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Contents
ix
xi
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I :7
r-" I
tb3
r'7Z!
Typesetting by The Chinese University Press
Printing by Ngai Kwong Printing Co. Ltd.
19
Chapter 4:
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
27
v
-
~.
r ---
,-
Contents
Contents
43
77
Chapter 5:
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9
5.10
5.11
vi
6.5
Chapter 7: Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.1 EH Reconstructions (131]
7.2 Some Applications (132)
7.2.1 Problems in EH Dialectology
7.2.2 The Origins of the QY Language
7.2.3 The Reconstruction of OC
7.3 Closing Remarks-The Task Ahead (136)
131
.............................................
139
145
Introduction
A.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Du Zichun (145)
Zheng Xing (147]
Zheng Zhong (148]
BHTY (154]
Xu Shen (158]
Zheng Xuan (198]
Fu Qian (219]
Ying Shao (223]
vii
Contents
9.
10.
11.
B.
Preface
261
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
311
During the past eighty years the study of Chinese historical phonology has
focused on the Middle Chinese (ca. A.D. 600) and Old Chinese (ca. 1000 B.C.)
periods. Work on the intervening span of over 1000 years has been less intense,
due in great part to the paucity and relative inaccessibility of relevant data.
Within this long interval the first and second centuries A.D., corresponding to
the ascendancy of the Eastern Han dynasty, promise to be important for
future research. linguistically this seems to have been a transition period
between the Old and Middle Chinese sound systems. Intellectually it was a
time of intense scholarly activity resulting in the compilation of several major
lexicographical works and many commentaries on earlier texts. Among the
philological devices used by the Eastern Han scholars were various types of
sound glosses and annotations. These seem to have been based on the pronunciations of those who formulated them and therefore reflect the sound
systems of a number of Eastern Han dialects. The object of this handbook is
to collect and make available to students of Chinese historical linguistics a
corpus of heretofore widely scattered Eastern Han sound gloss data. A further
source of information on Eastern Han phonology is the sizable body of
identifiable transcriptional forms found in Han Buddhist texts. Though these
are not sound glosses per se, they are of such importance for the study of
Eastern Han phonology that it seemed justifiable to include them in a reference
source of this type.
The handbook is divided into three parts. The first of these reviews previous
work in Eastern Han phonology and discusses the nature of the sound gloss
and transcriptional data. The second part analyzes the data and posits Eastern
Han phonological reconstructions. These reconstructions are offered not as
defmitive solutions but as suggestions on how the material might be interpreted. In Part III the data are arranged systematically according to source
and analyzed in a stroke order index.
It is a pleasure to acknowledge my gratitude to those who have made the
completion of this work possible. My teachers, F. K. Liand Paul L-M. Serruys,
first aroused my interest in Chinese historical linguistics and the language of
the Han period;and I have continued to benefit from their guidance. Throughout the past five years N. C. Bodman's advice and friendship have been a
constant source of encouragement and support. To E. G. Pulleyblank lowe
my interest in the Han Buddhist transcriptions and my appreciation of their
ix
viii
,-
r -
r--
,--
r -----
Preface
importance for the study of Han phonology. Work with these materials
would nevertheless not have been possible for me without the tireless and
patient collaboration of my colleague, S. I. Pollock. The following friends
and colleagues have also given me the benefit of their criticisms and suggestions: T. L. Mei, J. L. Norman, A. Schuessler, and P. H. Ting. Needless to say,
all remaining errors of fact and opinion are my responsibility.
Finally I should like to express my gratitude to the American Council of
Learned Societies and to the Office of Academic Affairs at the University of
Iowa for providing grants which made it possible for me to devote my time
to writing this book.
*
**
AM
BHS
BHTY
BIHP
BMFEA
BSOAS
BTD
comm.
EH
EY
FSTY
FY
Gd.
GS
GSR
GY
GZSSJ
HGY
HHS
HJAS
HN
HQJJXB
HS
JAOS
Reconstructed EH Forms
Reconstructed OC Forms
Asia Major
Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (Forms cited after Edgerton 1953)
Baihu tongyi ~ J:1E ~~
Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica
Bulletin of the Museum of Ear Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London
Buddhist Transcription Dialect(s)
commentary
Eastern Han (A.D. 25-220)
Erya m~ (Cited according to Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, Supplement No.8, Index to Erh-ya.
Reprint: Taipei, 1966)
Fengsu tongyi ;.am-~~
Fangyan 1i
(1) Text attributed to Yang Xiong ifJ~t (53 B.C.-A.D. 18).
Cited according to Zhou (1951).
(2) Dialect, a journal of Chinese dialectology published in
Peking.
Giindhiiri (Forms cited after Brough 1962 unless otherwise indicated)
Grammata Serica (Karlgren 1940)
Grammata Serica Recensa (Karlgren 1964)
Guangyun 11( 1m
Guzhu shisanjing ttl1+::=:'~ (Edition: Xinxing shuju tfT!JliiffiJ ,
Taipei, 1966)
Hanguanyi ~1r~
Hou Hanshu ~if:ii (Edition: Zhonghua shuju tf:r~iifiij, Peking,
1965)
Harvard Journal ofAsiatic Studies
Huainanzi tit jff .r
Huang-Qing jingjie xubian ~m~Wf~~ ,1886-7
Hanshu i~ii (Edition: Zhonghua shuju, Peking, 1965)
Journal of the American Onlmtal Society
xi
JCL
JY
U
LS
LY
MC
MS
OC
P.
Pkt.
QHXB
QJYB
QY
SBBY
SBCK
Shi
Shiwen
J79.~*
SW
SWGL
SXMZ
SYHB
T
TP
TPYL
TSSD
WH
WJ
WX
YJ
YJXB
SJ
SJZ
Skt.
SSJ
SSWXZ
SM
yp
YQJYY
YWU
ZGYW
ZL
Yili m~
Yupian 35:$
Yiqiejingyinyi -W~{f~ ofXuanying :z:J!!
Yiwen leiju f!;xM~
Zhongguo yuwen rpm ~g Y..
Zhouli mJ ijit
Shujing .~
Shiji Sl:.ilc (Edition: Zhonghua shuju, Peking, 1965)
Shuijingzhu *~it
Sanskrit
Shisanjing zhushu +::::.~itijlt (Nanchang ~ l edition of 1815.
Reprint: Taipei, 1965)
Shangshu wuxingzhuan f;';J.lifj~
Shiming ~i5 (Cited according to Bodman 1954 unless otherwise
indicated)
Shuowen jiezi wt)(WPf:
Shuowenjiezi gulin ~)(m*~",* (Ding 1928)
Zhongguo sixiang mingzhu r:pm,~,:l1ti5'iif , Taipei, 1959
Shiyun huibian +~1tm (Liu 1936)
Taisho Tripitaka
T'oungPao
Taiping yulan :;t:zr.fa!I. (Edition: Zhonghua shuju, Peking, 1960)
Taiwan shengli Shifan Daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan *~ fi ftffili
Shu
YL
iIm*~m)(li1f'Jem~fIJ
xii
r
xiii
,---
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,----
f'- ---,
r--
,---
,--'
r---~
1 - - --
Part I
Prelil11inary Questions
CHAPTER 1
1.1
Introduction
Though Han phonology has never been an intensely studied area of Chinese
linguistics, it can hardly be characterized as a neglected one. During Qing
times the traditional Chinese philologists, to whom later students of Chinese
historical phonology owe so much, collected a great deal of material bearing
on the Han period. More recently several monumental works and a number of
smaller studies have been devoted wholly or in part to Han problems. In the
present chapter we shall briefly review a number of previous contributions
which are important for the study of EH phonology.1
1.2
Poetic Rimes
3
r -------
r- -------
r --
r----
,------
Loangraph Glosses 3
1.4
Direct sound glosses of the EH commentators Fu Qian and Ying Shao are
collected in Hong (I775).6 They have been partially studied in Coblin
(I 977 -8). A small number of fanqie glosses from Fu and Ying are also attested
but have never been used for phonological reconstruction. Direct sound
glosses occur in the LS and HN commentaries of Gao You.' These have not
been investigated. Direct sound glosses and fanqie spellings do not occur in
the extant commentaries of Zheng Xuan, but a number of such annotations
are attributed to him in Shiwen. 8 These presumably derive from several
phonological commentaries of Zheng Xuan which are mentioned by title in
Shiwen but have since been lost. 9 The glosses have been collected by Sakai
(1975), who is suspicious of the data (pp. 30-1) because the Shiwen author
Lu Deming ~~M, has stated (Shiwen 1.l7a) that "the Han people did no;
make sound glosses" (~A;;r;f'F{f). For this reason Sakai suggests that, while
the Zheng Xuan glosses in Shiwen represent the reading traditions of the
master, they were probably constructed by later followers of his school of
textual exegesis.
At the outset we must question Lu Deming's claim that the Han scholars
did not make sound glosses. The direct sound glosses of Gao You are integral
: On Xu S~en see ~apter 4, section 4.5 below.
7 On Fu Qlan and Ymg Shao see Chapter 4, sections 4.7 and 4.8.
On Gao You see Chapter 4, section 4.9.
:On Zhe~g Xuan see ~apter 4, s~tion 4.6.
These tItles appear In the first Juan ff of Shiwen in the prefaces to the various
works glossed in the text. For lists of the various titles see Kiinstler (1962:50-1) and
Sakai (1975:31).
1.6
Paranomastic Glosses
I 1.7
Buddhist Transcriptions
6
r-- ,--
f -------
r ------
1-----
r- - --
7
r-
r-- .---
1. 8
Han Dialectology
Much valuable information on the dialects of the Han period can be found
in Chapters 6 and 7 of Luo and Zhou (1958). However, for definitive studies
on Han dialectology we must look to the works of P. L-M. Serruys. The most
important of these is The Chinese Dialects of Han Time according to Fang
Yen (Surveys 1959). Contributions on general problems of historical dialectology in China are Serruys (1960a) and (1962b). Studies on particular problems
in Han dialectology include Serruys (1952), (1953), (1958b), (1960b),
(1962a), (1967), and (1969). Another interesting article is Serruys (1961)
which, in reviewing Luo and Zhou (1958), concentrates on dialect questions.
Serruys' primary achievement has been that of identifying and grouping in
hierarchies the dialects and sub dialects of the early first century A.D. and of
determining how these groups expanded, contracted, and influenced each
other. His conclusions fOnTI a point of departure for the study of the dialectal
situation in China during the entire EH period, and his detailed discussions of
investigative techniques and procedures establish a methodology for the study
of Chinese historical dialectology.
In conjunction with his work on dialects Senuys has also proposed phonological reconstructions for the middle Han period. Here he has been strongly
influenced by the grammatological and reconstructive theories of P. A.
Boodberg and the ideas of the linguistic geographers. In addition he has
frequently worked from the premise that large numbers of synonymous
dialect words (of the bucket/pail type) included under the same FY heading
are etymologically related. His overall approach has differed from that of
most other investigators; and, unlike his conclusions on Han dialectology, his
phonological reconstructions are controve"rsial.
CHAPTER 2
2.1
Background
2.2
and innovation of any sort. Tjan (pp. 142-3) says of them, "The (New Text)
po-shih and their pupils, chiefly concerned about the maintenance and
improvement of their positions, had long abandoned individual thought and
had gladly submitted to the discipline required of them, which consisted in
respecting the opinions of the former masters and expatiating on them." And
again (p. 147), "Official scholarship, refusing new stimulants and content
with the traditional ways, tended to become sterile and addicted to endless
and senseless expatiation." On the other hand the Old Text scholars were
unrestrained by official orthodoxy and accepted interpretations. Their texts
were neither sacrosanct nor immutable, and they could collate, edit, and
determine the best text versions and readings. Their freedom to follow their
own lights and develop independent critical approaches led naturally to an
interest in philological techniques of exegesis. Since a text had no orthodox
version or interpretation, it was possible to question its meaning, to suggest
that obscure points in it might be due to temporal or geographical origin, to
consider the possibllity that it might be corrupt, and to propose emendations
or new interpretations based on such suppositions. It seems very likely that
the EH loangraph glosses are products of the strongly philological approach
of the Old Text school. It can be no accident that at least five of the glossists
to be discussed in Chapter 4, i.e. Zheng Xing, Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Zheng
Xuan, and Fu Qian, are known to have been Old Text scholars. 3
With these points in mind we may now turn to an examination of the
various types of EH sound glosses.
2.2
Loangraph Glosses
10
r-----
1--
--
(---
r-----
,-
2.2
r -------
2.3
x~. Y
2.
x~~Yx~~ ......
3.
x~.gr~y
4.
5.
6.
7.
x M'f'it; D, y
x 1lI;~~Y
ZY
x1ll;~Y}
x 1lI;f'F Y
8.
9.
10.
:n~Y}
x~:tiY
x mSY
X~~yij
11.
It is possible that each of these patterns had its own particular function
within the exegetical apparatus of the Han scholars. I have not been able to
identify such functions except in the case of pattern 3, which was used when
a suggested emendation was to pertain wherever applicable in a text. Perhaps
future studies will throw further light on this problem_
2.3
The Duruo ~
Glosses of SW
a more detailed discussion of the duruo patterns see Coblin (1978 :29).
admits that he remains uncertain why the dumo glosses appear in SW. 5
Although we must agree with Lu that the problem of the exact function of
the duma glosses remains unsolved, it is nonetheless possible to draw several
conclusions about them. First, it seems clear from their forms that they are
closely related to the loangraph glosses of the EH commentators, and it is
therefore quite possible that the phonological criteria underlying both types
were similar. Analysis of the two types of material and phonological reconstruction based on them bears this out. 6 Secondly, the general picture which
emerges from the study of the SW duma and the paranomastic glosses and
poetic rimes of Xu Shen strongly suggests that these different types of
material reflect the sound system of the same language.? These points suggest
that the SW dumo annotations can be placed on a par with the EH loangraph
glosses and used as data for phonological reconstructions, despite the fact
that we remain uncertain about why they appear in the SW text.
2.4
Most glosses of this type have the pattern x n y, "x has the sound of y."
They begin to appear in late EH texts and remain in use in the Six Dynasties
period, during which they are gradually supplanted by the more practical
fanqie spelling system. The primary function of these glosses seems to have
been to indicate for readers the pronunciations of graphs which were considered problematical in some way. For this reason they were almost certainly
more accurate phonetically than the loangraph and duma glosses and are a
valuable source of data for historical reconstruction. In using them we must
bear in mind, however, that they are not in the last analysis simply phonetic
transcriptions of characters but rather annotator's glosses indicating how a
graph should be interpreted and read in a particular passage. For this reason
they sometimes reflect the exegetical traditions and philological biases of the
commentators. Let us consider an example. To LJ,Neize 97 !'lP'a "egg sauce"
Zheng Xuan adds the following loangraph gloss:
Zheng Xuan 187 !'lP~.~ML
"Luan 'eggs' is (to be) read as gun 'fish eggs'."
5 For some elaborations on Lu's arguments see Coblin (1978:30). An interesting
conjecture, not mentioned by Lu, is that of Takahashi (1936) who suggests that all SW
entries originally had duruo annotations. Later, under the influence of the competing
fanqie glossing system, most of the duruo would have been lost from the text in an
irregular fashion, resulting in the seemingly haphazard distribution of glosses in the
current SW versions. There is unfortunately no way to substantiate this hypothesis.
6Compare, for example, Coblin (1978) and (1977-8).
?See Coblin (1978) and (1979a).
13
12
Zheng took the LJ expression to mean "fish egg sauce" and believed luan was
a loan for gun. In his now lost phonological commentary on LJ he made the
following direct sound gloss, preserved in the QJYB: 8 IJI1
"Luan has the
sound of gun." It is thus clear that since Zheng believed luan was a loan for
gun in the LJ passage, he felt that it should actually be pronounced as if it
were gun when reading the text aloud. In effect the direct sound gloss is loangraph gloss 187 in a different guise.
Another interesting example of this type involves the place name Guaichui
t}~ which appears in HS (p. 1890). To the second character in this name
Ying Shao adds the following gloss:
n-m
32 .H-~o
"Chui (MC ijwe) has the sound of bao (MC pau:).,,9
As argued in detail in the notes to Part II1.A.8 it is probable that Ying Shao
considered ~ to be a corruption of ffi, which occurs in variant forms of the
name Guaichui and was read there as MC pfiu: by at least one school of early
HS commentators. Ying Shao's note is therefore probably not a true sound
gloss but rather the outgrowth of a graphic emendation of some sort. This
attitude of the EH commentators, whereby they freely assigned phonological
readings on the basis of their interpretations of particular text passages, must
be kept in mind when using direct sound glosses as historical linguistic data.
m. m
Paranomastic Glosses
lOin a small number of cases paranomastic glosses may have been based on purely
graphic similarities between the paired items. See Bodman (1954:128-9, nn. 274 and
347), Downer (1957). and Coblin (1978:50).
15
14
r--- -.
x Zi, y(m)
4.
y."
2.5
3.
x,ytll.
x~, y til.
x Zm", Y til.
1.
2.
,---
r-------
r--------
r--------
----".
2.6
ijwe
pau:
!lIN tshjwok
{IE
t~Mk
We have noted in section 2.4 that gloss 32 reflects a graphic emendation and is
probably not a sound gloss. As we shall see in Chapter 5, section 5.6, MC t~h
in 84b probably derived from EH *tshr-. There are thus no initial pairings in
the sound gloss data of Ying Shao which could be considered peculiar or
anomalous.
16
2.6
1/1.
lji":
!tij ngjwo:
#1Ii iizju
Iff pju:
IX: iiijung
".?; dieng
~:k diek
II: !Sfi:
Wi! jiwo:
r~ khju
~ dzju:
1ft', xjwong
'l~ bjwlmg
j}f pjlik, bjlik
17
CHAPTER 3
The FY Evidence
,4
HanU~
IOn the authenticity, authorship, and text history of FY see Serruys (1955).
2The following conventional spellings are adopted in this chapter for the names of
two dialect areas: iii Weih, ~ Yanh.
3Serruys (1959:80-1) remarks that the western dialects designated by the general
term Guanxi, "West of the (Han-gu iiN:e: ) Pass," form a fairly uniform block. On the
other hand, the term Guandong, "East of the (Han-gu) Pass," does not imply a unity of
this sort, for it can refer either to the non-western dialects as a group or to smaller units
limited by other eastern areas.
4Serruys (1959:86-7) notes that the position of Jin in the classification is somewhat
ambiguous. Though it had been almost completely absorbed by the Qin dialect, occasional
contacts reveal affinities with the northern and northeastern dialects. For this reason he
places it in both the western and northern groups. Luo and Zhou assign it exclusively to
the western group, and I follow them.
sSerruys (1959:88) remarks that Wei has close afrmities with the Zhou Zheng Luo
Han group of central dialects.
6 Zhao seems to have been a pivotal area. Serruys groups it with the northeast dialects,
19
r~
--~~
r -
r---
~--~
r-----.
----
r-------
,-------
3.
4.
5.
6.
20
23
22
,-
--
r ---
I 3.2
Nanyangim~.
1. Eastern Dialects: Qing and Xu are frequently placed together as QingXu in SM. Qing occasionally appears alone but Xu never occurs except
in combination with Qing. It seems clear that there was a major dialect
24
9 See
25
The data upon which the reconstructions in Part II are based originate from
eleven different sources. We shall now examine these in detail.
4.1
Du Ziehun H Tlf
Du Zichun (fl. late first century B.C.-early first century A.D.) was a native
of Goushi ~L\; (about forty-five kilometers southeast of Luoyang). Shiwen
1.22a states that he was a student of Liu Xin j{IJfj~ (ob. A.D. 23) and, on
completing his studies, returned to his native place to teach. Both Zheng Xing
(section 4.2) and Zheng Zhong (section 4.3) studied under him. It is probable
that he spoke his native dialect and was also familiar with the language of
Chang-an, where he must have gone to study with Liu Xin. Du wrote a now
lost commentary on ZL, passages from which are preserved in Zheng Xuan's
ZL commentary. Sixty-five loangraph glosses of Du Zichun occur in our data.
WESTERN
4.2
Zheng Xing
~!J!.!
Zheng Xing (fl. A.D. 15-35; HHS biography, pp. 1217-23) was a native of
Kaifengrm.tt . After pursuing an official career in various parts of central and
west China he retired and died in his native place. He wrote a no longer extant
commentary on ZL which is occasionally quoted in Zheng Xuan's ZL commentary. He is always referred to by his official title, Zheng Dafu*~, in
these citations. Thirteen of his loangraph glosses occur in our data. This
corpus is too small to serve as the basis for a phonological reconstruction; but
if we assume that Zheng Xing spoke the same language as his son, Zheng
Zhong, we can then combine their material and reconstruct one dialect for
both of them.
4.3
~~
Zheng Zhong (ob. A.D. 83; HHS biography pp. 1224-6) was the son of
Zheng Xing, with whom he studied the classics as a child. He may have been
familiar not only with the language of Kaifeng but also with dialects of other
areas such as Luoyang where his father and he himself lived and held office.
Zheng Zhong wrote a now lost commentary on ZL, fragments of which survive
in the ZL commentary of Zheng Xuan. Zheng Zhong is always referred to by
his official title, Zheng Sinong TIJI.l, in these citations. One hundred thirty
Zheng Zhong
27
f
--
r -
r --
r------
r- -
r- -------
The authorship, authenticity, and text history of the BHTY have been
thoroughly studied by Tjan (I949-53). The following brief comments
summarize his findings (Vol. 1, p. 36 and pp. 154-76). The BHTY was
compiled by Ban Gu .F!F.1i'il (A.D. 32-92) as an abstract of discussions on the
meanings and interpretations of the Classics held in A.D. 79 at the White
Tiger Hali (Baihu guan Sffl'.Il!.) in Luoyang. Ban Gu did not personally take
part in the discussions. The names of at least eleven of the participants are
known (Tjan, p. 163), and these individuals hailed from various different
parts of China. The style of the text is catechetical. A question is posed, after
which follows a reply. Then other differing opinions are appended. The
material in the text is thus not from one hand or source but records different
views and exegetical traditions. As a consequence it is very likely that the
paranomastic glosses in the BHTY represent more than one EH dialect and
perhaps also reflect stages of the language that predate the White Tiger Hall
discussions. One hundred twenty-six paranomastic glosses from the BHTY
occur in our data.
4.5
Xu Shen 8q:~
dates of Xu's birth and death have been widely discussed but never conclusively
determined. For a thorough review of the problem see Miller (1953 :67-9).
