 744
Xu 291
Xu 186
23 Strokes

lilt Xu 600
llil Gao 185
tJ! Xu 488
""
U Xu 503
~ Xu 1121
m Zh. Xuan 378
lJt Zh. Xuan 188
fl Xu 295
~ Xu 179
~ Xu 565
Zh. Xuan 214
*/1;\ Xu 205
llfJ Zh. Xuan 181; Gao 126
~ Zh. Xuan 368
rr Xu 771
Xu 839a
h'l Xu 354
IMI.
Xu 479
Jt
1MJ Xu 978
Ul
~i Xu 206
.m Zh. Xuan 358
~ Xu 676; Ying 87
M Zh. Zhong 44; Xu 976
W Zh. Xuan 333a, 333b; Gao 229
M~ Xu 679
1ib Xu 316
M BTD 133

"

I 22-25 strokes

Gao 78

1m Xu 147
~
~it

Ying 84
Xu 353
24 Strokes

~ Xu 32
~
~

11
~m

It
1m
~

,I{
~

.....

11
IIJ!
ti
~

fWI
~t
~
~m

Gao 179
Gao 178
Xu 246
Xu 963
Xu 626
Zh. Xuan 191
Xu 565, 566
Gao 84
Xu 758
Xu 585, 1158
Xu 1249
Xu 460
Xu 562
Xu 275
Xu 440
Zh.Xuan427
Zh. Xuan 215; BTD 192,335
Xu 75;Ying 7
Xu 170
25 Strokes

...,

fi
~

m
~I
~fj

,ilAl
M~

.,
iIf1l

Xu 1202
Xu 296
Xu 500
Zh. Xuan 87
Xu 482; Zh. Xuan 382; Ying 134
Zh.Xuan 99
Zu 321
Xu 678
Xu 508, 519, 520, 534
Xu 141
Xu 449
309

25-38 strokes

I Part III: The Data

Zh. Zhong 71
Xu 212
~ Xu 552
~fIi Xu 122
;;n Gao 121
D!ni Xu 517
\\ Xu 197
~ Xu 1157
will Xu 714

~f-:'::'

26 Strokes

BTD 169, 190,209,312,320


ij{~ Xu 247
~1Al Zh. Xuan 99
~ Zh. Xuan 143
lirl Xu 28
if Xu 749
~ Zh. Xuan 216

27 Strokes

Xu 489; Gao 244


Xu 487
q!!\ Xu 51
28 Strokes
:Q! Xu 597
I'J.l Xu 585
~ Xu 1153
29 Strokes

W Xu 410
~

Xu 351
32 Strokes

1ft Xu 179
II Xu 778
33 Strokes

II Zh. Xuan 296


38 Strokes

iii Zh. Xuan 215

,it/I

Xu 330
Gao 215

Bibliography

r.AJ

'-I

Xu 489

Allen, W. S.
1968
Vox Graeca. Cambridge.
Bailey, H. W.
1946
"Gandhari." BSOAS 11.764-797.
Baxter, William H.
1977
"Old Chinese Origins of the Middle Chinese Chongniu Doublets: A Study
Using Multiple Character Readings. " Doctoral Dissertation, Cornell
University.
Benedict, Paul K.
1976
"Sino-Tibetan: Another Look." JAOS 96.167-197.
Bielenstein, Hans
1947
'The Census of China During the Period 2-742 A.D."BMFEA 19.125-163.
Bodman, Nicholas C.
1954
A Linguistic Study of the Shih Ming. Cambridge, Mass.
1967
"Historical Linguistics," in Current Trends in Linguistics, Vol. II, pp. 3-58.
The Hague and Paris.
"Some Chinese Reflexes of Sino-Tibetan sdusters." JCL 1.383-396.
1973
"Proto-Chinese and Sino-Tibetan: data towards establishing the nature of
1980
the relationship." Contributions to Historical Linguistics: Issues and
Materials. Frans Van Goetsen and Linda Waugh, editors. Leiden. pp. 34199.
Boodberg, Peter A.
1979
Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg. Compiled by Alvin P. Cohen. Berkeley.
Brough, John
1962
The Giindhiirf Dharmapada. London.
Brugmann, Karl
1897
Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammatikder lndogermanischen Sprachen.
Erster Band: Einleitung und Lautlehre. Strassburg.
Burrow, T.
1937
The Language of the Kharof!hi Documents from Chinese Turkestan.
Cambridge.
Chang, Betty Shefts and Kun Chang
1976
"Chinese *s-nasallnitials." BIHP 47.587-608.
Chang, Kun
1975
"Dialect Variations in Chinese Historical Phonology." BlliP 46.613-635.
Chao, Y. R.
1940
"Distinctions within Ancient Chinese." WAS 5.203-233.
Chen, Yinke ~ji:{m
1949
"Cong shishi lun Qieyun"{!E~:JUfU1;IJii9. Lingnan xuebao _ffi!I.J!R 9.2.118.
Cheng, Guangyu f!jlJ\';m and Xu Shengmo &<~~
1955
-Zhongguo !ishi ditdi ,*,ml1Jlft~:tt!lIll~ . Taipei.

311

310
r ------

,-

r--

r--

Bibliography

Bibliography

Coblin, W. South
1974-5 'The Initials of the Wei-Chin Period as Revealed in the Phonological
Glosses ofKuo P'u and Others." MS 31.288-318.
1977-8 'The Initials of the Eastern Han Period as Reflected in Phonological
Glosses." MS 33.207-247.
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