28
I 4.7
Seven hundred ninety-two duruo glosses from SW occur in our data. Paranomastic glosses, primarily from SW but in a few cases from preserved fragments
of Xu's lost commentary on HN, number four hundred fortyeight. Finally,
there are twelve rime sequences from SW.
4.6
Zheng Xuan
~l<
Zheng Xuan (A.D. 127-200; HHS biography, pp. 1207-13) was a native
of Gaomi ,:":i* (on the Shandong peninsula, approximately sixty kilometers
northwest of modern Qingdao). 2 As a young man he served as bailiff (se[u
Nit*:) in his native place. Later he entered the Imperial University at
Luoyang and subsequently traveled west of the Han-gu Pass to study under
Ma Rong .H~r.l1! (A.D. 79-166). After completing his studies he returned to his
native place where he spent most of the remainder of his life. Since Zheng
spent his formative years in his native area we may assume that he spoke
the dialect of this region. This is confirmed by frequent references in his
works to the speech of Qi. However, his sojourn in central China must have
made him familiar with the dialects of this area as well. Zheng Xuan was
the author of many works containing phonological glosses, only some of
which survive today. Extant texts which have served as sources for our
data are Zheng's commentaries to LJ, Shi, YL, and ZL. Lost works known
only from quotes in other works include Eo wujing yiyi !~Ji.;f~'/(.:&,Zheng
zhi 11ft:, and commentaries to LY, Qiankun zaodu illl;.lif!lol:rrt , Shi, Shu, YJ,
and ZL. Two hundred sixtynine loangraph glosses, one hundred fifty-three
paranomastic glosses, and fifty-eight direct sound glosses of Zheng Xuan
occur in our data.
4.7
Fu Qian nli~
2 For a complete translation of the HHS biography of Zheng Xuan together with a
comparative study of other materials relating to his life, see Kiinstler (1962).
29
4.8
(1954:9) has shown, there can be no doubt that Liu Xi was familiar with the
dialects of his native area and its neighboring regions, for he makes a number
of references to them in his glosses. However, to what extent the eastern
dialects form the basis for the sound glosses of SM is a perplexing question. In
a number of cases it can be s\lspected that the major language underlying the
SM data was not an eastern dialect. 6 At other points the SM language
resembles the dialect of Zheng Xuan, whose home was about one hundred
kilometers from BeihaL 7 Hence it seems possible that the SM language (as
opposed to Liu Xi's native speech) was phonologically a mixture of feaiures
derived from more than one EH dialect.
Bodman (1954:7-9) noted that in compiling SM Liu Xi borrowed sound
glosses from earlier sources, but he nonetheless made the following assumption
(1954:8):
Ying Shao (HHS biography, pp. 1609-15)3 was a native of Nandun in Runan It< fYi fYiiffi (north of modem Xiangcheng, He-nan iOJ mJj{.j$;, about 275
kilometers southeast of Luoyang). He served for a number of years as an
official in central and east China where he met and was rebuked by Zheng
Xu an (HHS, p. 1211). Ying Shao wrote a now lost commentary on HS,
fragments of which are quoted in other works. Ninety-two direct sound and
fanqie glosses from this text occur in our data. Two further works of Ying,
FSTY (partially extant and partially fragmentary) and HGY (fragmentary)
are the sources for fifty-three paranomastic glosses in the data.
4.9
Gao You
Ir~~
Gao You (fl. Jian-an jI$.: period, A.D. 196-219) was a native of Zhuojun
area around modern Zhuo, Hebei iOJ ~tt~, about sixty kilometers
southwest of Peking). In the preface to his commentary on HN he states that
from childhood he studied this text with a teacher from his native district
named Lu (i.e. Lu ZhilltOO, HHS biography, pp. 2113-20. Lu was a native
of the town of Zhuo and had studied together with Zheng Xuan under Ma
Rong). It is probable that Gao You spent his childhood in his native district. In
his commentaries on HN and LS he makes frequent references to the speech
of this area. In the HN commentary he also mentions the language of the Chu
area on a number of occasions, and it is possible that he had some first-hand
knowledge of the Chu dialect. Two hundred five loangraph, eleven direct
sound, and thirty-five paranomastic glosses from the HN and LS commentaries
occur in our data.
4.10
4.11
Although Liu Hsi could naturally not fail to be influenced by already existing
sound glosses any more than his thought could by current patterns of thought and
scholarship of his day, I believe his sound glosses reflect his own personal beliefs
as to correct pronunciation.
7~m\ (the
SM fM5
BTD
3 Giles (1898: # 2498) speculates that Ying Shao died in 195; but, as pointed out by
Pelliot (1920:328-9), this is impossible, because HHS (p. 1614) indicates that he was
alive in 197.
4Cf. also Wang (1967:24-50), Sun (1956), Hu (1964), and Fang (1978).
5 A very lengthy study of the life of Liu Xi has been done by Kobayashi (1956), who,
however, adds little of a substantive nature to the conclusions of Bodman (1954).
31
30
r -
r----
r----
r------
4.11
I
Chapter 4: Sources of the Data
case) he gave an oral translation, otherwise the preliminary translation was made,
"transmitted," by a bilingual intermediary. Chinese assistants-monx:s as well as
laymen-noted down the translation, after which the text was subjected to a
final revision.
Zurcher (1959 :30 -32; 1977: 177) holds that these translations were made .in
the Luoyang area, which he believes was the seat of the early Buddhist
"Church of Luoyang." Of the seventy-eight texts in the Taisho Tripi{aka
which are attributed to Han translators, ZUrcher (1977: 177-8) has selected
twenty-nine which he feels "may be safely regarded as genuine Han translations made at Loyang between ca. 150 A.D. and ca. 220 A.D. by five
different translation teams."ll
It is well known that the Han Buddhist translations teem with transcriptions of foreign names and terms. A basic problem in working with these
materials is that of deciding what Chinese dialect or dialects served as the
"target language(s)" of the translators. As will become apparent in C~apters 5
and 6 there is evidence that more than one dialect may have been mvolved,
but it is my belief that the material is homogeneous enough to be treated as a
single source, which I call BTD. ZUrcher (1977: 179) has concluded that
lexically and grammatically the Buddhist translations "form a somewhat
formalized but nevertheless closer reflexion of the living language of second
century Loyang." As a working hypothesis I have supposed that most of the
transcriptions in these texts may reflect the sound system of the Luoyang
dialect of the same period.
An equally important and even more difficult problem is that of.iden~~fying
.the original languages upon which the transcriptions are based, WhICh Zurcher
says (p. 179) "may be Sanskrit, any kind of Prakrit, or even ~ome. Cen~ral
Asian idiom." In fact it may not be possible to make such an IdentIficatIon
with certainty. However, it is my belief that by careful inspection of the B!D
material and the judiciOUS use of those facets of the MC sound system WhICh
are reasonably well understood it may be possible to develop a sketch of
certain salient features of the underlying language (or, more probably,
languages) which may then be used to throw light on the phonology of BTD.
10 See
4.11
33
32
4.11
4.11
with Sanskrit or was more similar to one or more of the Prakrits. When care is
taken to avoid circularity, information obtained in this way can, I believe, be
safely used in the reconstruction of BTD. We shall now consider several
features of various Middle Indic dialects, which mayor may not have existed
in the underlying language(s) of the Chinese Buddhist texts, and which are of
particular importance for the interpretation of the BTD material. All examples
from the BTD data are numbered as in Part lILA. 1 1.
the contrary it is merely hoped that these forms may serve as starting points
from which we can begin to visualize what approximate phonetic shapes the
original words may have had in whatever languages they represent. Only
transcriptions which could be identified with a reasonable degree of certainty
were included in the final BTD corpus. Many items remain problematical or
completely unidentified and deserve further study.
The BTD data in Part II1.A.11 derive from sixteen texts which are ascribed
to the following translators:
!*jA!l
27
166a j)oJ}jfij~
dijwet ija
?atSjanda
The MC palatals are widely thought to have developed from OC dental stops,
but in BTD they regularly correspond to Sanskrit palatals, e.g.:
185
186
~m
~~
ijen na
!Sjet ta
Skt. jina
Skt. citta
l\PJAIJ
l\PJAIJ t!t
h'n1U
?11 zja
?a ija Sjiiijiu zjwen
Skt. aclira
Skt. ajatasatru
Skt. yojana
It is thus unlikely that earlier -c- and -/- had been lost in the language(s)
z-,
37
330
4.11.3 Bailey (1946) has shown that the MC readings of early Chinese
transcriptions can be used to make deductions about the languages of Buddhist
texts translated into Chinese in Han times. Since a good deal is known about
the sound systems of various Middle Indic dialects and the ways they differed
from that of Sanskrit, the Chinese forms sometimes allow us to guess whether
the original language of a particular text had a certain feature in common
~:gt'l!
#tJllt~
Skt. subhiiti
Skt. kolita
34
35
r --
,---
r-------
--
r-----
,----
r---
67a
329
fJf~~
221
mtt\f.Il~
105
~1iJ}!J!!t\\II(;
fJtiBl~
Skt. upasaka
Skt. upati~ya
Skt. ratnakara
Skt. akaniHha
Sanskrit medial -t- and -c- were probably voiced in the underlying language (s).
The extent to which -p- and -k- were voiced remains problematical.
4. Sanskrit intervocalic p sometimes became -v- in the Prakrits (Pischel
1900: 147, section 199; Woolner 1928:14; Burrow 1937 :8; Brough 1962 :87).
in a number of cases Skt. -p- is rendered by Me -,W-, jw-, and jiw- in BTD.
These initials are regularly used to transcribe Skt. v, e.g.
15
~m~
148
jt~~
62
iBlJfBfiJW
253
fiJffifi
291
~*lmilti
344
*lilti
fAJfBIlt
~~
IlW~~
sju diit
na diei kja jiap
ka
Skt. gandhavatT
184
f~8f'lm:t~
Skt. prajapati
Skt. varul)a
Skt. kapilavastu
Skt. vipasyin
Skt. godan"iya
Skt. satppadl
Skt. sudatta
Skt. nadikasyapa
Skt. magadha 14
Skt. visodha
Skt. nyagrodha; cf.
P. nigrodha
It seems questionable to what extent either Skt. -dh- or -d- became spirants
in the major underlying languages represented in the BTD data.
6. The Sanskrit diphthongs au and oi often became Pkt. a and e respectively
(Pischel 1900:58-62, sections 60 and 61 ;Woolner 1928:26). Skt.ou frequently
corresponds to Me u and au, suggesting that ii had become a back rounded
vowel in the underlying language(s) of the texts, e.g.:
tfi1Jii
ffitf'.!~
54
~YiH1f
'Htf't~
Skt. kulapati
154
286
292
kau jiak
kju
kju dam /'wiit diei
Skt. kausika
Skt. gautamapati
We may guess that the development was to 0 as in the other Prakrits. Skt. oi
corresponds to Me e in a number of examples, e.g.:
'llffttJ
40
183
~~~
mjie lak
xjwie laujilin
Skt. maitreya
Skt. vairocana
85
175
tfi1flJ
kja lau la
kau lijkju
Skt. garuqa
Skt. koti
1iliiJ
sjau xii
Skt. subha
Miff 8
68
107
9. Skt.
Mm=f~
?a /'wiii- sjwan
?ii jiwi sam bjwat
Skt. abhasvara
Skt. abhisaf!lbuddha
14The Chinese transcription may reflect aderivative such as the feminine adjectival
form, miigadhika.
37
I 4.12
Summary
I'
C. . . .
Du Zkhun
A.D.: .. ..
r' r' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
L,
.
Zheng Zho""
L"
BIlTY _79
r'
Xu Shen
100
L,
Eastern Han
120
140
160
180
200
220
1127
Zheng Xuan
L~
l,
"
L,
"
Fu Qian
Ying Shao
"
C UUC,I'
G,o
IISO
BTLD
..................................................................................................................
220
W~-Jin
39
38
r
1----.
r--- - -..
Part II
Reconstructions
Data from each. of the eleven sources exanlined in. Chapter 4 show varyiIlg
degrees of internal consistency, and each body of material tends to have its
own distinguishing characteristics. As a working hypothesis I shall assume
that each source reflects the sound system of a particular EH ideolect, which
in turn may represent a real EH dialect.
The reconstructions posited for these dialects in Chapters 5 and 6 are
backward projections of the MC sound system as reconstructed by Kadgren
(1954; GSR) and emended by F. K. Li. This system is summarized in Li
(1971:4-7) and (1974-5:224-7). The following further notational changes
have been made:
1. '- will be written as ?-.
2. q and will be written as a.
3. ewill be written as e.
4. Medial-u- will be written as -w-.
iWJ 13k
the word iWJ is l00a while tJJ is lOOb. Additional glossing elements will be
called c, d, etc. Characters in BID transcriptions will also be identified with
letters. For example, in BID 36 J~~"l, ~ is 360 and ilnJ is 36b.
All examples are numbered as in Part lILA below.
41
CHAPTER 5
5.1
Me p, ph, b, m
In the gloss dialects contacts between the MC labials and initials of other
articulatory classes are extremely rare. Contacts among the different labial
stops occur but reveal no systematic patterns. Contacts between MC m- and
the labial stops are rare. In the BTD data the MC labials tend to correspond to
Indic p, ph, b 'V bh, and m respectively. The MC labial stops occasionally
correspond to Indic v. Cases of this type show no correlation with those MC
labial initials which later became labiodentals. We may therefore reconstruct
the MC labials as EH *p-, *ph-, *b-, and *m- for all dialects in the data.
5.2
Me t, th, d, n
In the gloss dialects the MC dental stops frequently interchange with each
other, while contacts between them and Me n- are rather rare. It is therefore
possible to reconstruct the MC dentals as EH *t-, *th-, *d-, and *n- in the
majority of cases. In BTD the MC dentals t-, d-, and n-correspond for the
most part to Indic t, d 'V dh, and n 'V 1J and can be reconstructed as EH *t-,
*d-, and *n_.l In addition to these general tendencies, however, there are
several further questions which require discussion.
First, we may note that MC th- has a contact with n- in the glosses of Gao
You:
2
Li (l971 :14-15) has suggested that MC th- in words like 2b should be
reconstructed as an OC voiceless nasal, **hn-; and such a value would
account well for the contact in Gao You's gloss. On the other hand the
following example from the glosses of Zheng Xuan indicates that EH *hnshould not be set up here for Zheng's dialect: 2
226
MC th- has contacts with /- in the following examples:
1 The behavior of MC th2 Zheng's language may,
section 5.7.
43
r
-~
~~-~-
,-
,-
,--
Xu Shen 578
1163
Zheng Xuan 333, Gao You 229
Zheng Xuan 333b, SM 903
JJ.
f'i tham
thiem
13m
MI. liei:
ITt~ liei:
ljam
1m thiei:
\1':1 thiei:
Following Li (1971 :15) we may guess that MC th- here should be derived
from EH *hl-. This supposition is supported by the fact that 11630 and b,
both meaning "to covet," are probably cognates with etymological ties to
other words such as t# (MC lam) "to covet" and t\l\i (MC lam-) "to covet,"
(lam) "to look covetous.',3 MC th- also has contacts with velars in Xu Shen's
glosses:
37
595
lI50b
tf./ thau
;1X kham:
IfijJl thien:
j:lJ khjau:
n: tham
}l! kien-
The fact that the word & occurs among these examples suggests that contacts
of this type could also be explained by reconstructing EH hl- as the origin of
MC th- here. It is further possible that SM 60 ~;: khwo: III: thwo:, thwo-,
discussed by Bodman (1954:29), should be reconstructed with EH *hl-. More
recently Bodman (1980:102) has in fact posited OC '**hl- for (MCthwo:).
In addition to th-, MC t- and d- have the following contacts with gutturals
in the glosses of Xu Shen:
564
826
tau:, tau-
To this we may add the observation that our word 564a "to eat" may be
cognate to I~ (MC lam) "appearance of eating." However, if with Bodman
we reconstruct, for example, EH *g-l- (> d-), then we are left with the
problem of how this cluster differed from EH *gl- (> 1-), to be discussed in
section 5.4 below. It seems possible that Bodman's **k-l- type initials may
actually have involved more complex clusters such as **skl-. The problem
requires further study.
Finally we turn to two well-known SM passages:
1067
1068
k. thien
k. thien
Mfi xien:
fll. thfm:
These glosses, which have been thoroughly discussed by Bodman (1954 :28-9)
and Pulley blank (1962: 117), are accompanied in SM by comments on dialect
pronunciations and appear to indicate that in Liu Xi's time the word for
"heaven" was pronounced with initial h- or perhaps x- in central China and
with th- in the eastern (i.e. Qing-Xu) area. This may indicate either that there
had been a general *th- > *h- shift in the central area, or, alternatively that
certain words like k. had had an earlier initial which became *h- in the
central area and merged with *th- further east. Examining our data we may
safely conclude that no unconditioned merger of *th- with *h- had occurred
in the gloss dialects, for MC th- interchanges freely with t- and d- in all of
them. The following examples are also of interest here:
*~ (*tj- tSjen: 4'& xien:
Zheng Zhong 69
Gao You 125
.J% xien:
II~ (*tj- tSjen:
(On the reconstruction of EH *tj- in 690 and 125b, see section
5.7 below.)
The word 4'& belongs to an OC phonetic series which had dental stop initials;
and its MC reading, which appears only in GY, is thus anomalous from the
standpoint of OC. Since the word is extremely rare it is probable that in MC
times its pronunciation was known only through an exegetical tradition of
some sort, and we may guess that this reading pronunciation derives ultimately
from a dialect which had substituted h- for th-. In any case it is clear that the
dialects of Zheng Zhong and Gao You were not of this type and that they
read ~ with a dental stop, probably EH *th-.
The following occurrence of the word k. in the data indicates that it must
have had a dental stop initial in the languages of the BHTY and Xu Shen:
k. thien
(*tr- >) tjenBHTY 83
(On the reconstruction of *tr- in b, see section 5.3 below.)
Xu Shen 1116
k. thien
M tien
45
5.3
33
329
thien tjuk
tuk
twok
na thiei?jau pwa thiei-
j("-":
mlH
f~iRl
MC
Skt. nam
Skt. upati~ya
~
7(
1m
~t
fit 41:
iA
f.'i
f\iRk
nm
'Tu
dientwat
~ tang
it niem-
Ul
'*'
r --
r ------ --
II:
thjau:
Me 1
M{ ljwo
~ dwo
III liei-, ljiifu <;lje
~G QjiiiIYf. ljuk
f~ ljwen
rl1 tjwen
~ lam
~ dam
~ ljam:
it (*dj- dijam:
(On the reconstruction of the EH initial in 610b see section 5.7
below.)
~ ljuk
636
~ gjuk
821
'If; 41ljl~
856
diiu
j~
lieu
Pt
933
~t lje, ljer~ Qje
115
247
319
427
591
610
1m
4EH medial *-r- will be discussed in more detail in Oiapter 6, section 6.1.2.
r------
thjau:
Cases of this sort are common in OC phonetic series and it is now widely
believed that the majority of MC retroflexes evolved from OC dentals followed
by a medial element which served as conditioning factor. Pulleyblank (1964:
205), Li (1971: 11), and others reconstruct this medial as 0 C **-r-; and I
follow them in positing *-r- for the EH period as well. 4 In most cases we can
r --
*,iJ. I.lj:m:
In fact, BHTY 12/Xu 845 dates from at least WH times, occurring already in
HN and SJ, Liishu f It t~, so that it may not even be a valid reflection of the
BHTY language.
In BTD the MC retroflexes correspond to Sanskrit dentals, retroflexes, and
to clusters such as tr, fr, dr, ~fh, etc. s We may reconstruct them as EH *tr-,
etc. and guess that they were phonetically retroflex allophones of the EH
dentals, conditioned by the presence of *_r_.6
Qjiin
thieu
tiendai:
Qjengwet
gung
l).jlim
46
Xu Shen 62
The MC retroflex stops and nasal have a number of contacts with the
dentals in the gloss dialects, e.g.
dan
Qau-, Qak
thien
lji
This allows us to posit *hnr- (after Li 1971 :15) for 12b in the BHTY language.
However, this reconstruction is not possible for Xu Shen's language because
of the following counterexample:
5.4
j:lf!i
.tl
,f~
Here, following Li (1971 :15). we may suppose that MC {h- developed from
earlier *hlj-.
MC fh- has a contact with n- in the following BHTY and SW gloss:
t, th, 4, J].
Du Zichun 50
Zheng Zhong 15
BHTY83
Xu Shen 811
Zheng Xuan 183
Fu Qian 97
Gao You 231
SM 1226
622
Items 33 and 329 suggest that MC th- was a dental stop in BTD, while 29
appears to indicate *h- as the correct value. It is of course possible that the
situation in BTD reflects EH reflexes of different earlier initials which
ultimately merged as th- in the dialect(s) ancestral to MC, but I do not
consider this probable. BTD 29 has been discussed in considerable detail by
Pulleyblank (I 962 :90, 108, 117) who observes (p. 108) that its occurrences
in the HHS account of the Western Regions indicates that it must have been
current in China by A.D. 120, almost thirty years before the first BTD translators began work at Luoyang. The underlying form, Hinduka, was already
known to the Chinese in Western Han times (Wu 1928;Pulleyblank 1979a:33).
It is thus quite possible that this transcription does not reflect the sound
system of the major transcriptional dialect(s). For this reason it is probably
wisest to reconstruct MC th- as EH *th- in BTD.
5.3
5.4
reconstruct the MC retroflexes as EH *tr-, *thr-, *dr-, and *nr-. In the glosses
of Xu Shen, however, MC {h- has the following contacts with MC /-:
MC th- is rare in the BTD materials and occurs only in the following
transcriptions:
29
i
)--
47
5.4
947
1069
1087
,..,J-"
1m liei-
lieng
Mi
~hjwen
ria lal<
183
306
792
948
,..J
Iii l
t~
duk
Ijwlit
lwai,ljwi
4ek
~* Ijwok
JI}t thwat, dwat
fft thwai, tShwi 7
ii is possible on ihe basis of these giosses to posit EH dental + -1- clusters here,
but a simpler solution would be to assume that in the dialects in question EH
*1- was a lateral tap or flap (cf. Ladefoged 1971 :50-52). Sounds of this type,
corresponding to MC 1-, have been reported in modern dialects of the southern
Min area and are said to have a distinctly d-like quality (Yuan 1960:244). It
is possible that the pronunciation of 1- in these dialects represents a survival of
the same phonetic feature we posit for the languages of Xu Shen and SM. For
the remaining gloss dialects we may suspect that EH *1- was a simple lateral.
In BTD MC 1- usually renders foreign 1 and r,8 but in a few cases it also
corresponds to dental stops, e.g.
73
133
fMli'fflJ
mMml
144
f6JXm
kaumjwanla
Skt. jambudvTpa
Skt. ratna; cf. P. and
BHS ratana, Pkt. radal!a,
IadaJ?a
Skt. kumuda
Du Zichun 20
BHTY6
Xu Shen 7
254
514
568
576
587
kwa:
*C kji:
j[l -ywai-, xwaiHi lwai:
*Il ?wan:, ?wankharn, khj1!m
F'"
~
~~ Ijam
~ liem
Ik
lwa:
Jil' Iji:
11* laingiet
~Ii lwan:
~ la.m
Ili khiem:, -yiem:
~ khiem:
~
7 For 948b the original SM text read fIE (MC gwi), which has been emended to Jl by
the SM editor, Bi Yuan 'lUi:.
8 In a number of cases MC 1- also corresponds to Skt. t and q, but as noted in Chapter
4, section 4.11 it is possible that these sounds had become lor! in the language{s) of the
original texts.
48
588
f~ -yiem
Effi: Ijam
:if; khiu:
829
tau:
1t
1155
Ijam,
Hem
~ kiem
Ii
lwin:
Zheng Xuan 187
~Ii
m kwan
ljwok
238
1'1 kak
I@.J lak
~g khak
395
400
~ luk
~ kuk
445
(:s'L (*g- jwil1lL lji(On the reconstruction of the EH initial of 445a see 5.10 below.)
Fu Qian 62
T!rii ljwen
~J'!! kwan.
Ying Shao 132
'J{ -yien
Effi: ljam
Gao You 119
ffii gjwen:
Uli ljwen
153
6~ kam
Effi: ljiim
155
~ Ijiim:,ljam xj1!p
SM 37,41,47,244,289,459,472,685,989,1172,1195,1210,1252,
1265
(For discussion see Bodman 1954, Chapter 3.)
**
Contacts of this type are found in a number of OC phonetic series and have
long been taken as evidence for velar + -/- clusters in OC. I follow Karlgren
(1954:280-81) and Li (1971 :18) in reconstructing MC 1- in such cases as EH
*gl-. Downer (1957:396) has suggested that the SM examples listed above
might simply be riming-pair paranomastic glosses and therefore may not
constitute sufficient evidence for the reconstruction of clusters for the late
Han period. However, we should note that the non-SM passages cited here
include not only paranomastic equations but also loangraph, duruo, and direct
sound glosses, suggesting that something more fundamental than mere rime
similarity must have been involved in these examples.
Syllables reconstructed with EH *gl- sometimes have further contacts with
MC I-initial words in our data. For example, Gao You 155a appears in the
following gloss:
Gao You 152
lam
It is my belief that when interlocking examples of this type occur within the
same EH source EH *gl- may be safely extended to all members of the
resulting "chain." On the other hand, when such chains link different sources,
the case for reconstructing clusters seems less certain. For this reason, words
belonging to chains of the latter type are reconstructed with *(g)l- in Part III
and are supplied with cross references in the notes.
Having reconstructed EH *gl- we may now wonder whether or not MC
guttural initial syllables paired with EH *gl- words also had *-1- clusters in the
EH period. This is certainly a possibility; but, since we are unable to establish
49
5.5
with certainty that simple guttural initials could not freely interchange with
clusters such as *gl- in the Han glosses, it seems best to leave the matter open
for the nonce. 9
There is no evidence at all for reconstructing *gl- in BTD. Consequently,
in this respect BTD resembles the languages of the Three Kingdoms and WJ
periods rather than the EH gloss dialects (cf. Yu 1979:14; Coblin 1974-5:
306).
5.5
For the gloss dialects MC ts-, tsh-,dz-, and s- can in most cases be projected
back to the EH period unchanged. This is also true of MC Z-, which regularly
has contacts with MC sibilants in most of these dialects, e.g.
Du Zichun 2
BHTY 58
Xu Shen 1112
1207
Zheng Xuan 119
407
Ying Shao 101
SM325
1177
to
~
rg
mi
[61
Ji!.
i
jE
tsi:
zjwong
zjenzjiik
zwisjiik
zj:m
tsjwok
sap
ilJIi
fiT
~
~
/y
~
fll
~
ii:
sjwong
sjen
dzjiik
swizjiik
dzjau
zjwok
zjap
zjam
dam
~
~
zwidwan
The first example suggests that 118a might have had a dental stop initial of
some sort in Zheng's language, but doubt is cast on this by gloss 119 cited
above. As argued elsewhere (Coblin 1977-8:240-41), the wording of 118
may indicate that Zheng considered the phonological correspondence between
a and b to be inexact. Example 364, which is a paranomastic gloss, may reflect
an EH stop initial or cluster in 364b, but how this should be reconstructed is
uncertain. If we reconstruct EH *sdj- or *rj- in this word then we must
assume that MC z- was the reflex of different OC initials, not all of which had
merged as EH z- in Zheng's language. In fact, some of the gloss dialects reveal
that MC z- did indeed have at least one further origin:
Zheng Zhong 72
wll xjwan,\WII zjwen
Xu Shen 480
~fiJ (*g- riwen1U zjwen
1142
nt zjwan
1m (*g- jwiin
(On the reconstruction of *g- in Xu 480a and 1142b, see section
5.10 below.)
1U zjwen
1$ kjwen
Zheng Xuan 165
....
dwai-
00 zjwen
Zheng Zhong 22
f{; (*nr- l).jwo
~ sjwo26
fuiq (*nj- fizju
Wfi sju
Xu Shen 270
f1: (*nj- fiiwi
~ swi
Zheng Xuan 141
.fIlili sjang gjan:
.~rr (*nj- fiZjang gjai
(On the reconstruction of EH *nj- in the above examples see
section 5.7 below.)
These examples suggest that MC s- may derive from EH *sn- in the Zheng
Zhong and Xu Shen glosses (cf. Li 1971 :19). However, in the case of min
Zheng Xuan 141 a the situation is less certain, for this word also appears in
the following paranomastic gloss:
Zheng Xuan 351
9In one SM gloss, however, the reconstruction of such a cluster enables us to reconcile
seemingly contradictory evidence: SM 382
l:!i f{ ?ai. On the basis of this example we
might reconstruct 382a with EH *gl-. However, in SM 947 this word glosses
(Me
lwai-, Ijwi:) which, as we have seen above, is in turn glossed by }It (Me thwai, tShwz) or
f1t (Me dwi). For this reason I prefer to reconstruct 382a and b with EH *1- and *71respectiv~ly and assume that these might occasionally interchange in Liu Xi's language.
IOLi (1971 :10) uses his **r- to represent a "flapped d." See section 5.8 below.
'*
50
I 5.5
fI'j sjang
m sjang
rn
(*z- zjang
In this passage 351 band c both gloss a, and if we assume that b (and by
implication a) had EH *sn- then we must assume that MC z- in c developed
from an EH *n- cluster of some sort. Rather than complicate matters in this
way it seems best to assume *s- for 351 a and b and consider the initial
contact in Zheng Xuan 141 to be exceptional.
MC s- has several contacts with m- in the data:
51
,-
r ------
,-
,----
r-------
.~
982
1235
sjwiii-
.!jl,t s~p
(*g- jwt!t
&.
gj~p
200
747
780
~ dzi, tshi,
1:: tsjat
1/11 s~p
d~al
dzi-
~ dzw~i:
f,}. bi..
dzi-
f- bi-
In these examples we may tentatively posit EH *sb- as the origin ofMC dzfollowing the suggestions of Pulleyblank (1962: 135) and Bodman (1973 :391).
In the BTD data words having MC ts-, tsh-, and z- are very rare. MC tshcorresponds to Indic s in BTD 179. In BTD 136 Skt. -stin is rendered by
Chinese IDt (MC tsjen:, dzjen:). As noted by Pulleyblank (1962: 133) this
example should probably not be taken as evidence of an *st- cluster in BTD.
MC z- corresponds to Skt. -j- in the following transcription: 11
251
~1a)
jiu zjwen
Skt. yojana
,Z
5.6
;;1} d~p
Contacts between the MC retroflex and dental sibilants are common in the
gloss dialects, e.g.
Bodman
**st> s
**sd >ts
**sth> tsh
**sdh>dz
For 780a above we might, with Li and Bodman, set up EH *st- as the origin
of MC s-. Li's formulation cannot account for MC ts- in examples such as 747.
Bodman's system can do so but requires the reconstruction of two different.
types of voiced stops (Le. **d- and **dh-) in OC. I am uncertain whether or
not this step is valid for the EH period (cf. section 5.10 below). For 200a one
could perhaps set up clusters such as *sd-, *sth-, and *sdr- to account for the
MC initials in question. Unfortunately, 747a and 200a are both rare words
regarding which it is difficult to adduce etymological or other supporting
evidence. In view of the multitude of problems and paucity of evidence
involved I consider the reconstruction of *s- + dental clusters in Xu Shen's
52
283
949b
962
Q! 4i
tjlit, tiwat
Du Zichun 13
ftl tsjwo
"'<tEl
ZhengXing 4
Zheng Zhong 17
BHTY77
Xu Shen 399
ZhengXuan 4
YingShao 84
Gao You 189
SM 1091
fljI)
ffi dzjak
d~jwo-
ffi sieu
i"l: sjiingfli tEng
~
!E,
~u
1: ~t!ng
If! tsjang
ts~i-
~}
llJi tshjwok
JII
t~wo
t~i-
thak
tl'{ tsiek
(,IE
t~Ek
JI, tshjen
Ul!
t~jen-
*z-)
53
*sr-. However, the following glosses point to yet another EH origin for
BHTY 68
Xu Shen 1019
1029
~jang
1ti
~ang
~ang
MC~:
mjwang
:i~ (*sm- sang, sangI!H mjwung
s, i
Words having MC t8-, tsh-, and i- interchange with EH dental stop initial
words in four of the gloss dialects, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 43
68
Xu Shen 146
159
Fu Qian 99
Gao You 154
179
rus
fl
tiei:
tSjen, tSjen:
11' 4jwo:
ira tau
m tSjet
fif tsjiim
Jjij tSjwok, ijwok
t!S: tsje:
~ dien-, dieng;m tSjwo:
tlI Zju:, zju~ get, tiet
~ dam
ma
~8k
Contacts of this type are well attested in OC phonetic series; and, since the
MC palatals occur only before medial -j-, Li (1971 :8-9) concludes that in
examples like those just cited MC ts-, tsh-, and i- developed from OC **t-,
12
**th-, and **d- under the influence of the following medial. This solution
explains well the initial contacts found in our four EH dialects, which we
shall now refer to as "*tj- dialects."
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan and Ying Shao the situation is quite different.
Here MC ts-, tsh-, and i- interchange only rarely with the EH dental stops
(Zheng 170,414, 426; Ying 102) and in each case where such contacts occur
they appear to represent quotes from earlier texts such as SW (reflecting *tjdialects) or are explainable in other ways.13 On the contrary, these MC initials
seem to have an afrmity for the EH dental affricates in the dialects in question:
12EH medial *-j- will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 6, section 6.1.3.
13 Por details see the notes to the glosses in question in Part III.A.6 and 8.
ZhengXuan 106
202
285
303
409
Ying Shao 98
tsi
zjan:
tsj;}u:
fl.,!
tsjau-
ill tsjwo-
tsjau
t~ek
tSi:
Taken together these points suggest that the three initials in question were
affricates in the dialects of Zheng and Ying, and it consequently seems best
to reconstruct them as EH *ts-, *tsh-, and *di-. We may refer to languages
possessing these initials as "*ts- dialects."
MC tsh- does not occur in the BTD data. MC t8- and i- usually correspond
to the Sanskrit palatals c and j or to ty and dy 'V dhy, which had probably
become Pkt. c and j in the underlying language(s) (see Chapter 4, section
4.11). It is thus fairly certain that BTD was a *ts- dialect.
In investigating the SM initials Bodman discovered MC Sibilant/palatal
contacts of the type we have observed in the glosses of Zheng Xuan and Ying
Shao and concluded, correctly I think, that the SM language was what we
have chosen to call a *ts- dialect (1954:30). However, he also noted (p. 29) a
number of MC palatal/dental and palatal/retroflex stop contacts which seem
to contradict his conclusion. I believe cases such as this can be best explained
in terms of the probable heterogeneity of dialect material in the SM text,
as suggested in Chapter 4, section 4.10. As an example we may note the
following gloss:
SM 715
?f. twong
*?f tSjung
This passage occurs in BHTY (see BHTY 51) and must date from even earlier
times since it is ~nown from fragments of the late Zhou text, Shizi F-'f- (ap.
TPYL, p. 127 and GY, rime?f.-). It probably reflects a language much older
than that of the SM author. Perhaps the other *tj- dialect glosses in SM are
also of this type.
In the BHTY material three examples seem to represent *tj- dialects (51,
52, 59) while three others reflect dialects of the *ts- type (2, 48, 82). This
state of affairs is almost certainly due to the composite nature of the BHTY
text. In Part III.A.4 alternate *tj- and *t8- forms are reconstructed for words
with MC ts- etc., except where the initial contacts in particular glosses clearly
point to one form or the other.
In the gloss dialects MC fii- interchanges with MC n- and 1J-, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 1
54
-'1;
1'( tsi
'iff
n dzjiin:
ifIj
fiIfl zjau
(B and c both gloss a.)
;fIR
m t~wo(B and c both gloss a.)
~ tSjiik, Sjak ftl.
11.
1f zi:
JJ nai:
{]J
iiZjang
55
r-------
r--------
r---
,----
'r nien
r/v: ilijap
Wj ilil
~ I}jwo
BHTY 84
Xu Shen 772
ZhengXuan 8
Gao You 32
ilij:mg
Mi I).jap
1~ nang, nai
!i5 ilijwo
Since fli- occurs only before MC -j-, we can reconstruct it as EH *n- and
suppose that it became palatalized to iii- through the influence of the
corresponds four times to Skt.
following medial. In the BID material MC
n (42, 45, 176, 269) and once to n (105). We can assume that it was a palatal
allophone of EH *n- and reconstruct it as in the gloss dialects.
in the glosses of Xu Shen Me s- has ihe following contacts with ihe EH
dental stops and with MC x- :
ni-
tJ1. je
~ (*dr-> )qje
~ (*thj- tshje: iJll! Sje:
1if jeIIi!f: tiei, diei
*51 (*dr- <;ljen: iff;. jen:
m tau:
-=f Sjau:
(B and c are alternate glosses on a.)
jau:
M dau
847
Ii Sjwo
~ (= '1') (*tr- tjwo-, tjak
896
M dau
Sjau:
913
F si
~ <;ljen
953
7.K Wi:
$ (*tj- tSjwen:
956
214
229
242
450
828
1063
Sjang-
illi thung
Sje:
xieng
khwa
khwan
B. MC x- Contacts
231
418
890
1077
~
~
!rp
~t
xjei, xjei:
Sjang
Sja
jen
s-
BHTY 26
30
33
Gao You 243
246
56
?J~
(*g-> )ju:
.11!!. diF si
F. thien
M (*dr-> ) <;ljan
247
248
{JJ
fir Sjwo
~
Sje
~ <;ljen
~ sjen
~ Sja-
(*thj- tShjuk
tm
sjam, sjamSi:
fit tshjwong
1"B sjen~ sje:
~~ si"
ZhengXuan 136
172
Ying Shao 118
SM 417
~tl
~ sjwong
1$ jen
~ je, sjeZ tSI
,~, sjak
si:
71- Sjang
jan
It tang
~ xieng
iN nzjang, nzjang:
Following U (1971: 15) we may account for this by reconstructing the initial
of 143b as EH *hnj-. In the SM glosses the matter is more complex, for there
we fmd the follOWing examples:
1169
1170
1183
m I).jap
ili I}jap
tI\ tSjap
m sjap
lilli sjap
lilli sjap
It seems possible that glosses 1169 and 1170 represent Uu Xi's own dialect
which, like that of Zheng Xuan, preserved U's OC **hnj-, while 1183 reflects
another dialect where earlier *hnj- had merged with EH *s- in 1183b.
In the glosses of BHTY, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, and SM the MC palatals
have contacts with gutturals:
BHTY lOb
80
Xu Shen 73
839a
848
fflJ tsjau
1'"'- ijen
~ tSjau{]L gjau
,,.r ijau:
X kau
~
'f
"
~
kien
kjiau
ijau
kjau:
57
1t khien
l2: ijen
I\: -yiwet
1092
1221
Zheng Xuan 16
210
389
SM
shifted toward their later forms. It is thus possible that the situation in EH
times was analogous to that in the modern dialects. In some, like the dialects
of the modern Min group, the problematical velars may have merged completely with the plain velars, while in others, like the present day non-Min
dialects they might have merged with other initial types. It may be that in
none was there any trace of the earlier factor which had occasioned the
separate dialectal developments. In other words, dialects such as those of Xu
Shen and SM might belong typologically with Proto-Min on this point, while
others such as those of Ying Shao and Gao You could be viewed as precursors
of the MC system. It may be that no EH dialect was ancestral to both dialect
types. Having recognized this possibility, I nevertheless feel that in positing
EH reconstructions it is worthwhile to mark in some way those velars which
correspond to MC palatals; and I have chosen to do this with a modified
version of Li's OC clusters, i.e. *k(rJj- > ts-, *kh(rJi- > dh-, etc. In reconstructing initials of this type it is important to note that they cannot be
automatically posited for all MC palatal words belonging to OC palatal/velar
series. Indeed, there is clear evidence that some words of this type defInitely
did not have velar initials in our *k(rJi-type dialects, e.g.
:IJ tshjwet
xji:
~8 tshiiJiin:lYJ
kjiingWf
~'(i zJan1Y) kjiingif;; (*di- ijiin: 14
(B and c are both glosses on a.)
For examples see Bodman (1954:27-8).
~ dz:mg
tJi ki-l
tfII khi-3
ki-5
Fuchow
ki-I
khi-3
tsei-5
Kienyang
ki-I
tshi-3
tsi-5
MC
tSje
thi:
tsi-
14 That
16
. I ~ grateful to Professor Jerry Norman who kindly supplied these Min forms. For
a diSCUSSIon of heterogeneity in Min dialects see Norman (1979).
58
59
r -
1----
r -----
r---
r------
r-- - -
5.8
342
410
MC ji and di
In the dialects of Zheng Zhong, Fu Qian, and Ying Shao MC ji- has
contacts with EH dental stops:
Zheng Zhong 132
Fu Qian 43
81
98
Ying Shao 121
*,t!
~rI:i
(*dr- qi:
jilim
(*thr- thjwet
jii
jiwiin~ jii
:I:rI:i tiem~ jiliiM tiei:
jiwok
I.l. luk
~ jiau,ji:m:
It jiwo~ jiwi
~ si~ zjwen
m (*di- ijen
~ jie
~ jii
~ zwi~ jiangjiwong
?Ii- jiwong
M jie-
Cases of this type are also quite numerous in the SM glosses and have led
Bodman (1954:31-3) to conclude that MC ji- should be reconstructed as EH
*i- for the SM language. I believe this is correct and that Bodman's EH *ican also be posited for Zheng Xuan's dialect. A small number of contacts
between MC ji- and the EH dental stops occur in the glosses of Zheng Xuan
(77, 179,451) and SM (584, 682, 751, 842, 843,915). Non-phonological
explanations for some of these are offered in the notes to II1.A.6 and 10.
Others probably represent extraneous material from earlier periods or from
dialects such as that of Fu Qian, where MCji- is reconstructed as EH *r-. For
example, SM 842 is a quote either from SW (Xu 975) or perhaps ultimately
from YJ, Shuogua. This may also account for the following example, which is
reminiscent of Fu 93 cited above:
Zheng Xuan 14
lli. IjI:
jii':
In the glosses of Xu Shen and Gao You MCji- has contacts primarily with
the EH sibilants:
~j;
Xu Shen23
93
387
d~'i:
jiliu
Ii jiang:
sjau
tt zja\IjI
~
rG'
51
~
F
~
itS
~
zjwe
jiijiwlin
jien:
Sje
Si
jiwisungzjwong-
60
IT! zjwongsiek
I 5.8
*zV*zjV18 This
MCjiMCzj-
parallels the development suggested by Li (1971 :11) for his OC **r-. i.e.
61
Several contacts between MC ji- and the EH dental stops occur in the glosses
of Xu Shen (898, 910, 975) and Gao You (66). Xu 975 is a quote from Yl
(see notes to IILA.5), and it is probable that the other exceptional examples
also represent extraneous material of some sort.
In the glosses of Du Zichun we find the following example:
Ii!' si-
34
~I!
jii-
lif. xjam
IT jiam
~ jiau:
F jiwen:
~
~
khjau:
jwen
~1U
mwa xa jilin:
jilinjiu zjwen
Skt. mahayana
Skt. yojana
ml~Htl
715~
m~~
jmJ~
1\iiJ~
i3tAAff
80
j:l!!Jji
34
mOOj!;
58
003Z
192
335
I
f{iJI/E
ifl (used by
277
286
f{iJ~
Skt. upasika
Skt. viciira
kaujiak
kju
kjajiak
ka
Skt. kausika
Skt. kiiyika
la jiwiit gjie
tSje
jiwlit t~a
Skt. rajagrha
Skt. yak~a
ji1im
bu ji1im nieikju
Skt. yama
Skt. kausiimbI
A Skt. y Correspondences
251
54
1it~m
'" llnJ1fi
mi$~
Skt. brahmakayikii
fJ!I
It seems probable that examples 15 and 117 represent EH *r- dialects while
example 39 reflects a dialect having EH *z- or *i- for MC ji-.
In the following examples ji- has contacts with MC gutturals andj- *g-):
48
67b
177
14
lau:
jfl jiwi~ jilik
Zheng Zhong 99
Xu Shen 67
Zheng Xuan 171
AJ:tYl!! ;X;
ji:m:
zwiS;k diek
15
39
117
53
Skt. jambudvrpa
Skt. vajra; P. and BHS vajira
Skt. vairocana
Skt. kaSyapa
Skt. asita
Skt. suddhodana
*w.
Lokak~ma)
ifflt'm
iff i'l/tt
jiwi mwa Ii
jiwi sjau da
Skt. vimala
Skt. viSodha
Skt. vaislilI
Skt. vipaSyin
19In several cases they are also used for Sanskrit intervocalic -p- and -bh-, which may
have become -v- in the underlying language. See Chapter 4, section 4.11 above.
63
62
r---
r ----
Both these words have the MC labial medial -w-, which I also reconstruct
for the EH period?O and their use in transcribing foreign v was probably
occasioned by the lack of initial v- in BTD. We shall return to this question in
section 5.1 0 below.
Pulleyblank (I962) and Li (1971) have convincingly argued that MC di(which Pulleyblank writes as i-) did not have a distinct origin in OC, with
Pulley blank (1962 :68) suggesting that it may have arisen as a dialect variant
of MC ji- and Li (1971 : 12) considering it a variant of MC i-, derived from his
OC **dj-. I suspect that it may derive from both earlier sourCes. In dialects
where MC ji- and i- are reconstructed as phonologically verY different EH
initials, we are in a position to determine ~hat the ~arli;r origin of di- was.
On the other hand, in EH dialects where the two MC initials were similar this
is not the case. MC di- words which occur in the gloss dialect materials (other
than SM) are listed below. For each occurrence the reconstructed EH initial
with which MC di- interchanges is also given:
A. 1. ;jil\1 Xu Shen 1090 *th-, 1096 *hrj-, 1097 *hrj-, 1099 *hrj-, 1249
(rime sequence); Zheng Xuan 370 *i-; Ying Shao 130 *s-, 131 *s2.
Xu Shen 131 *z3. HWi Xu Shen 1082 *s-, 1089 *zj-; Gao You 240 *84. Iff Xu Shen 1091 *t-, 1104 *tj5. 1f Xu Shen 1217 *nj-, 1219 *hrj-; Zheng Xuan 255 *ts-, 414 *d(quoted from LJ); Ying Shao 144 *t86. m! Gao You 117 *zB. 7. ,l:.i; BHTY 38 *r-/*z-/*i8. lJ~ Zheng Xuan 120 *ts9. j)lti Zheng Xuan 254 *zj10.~ Zheng Xuan 256 *zjII.ft FuQian41 *r-
In the dialects of Xu Shen and Gao You we have reconstructed MCji- and
i- as EH *z- respectively. Consequently, when MC di- has contacts with
sibilants in these dialects, we may with confidence reconstruct it as EH *z-.
On the other hand, when it interchanges with stops or *hrj- it can be reconstructed as EH *dj-. This step then allows us by extension to predict what its
value should be in the remaining gloss dialects. For the words in section A of
our list we may thus reconstruct as follows:
MCji- type:
EH *z- (= *i- or *r- in other dialects):
20 For
64
*. J\1f{. till
MC i- type:
EH *dj- (= *di- in other dialects): 'lil\I, Irf
For the words in section B the situation is unfortunately less certain. In
the dialect of Zheng Xuan MC ji- and i- are reconstructed as *i- and *direspectively. Since words 9 and 10 have contacts with EH fricative *z- we can
guess that they had *i- in Zheng's language, and in the same vein we can posit
EH *di- as the initial of word 8. Unfortunately, however, we cannot positively
exclude the possibility that 9 and 10 actually had *di- which then interchanged with EH *z- and *i- in Zheng's glosses, or the possibility that 8 had
*z-- W n'I'C'n coma mlercnange WIt'n *t"$-. 2 1 LlKeWIse,
T 01
. l 11
1 1
we can guess t.h
at .
WOfu
had EH *r- in the dialect of Fu Qian, but it is nevertheless possible that it had
*dj- instead.
MC di- occurs in four BTD transcriptions:
11
27
89
215
274
......
f*,jf~J
dzjwet zja
t:m dzjwet dil
nil dzjwet
dzja bji
9'C1JF.i/Yt:
!Jf\f*'i
*f!l:;
5.9
MC k, kh, g, ng, x,
In the gloss dialects MC k-, kh-, g-, and ng- can be projected back to the
EH period without change. In most cases this is also true of x-, which I
transcribe as EH *h-.
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong MC x- has the following contact with
EH *ng-:
ffi ngje
93
Where examples of this type occur in OC phonetic series Li (1971 :15) derives
MC x- from OC **hng-, and this reconstruction accounts well for the initial
contact in Zheng Zhong's gloss. With this in mind we should now examine the
following example:
Zheng Zhong 12
21 The
I].au
xieu
65
5.9
12b is a word for which Li would posit **hng-, and it seems possible that it
also had this initial in Zheng Zhong's language. Having made this assumption
we can then guess that MC Q- in 12a developed from a cluster such as *sngr-,
as suggested by Chang and Chang (1976:606).
MC x- has a number of contacts with EH s- in the glosses of Zheng Xuan:
m xje
90
91
195
206
207
208
t'l;
~a
"- sjwan
xjwe
.f!F sjan
~ xj-en~ xjun~ xj-en-
r'?
xj-en-
t'l;
~a
swa
lij; swii
jiJ
To gloss 208 Zheng adds the comment that the substitution of a for b
represents a "sound error" ('rf.~~ ) in the language of Qi. It is thus clear
that we are dealing here with a special feature of Zheng's own dialect. With
this in mind it is interesting to note that all the MC x-initial words in these
examples are of the type Li would reconstruct with OC **hng-. We may
therefore gU6$S that where OC and Zheng Zhong's dialect had hng-, the Qi
dialect had EH *s-. The MC readings presumably derive from dialects which
earlier had *hng- (> *h- > x-). Chang and Chang (1976 :590) have suggested
that words of this type originally had initial **sng-. We might thus suppose
that the development of this earlier mitial was as follows: 1l
EH dialects
MC
*hng(Zheng
Zhong)
~
x**sngj-~
*h~
*s- (Qi dialect)
MC x- has contacts with EH *m- in the glosses of Gao You:
95
106
xwiing, xwang:
t~ xw;}n
M xw;}n
1i1r..
107
r""
&
mjwangmw;}nmjw;}n-, mjen
Here we may suspect with Li (1971 :14) that MC x- derives from earlier *hm-.
However, we should also note the following examples:
Gao You 70
71
The word
~
~
xjwei
xjwei
could hardly have been its initial in Gao You's language. Indeed, it would
appear to have begun with a sibilant in his dialect, and we can guess that this
sound Was EH *s-. Another case of this sort occurs in SM:
1115
66
xw;}n
m sw;}n:
These examples may indicate that words reconstructed with OC **hmactually had more than one earlier origin. For example, we might envisage a
scheme such as the following:
MC
EH dialects
-~" **hm- ~
*hm
**hm- ------.,.
~
- )------~) x~
*h**shm- [srp]
) *s- (Gao You's dialect)
~) s**sm- [zm] ---====:'> *s.~ *sm-
}>-_____
Ut1i' ?iwet
jt, (*dzr- d~j;}u
~, ?j;}U
flli; (*z-> ) ji;}u
Z. ?ieu
foil ?jien~ ?ji;}u:
{"1 (*dj-> ) zjak
.~
~,
.t&
JE
'J'
fi'l
t&
ktj
sjwet
?j;}U
d~j;}u
?j;}U
sjau:
sjend~j;}u
?jak
I believe these examples may constitute evidence for the existence of glottalized initials of some sort in the language of Xu Shen. Very tentatively, for
717a, 855a, and 11l4a we might reconstruct EH *s?-; for 837b/840a, 843b,
and 1193a we can posit *dz 7_, and for 1197 b perhaps *d 7_. Having taken this
step it is then necessary to extend these reconstructions to account for the
following examples:
Xu Shen 850
61
{} (**hm-
W1 (*dz?->)?j;}u:
i~
(*dz?-> )?j;}U
(*dz?- ?ji;}u:
~~
tsiet
(*dz?- ?ji;}u:
Z,
?jet
r-- -----
5.9
Xu Shen 854b
Y.h ?ji:lu-
!J,'
Sjau-
10
ltfr
66
ltjr:!e.
bi khjau
bibi khjau I).i
bi
niei-
Skt.
bhik~u; cf.
Gd. bhikhu
Skt. bhik~I).l
23 0ne could of course guess, for example, that it was an aspirated $- of the type
found in contrast with plain $- in languages such as Burmese and Phunoi, but the matter
remains uncertain.
68
5.10
xjwie da
xjwie lau jilin
xjwie Sja-Iji-
The word IIi"{ has the Me labial medial -w- EH *-w-) and is probabiy
employed here for want of a better way to transcribe foreign v. Its use is
analogous to that of the MC ji- and di- initial words with labial medials
discussed in section 5.8 above.
MC ?- is used primarily for foreign syllables within vowel or glide onset. 25
It can be projected back to BTD unchanged.
5.10
MC 1'andj
JIilftiB:
~flJ
f.li~
sju da -ywan
sat -ywa
-ywat jiet
Skt. srotlipanna
Skt. sattva
Skt. vajra: cf. BHS vajira
Here we may suspect that Chinese labialized syllables of this type were
chosen to render foreign v due to the absence of this consonant in BTD. We
have seen in sections 5.8 and 5.9 above that words having the EH frieatives *zand *h- + medial *-w- in BTD could be employed to transcribe Indie v; but,
on the other hand, there are no cases in the data where stop initial words
(other than those with labials) are so used. It is therefore probable that in
words of this type MC -y- was a fricative, *-y-, in BTD.
In non-labialized syllables MC-y- corresponds to Indie g:
2
17
18
?a -yam
?a na -yam
sje da -yam
Skt. agama
Skt. anagamin
Skt. sakrdagamin
24 An analogous situation is found in Glindhiiii which usually has k~ for Skt. k~ but
where bhik~ is Gd. bhikhu. Brough (1962:102) attributes this form to the "source
dialect" from which the Gandhiiii Dharmapada was translated.
25Exceptions are BID 117 and 213. The former is discussed by Pulleyblank (1962:
90).
69
Skt. ganga
'Y:mg
The only exception to this is the following case where it renders Skt. -h- :
mwa 'Y:m lak
'Yau-
mahoraga
Since EH *g- (> MC g-) occurs only in syllables having medial-j- while MC
'Y- never appears in this environment, we may reconstruct MC 'Y- as EH *g- in
BTD 2, 17, 18, and 75 above. However, in example 88 this will not do, for
here, as noted by Pulleyblank (1962:87), it was almost certainly a fricative.
As we shall see in Chapter 6, section 6.4.4 below, the word ~ in example 88
probably had EH final *-ou in BTD, and it is possible that the vocalism of the
final conditioned the development of the initial.l 6 Consequently I suggest that
in BTD MC 'Y- be reconstructed as EH *')'- in labialized syllables or syllables
with EH rounded vowels, and as *g- elsewhere.
In the gloss dialects MC ')'- has numerous contacts with the EH guttural
stops, e.g.
1Ili ')'wo
fB_ 'Ywo'[i ')'ang
tA: ,),win
~ kaufit ,),wing
-'E:
'" gjwang
ffi gjang, kjiing:
1f~ ')'wa
I~ ')'ap
-5 kau~ 'Ylii'fi. ')'weng
f~ 1iei
Du Zichun 10
11
Zheng Zhong 47
79
BHTY19
66
Xu Shen 384
1052
ZhengXuan 52
474
Fu Qian 5
Ying Shao 94
123
Kao You 58
192
1U
if ?wo
ffi kjwo:
*,i. bng
jljlJ kwat
~ 'Yau1t kwing
~ ')'Wang
~ 'Yeng
IY.lI. khwa
00 bp
~ 'Yau
nX klii/1{ kwang:
kiei
11'
1w~t
kw~t
On the other hand, contacts between MC ')'- and EH h- are rare. This situation
enables us to posit EH *g- as the origin of MC 1- in all environments for these
dialects. In the glosses of Fu Qian there are no contacts between the velar
stops and MC 1- in labialized syllables, but the following example suggests
that 'Y- can in fact be derived from earlier *g- in such cases:
Fu Qian 67
HZ: 'Yiwen-
!/of,
26Example 88 is in fact the only case where MC 'Y- occurs before an EH rounded
vowel in the BID data.
'Y~m
We might begin with the hypothesis that 1165b was an EH .')'- word.
Tracing this word through the data we fmd that it has contacts primarily with
MC 1- and never interchanges with guttural stops. It even has a contact with
27 SM 457 is probably a quote from EY or the Mao commentary on Shi (see notes,
Part III.A.tO). Bodman (1954:130) has suggested that it may be merely a semantic gloss.
28Pu11eyblank (1962:87) has also expressed surprise at this conclusion.
29Bodman (1954:24) states that MC g- (i.e. Karlgren's gI-) never has contacts with
ng- in the SM glosses, but this is not the case, for such a contact occurs in SM 30.
70
71
,---
r------
r------
,-----
r-----
11'
1196
kfun
mrt::~
188
"'Il"f~
gjBn: da jwet
gjan
pjw~t ju diei-
Skt. gandhavatT
Skt. purvavideha
d~i-
*i~
We may thus suspect that Me j- was *'yj- in BTD and that in labialized
syllables, where it occurs almost exclusively, it could be used to render
foreign v. The treatment of foreign v in BTD can now be summarized. In
addition to being occaSionally represented by BTD *p- and *b-, in foreign
syllables having the vowel i or e it is usually rendered by BTD *ijw- or *hjw-.
Elsewhere it is usually transcribed by EH *'Y(j)w-.
In the glosses of Fu Qian and Ying Shao MC j- never interchanges with the
EH guttural stops. In Fu's glosses it has the following contact with EH *h-:
22
f~
ju:
,i.H xju:
"Yuyang" (place name)
1~
ju:
Zheng Zhong 25
Xu Shen 151
1027
Zheng Xuan 68
385
416
Gao You 120
242
,tff. kju:
I~ ju:
{IitS ju:
..g.'
.!IT, gjBng
11 ju:
f~ ?jwBn:
~ jwet
*
.iI
~ kju:, gjwo:
:E jwang
,g (*g-> )'Ywo :
1m jwan
'fl gjwet
ti kjw~n
1'1[ kjwan
jw~n-
jw:m-
On the other hand, it has very few contacts with EH *h-. This suggests
that MC j- may have been a stop in these dialects. Li (1971 :14) does in fact
reconstruct it as **gw- in OC. He envisages the development of MC g-, 'Y-,
andj- from his OC initials **g- and **gw- in the following way:
**g- + -j- > g- + -j**g- (elsewhere) > "'1**gw- + -j- > j- + -w**gw- + -j- + -i- > g- + -j- + -w**gw- (elsewhere) > 'Y- + -wThe EH fmals to be reconstructed in Chapter 6, though different from Li's
OC finals in many respects, have in common with his system the presence of
diphthongs containing the vowel *-i-, and this makes it possible to adopt for
the EH dialects under discussion a somewhat modified version of his OC >
MC diagram: 3o
EH
*gj*gjiw*gjw*g- (elsewhere)
MC
)
g-
) j'Y-
(*hrj- sjwo
3 In the dialects of Zheng Xuan and 8M I assume that EH *gju- in the yu rime
category behaved like *gjw- in yielding MCj-. Cf. Chapter 6, section 6.4.4.1.
73
**gwj:lgh> gj:lu-
443
874
1133
cf. also 130
flt j:lu
jwei{fl: jW:ln-
~-
*"yjw-
BTD
*gj-
*"yjw-
WJ Language
gj-
"Y-
"Yjw
MC
gj-
"Y-
j-
Zheng Xing/Zhong
BHTY
khj:lu
khjwi-, khwai~ gjwan
if ?wa, ?wo
Xu Shen
,*m
b
d
dz
g
p
t
ts
k
ph
th
tsh
kh
b
d
dz
g
ph
th
tsh
tSh
kh
ts
(tS
k
ts?
~,
ju
ts
k
ph
th
tsh
kh
Fu Qian
z
?
m
n
hng
ng
s
h
hn(?) n
s
dz
ng
z
i)
("Y)
ts
b
d
dz
ts
iSh
di
kh
ph
th
b
d
1, r
z
b
d
dz
s
h
ph
th
tsh
P
t
w
-
ng
b
d
dz
g
s?
ts
k
d?
ZhengXuan
m
n
ph
th
tsh
kh
dz?
P
t
hI
ng
hn
m
n
hI
s
z
?
m
n
1, r
75
74
1
*g-
5.11 Summary
In addition we also fmd several cases (cited by Bodman, p. 25) wherej- interchanges with MC "y-, an initial which we have concluded (contra Bodman) was
a stop in the SM language. For this reason I cannot agree with Bodman's
conclusion that MC j- was a spirant in the SM language. The behavior of j- in
the SM glosses seems clearly to place this dialect with those of Zheng Zhong,
Xu Shen, etc. rather than with those of Fu Qian and Ying Shao.
Summarizing, we can arrange the initials discussed in this section by
dialect according to their increasing similarity to the sound system of MC:
Zheng Zhong, Xu
Shen, Zheng Xuan,
Gao You, SM
*gj-
li:
m
~
1-
r -
,------"
Ying Shao
Gao You
SM
BTD
s
h
ts
k
tsh
kh
dz
g
b
d
dz
di
g
m
n
ts
ts
k
ph
th
tsh
18h
kh
ng
s
S
h
p
t
ts
k
ph
th
tsh
kh
b
d
dz
g
hm
hn
m
n
p
t
ts
18
k
ph
th
tsh
tSh
kh
b
d
dz
di
g
m
hn(?) n
p
t
ts
18
k
ph
th
tsh
(tSh)
kh
b
d
dz
di
g
m
n
ng
ng
ng
(ng)
s
S
h
CHAPTER 6
I, r
z
"(
hI
s
h
hI
s
S
h
I, r
?
z
Z
i
"(
6.1
The Medials
6.1.1 EH *-w-. Chao (1940:217-23) has shown that medial-w- was not
distinctive in MC labial initial syllables, and we can therefore discount it in
that environment when reconstructing eariier stages of the ianguage. Li
(1971) reconstructs OC without medial -w- and suggests that MC -w- arose
later in various ways. A system such as this does not appear to be appropriate
for the EH dialects (see Coblin 1978:36-40; 1977-8, section 2.4), and it is
therefore best to project MC -w- in non-labial initial syllables back to the EH
period.
6.1.2 EH *-r-. We have seen in Chapter 5, section 5.3 and 5.6 that the
reconstruction of EH medial *-r- enables us to account for interchanges
between the MC retroflexes and dentals in the gloss dialects and also for the
behavior of the MC retroflexes in BTD. As is the case in various OC reconstructed systems the presence of *-r- in syllables which occur in Division II of
the MC rime tables also allows us to explain contacts in the EH glosses
between fmals of Division II and those of the other rime table divisions (cf.,
for example, Li 1971:17-18). For this reason, in reconstructing the EH
dialects I shall posit medial *-r- for all MC Division II syllables.
We have noted in Chapter 5 that in BTD medial *-r- may have served as
the conditioning factor for retroflex allophones of the EH dental stops and
sibilants. This may indicate that it was itself a retroflex element of some sort
in BTD. Cases where *-r- clearly corresponds to Indic r are rather rare, e.g.
r1>r'j
(*sr-
~a
mw:m
On the other hand there are in the data a number of cases where words
with EH *-r- transcribe foreign syllables which had no r-like sound, e.g.
76
77
21
184
235
(*kr- ka ~a
(JLlfttlHM kju d;}m (*rwr- rwiit diei
~a gjat
i'J/liM
Skt. ka~aya
Skt. gautamapati
Skt. sligara
These points suggest that in BTD EH *-r- may not have been, to use Pulleyblank's parlance (1964:205), a "discrete consonantal element". Perhaps it
was a retroflex glide or simply r-color of some sort. In any case, on the
phonemic level we can continue to transcribe it as *-r- in all dialects.
The Chinese word tt (MC bjwtlm-) occurs a number of times in the BTD
data where it corresponds to Skt. brahmii. Bodman (1980: 118) suggests that
it be reconstructed with medial -r- (cf. also Pulleyblank 1962:231). Indic -rwas preserved after b- in Glindhlin(Brough 1962) but was lost in many other
Middle Indic dialects (pischel 1900:201, section 287). The following example
may indicate that it was retained in the language(s) of the BTD texts:
263
~*iI"J
bwft1ft mw;}n
Skt. brllhmana
78
must be whether or not we are compelled to take such a step in dealing with
MC -j- in the BTD data. Put another way, can we with reasonable certainty
say that the Chinese would not have used words with -j- to transcribe foreign
syllables which had no such medial? I do not believe that we can. As a case in
point let us consider the Chinese transcriptions of Tibetan words found in the
Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 821-2.2 This inscription dates from well into the MC
period when there can be no doubt about the existence of medial-j-. In fact,
MC -j- transcribes Tibetany in the text, e.g.
Tibetan Original
myes rna
North Face 1. 33
Chinese Transcription
:flit' mjang mwa
On the other hand, MC -j- syllables are sometimes used to transcribe Tibetan
syllables which had no medial -y-:
Tibetan Original
sum
bka'
ka
ken
zigs
North Face 1. 10
29
35
35
36
Chinese Transcription
,(., sj;}m
fml gja
fro gja
ij!{: gjan 3
it zfak
It would thus seem that in Tang times the Chinese could and did use words
with medial -i- to transcribe foreign syllables which had no y-like medial. Can
we be certain that this was not so in Han times? That MC -j- may be the
reflex of something other than -j- in earlier stages of the language is of course
possible, but until we can fmd compelling evidence that this was so and
convincing testimony for what the earlier element could have been it seems
safest to project medial-j- back to the EH period unchanged.
6.2
6.2.1
husukmwft
kju
Skt. kusuma
2The version of this text used here is that of Li (1957). I am grateful to Professor Li
for drawing my attention to these examples. Cf. also Luo (1933:172-4). For several
further examples see Li (1979).
3 This character is also read MC kfin, but it is unlikely that this was the intended
reading here, for MC fi usually corresponds to Tibetan a in the text, e.g. 1. 37 Tib. rgan
Chin. ~ kan-.
79
,--
,----
r-
r----
r-----
6.2
In the gloss dialects -p, -t, and -k occasionally interchange with each other or
with EH open syllable finals, e.g.
Xu Shen 739
SM 1182
kat
tSj~p
kjak
l-X} thiei-
I have been unable to detect patterns in interchanges of this type and have
consequently projected MC -p, -t, and -k back to the EH period as EH *-p,
*-t, and _k.4 Having taken this step it is necessary to point out, however, that
such unusual fmal contacts may actually reflect mergers or even loss of final
consonants in some EH dialects. Karigren (1932:180), in studying the rimes
of the Yilin M,ft, suspected that this text might represent a Han dialect in
which certain fmals had become weakened, and Luo and Zhou (1958:64)
suggested that in some EH dialects -p, -t, and -k might have been lost or merged
as a glottal stop. Perhaps future studies will throw light on this problem.
Contacts between MC -m and fmals of other types are very rare in the
gloss data. In BTD MC -m always corresponds to Indic m or '!l. We can safely
reconstruct MC -m as EH *-m for all the EH dialects.
6.2.2 EH *-h, *-1' , *-k-, *-hw, *-'Yw, *-kw-. Finals of the EH zhi ~ ,
you, xiao, and yu rime categories have open finals in MC and also in the WJ
reconstruction of Ting (1975).5 In the glosses of Ying Shao they never
interchange with MC closed fmals and can consequently be reconstructed as
open for Ying's dialect.
In the other gloss dialects the situation is quite different, for here the
finals in question have numerous contacts with fmals ending in MC -k, e.g.
Du Zichun 58
62
Zheng Xing 4
Zheng Zhong 13
104
BHTY 22
107
Xu Shen 95
620
Zheng Xuan 76
~ ~juk
if1l sieu
ff dzak
Ill'i tsja-
tlIU
~
d~jwo-
kiek
"to arouse"
ijlt bjuk
~ 1'wa
~ dzuk
.t\l\ dzjau
~~ kck
ttl t~ju
ftl dzj3k
~
"royal field"
kau
~ bjau:
fff ,}wak
~ tshau~ dzjak
IIX kmVE tshjwok
the wo and yao categories I reconstruct not *-k but labiovelar *-kw in several
dialects. Justification for this will be given in sections 6.4.19 and 6.4.20 below.
5 For a list of the EH rime categories and their romanized names see the introduction
to Part lIlA below.
4 For
80
293
Fu Qian 9
92
Gao You 45
173
SM 160
M,
';1' dzwo-
dzflk
diek
tSju-, tjuij'ot tSjuk
{'o 1'au:
~ti duk
~ swo
I~E
~
{l:
II
Contacts of this type are most common in the glosses of Xu Shen, Zheng
Xuan, Gao You, and SM and are less numerous for dialects where the data are
fewer. (For a more extensive listing of exampies, see Cobun i979a:i84-7;
1979-80:267-71; Ms. 1, section 2.2.) They occur in all three nonchecked
MC tone categories. Many MC fmals for which they are not attested have
interlocking contacts with fmals in which they do occur, making it very
difficult to identify constraints of any kind on their distribution. It would
thus appear that they represent a pervasive feature of the rime categories in
which they occur. 6 This feature was almost certainly fmal guttural constriction
or occlusion of some sort. Karigren (1954:276) held that the finals in question
actually had a fmal voiced stop, **-g, in OC. Li (1971 :25) agrees that some
sort of velar consonant must have been present in OC but is unwilling to
speculate on its phonetic nature. He transcribes it as **-g. In our Han data we
may note a curious fact about the finals of the EH rime categories in question.
In words which had the MC ping and shang tones, these fmals occasionally
have contacts not only with MC -k but also with -ng and with fmals which
were almost certainly open in the EH period, e.g.
Du Zichun 14
tI'J
39
"?
ZhengZhong 23 lit.
59 Mi
Xu Shen 202
Pi:
336
-tJIJI
Zheng Xuan 61
T337 00
Gao You 29
,~
(li.'.
227
SM 158
r:J
440
11.
l'i;
Significantly, contacts of this sort are extremely rare for fmals in the MC qu
6 An important exception to this in the fmals of Gao You's language will be discussed
in section 6.4.4 below.
81
'1'*-h
j~
A..
*-k-
*-k
For the dialect of Fu Qian, where we have reconstructed initial * ,,{-, it seems
most reasonable to write our problematical fmal consonant as *-"{ rather
than *-h. For the you and xiao categories of Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You
EH *-h, *-,,{, and *-k- will be replaced by labiovelars, *-hw, *- "{w, and
*-kw-. Justification for this is given in sections 6.4.2 and 6.4.3 below.
In many of the gloss dialects the fmals of the EH zhix group seem to
have been completely open. However, in the glosses of Zheng Xuan those
fmals of this group derived from the OCjia ft (**-ig) category have contacts
with velars:
246
247
410
m pjiik, bjiik
m pjiik, bjiik
~
siek
On the other hand, fmals of this type also interchange with EH open fmals in
Zheng's glosses:
86
92
III lje,lje-
98
'lIT mjie:
m:
bjie
**mjigx)
Examples of this type suggest that in Zheng's dialect EH *-h can be reconstructed in all three MC unchecked tones for fmals of this type. Similar cases
occur in the glosses of Zheng Zhong and Fu Qian, e.g.
ff dzjiik
Ii liei- **ligh)
7l dzje- **dzjigh)
!iII liek
'There are three examples: BHTY 54, Xu Shen 884, and Gao You 13.
82
Perhaps EH *-h should also be reconstructed for qu tone words of this type
in the dialects of Zheng and Fu.
In BTD there is no evidence for final velar consonants in MC unchecked
syllables of the type under discussion except in the case of the MC rime -wai
in the qu tone:
161
6@M
Skt. *cannpakavarQa
Here we can reconstruct EH *-k- for 161b. Since qu tone words from the
rime categories here in question are rare in the data, it is not possible to
determine how widely EH *-k- was distributed in BTD.
6.2.3 EH *-t:, *-t-. Finals of the EH ji category are open and have the
qu tone in MC. They have contacts with MC -t fmals in many of the gloss
dialects, e.g.
Du Zichun 65
Xu Shen 973
Zheng Xuan 125
Fu Qian 98
Gao You 82
SM 775
tMi fiijwiit
~.Q
it
tt
If;:,
bwaipwat
thjwet
?jiiikwat
flijwaibwat
(r1J pwai~ jiiiiID: xjet
WI 'Ywai,Ai
~j{
Interchanges of this sort also occur in the poetic rimes of the Han, WJ, and
later periods (Luo and Zhou 1959; Ting 1975; Wang 1936). They would seem
to indicate that in the gloss dialects the fmals of the ji category had a fmal
consonant which was similar to EH *-t. We can guess that it was an allophone
of *-t, conditioned by whatever EH feature later gave rise to the Me qu tone.
Thus we can transcribe it as EH *-t-.
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong and BHTY fmals of the ji category have
contacts with words of the zhi nl1 group, for which EH *-t- will presently be
reconstructed. For this reason we may guess that *-t- was present in the ji
category for their dialects. In the glosses of Ying Shao there is no evidence at
all for EH *-t- in the ji category. Ting (1975:264) concluded that fmals of
this category were open in the Jiangdong or Wu dialect ofWJ times. Perhaps
Ying Shao's language was similar to the later Jiangdong dialect in this respect.
In BTD the fmals of the ji category have contacts with Sanskrit syllables
ending in s,~, 9, th, and t:
A. Contacts with Skt. -s, -~, -8 Syllables
250
260
291
tfU~
tftu( fOm
:@!mmliJ
lai- bji
lai-ta 'Ywa Iii
kjajiwi lajwiiika
Skt. rasmi
Skt. rli~1rapaIa
Skt. kapilavastu
83
r -
,---
Other examples: 3, 68, 103, 104(?), 120, 194, 227, 310, 316,
344
B. Contacts with Skt. -t Syllables
233
294
309
~iiJl*1I":
?a ija Sjiii-
tJi! .f1l~
Skt. ajatasatru
Skt. devavatara
Skt. pattra
gjai-
H~
gadha
morlJ
la t~hat
Skt. rlilqasa
EH *-t was preferred in rendering Indic -t, and its allophone *-t- was only
occasionally used for this purpose.
Pulleyblank (1962:216-21; 1973a) has suggested that the final consonant in
the ji category was an independent phoneme, *-s, in the EH period. This
sound would have rimed irregularly in the poetic dialects and we must assume
that it interchanged irregularly with *-t in the gloss dialects. In BTD it would
of course have been used to render Indic -s, -~, and -so Why it should have
been preferred over *-t in transcribing Indic -t seems uncertain.
Phonetically Pulleyblank's theory and that set forth here are similar, both
assuming the existence of an earlier fmal spirant in theji group. Phonemically
they are quite different. Pulleyblank's *-s is viewed as the origin of the MC
qu tone and would presumably have been an allophone of *s-. Our *-t- is
84
n.JC bjwat
Finals of this type can be reconstructed with EH *-t- for the SM language. In
the SM data a small number of contacts occur between final *-t and certain
?ther finals o~ the zhi !If! group. However, the fmals in question invariably
mterchange wIth others which were probably open in the SM language and
it is therefore questionable whether they should be reconstructed with 'fmal
dental sto~s. I prefer to leave them open and attribute the contacts in question
to an adrruxture of textual material from dialects where final *-t- was more
Widely distributed. 8
In the glosses of Zheng Zhong, BHTY, and Zheng Xuan qu tone fmals of
the zhi '111.group, when derived from the OC wei (**-ad) category, have
contacts wIth EH *-t and can in general be reconstructed with EH *-t-, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 122
BHTY 41
Zheng Xuan 254
1: tshwat
M:: mjweiftj dijwet
('f. tshwai-
* mwat
~ zjwi-
The only exceptions to this are in the glosses of Zheng Xuan, where MC -ji- irt
all environments and -jwi- irt velar irtitial words irtterchange with EH open
fmals and have no contacts with -t. These fmals were presumably open irt
Zheng Xuan's language. 9
In the glosses of Xu Shen zhi 11 category qu tone fmals derived from the
8 For a more detailed discussion of the examples and counter-examples in the 8M
data see Coblin (Ms. 1, sections 2.3 and 2.6).
9 For a more detailed discussion, see Coblin (1979-80, sections 23 and 2.7).
85
6.2
OC wei (**-ad) group have contacts with final *-t and can be reconstructed
with EH *-t-, e.g.
Hl~
711
721
11
pw~i-
Finals of this type in turn interchange with those derived from the OC zhi
(**-id) group, allowing us to extend *-t- to syllables of this type, e.g.
ld~ mji- *-t-)
tAA liei- *-t-)
281
307
~1
m:
tshi-
mjiliei-
Hi
lw~i:
xji- *-t-)
1l pjwei- *-t-)
bjwei- *-t-)
-*
~'*
~iiJ ~ H\II[
Sja- lji-
Skt. sari
Skt. maiijusrf
Skt. vaisaIi
mjw~n
xjwei:
pjwei:
pjwei:
243
311
323
735
f*
~
kjwei- *-t-)
kwa-,kwa:
tSjethwa-
These examples suggest that the words in question may have had fmal dental
consonants of some sort in Xu's language. Since fmals of this type contrast
with those for which we have posited EH *-t(-), we cannot reconstruct this
consonant here. It seems possible that the sound in question may have been
a dental flap such lIS d or perhaps a flapped r or I. We can tentatively transcribe
it as *-r.
Certain words of this type, which have MC fmal-je-, interchange not with
EH *-t(-) but with syllables for which we posit EH open fmals or *-h. These
words presumably had open fmals in Xu's language. It seems worth noting
that they are cases where Li (1971 :40) would or perhaps could reconstruct
OC fmal **-jiorh, while those syllables for which we posit EH *-r are not
reconstructed with **-jiorh by Li:
Skt. samadhi
105
It is of course possible that the data reflect several Han dialects, one or more
of which had preserved a final consonant in MC -(j)i-.
tau lji-
5
~tll
4150tMitil
222 llI~tll
tshjet
ii ngiet
~
tJJ til
I hesitate to follow him here because this fmal also renders Indic open
syllables in the data, e.g.
Evidence for *-t- in OC wei (**-ad) category words is lacking in Du's glosses.
I suspect this may be due to paucity of data rather than to the fact that these
fmals were open in Du's dialect.
In Xu Shen's glosses shang tone finals derived from the OC wei (**-ad)
group interchange with words for which we reconstruct EH *-t and *-t-:
254
291
293
294
43
H~
Qu tone words of the OC zhi (**-id) category may also have had *-t- in
the language of Du Zichun, as suggested by the following example:
33
6.2
)'1' xjwei-
xjet
phwat
mm
JEtliJM
239
241
942
86
fIll pje:
~
~g
tshje:
ngjwo: *-h)
87
r---
r ----
,---
,---
---
6.2.5 EH *-ng, *-ngw. In the gloss dialects MC -ng can be projected back
to the EH period in the EH zheng, dong
and yang categories. For the
dong
category we shall reconstruct labiovelar *-ngw for the dialects of Xu
Shen and Gao You, and *-ng in the other dialects. Justification for this will
be given in section 6.4.1 O. In words of the geng category MC -ng can be
reconstructed as EH *-ng for the dialects of Fu Qian, Ying Shao, and Gao
You. In the other dialects this is not possible.
In the glosses of Xu Shen geng group fmals have contacts with EH -ng and
with EH yuan and zhen category finals, which were probably open in Xu's
*,
'*
10 __
..1:_1 __
UHU<::<.;l,
60 N{ khEflg, 'YEflg
iiil khang, khan
62 f.!l! pjlin:, pwan: *-jian:, _an:)12 WI pjling:
"rim of a wheel"
*-ran, -rian)
<::.15.
A. *-ng Contacts
15 pjwang
1015
1059
j~
gjling:
540
551
~t
!hjan: (*-ja:)
bien, pien (*-ia)
!r,J !hjang:
bjweng, bieng
Examples of type B may indicate that the finals in question were open in
Xu's language, while those of type A suggest that they retained vowel nasalization. This conclusion may also be valid for the SM dialect where geng
category finals have contacts with EH *-ng, *-n, and open fmals, e.g.
600
673
374
Mt sieng
?jang
5iQ khjwie
?jling
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan geng group fmals interchange with yuan and
zhen category fmals, which may have been open and nasalized in Zheng's
dialect,l1 e.g.
150
~i
372
ft;;
sjang:, ~jang
mjien (*-jHi)
The geng group finals may also have been open and nasalized in this dialect.
In the glosses of Du Zichun and BHTY the fmals in question have contacts
with EH open final syllables, e.g.
Du Zichun 26
BHTY 31
'*
Jl$
tieibjie
IE dieng-
itt bieng:
88
These examples suggest open finals for the geng group in these dialects. There
is no direct evidence in the data for nasalization in these fmals, and we can
only guess by analogy with the dialects just discussed that they had this
feature in the languages of Du and BHTY.
Two contacts occur in the glosses of Zheng Zhong between the geng and
yuan groups:
These examples suggest that the geng category finals may have had fmal *-n
in Zheng's dialect. We may suppose that the MC dialect(s) underlying the QY
language developed from Han dialects which had final -ng in the genggroup
rather than from those which had final *-n or open finals.
Finals of the dong,* , dong !4i, and yang categories are not attested in the
BTD data. Zheng category fmals correspond for the most part to Sanskrit
syllables ending in n, e.g.
50
75
s~ng
~ff't;filf:.
?a
'Y~ng
gjie
Skt. asailkbya'Vasailkbyeya
Skt. ganga
bieng ~a
bieng ~a
(Mt);
Jt!itt);
Skt. bimbisara'Vbimbasiira
Skt. bimbisiira'Vbimbasara
In BTD we reconstruct fmal *-am and *-am but no fmal *_im. 13 It seems
possible that BTD had fmal *-ing in the geng category, and that this was used
as a makeshift sound substitute for foreign -im here.
494
\!~
~i:
*-h)
ill. sjen-
C kji: *-h)
fO 'Ywii
III na
riJf
mjie:
fit nan
tl\; mjien:
12 This word also has a Me reading pjiing:, which is a lexicographical ghost based
directly on Zheng Zhong's original gloss. See the notes to this gloss in Part III.A.3.
13See sections 6.4.16 and 6.4.11.
89
These examples seem to indicate that the finals in question had no final -n
in the dialects of Du and Xu. We must suppose that they differed from the
Han antecedent(s) of the QY language in this respect.
In a number of other gloss dialects Me -n final syllables have contacts not
only with EH open and *-h finals but also with words ending in EH *-m and
*-ng, e.g.
BHTY 33
82
88
94
Zheng Xuan 95
160
348
Ying Shao 52
57
71
132
Gao You 126
129
147
J'
si
'i"f ijen:
~
kan-
ram
Wi sje *-h)
lfr xjan
JJ pjwang
~ bieng:
Jif; ngji
~ bjw1!n
'i't rien
i/;j kiwen
n khwan:
m khien
Mi <;ljen
173
952
1026
sja: *-h)
~ kung
"change"
~/ kien
f!!l sjan
Xf xji*-h)
J:t,i pwan:
('10 bwan:
}N ngjen
rt bje
Ufi: ljam
-1': kiwei
H khwa
~ kieng/!;
72
tshju
ngEng
rm ngan
:JiJ tshjan
~
Xu Shen's dialect
SM dialect
t:l tshjan:
/iff ngien
11 ngai
tsham:
t~
nwan
~~
*njuah
*njuh
*nwa
*nwan
?a sju ljwen
Skt. asura
Perhaps examples of this type reflect the influence of dialects where fmal-n
had been lost.
We also fmd examples in the data where Me -n corresponds to Indic T,I,
and d, e.g.
R& xjwei
~
t~
if' tSjwen
fJt.: sje
For this dialect it would therefore seem best to reconstruct open nasalized
fmals for the yuan category and project Me -n back to the EH period elsewhere.
In Zheng Zhong's glosses contacts of the type under discussion occur only
for words in the qu tone:
71
93
94
*m
iiiju
Wi
sjiin
Gloss 952 is almost certainly a quote from BHTY (36b) or SW (Xu 956).
1026 is identified by Liu Xi as representing the pronunciation of the Qing-Xu
area. It probably reflects a dialect closely related to that of Zheng Xuan
where final-n had been lost. 173 is interesting because its fmal correspondence
is vocalically irregular for the SM language but would be acceptable for
certain other EH dialects. Anticipating our discussion of the EH vowels in
sections 6.4.4 and 6.4.15 we can demonstrate this as follows:
93
190
298
ngje
xje
Words of this type in turn have contacts with Me -n fmal words in the ping
and shang tones. It seems possible that the qu tone words in question had
~~pf.
mfflB
B1~
Skt. brahmapari~dya
Skt. uttarakuraval]
Skt. rabula
91
90
r ------
r- -
1---
6.3
Pulleyblank (1962 :228) has suggested that in some Han dialects final *-n may
have had an r-like quality. Perhaps examples of the sort cited here reflect a
dialect of this type.
6.3
The earlier origins of the MC tones have been much discussed. Dong
(1954:183) held that the Chinese language has been tonal since time immemorial. Haudricourt (1954a, 1954b) introduced the hypothesis that OC
had no tones and suggested that the MC qu tone was a reflex of earlier **-s.
Pulleyblank (I 962 :217) accepted this proposal and, analogizing on the basis
of Haudricourt's theories of tonogenesis in Vietnamese, suggested that the MC
shang tone was a reflex of an earlier final glottal stop (1962 :225). The latter
idea has been developed at some length by Mei (1970).
Testimony on the nature of the EH feature or features which gave rise to
the shang tone is lacking in our data. On the other hand, for the qu tone we
possess two bits of indirect evidence. First, we have seen in section 6.2.3 that
whatever element later gave rise to the qu tone seems to have been the
conditioning factor for the allophone of EH *-t which we have speculated
was a dental spirant of some sort in BTD. Secondly, as observed in section
6.2.6, in the language of Zheng Zhong this same element may have been
responsible for the devoicing or actual loss, at the phonetic level, of fmal-n in
qu tone words. Now there are indications from various quarters that the qu
tone may once have been characterized by fmal aspiration or breathiness.
Haudricourt (1954b:363-4) has pointed out that, among the oldest Chinese
loanwords in Vietnamese, Vietnamese words corresponding to Chinese qu
tone syllables have tones which he believes descend from earlier-h (ultimately
derived from -s). Gedney (1978) has assembled Siamese evidence that the B
tone of early Tai, which is found in a number of Tai words that correspond
to Chinese qu tone syllables (probably indicating old loans in one direction or
the other), may have earlier had final-h. Finally, Pulleyblank maintains on
the basis of transcriptional evidence that fmal -h was present in certain qu
tone rimes in pre-QY times (1962:223,231-2). With these points in mind we
may note that aspiration is known to have accompanied the development of
stops to fricatives in various languages, e.g. Classical Greek ph, th, and kh
became Modern Greek [f]' [0], and [x] or [~] respectively (Allen 1968:16);
in Old Iranian, Proto-Aryan voiceless aspirates (when not standing after a
sibilant or between a nasal and a sonant) became voiceless spirants (Brugmann
1897:645-6). A similar development might have produced the [0] allophone
in BTD. It is conceivable that fmal aspiration might also have served as the
conditioning factor for the devoicing or loss of-n in Zheng Zhong's language.
I 6.4
r!3 ffi- M
Skt. *campakaval1).a
Pulleyblank (1962 :99) has pointed out the tendency for Chinese a to be used
for Indic short a in the Buddhist transcriptions. It is probably safe to posit *a
for all dialects in the fmals of type A. Finals (4) and (5) belong to MC Division
II, and we can account for their MC vowels by reconstructing medial *-,... as
outlined in section 6.1.2.
For fmals (6), (7), and (8) we can project MC -j- back to the EH period
(section 6.1.3). For the difference in vowel quality between fmal (6) and
finals (7) and (8), I tentatively assume with U (1971 :29-30) that (7) and (8)
had an earlier diphthong *-i:1- while (6) did not. In MC labial initial words
MC -w- need not be reconstructed for the Han period (section 6.1.1). Elsewhere it must be retained. Final (3), which occurs only after labials, is rare in
the data. In Xu Shen's glo~ses it has the following contact with fmal (7),
suggesting that its main vowel was *a:
24
~ft
pji:
g:
b~u
23).
92
93
6.4
kjau:
fJ, kjau:
t mwai
J:; phji
~ bjau:
We may thus suppose that its main vowel was *a. In labial initial words we
may attribute its development to MC -jau rather than -jl to the influence of
the initial. In gutteral initial words we must reconstruct medial *-w- as the
conditioning factor for this development.
In the BHTY and SM glosses fmal (9) has contacts with finals of the EH
you and wo categories, whose vowels we reconstruct as *0 in the dialects in
question, e.g.
BHTY II
14
SM 445
287
bjau:
gj~lU:
bjuk *bjok)
gjau~ kjau- *kjok-)
M pjauijji
*gjoh:)
.0
In these dialects we may suspect that fmal (9) had the EH vowel
and had
actually joined the you category. The only case not accounted for by this
reconstruction is SM 451, which seems to be a direct quote of Zheng Xuan
274 cited above.
In the BTD data fmal (9) corresponds to Sanskrit syllables having the
vowel u, e.g.
10
itfi:
bikhj;u
bi
bjwem- pj;u-Iau
Skt. bhik~
Skt. brahmapurohita
We may suppose that it had the EH vowel *u and had in effect merged with
the you category, for which we also reconstruct *u for BTD. As noted in
section 6.2.2, for all the gloss dialects but that of Ying Shao we reconstruct
ping and shang tone fmals of this category with EH *-h or *-r, while for the
qu tone finals we posit EH *-k-. On the other hand, the dialect ofYing Shao
apparently had no closed fmals at all here. We have no evidence regarding
the vocalism of fmal (9) in Ying's language. For fmals of type A we could
reconstruct EH fmal *-ai, projecting MC -i back to the EH period. This,
however, raises the problem of how these fmals differed from those of the zhi
"11 category, for which we shall presently reconstruct EH *-ai. Here we might
turn for a solution to BTD, which had open fmals in ping and shang tone
fmals in this category; but, ironically, the only fmal oftype A attested in the
data is precisely that qu tone example, cited in BTD 161 above, which clearly
calls for the reconstruction of EH *-k-. Ting (1975:203,257) has suggested
94
I 6.4
that in the WJ period the fmals of our type A ended not in -i but in a high
back unrounded vowel or glide, -r, thereby contrasting with the WJ reflexes
of the EH zhi Jm category fmals. I tentatively adopt this proposal in reconstructing the language ofYing Shao.
6.4_2 The You 1$1 Category.
finals:
Li (1971 :31-32) has proposed that in OC the fmals of this category had the
vowel **a followed by the labiovelar consonant **-gw, and Ting (1975:
248-9) has suggested that they had fmallabiovelars in the Han period as well.
Such a system would seem to account well' for our EH data, and I consequently posit *a followed by the labiovelars *-hw, -rw, and *-kw- for our
three EH dialects.
In the glosses of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM the you category fmals have
contacts with the xiao,yu (hou type), wo, and wu categories, all of which we
suspect had back rounded vowels of some sort in the dialects in question, e.g.
BHTY 17
18
m
Zheng Xuan 23
36 ~
SM 312
494
1ft
sieu
dau (xiao group)
lau
mji;u, mji;umuk (wu group)
tj;u:
O=l
l!
95
6.4
i"fpjjJ
kja Ijau la
ka
Skt. mahoraga
Skt. visodha
206
286
~f*~
tf(~
,'yltt:
Oddly enough, this situation also obtains for hou type fmals of the yu category.16 Comparing the relative frequency of vowel correspondence types in
the two categories we obtain the following figures for the BTD data:
You Category Finals
Yu Category,Hou Type
Finals
Rendering Indic u
88%
61%
Rendering Indic 0
12%
39%
These results suggest that the vowels in the two categories were both u-like
sounds. Both were also somewhat similar to foreign 0, but that of the yu
category, hou type was probably more o-like in quality. I suggest that the you
group be reconstructed with *u and the hou type with the diphthong *ou in
BTD.
Having reached this conclusion we may now ask whether or not these
values should be posited for the gloss dialects as well. In order to answer this
question we must digress again and discuss the EH wo and wu categories. In
the BTD material fmals of the wu category occur twice, each time rendering
Indic u-vowel syllables.17 Finals of this type are reconstructed with u-vocalism
by Ting (1975) for the Han period and by Karlgren, Li, and others for ~C.
There seems to be no reason not to suppose that they had *u in both BTD
and the gloss dialects. Wo group fmals occur three times in the BTD data,
corresponding to Indic 0, to au (=Pkt. 0), and to U. 18 The evidence, such as it
is, seems to favor a value of *0 over *u for this category in BTD. Ting (1975)
reconstructs it with -0- for the WJ period, and Li (1972) suggests that it had
-0- in the period between OC and MC. It seems reasonable to posit *0 for all
our EH dialects. Now, in a manner reminiscent of the situation in OC, in the
16 For examples, see section 6.4.4 below.
I
I 8 These
96
6.4
gloss dialects here in question the you group and hou type finals interchange
with and are clearly closely associated with the wo and wu groups respectively.
For this reason, unlike the situation we have observed in BTD, it seems fairly
certain that these you/wo and hou/wu complexes must each have had a
common vowel in the gloss dialects. This leads me to conclude that the you
group and yu group, hou type finals had EH *0 and *u respectively in the
pertinent gloss dialects. The EH vowels proposed for the various dialects can
now be summarized as follows:
You Group
Gloss Dialects
BTD
Wo Group
Yu Group,
Hou Type
Wu Group
u
ou
u
u
Final (2), which occurs only after labial initials, is rare in the data. In the
BHTY it has the following contact with final (3):
lOa
.gil
mau:
iii. mau-
th
i'~
tau:
lieu
2p
tieu:
lau
ftJ~~
~.ii
Skt. varuf.ladeva
Skt. devadatta
Pulleyblank (1962:101) has suggested that fmal (6) ended in *-eu in the
language of the early Buddhist transcriptions, and I believe this is correct. As
written, *-eu contrasts with all other fmals reconstructed for BTD; and it is
consequently unnecessary to reconstruct EH *-i- for this fmal.
97
6.4
't!i' ?ieu:
1i kau:
t~ thau *th~hw)
~ diek *diakw,
yao group)
1Ji ?ieu: *?i~hw:)
To account for interchanges of this type we can reconstruct the xiao 'group
fmals with the EH vowel *a followed by labiovelar consonants, *-hw, *-1w,
and *-kw- for the dialects in question. Perhaps the vowels *a and *a were
19
similar enough to interchange in these dialects.
In the glosses of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM the fmals of the xiao category
interchange with rime groups which we suspect had back rounded vowels, e.g.
BHTY 101
Zheng Xuan 78
SM 469
doublets, either in the xiao group or in the other rime categories where they
occur. I shall follow Li (1971 :46) in reconstructing fmal (4) with an earlier
diphthong, *-ia- (or *-b- in the pertinent dialects) to distinguish it from
final (3).
In the glosses of Xu Shen and Zheng Xuan there are several instances
where fmals of the you and xiao categories interchange with fmals ending in
EH *-m, e.g.
Xu Shen 594
Zheng Xuan 41
'~
d~m:
m tieu
We can account for these contacts by reconstructing EH *-.7- for the fmals in
question.
Finals (3) and (4) are chongniuF1!f.H rime doublets. 2o The phonological
difference between them in MC is uncertain, and the distinction made in the
MC reconstruction is purely notational. I have found nothing in the EH data
to indicate what earlier feature or features may have given rise to these
19 We have commented elsewhere on the probable sL'l1ilarity betwe.en EH
*;1
and
*0
in the various dialects (Coblin 1979a:202; 1979-80:291; Ms. 1, section 2.21). The
daut~m
Examples of this type might be taken as evidence that theyou andxiao group
finals ended in some sort of labial such as -b or -v, and Pulleyblank (1963:
206) has in fact discussed transcriptional evidence from Han times which
would seem to suggest such a reconstruction. However, in our data we fmd
many cases where the fmals in question interchange with EH *-h and *-k
finals,21 and evidence of this sort seems to preclude the reconstruction of
final labials here. It seems possible that the examples in question represent
material from some dialect which did have such finals. It is for example
significant that gloss 41 above is identified by Zheng Xuan as reflecting the
language of the Qin area.
Finals of the xiao category occur in the following BTD transcriptions:
43
tJ);fIJ
tau Iji-
191
!\<~iiJtJ9' H
246
-=:&l:::::gt!i':
1-' Sjau-
n; jiliu
tt
m3k
In example 43 the Central Asian and Pali forms suggest the reconstruction of
an -au diphthong for BTD. Example 191 and possibly 246 point to an a-like
monophthong of some sort, as does the Sanskrit form in example 43. It is
possible that these materials reflect different dialect types, one of which had
a diphthong -au while the other did not. For the moment I prefer to be
guided by 191 which is the easiest example to interpret. In section 6.4.5 we
shall reconstruct plain *a for the ge category of BTD, and we must suppose
that the main vowel of the xiao category differed from this *a in some way.
Comparing with the gloss dialects where we have reconstructed EH *.7 for this
category, we may speculate that the vowel in question was a back a, which
we can transcribe as *0.
21 For examples of this see Coblin (1979a:193-4) and (1979-80: 277).
99
98
r-
--
r--
,----
6.4
6.4.4 The Yu ~,Category. In this category Luo and Zhou (1958) place
most finals of the OC yu ~, group and all fmals of the OC hou ~ group,
because finals of these two types interrime in Han poetry. This arrangement is
appropriate for the dialects of Du Zichun, Zheng Xing, Xu Shen, Fu Qian,
and Gao You. On the other hand, in the dialects of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, Ying
Shao, and SM the two OC fmal types remain apart. For this reason it is
convenient to discuss them separately. Luo and Zhou assign OC yu category
fmals which belong to the MC rna ~ rime (i.e. MC -a, -wa, and -ja) to the EH
ge category. This is satisfactory for the language of Gao You and for BTD,
but not for the remaining dialects. Finals of this type will therefore be
discussed in the present section.
6.4.4.1
finals:
OC Yu
~,
Group Finals.
Zheng Xuan 31 OL
298 tw.
SM 134
491
Gao You 29
~wo
It);
It);
~
'If:
R
ftlj:
bju-
\1ft
,~~
?wo
100
be given presently.
60
68
~a
(ge group)
~a (ge group)
1wokwa: *krwah:)
kj:m: *kjw~h:)
bju- *bjuak-,yu
group, hou type)
?ang (yang group)
gj~u
*gjoh)
phju:
khju:
khj~u
~4
4ft
f7
*khjoh) ~
kju
phju: *phjuh,yu group,
hou type)
xj~u *hjoh)
khju
We can account for contacts of this type by reconstructing final (3) with EH
*0 for the dialects in question. Ting (1975 :207) restores this fmal as -juo for
the WJ period. By retaining the WJ diphthong -uo- for our EH dialects we can
account for the difference between fmal (3) and final (4) *-joh of the you
group.
In Zheng Xuan's glosses final (3) has contacts with fmal (1), e.g.
fW sjwo
6.4
Du Zichun 14
Zheng Zhong 23
BHTY 113
Xu Shen874
885
Fu Qian 23
I
I
t~
mju
ju:
fjj
:H
Ii.
mwo
rwo:
**gw_)
Final (1) words in examples of this type always have either labial initials or
guttural initials derived from OC labiovelars or labiolaryngeals. It is for words
of the latter type that we have reconstructed EH *-wah, *-war, or *-wak- for
the dialects of BHTY, Xu Shen, etc. above. For the language of Zheng Xuan
we may guess that they had EH *-woh and *-wok-. Elsewhere fmal (1) and
also fmal (2) can be reconstructed with *-a-, as indicated by examples of the
following type:
Zheng Xuan 71
293
m.
WI'
jiwodzwo-
rt zja- *zjiak-)
ffi' dzak (duo group)
In the SM glosses fmals (1) and (2) both have contacts with fmal (3) or
with categories for which we reconstruct EH back rounded vowels, e.g.
90
94
457
154
Il!Jf
bwo
gjwo
rau- *g:>k-)
r~u-
fiIj
f,(
phju *phjuoh)
kju: *kjuoh:)
xwo, xwo1wo-
101
39
141
305
336
Finals (l) and (2) in examples of this type almost always occur after MC
grave initials,23 and we may consequently reconstruct them as EH *-woh/
-wok- and *-jwoh/-jwok- in this environment. Elsewhere they probably had
a-vocalism, as revealed by examples of the following sort: 24
~
II tshwo
tSjwo:
82
111
~Hi
~ill
tswo:
ngwo
'i'i
~--
ilI:j';
1'fflj~~
fj1n[ film
100
fft'fi*
188
iJIIT~
6.4.4.2
jiwiju phwan
pjw~t ju diei-
Sja-
In the glosses of Du Zichun, Zheng Xing, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You
the rimes of this group have contacts with those of the OC yu f!A type, which
are reconstructed with EH *a for the dialects in question, and also occasionally
with other groups for which we posit *a or *a, e.g.
It seems unlikely that the fmal of 246b could have had EH *-k-. In all
probability the type B finals in this dialect were open and had entered the ge
category.
In BID the finals of type B frequently transcribe foreign syllables ending
in -a, e.g.
14
260
fll r.ifim
These examples may indicate that following MCj- *rjw-) final (3) had EH
*a rather than *0.
Comparing the development of type A fmals in the various dialects we
observe a progression from the most archaic type, where all fmals had *a,
through dialects such as those of Zheng Xuan and SM, where *0 appeared and
became more widely distributed, down to BID where *a was vestigial. By the
WJ period 0 had prevailed in all environments.
tsja
nga
1lnJ~~
Skt. bodhisattva
Skt. dharmodgata
Skt. anomiya; cf. P. anoma
Skt. gho~ila
d~i-
246
bwo sat
dam mju giat
?anwo mwa
giu ~i la
kju -
We may suspect that they had the main vowel *0 in BID. However, the
following occurrences offmal (3) are not explainable in this way:
In the glosses of Ying Shao final (3) interchanges only with fmal (2) *-ju
of the yu group, hou type. By MC times these finals had merged as MC -ju,
and we can assume that this merger had already occurred in Ying's language.
In labial initial words final (I) has contacts only with itself. Its vocalism is
indeterminate. Elsewhere we may suppose that finals of type A had a-vocalism
in this dialect, as suggested by examples such as the following:
16
59
f~
'it1!\f<)}M
'~
Du Zichun 39
Zheng Xing 5
Xu Shen 895
Fu Qian 27
Gao You 97
Skt. sariputra
Skt. ra~trapiila
Their behavior does not differ from that of the ge category fmals, and it is
clear that the two groups had merged in this dialect.
Final (2) is not attested in the BID data. Finals (1) and (3) correspond
primarily to Indic 0 syllables, e.g.
111i-
IN
tIL
tSjang:
bju- *bjak-)
tsjwo *tjah)
tshju
khang-
=t-:
n
J1<
~
tsju:
bju
tSju
tshjan :(*tshjii:)
kh~u:, kh~u-
Xu Shen 140
Em
141
143
153
158
ME
fl;
B!.l
M
kju M kjugiu
khju
jiu:
kju-
103
102
r
--
r---
r-
170
Gao You 41
185
lifiJ
1Y.ij
ifI
khju:
xju
kjwak (duo group)
aili
Ill'
li)
khju: *khjwah:)
xju *hjwah)
kju-
Luo and Zhou (1959:21-22) found that rimes of the OC yu ~, (**-ag) and
hou f9i: (**-ug) groups interrimed freely in the poetry of the Han period, and
Li (1971 :54) suggested that this was due to the breaking of his OC **u to
*ua in some Han dialects. He cited as possible evidence for this certain
Siamese words which seem to be related to Chinese, e.g.
IT
tffi
l~u-
"bean"
"to leak"
It is possible that these are Han-time loans from Chinese into the Tai languages
dzuk
tsh~u-
dzju:, dzju-
Zheng Xuan 76
SM 160
ti
JiJi
t~hju
{@
d~u
tshjwok *-juk)
duk
Since the wu category probably had the vowel *u in these dialects (see section
6.4.21 below) we may suppose that finals (1) and (2) of the present group had
this vowel as well. Another dialect of this type is that of Ying Shao, where
hou type fmals do not interchange with those of the yu type. Analogizing
from the dialects of BHTY, Zheng Xuan, and SM we may guess that fmals (1)
and (2) had *u in Ying's language, but the point remains uncertain.
As pointed out in section 6.4.2, fmals (1) and (2) correspond in BTD to
Skt. u-vowel syllables in 61 % and to 0 or au (=Pkt. 0) syllables in 39% of the
examples, e.g.
A. Indic u Syllables
kja l~u Iii
ka
sju mjie:
104
19
?filttit (
183
~1itm~
The vowels of these fmals must have been primarily u-like in quality but also
similar to foreign 0 in some way. I suggest that they be reconstructed as EH
*ou.
6.4.5 The Ge
finals:
Siamese
thua Bl
rua B2
d:lu-
B. Indic 0 Syllables
Category.
2
199
nan
Mft
?a
film
mwiilii
Skt. iinanda
Skt. mara
...
m Iii
~
*la)
xje
diei
bje
These examples suggest that the finals of this group may also have had the
vowel *a in the dialects in question. Some of the fmals in this category have
fmal -i in MC. All are reconstructed by Ting (1975) with -i for the WJ period.
105
If they had *-i in our EH dialects, then it seems unlikely that this sound
could have been a high front vowel or glide because, as can be seen from the
examples cited above, zhi ~ category words are frequently paired with
syllables which had final *-a, *-ii, *-ah, etc. A possible solution to this
problem would be to assume that *-i was phonetically a high mid or back
unrounded glide. In the dialects of Du Zichun, Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, and
Fu Qian this sound can be transcribed as *-i. In the dialect of Ying Shao,
however, fmals of this category contrast with those oftheji group, which we
reconstruct with *-ai and which never have contacts with *-a, *-ii, etc. For
this reason we must write our fmal glide as *-7 for the zhi -!i. category in
Ying's dialect.
In the glosses of BHTY, Gao You, and SM the fmals of this category have
contacts primarily with rime groups for which we reconstruct EH *a, e.g.
BHTY 36a
7E
si: *sjiai:,
zhi ijlj group)
mje:
diei
khji: *khjah:)
iWi sje
tt mwai *mai,zhi ij:1 group)
ILt tiei: *tiai:,zhi ij:1 group)
1& khiei:
We can account for such examples by assuming that in these dialects the zhi
5i: category had a vowel which was similar to * a but phonernically distinct
from it. We can transcribe this vowel as EH *e.
As noted in section 6.2.2 fmals of the zhi ~ group fall into two classes in
the language of Zheng Xuan, i.e. open fmals derived from the OC ge group
and finals which descended from the OC jia f:t group and probably had final
*-h in Zheng's language. In Zheng's glosses fmals of the former type have
contacts with categories for which we reconstruct EH *a and *a, e.g.
91 ~
328 Y<
390 fIi\i
xjwe
?jei *?jai, zhi 1m group)
phjilin (*phjiii, yuan group)
mt
?je:
i'Bi pje-
We may suspect that the main vowel in fmals of this type was *a.
Finals derived from the OC jia category also have contacts with rime
groups reconstructed with EH *a and *a, e.g.
95
98
269
Wi sje
5!f mjie:
~ gj"i, gj"i- *gjah, gjak-)
!r
&:
ffi
37
52
183
~iH~
"mru[~
~nifflJ
Skt. subhiiti
Skt. sakro devanam indra
Skt. vaiSalf
ij~
Category.
:=:R*:
~Jit:=:'*
Skt. samadhi
Skt. pratyutpannasamadhi
107
106
c---- -
equal numbers we may suspect that our problematical sound was similar to
both these vowels. Perhaps it was phonetically [oJ or [lC J. For the present
we can transcribe it as *lC.
In BTD the finals of the zhi 5i: category correspond primarily to Skt. i, I,
e, and ai (=Pkt. e), e.g.
r-- --- --
---
j-------
r---- --
It seems probable that fmals (1) and (2) had * a in the gloss dialects and that
fmal (2) can be reconstructed with this vowel for BTD as well. Having reached
this conclusion we can then assume that all fmals of the zhi ijlj group had *a
as main vowel in the gloss dialects.
In fmals (5) and (6) MC e can be derived directly from EH *a. Following
Li (1971 :36) we can assume that fmal (7) had an earlier diphthong *-iarather than simple *a. For final (8) we can reconstruct EH *-iwa-. However,
we should note that final (8) words having EH acute initials derive exclusively
from the OC wei (**-ad) category and are not reconstructed by Li with
**-ia-. These words can be reconstructed with EH *-a- rather than *-ia-.
This does not lead to confusion with fmal (6), because this fmal occurs only
in grave initial words. Finals (9) and (10) are rime doublets. We have no
satisfactory way to distinguish these from fmals (7) and (8) in our EH reconstruction. In section lILA they can be identified on the basis of the MC forms.
A number of finals in the zhi ijl'f group can be reconstructed with fmal *-t- in
the EH dialects (see section 6.2.3). Among the remaining open fmals some have
theMC finalglide-i, and all are reconstructed with-i by Ting (1975) for the WJ
period. Finals of this type have contacts in a number of gloss dialects which
suggest that if *-i was present there it could not have been a high front glide, e.g.
Zheng Zhong 71
BHTY40
Xu Shen 443
Zheng Xuan 116
Gao You 68
SM 947
-r,t
As was the case with the zhi 'it group fmals we may speculate that the sound in
question was phonetically a high mid or back unrounded glide, which can still
be written as *-i in the dialects in question. On the other hand, in the glosses
of Ying Shao no examples of the sort cited above occur. Here we may suppose
that *-i was indeed a high front glide and contrasted with *-z which we have
reconstructed for the zhi ~ (*-ai) category in Ying's language (see section
6.4.1 above).
In the BTD materials fmals (7), (8), (9), and (11) frequently correspond to
Sanskrit syllables having i or T. On the other hand they sometimes render
syllables having 0, e, or oi (=Pkt. e), e.g.
(7) -ji
229
230
108
~HmHg
~jgji
Skt. anathapiI}.qika
Skt. indradatta
67b fI~~
177 *~m
(8) -jwi
?j~u bwiijii
jiwi jii Iii
Skt. upiisikii
Skt. viciira
Skt. naivasaJ!l (jiiiinasatpjiiiiyatanopaga)
Skt. mahiivaipulya
Skt. vfrya
130
mtlUt
135
171
ffr It};
Nlmffttl
?i
~a
~a
Iii ?i diin
(9) -i
63
137
Skt. !sana
Skt. ~aqayatana
(11) -iei
121
tJE~
319
tJEr'iIIi~1'j!
niei liei
lji
niei liin ijan
SkL niraya
Skt. nairaiijana
It is possible that the BTD data reflect different dialects, some of which had
*i in the finals in question while others had *a. For the present I prefer to
reconstruct these fmals as in the gloss dialects, i.e. as *-jiai, *-iai, etc.
Final (6) occurs once in BTD:
310
m~
dieijwei-
The Ii
Category.
JJ. ~
il!im~
~~
pwai- Hi
pwii lfi niii?fi ijai-
Skt. pattra
Skt. varaI}.asT
Skt. acalii
109
245
104
ihl
~im,f,!l;tij
Skt. gatha
Skt. sudarsana
It seems fairly certain that the ji group finals should be reconstructed with *a
for the EH period.
Finals (3)-(6) are of course reconstructed with medial *-r-. Following Li
(1971 :39) we can reconstruct fmals (5) and (6) with *-ia- diphthongs,
thereby differentiating them from finals (3) and (4). Finals (7) and (8), which
occur only after grave initials, can be reconstructed with plain *-a-. The same
forms can then be posited for fmals (9) and (10) when these occur after acute
initials. When (9) and (10) occur after grave initials they can be reconstructed
with *-ia- to differentiate them from (7) and (8). Finals (11) and (12) are
rime doublets and cannot be differentiated from (9) and (10) in our EH
reconstruction.
In all the gloss dialects but that of Ying Shao the fmals of this category
end in *-t-. In Ying's language they are open and can be reconstructed with
final *-i. As mentioned in section 6.4.6 this fmal glide contrasts with fmal *-i"
of the zhi ':Ii:: (*-ai') category in Ying's dialect.
")';)ng
Skt. ganga
It seems probable that the fmals of this group had * a in the various EH
dialects. Final (6) can be reconstructed as EH *-ja ng in the dialects of Du
Zichun, Zheng Zhong, Zheng Xuan, and Ying Shao. However, in the dialects
of BHTY, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, Gao You, and SM I prefer to reconstruct it as
*-jiang in labial initial words. The reasons for this will be detailed in sections
6.4.10 and 6.4.17.
In the glosses of Xu Shen fmals (4) and (5) do not interchange with fmals
in this category. Final (5) occurs in the follOWing gloss:
432
I'll.
?wEng
By the WJ period fmals (4) and (5) had coalesced with fmals (3) and (4) of
6.4.10
finals:
"'"
Zheng Zhong 51
Zheng Xuan 137
Ying Shao 124
SM 718
kjung
f,t dzjwong *dzjung)
Lx iiZjung
swongr.-'}
'*
0<
khung
d~jung
r:
n-<
'fll.
~
*khung)
xjwong *hjung)
sung- *sung-)
348
350
985
f~
1c
dwong
'Yang
tshjung
fi'l
P.!$
ft
dung
'Yung
~jang
*duang)
*guang)
*dIjang)
In Gao You's glosses the fmals in question interchange with those of the
yang and geng categories, both of which are reconstructed with final *-ang in
this dialect (sections 6.4.12 and 6.4.13), e.g.
230
231
!il.', tjung
'&
tang
iE
*tang)
tSjiing- (*tjang-)
r1J tjung
III
110
r-
itA
This category is the nasal fmal analogue of the zhi Z (*-tJh) category and
is reconstructed with ** a in most of the OC systems. In the BTD transcriptions words with fmal (1) correspond to Indic syllables having the vowel
a, e.g.
tE
.jii . mung
Xu Shen 340
75
the geng group,26 which in section 6.4.13 we will reconstruct as EH *-riii and
*-rwiii for Xu Shen's language. Though the evidence is scant it seems possible
that this merger had already occurred in Xu's dialect.
Final (3) occurs only in labial initial words. It appears once in the data:
,-
Li (1971 :32) reconstructs the fmals of this category with the vowel **-a- +
labiovelar **-ngw for OC, and by following him in this we can account well
for the vowel correspondences we have observed in the glosses of Xu Shen
and Gao You. Among the glosses of Xu and Gao we fmd several words with
final (3) which originally belonged to the OC zheng (**-ang) category. These
words have contacts with fmals for which we have reconstructed EH *a in the
dialects in question:
;~!.
Xu Shen339
351
984
Gao You 7
~
;J
-]
II/1i.
khwang
*khwang)
phjung *phjangw)
kjung
khiiu *khahw)
7"c
F1
"""
~'7
khjung
bjung, bjang
gjung *gjangw)
khjung
It seems probable that words of this type had a -vocalism and actually belonged
to the EH zheng category in the dialects of Xu Shen and Gao You. After velar
initials we can reconstruct the final in question as EH *-jwang, while after
labials it can simply be written as *-jang. When MC -jang occurs after labials
in zheng group words, we can follow Li (1971 :30) and derive it from EH
*-jiang.
In the glosses of BHTY the fmals of the dong ~ category interchange with
those of other groups in the following cases:
49
54
nu
tSjang
phjung
II
tSjungphjau- *phjok-)
The Dong
* Category.
II
lJ!
khau
'Yang
*khuh)
YtJ
khung
'Yak *gruk, wu group)
We can reconstruct them with EH *u for all gloss dialects except those of Xu
Shen and Fu Qian.
In the glosses of Xu and Fu finals of this type interchange with categories
for which we reconstruct EH *a and *a:
Xu Shen 355 H~
1009B
1063~
Fu Qian 54
57
Mfj
tsung
dang- (*dang-,yang group)
Sjang- (*hrjiii-, geng group)
kjwang: *kjwang:)
tsjang (*tsjang)
'*
i1PJ
S'
r6E
t~l: *tsrjah:)
dungthung
kjwong:
tsjwong-
Luo and Zhou (1958:81-2) have noted that rimes between OC dongm:
(**-ung) and yang ~ (**-ang) category fmals are common in HN and the
Xinyu ~~ft of Lu Jia ~., and they suggest that this may have been a feature
of the Chu dialects in WH times. Li (1971 :53-4) has attributed this to the
breaking of his OC **u to later *ua. It is possible that the language of Xu
Shen, who was from the northern part of the Chu area, reflects the same
feature which underlay the WH riming patterns observed by Luo and Zhou.
The fmals of the dong
group may have merged completely with those of
the yang group in the dialects of Xu and Fu, but for the present it seems best
to maintain a distinction and reconstruct them as EH *-uang, *-ruang, and
*-juang.
6.4.12
finals:
The Yang
Category.
f1i.
'#i
IIVi
~
hng:
'Ywang
bwiing
peng
meng
Jt
kang
fY'i 'Yweng
~
11
~
beng
bwiing
mwiing
On the other hand, in the case of finals (8) and (9) there is evidence that
Luo and Zhou's arrangement is appropriate for the dialects of Zheng Xuan
and SM. In these dialects the fmals in question have contacts with the geng
113
6.4
I Reconstructions
Gao You 234
SM 1008
~t;
Wi
IJIi
Xl
mjwllng
bieng: (geng group)
5L
~i
xjwllng
gjang:
pjweng
2
31
bjwang
J!R\.
jJ
(jj;
pjung
mung
mEng
*pjQng)
*meng 1)
150
163
fiA mEng
fiA mEng
H meng *mrang)
*
~
tiei- *tiai-)
kheng, 'YEng
mr.
Xu Shen 1059
Fu Qian 59
gjang:
sl bieng:
Ying Shao 52
bieng:
sieng
Iii. ijang
1ft bieng:
ti sjang:, ~ang:
Q bjien (*bjii)
1m sjan: (*sja:)
.zp: bjweng
This situation parallels that of the zhi ~ (*-rei) group in Zheng's glosses, and
we may therefore guess that the present category can also be reconstructed
with EH *re in his dialect.
The MC vowel 11 in fmals (1), (2), (5), and (6) can be derived directly from
EH *a, *e, and *re in the various dialects. For fmals (3), (4), (7), and (8) we
can reconstruct EH diphthongs *ia, *ie, and *ire according to dialect. For
finals (9) and (10) we must posit *ia for the appropriate dialects, but instead
of *ie and *ire we can simply write *e and *re, in parallel with our procedure
for the zhi ~ category (section 6.4.6).
As noted in section 6.2.6 the fmals of this category may have had fmal *-n
in the language of Zheng Zhong. If this was so then these fmals would have
merged completely with the yuan (*-an) category in this dialect.
We have concluded that the geng category ended in *-ng in the dialects of
Fu Qian, Ying Shao, and Gao You. This would mean that the yang andgeng
groups had merged in these dialects. Finals (3), (4), (9), and (10) would have
filled lacunae in the yang group. Finals (1) and (2) would have merged with
yang group finals (3) and (4) to yield MC -ung and -wung. If we emend our
reconstructions of fmals (5) and (6) from *-jang and *-jwang to *-jiang and
*-jiwang in the dialects of Fu, Ying, and Gao, then we can assume that these
merged with finals (8) and (9) of the yang group to yield MC -jung and
-jwung. Finals (7) and (8) must then be emended to EH *-jang and *-jwang
for the three dialects in question. These would have merged with fmals (6)
and (7) of the yang group resulting in loss of contrasts which were preserved
in the other dialects and in the EH predecessor(s) ofthe QY language.
OC geng tJt group words having fmals (1), (2), (5), and (6) of the EH geng
group are rare, and Karlgren (1954:334) and U (1971 :51) do not reconstruct
separate OC origins for them. It is possible that our attempts to account for
On graphic grounds it can be assigned to the OC yang category (cf. GSR 742u;
Dong 1949: 171). Whatever its OC origins may have been, it is possible that in
the EH period it belonged to the zheng category, where it can be regularly
derived from EH *-rang. If we assign it to the yang group, then we might
reconstruct it as EH *-riang. The matter remains uncertain.
6.4.13
fmals:
sl bieng:
We may guess that they had EH *e as main vowel in the BHTY language.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan the fmals of the geng group have contacts
with those of the zhen (*-a) and yuan (*-a) categories in about equal
numbers, e.g.
xjwang-
1m gjeng~}J
pjwang *pjang)
sien- *sian-,yuan group)
6.4
In the BHTY glosses the finals of this group interchange with categories
for which we reconstruct EH * a and *e:
It seems probable that finals (8) and (9) belonged to the geng group in the
dialects of Zheng Xuan and SM. In the remaining gloss dialects they can be
assigned to the yang group, as indicated by examples such as the following:
BHTY71
Xu Shen 388
Gao You 237
}j
A;
)E dieng-
r.5
114
115
r -
r ------.
r -----.-
r---------
I Reconstructions
6.4
them in the EH reconstructions are in error. Perhaps they actually reflect the
sound systems of MC dialects derived from earlier languages like those of Fu
Qian, Ying Shao, and Gao You, where large scale or complete mergers had
occurred between the geng and yang categories. Future studies of the poetic
rimes and sound glosses of the post-Han period may throw further light on
this problem.2 7
Final (9) occurs twice in BTD:
78
306
bieng ~a
bieng ~a
IM'v
lfIii"v
Skt. bimbisara
Skt. bimbisara
242
41
65
71
163
251
46
27 Cf.
116
sjumwan
Skt. sumanii
Skt. mafijusii
Zju ~i ljisjak kja mjw~n
Skt. sakyamuni
~~X
ka
?a sju Ijwan
Skt. asura
pi}~1ifll
?a ljwen na
Skt. arul}a
pi}~ms
jiu zjwen
Skt. yojana
fIln1iJ
ffiI ms xlft,* pjen na mjwen da pjwat Skt. piin.lamaitriiyal}Iputra;
cf. P. pUl}I}amantanlputta
~r'
xf>tffilifU
mjw~n
Ting (1975:218-19).
229
151
61
343
219
~~m::ii1!!~
313
fliJf~
333
ItJfj;
Ift~Jt
fl:;ltIl;
JHU1Jj
?a nan pjen qi
da Ijen I}i
?jien qi
bjien dau
mw1i xa ')Wan kja lien
ka
k~u lien
kju
?j~u dien
Skt. anathapil}qika
Skt. dhiiral}I
Skt. indra
Skt. bandhumii
Skt. mah'iivanakaraI}qa
Skt. kaul}ginya
Skt. udayana
It is probably best to reconstruct for BTD the same finais we have posited for
the gloss dialects in this category. The presence of *.1 in these fmals can
account for their use in rendering Indic a, while configurations such as *-i.1and *-ji.1- might have been suitable for transcribing foreign i in the absence of
EH finals such as *-in. When *.1 occurred in words with labial initials or
medial *-w- it may have had a "u-coloring" which made it suitable for
rendering foreign u-vowel syllables. Note that we cannot simply reconstruct
*u in such words, for they are also employed to transcribe foreign a and i
vowel syllables. Compare, for example, the use of X in examples 41, 46, and
65 or 5)fS in 46 and 229.
6.4.15
fmals:
32
22
83
fpHf
tIEl:
1X~
tSjiin dan
niei ')Wan
t~hlin: diei
Skt. candana
Skt. nirviiI}a
Skt. k~ti
t~han-
93
87
$.'i1ft1l
109
imlft1l
~~ff
bjwllm- pwa
gjan dala
kan
gjun- da la
~an
Skt. brahmapari~adya
Skt. gandharva'Vgandharva
Skt. gandharva'Vgandharva
Finals (5) and (6) can be reconstructed with EH *-ia- to differentiate them
117
6.4
Reconstructions
from (3) and (4). Finals (7) and (8), which occur only after grave initials, can
be reconstructed with *-ja- and *-jwa. The, same forms can be posited for
fmals (9) and (10) when these follow acute initials. When they occur after
grave initials they can be reconstructed with *-ia- and *-iwa- to distinguish
them from (7) and (8). Finals (11) and (12) are rime doublets and cannot be
differentiated from (9) and (10) in our reconstruction.
The Tan
6.4.16
fmals:
Category.
We may suppose that this category had EH *a as its main vowel in all our EM
dialects:',, '. (- .. : :,'" : .
:;.'
'"
'1 '" 'J"f[ot
Final (5) is a rime doublet. It can be notationally distinguished from fmal
(3) by writing it as *-jiam. For the OC Qin t group U (1971 :34}writes oc;
**-fiam rather than *-jam after labials which did not dentilabialize ,during... I
MC period; and I shall adopt this convention h e r e . : .",
Final (4) is reconstructed by Ting (1975) as WJ -jong, but it derives from
U's OC **1am in labial initial words. It occurs in two S~ glosses:
~
,_ - :
.L:
'<
~~;
"',
'elf
173
k,:. 6
146
'
1iit 'c;",t:!:i'iD
."
Skt.dharma;cf.Gd.dhama
Skt. brahma '.' "'.,
. Skt. campaka . ~- "
.\
'; ".;-; : "';
It is probable that this group had *aas main vowel in all our EH dialects. In
parallel with the yuan category we can reconstruct fmal (3) with *-io- to
distinguish it from fmal (2). Final (4) ;Which occurs after guttural initials and
,fmal (5) which occurs afterlabiaf~an;~ereconstruct,ed as *1am. This form
can also be posited for fmal (6) wheIlJ~,occurs after acute initials. When it
follows grave initials we can reconstruct it' as *1iam. Final (7) is a rime
doublet and cannot be distinguished from fmal (6) in our reconstruction.
-
-::'
!.~: ~
"_t
""1" . :
! .
~03'
~~
As has been pointed out by Luo and Zhou (1958:74 and 112) and othe~
(e.g ... ~erruys,1961 :408; Pulleyblank 1962:235)these glosses seem t.oindi~a~~
thatJn late; ~H" times lmal (4) had *-~in the central diatests.,";hile in)h~
easiern dialects of Uu Xi's native area it had *-ng. Which, type ,~oul" J;>c: '
taken as representative of the' SM language is uncertain. We mayguesStlulf
the 'centralforni was simply *1am. For the eastern form' we can posit *-jang,
which would then be considered part of the zheng (*-ang) category: When
MC 1ang oCcurs after labials in zhe"g group words we can derive it from EH
*1iang in the dialects in question (cf. sections 6.4.9 and 6.4.10). " ~ ';~';~i~j,
, ,~ta on fmal (4) are available for two more of the gloss ~ec~s:: ;:~'
f
sju &jam
;.
~.
...-'t--
I'
1- .
,----
oj.
If'},.,:,:,.L , , ,....
'"
. pjungmwa
Skt. brahmi
,-,
'f t?/
if \:H
This suggest~ that final (4) was EH *-jam in BTD.
',:
""
.. Be~ore leaving this category we must consider the following gloss ofX~
Shen:. :::'j'!, ,,: c' '.i . " "
;'-.
;
" ' : .'"
"';; ':~';~~;f
.j
''Ii
f~ ~"
.~.
'.
" .
-:1 .Gkham:, ngim- *kham:,
1;.597,n(l
: .',
ngram-)
."J
IJ
xung:"~
118
r-
We may guess that fmal (4) should be reconstructed as *-Iang in the language
ofBHTYandFuQian:":"
'.'.
~.
+:< "lTU
Final (4) occurs once in the BTD data: .
;.~ i i '
'l'!f'
Skt. agama
. Skt.susrupprasthita
'.f
ram
i iiir'
. , .
174
Several fmals of this group have the MC vowel a. In BID they occur in
words which transcribe Sanskrit syllables having the vowels a and ii, e.g.
2
226
re
rmMm
"':r:r<'-~,'
,,: Ldammwi'"
> ':bjwum21w;':.
. ,t&jam bak
';1'"d,I~'! b.juk
the
~ ~i.$--
1256
Finals of this category have primarily a-like vowels in MC. In BTD they occur
in words whicfl render Sanskrit sYl1abl~s,h~ving the vowels a and ii, e.g.
~
I 6.4
ii9
r _._.
,----
r ----
6.4
I Reconstructions
?amwalak
jiiim pjak
kauji3k
kju
fMJ~
fliJJ
Skt. amalaka
Skt. campaka
Skt. kausika
It seems probable that these fmals had * a as main vowel in the various EH
dialects. In most gloss dialects fmal (7) also had *a, as indicated by examples
such as the following:
~Ii
a
i~
bjuk
mau:
xjwak
mah:)
j:f:! bjau:
muk
*muk, wu group)
puk *puk, wu group)
!f.U bjau:
*bjoh:)
,~
fl~
120
Xu Shen 43
1191
Gao You 173
tau:
!& mjuk
bjuk
~Ii bjuk
fj(
*tahw:)
dwok
ll: tSI
*tjah:)
1* "Yau:
*gahw:)
t.lt tSjuk
~
"Ywok
r !juk
Zheng Xuan 36
233
iIlR tSjuk
SM 275
ljuk
280
ftijuk
tsjwok *tsjuk,
wu group)
f! mjuk
~
tSjwok *tSjuk,
wu group)
tIlE luk
*luk, wu
group)
ftijau *njoh)
Jjj
?juk
By the WJ period this fmal had joined the WJ wo lJ;. rime group and is
reconstructed by Ting (1975:225) as -jok. In parallel with our treatment of
fmal (9) of the zhi Z group we can guess that fmal (7) had entered the EH
wo category and reconstruct it as *-jok for the two dialects in question.
6.4.19
finals:
*bjah:)
1:lc mjuk
6.4
In the glosses of Xu Shen" and Gao You the finals of this group have
contacts with categories for which we have reconstructed *a in the dialects in
question, e.g.
323
321
54
We can account for these contacts by reconstructing the fmals of this category
with EH *-ok in the dialects in question.
Final (3) of this group occurs in several BTD glosses:
13
!'I fl!&
also: 255
29
:;R&I
127
IIoJIm
!'ItlM
Skt.
ak~obhya
In examples 13, 127, and 255 this final corresponds to Indic syllables having
Skt. 0 or au (=Pkt. 0). In example 29 the correspondence is with Iranian u. As
noted in Chapter 5, section 5.2, this transcription predates the BTD period.
121
6.4 / Reconstructions
GY states that 29b is to be read as MC tiuk in this word. It is possible, however, that the GY tradition postdates BTD and that tuk *tuk, wu group) is
the correct reading. In any case it seems best to assume that the wo category
had EH *0 as main vowel in BTD.
6.4.20
finals:
The Yao
Category.
In the glosses of Xu Shen, Fu Qian, and Gao You finals of this group
interchange with categories for which we have reconstructed EH *a, e.g.
~
1198
Fu Qian 90
Gao You 174
?wak *?wak,
duo group)
gjak
xak
kilk
ji.ij~
.fi[
'Ywok
kiiu *kahw)
IfI xak *hak, duo group)
~ y.iu: *gahw:)
j\11j
We can account for contacts of this sort by reconstructing the fmals of this
group with EH *-a- + labiovelar *-kw for the dialects in question.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan and SM these fmals have contacts with the
xiao (*-3h) group, e.g.
rn
sjau *sj:>h)
Ifffi xwok
j!}IJ
sjak
We may suspect that theyao group had the main vowel *3 in these dialects.
How fmals (1), (2), and (3) were distinguished from each other in the EH
period is unclear.
There is one possible occurrence of fmal (4) in the BTD data:
246
:=:~:=::g~
The Wu
Category.
281
#'.I~
283
fliJ~~
kau suk
kju
kau suk mwii
kju
Xu Shen 669
Finals of this category are reconstructed with the main vowel u by Ting
(1975) for the WJ period. In BTD they occur in words which correspond to
Indie syllables having the vowel u:
Skt. kusuma
Skt. kusuma
f~
(t
ifi)J
{o"
kau- *kuak-)
tsju-, tju- *tjuak-, trjuak-)
~ilk *srak 1, duo group)
phak, bak *phak, bak,
duo group)
ljwok
For the dialects of Xu, Fu, and Gao it would seem best to reconstruct EH
*-ua- in the fmals of the wu category.
6.4.22
fmals:
The Duo
Category.
fl!~ X.
176
tlHlIlMl;flj
Skt. sakyamuni
Skt. jfianasn
This group is the checked fmal analogue of the yang category, and we may
suspect that it had EH *a as main vowel. Finals (6) and (7) can be projected
back to the EH period unchanged. Finals (8) and (9) are in complementary
distribution, with the latter occurring after velar initials and the former
elsewhere. They can both be reconstructed as EH *-jiak. Final (5) is rare and
occurs only in the following gloss in our data:
123
6.4 / Reconstructions
Xu Shen 672
t~~k,
III (5) -jat, (6) -jwat, (7) -jet, (8) -jwet, (9) -jEt
III/IV (10) -jiet, (11) -jiwet
IV (I 2) -iet, (13) -iwet
6.4.23
The Xi
m Category.
(f
dzjiik
1B ba- *brak-)
~
~
dzje- *dzjiah-)
~ pEk
{i ijiik
thiek
?ak *?ak)
*djiak)
ill!: ?Ek
We may assume that in these dialects this group had merged entirely with the
duo (*-ak) category. Finals (2) *-nviak,(4) *-jiwak, (5) *-iak and (6) *-iwak
would have ftlled lacunae in the duo group. Finals (1) and (3) would have
merged with duo category fmals (5) *-riak and (8) *-jiak yielding Me -Ek and
-jiik respectively.
In the glosses of Zheng Xuan the fmals of this group have contacts exclusively with those finals of the zhi Y: group for which we have reconstructed
EH *-<eh in this dialect, e.g.
247
410
pjie, bjie
*pji<eh, bji<eh)
. jie- *ij<eh-)
siek
"smooth, even"
For Zheng's language it seems best to reconstruct EH *<e in the fmals of this
category. Note that it is not necessary to posit *-i<e- diphthongs in any of
these fmals.
Final (3) occurs in the following BTD transcription:
26
MY:
pjiik tSje
Perhaps, as in most of the gloss dialects, the fmals of this group had EH *a in
BTD.
6.4.24
fmals:
Division I (1) -at, (2) -w~t
II (3) -at, (4) -wat
124
This category is the chec~ed final analogue of the zhi 1m and zhen groups
and we may guess that it had EH *a as main vowel in the gloss dialects. Finals
(5) and (6), which occur only after grave initials, can be projected back to the
EH period unchanged. Final (7) can be reconstructed as *-jiat. When final (8)
occurs after acute initials it can be reconstructed as *-jwat. After grave
initials it can be differentiated from (6) by reconstructing it as *-jiwat. Finals
(10) and (I 1) are rime doublets and cannot be distinguished from (7) and (8)
in our reconstruction. Final (9) is rare and occurs only after Me retroflex
initials. On the basis of graphic evidence it can be placed in the OC zhi if.
group,but Li (I 971 :47) does not distinguish it from fmal (7) in his OC
reconstruction. It occurs in Zheng Zhong 124 and Xu Shen 1220 where it
interchanges with itself. In the BHTY glosses it has the follOWing anomolous
contact:
119
r.':i
~:lk
*srjak)
In the SM glosses this fmal interchanges only with fmals of the yue (*-at)
category:
779
tL
t~at
799
,ijiQ
~wat
*tsriat)
*srjwat)
tffij
t~Et
~Et
156
1
169
259
330
1lz~t!!
1~
~tt
Mfftflt
#iJW~
f*.jOO
27
89
9'ef*.j~
215 m5~
98
~~~~1liiJ
42
~tf~M1~
47
fim5fi{5!
168 {5!M1tmifU
Skt. *hiraQyavafQa
Skt.buddha
Skt. uttama
Skt. aniruddha
Skt. kolita
Skt. vidya
Skt. tu~ita
Skt. nayuta
Skt. parrttasubha
Skt. praji'iaparamiHi
Skt. sannaha-sannaddha
Skt. netrasrr
125
6.4 I Reconstructions
most part in words which correspond to Sanskrit syllables having the vowels
It seems best to reconstruct for BTD the same finals we have posited for
the gloss dialects in this category. As in the case of the zhen category we can
guess that medial *-j- and diphthongs with *-i- made these fmals suitable for
transcribing foreign i, " and e, while * a rendered foreign a. The presence of
*-w- may have given rise to "u-coloring", making it possible for final (8) to
transcribe foreign u as in examples 215, and 259. Final (6) is used exclusively
to render foreign u syllables in the data, and we could safely reconstruct it
with *u for BTD. However, it seems more consistent to assume, as we have
done for final (8) and also for fmals (6) and (8) of the zhen group, that we
have here a main vowel * a which has been phonetically colored by medial
*_W-. 28
819
1214
pji: *pjiah:)
p~
/f~
In the MC period the word ~ "not" had both open fmal and rnsheng (-t)
readings. Only readings of the former type are explainable in terms of OC
graphic evidence. Verbal negatives in the modern dialects reflect a word of
the latter type. The reading pjwat seems to be cognate to
(MC pjwat)
"not", and it is widely thought that the graph ;r: was at some point borrowed
to write the negative pjwat (cf., for example, Karlgren, GSR #999a-d). If this
is true then the graphic loan must have occurred by Xu Shen's time, because
it is clear that readings of both types were known to him.
'*
6.4.25
74
~fO
712
i?ii1;
249
~fjflJ
34
148
mrmiiilI;
141
-aJ!\f<m
sat 'Ywa
'Ywat jiet
t~hat ljila jiwat gjie
gjlln: da jWllt
gjan
dam mju gjat
t~lft:~
Skt. sattva
Skt. vajra; cf. P. vajira
Skt. k~atriya
Skt. rajagrha
Skt. gandhavatI
Skt. dharmodgata
It is probable that this category had *a as main vowel in all our EH dialects.
Finals (5) and (6) can be reconstructed with *-io- to differentiate them from
(3) and (4). Finals (7) and (8), which occur only after grave initials, can be
reconstructed as *-jat and *-jwat. The same forms can be posited for (9) and
(10) when these follow acute initials. When they occur after grave initials
they can be reconstructed with *-ia- and *-iwo- to distinguish them from (7)
and (8). Finals (11) and (12) are rime doublets and cannot be differentiated
from (9) and (10) in our reconstruction.
In two examples words with finals of this category correspond to Indic u
syllables in BTD:
Before leaving this section we should take note of the following paranomastic glosses:
Xu Shen 818
I 6.4
135
1f!~tftBm
317
'fjtllJWr
mwa xajiwijwllt la
jiwiit dau dan
Skt. mahiivaipulya
Skt. suddhodana
In parallel with our conclusions regarding the zhen and zhi ~ categories we
may attribute this to phonetic u-coloring of the vowel *a occasioned by the
presence of medial *-w- in the syllables in question.
6.4.26
The He
Category.
finals:
Division I (1) -ap
II (2) -ap, (3) -ap
III (4) -jIlP, (5) -jWIlP, (6) -jap
III/IV (7) -jiiip
IV (8) -iep
fmals:
Division I (1) -at, (2) -wat
II (3) -at, (4) -wat, (5) -at, (6) -wat
III (7) -jet, (8) -jWllt, (9) -jat, (10) -jwat
III/IV (11) -jiiit, (12) -jiwat
IV (13) -iet, (14) -iwet
This group is the checked fmal analogue of the tan group. Its fmals have
primarily a-like vowels in MC. In BTD they occur in words which correspond
to Indic a-vowel syllables, e.g.
This group is the checked fmal analogue of the yuan category (section
6.4.15), and its fmals have primarily a-like vowels. In BTD they occur for the
94b
23
256
28 This same effect is observable in fmals of the yue (*-at) category. Cf. section
6.4.25.
126
ish
~
?ap
kjllp
kjajiap
ka
Skt. abha
Skt. kalpa; cf. Gd. kapa
Skt. kayapa
127
,-
r --
r----
r-----
It is probable that this category had *a as main vowel in all our EH dialects.
Final (3) can be reconstructed with *-ia- to distinguish it from fmal (2). Final
(4) which occurs after guttural initials and (5) which follows labial initials can
be. reconstructed as *-jap. This form can also be posited for fmal (6) when
this final occurs after acute initials. When it occurs after grave initials we can
reconstruct it as *-jiap. Final (7) is a rime doublet. It does not occur in the
data.
6.4.27
finals:
ORAL
BHTY.
e
a
It is probable that this group had *a as main vowel in all our EH dialects.
Final (3) can be projected directly back to the EH period. Following Li
(1971 :33) we can tentatively reconstruct (4) as *-jiap. Final (5), which is a
rime doublet, does not occur in the data.
if:
li
:>
u
3
u
0
it
Gao You
Skt. gandharva
u
(0)
u
a!
:>
ZhengXuan.
This category is the checked fmal analogue of the Qin category. A word
having fmal (1) occurs in the following BTD transcription, where it corresponds
to a Sanskrit syllable having the vowel ii:
NASALIZED
3
a
6.5
C. Vowels
a
SM.
e
a
e
a
:>
BTD
u
0
a
Summary
All Dialects
B. Final Consonants
All Dialects
Gloss Dialects excluding Ying Shao and Fu Qian .....
Xu Shen, Gao You . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Fu Qian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Zheng Xing/Zhong, Fu Qian, SM, BTD . . . . . . . . . . .
Xu Shen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
128
.
.
.
.
.
129
CHAPTER 7
Conclusion
7.1
EH Reconstructions
modern dialects
131
r----
reconstructions. Some of these reconstructions are admittedly very conjectural and little more than notational conventions. For example, a number
of OC initial clusters suggested by N. C. Bodman, Kun Chang, F. K. Li, and
E. G. Pulleyblank have been encorporated directly into our EH reconstructions. These can serve as indications that certain phenomena observed in the
Han data are similar to those noted by others in OC materials; but, whatever
their validity may be for the OC period, it is uncertain to what extent they
represent the "real" EH sound values in question. The primary purpose of our
reconstructive exercise has been to draw attention to what appear to be
regular relationships in the data. That these relationships are subject to
different interpretations and will lead to differing reconstructed systems goes
without saying. The reconstructions suggested here are tentative and will be
changed and replaced as the data increase and our understanding of them
deepens.
7.2
Some Applications
The study of the EH sound glosses can throw light on various questions,
some of which are important primarily for EH phonology and others of
which have broader significance. Let us now consider several examples of this.
7.2.1 Problems in EH Dialectology. In Chapter 6, section 6.5.17 we
examined two SM passages dealing with MC fmal (4) -jung of the EH qin rime
category. Liu Xi's comments seem to indicate that the isogloss separating
those dialects which had *-m from those which had *-ng in this fmal lay
along the western border of the Qing-Xu area. However, our data indicate
that the language of Fu Qian, who came from an area somewhat east of
Luoyang, had fmal *-ng here. It is thus possible that the development of
earlier **-m to EH *-ng had spread further west than Liu Xi had realized. 3
The dialects represented in our data can be grouped according to their
behavior with regard to certain problems we have discussed in Chapters 5 and
6, e.g.
1. *tj- dialects: Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Fu Qian, Gao You
*t8- dialects: Zheng Xuan, Ying Shao, SM, BTD
2. Evidence for *k(rJi- type initials: BHTY, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, SM
No such evidence: Du Zichun, Zheng Xing/Zhong, Fu Qian, Ying Shao,
Gao You,BTD
3. EH value ofMCj-:
*g-: Zheng Zhong, Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, Gao You, SM
3 TItis is also suggested by a number of EH rime contacts cited by Luo and Zhou
(1958:60.
132
7.2 / Reconstructions
the gloss dialects. The well-known transcription, BTD 29, where tian seems to
render foreign hin-, may actually be older than the other BTD data and is in
any case countered by examples where MC th- corresponds to foreign dental
stops (BTD 33, 329). But despite this it seems unlikely that there could be no
basis at all for Liu Xi's statement. There must have been people in central
China who pronounced tian with initial *h- in Liu Xi's time. Here we should
note that the substitution of *h- for *th- may have been primarily a development of the western and northwestern dialects. On the basis of comments in
YQJYY Dien (1957:287-8) has suggested that a MC dialect pronunciation
xien for :R (MC thien) may have been a feature of the language of the Shaanxi/Gansu (Le. Guanzhong) area in Tang times. In its specialized form,
(Me
xien), this word became the Chinese name for Zoroatrianism, which had
entered China from the northwest. Dien mentions our SM glosses and is
concerned that Liu Xi has not referred to the Guanzhong area in SM 1067;
but this is no cause for alarm, for the fact is that the entire SM text makes
only one reference to the western dialects, Le. SM 42: Bing-Ji #~, and this
may actually be a corruption of You-Ji ~~.4 It seems clear that Liu Xi was
not familiar with the dialects spoken in Guanxi. But why, we may ask, had he
heard *h- substituted for *th- among people from Guandong? I believe this
may have been due to the migration of western dialect speakers into the
central area during the EH period. As pointed out by Lao (1935/1976:23-4)
and Bielenstein (1947:139-40), in A.D. 2 the Chang-an area and the valley of
the Wei
River were thickly settled, but by A.D. 140 the population of
these areas had been greatly reduced. s Lao observes that with the transfer of
the capital from Chang-an to Luoyang many wealthy and influential people
had moved from Guanzhong to the Guandong area. It is possible that these
individuals influenced the upper class speech of Luoyang and other parts of
Guandong by introducing western phonological features such as the substitution of *h- for *th-. On the other hand, it may be that the popular speech of
Luoyang (Le. BTD) and the traditional scholarly dialects of the EH glossists
were relatively less susceptible to such influences.
Bodman (1954:9) has assumed the existence of a "received official
standard" in EH times. What this may have been is a problem. There may
have been significant divergences between the reading pronunciations preferred
by some scholars and the standard language of the capital. This is suggested
by the sometimes striking differences we have found between many of the
gloss dialects and BTD. We have seen that Zheng Xuan, for example, seems to
have used the pronunciation of his native area in reading and explicating
'.k
4 See
S Compare,
134
135
f
------
r------
It is my hope that the data collected in Part III include most of the available
EH sound gloss material, exclusive of the SM glosses. However, I cannot claim
that the corpus is comprehensive. Even as this study neared completion new
glosses were still being identified and included. The data given here must
therefore be viewed as a core to which new material should be added as it is
uncovered. This is particularly true in the case of paranomastic glosses, for it
is sometimes difficult to decide what is a paranomastic gloss as opposed to a
simple semantic gloss. I have been fairly conservative in my selection of such
material. As our familiarity with EH phonology increases it will undoubtedly
be possible to add to our stock of paranomastic data.
As mentioned in Chapter 4, I was unable to identify a number of the
transcriptions found in the BTD sources. These should be studied by persons
who are specialists in Buddhist texts. It is my sincere hope that these texts
will not now be dismissed as having "already been done" simply because
136
137
Part III
The Data
Introduction
The data given here are arranged according to source. The sources are discussed
in Chapter 4. Within each of the gloss dialect sources the material is divided
into subsections according to gloss types, which have been discussed in
Chapter 2. Within the subsections the glosses are arranged according to the
EH rime categories of the first words (Le. the glossed words) of each entry.
The EH rime categories used here are essentially those of Luo and Zhou
(I 958: Chapter 3). In a few cases, where Luo and Zhou's grouping does not
do justice to the final system of a particular source, the arrangement inferred
from the source is followed. These cases are discussed in Chapter 6. The
ordering of the rime categories is as follows:
1. Zhi Z
2. You IIUl
3. Xiao 'ff
4. Yu,~
a. OC Yu f!iI. Type
b. OC Hou ftk Type
5. Ge :v:
6. Zhi 5Z
7. Zhi nil
8. Ji ~
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Zheng rti,.
Dong ~
Dong
Yang ~
Geng fJ!:
Zhen (f{
Yuan }e
Tan ~
Qin ~
Zhi If,~
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
Wo 'tf:.
Yao ~
Wu ~
Duo ~
Xi
Zhi ~
Yue n
He ~
Qi m
Within these rime categories the glossed words are arranged according to
their MC forms. The criteria for this arrangement apply in the following order:
1. The four divisions of the rime tables: I, II, III, IV
2. The four tones: ping -"f, shang J:, qu 1i:, ru A
3. Monophthongs precede diphthongs. Diphthongs precede triphthongs.
The ordering of monophthongs and diphthongs is as follows:
a, ii,1I, ii, i, i, g, e, ,0, u
gi,
iu, gU
139
,_.
Introduction
t~h
tSh
kh
?
j5. Labialized (hekou Ii- u )
syllables.
ts
k
d~
z
dz
nz
s
ng
x
g
'Y
jisyllables follow non-labialized (kaikou 1m!] )
U, YL, ZL
words or which refer to dialect usage are quoted in full. Due to space limitations it is necessary to quote the remaining glosses in abbreviated form, in
which only glossed and glossing words are given. The patterns of the glossing
formulas in which these words occur are identified with letter codes which
are explained for each source in the individual sections. A general code for
paranomastic glosses has been adopted for all the sources. It is as follows:
A
B
x,yill
x~,yill
C
D
x~m,Y(ill)
Others
x~,y("ill)
BHTY30
4A.la
This is gloss 30 of the BHTY data. It occurs injuan 4, part A ( tfI'"lJ:), page
I, recto of the BHTY text. The glossing pattern is D, and the words ~ and
~ gloss the word .til! The original passage reads: .til! ~ . ~ ill. ~ ito
Occasionally a paranomastic gloss is preceded by the phrases TIlZEl "some
say ... " or - El "one (authority) says .... " Passages of this type apparently
represent alternate glosses or readings. In such cases the code letter will be
followed by the contraction "alt."
In certain cases glosses have been excluded from the data. The follOWing
are the criteria used for the exclusion of material:
I. Cases where a graph glosses itself.
2. Cases where a graph is glossed with a variant of itself for which the MC
reading is the same.
3. Cases where one member of a gloss is unknown or has no known MC
reading.
4. Cases where a gloss cannot be phonologically interpreted.
An example of such a case is the following duruo gloss:
SWGL 5949b tfHj(1!.'JU'Ifl\m15o
"Quan is read like the name of the cloth from the capital of Shu."
The cloth referred to here is unknown, and no sound correspondence
can be set up.
Introduction
Zhou (1958). For rimes in SW, SWGL page numbers are also given.
The arrangement of the BTD material differs from that of the other data
and will be explained in lILA. 1 I. The BTD material is included in the general
stroke order index.
In addition to MC readings for the graphs in the data, full or partial EH
reconstructions are also given where possible. These are always starred and
are placed to the left of the MC forms. Where the MC readings are considered
to be directly derivable from the EH forms, the two are separated by a
derivational arrow. Otherwise they are separated by a slash.
At the end of each data section are supplementary notes. These are
numbered according to the glosses to which they refer. Glosses to which
notes are appended are marked with a star.
The following is an alphabetized list of romanized titles and chapter
headings which appear in the data:
Aigongwen
Baoren
Bianren
Bianshi
Biaoji
Bo wujing yiyi
Changren
Chanren
Checushi
Chepu
Cheren
Dabu
Dapu
Dasheyi
Dashi
Dasirna
Dasitu
Dasiyue
Daxingren
Daxu
Daxue
Dayu
Dazai
Dazhu
Dazhuan
Dazongbo
:R~r,,"l
~A
riA
1fgjfi
*f;2
~1l.~~~
~A
~A
tf~Il:;
if!~
if! A
*1*~
*M~
*Mi
*n],~
:k<t]1iE
*IT]~
:xrrA
:;.'c1!f
*~
*!lJ'l.
**
:kWtR,
*ffi
**fB
Dianfugong
Dianrui
Dianshi
Diantong
Dianyongqi
Dianzhu
Diloushi
Fangren
Fengren
Fubushi
Fushi
Gaoren
Gongren
Gongshi dafu Ii
Gongyang
Guiren
Gumeng
Guoshi
Hairen
Hanren
Hanshangyi
Hanshu buzhu
Huahui
Hunyi
Huzhuoshi
Jiangren
~$~
~frffi
'JaJ Gio
~IE]
~I!hlf{,*
'JaJiii5l
tm.Il:;
1iltA
MA
nli-1~U;
~Il:;
~A
~A
~1tk~~
~+
1iI!A
V~
~Il:;
NiA
jag A.
~l::
i~.1lIli
w.~
~~
~i~U;
IlJ:A
Jiaotesheng
Jifa
Jijie
Jinche
JinIi
Jitong
Jiuzheng
JiyI
Jiyi
Jixi
Junren
Kaogongji
Kongzi xianju
Liangren
Lingren
Linren
Liqi
Lixu
Liyun
Lizai
Lunren
Luren
Luxu
Mazhi
Meishi
MeishI
Mingtangwei
Minli
Mulu
Muren
Nanwu
Neisifu
Neizai
Neize
Niuren
Niizhu
Pingshi
PinIi
Pinyi
Qiankun zaodu
Qingshi
-AA
Quanren
M$(
Quewen
Iltlil
QuIi
Ruxing
i~A~~
Sangdaji
~n~
Sangfu
~ 1lG1l.9$1j
Sangfu sizhi
Sangfu xiaoji ~nIVH2
Shangshu dazhuan zhu f.!iJe*fJJHt
Shaolao kuishili j,'2p1l't ftiill
,f1!jA
Shaoren
j,'~
Shaoyi
19Mi
Shengshi
~H,~l\;
Sheniaoshi
Shenyi
i*t<
Sheren
MA
Sheyi
M~
j:}(L~
Shiguanli
Shihunli
~il
nn;t~
Shijin
~t~Ff=
Shipuxu
Shiliao
l\I!ot
Shitu
~i~
tx.A
Shiren
Shisangli
~iiIl
MiIl:;
Shishi
ShishI
Mi
1;Il:;
Shlsht
Shoutiao'i'f~~
mil:;
Shuishi
fj'jnR
Sifu
TI]j(;MJ
Sigedun
fj'j~~
Sigongshi
ff]~
Siguan
(1);I:.ITrf.;
Sihuishi
fj'j~
Sijia
fj'jJl~
Sijiyan
fj'jr"l
Sirnen
P]~
Siqiu
ff]m
Sisht
~I!r.jfi
SishT
~l\!f'H'1
~i*
j,faif
mary
rt]!~
fdlWt~
~t.Jt
i!!llE
fJ<::'li
~~
fTI:~
JeJA
$j~U2
.fLTfm~ii
fir A
'&A
~A
~7.*
~Fr~iJ
rwr;
~A
ILIA
r~1lf
,~11
~Il:;
t*Mi
~1ittL
~"l~
~
!&A
~lli.
f'gPlnR
f'g*
f'g J{I]
tf:.A
~iii5l
nil:;
~~
~~
~:I:rjl~1Jf.
~Mi
143
142
I
r-----
r-
r---
----
il
144
Yiqi
Yousiche
Yueji
Yueling
Yueshi
Yugong
Yunren
Yuren
Yuren
Yuzao
Zaishi
Zaji
Zengziwen
Zeshi
Zhanggu
Zhangshe
Zhanrneng
Zhashi
Zhengzhi
Zhifangshi
Zhiren
Zhongren
ZhongshT
Zhongshl
Zhongyong
Zhongzai
Zhouren
Zhouyizhu
Zhushi
Zhuzi
Ziren
Ziyi
Zuzhu
fftfl
tfHJif&
~~G
JI-f,~nlli
,~fl
1. Du Zichun
IilliA
~A
::EA
::E~
ltiljfj
*l~G
A
B
ij<rro9
ttIl:;
D
E
#1iliI
~~
r:5~
~Il:;
~;t:
~1JIr;
f{A
*A
~r.jfj
tiL\;
,*,fM
*'*
nA
J!Ji1:
fi'f,Ir;
~r
rFA
~~
iillif9l
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
II.
12.
13.
14.
IS.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
x
x
~j'f~
~.~
...... (~)y
x~~y
x ~.tmy
Others
'*
'*
145
1. Du Zichun
25.
26.
27.
28.
'*
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
5. The reading of a is attested in JY, which probablY bases itself on Shiwen 8.35a.
28. The reconstruction of *-t- in these words is uncertain. See Oiapter 6, section 6.2.3.
33. The reading of a is attested in JY, which probably bases itself on Shiwen 8.35a.
34. If Du's language had a palatal series, the initial of b might also be reconstructed as
EH *z-. The reconstruction of fmal *-t- in these words is uncertain.
35. Reconstruction of fmal *-t- is uncertain in these words.
56. The correspondences in this gloss are very irregular. It is possible that the passage
is an attempt to reconcile two variant text traditions and is not really a sound-based
annotation (see Karlgren 1963-7: #122).
57. If Du's language had a palatal series, then the initials of these words might also be
reconstructed as EH *z-.
2. Zheng Xing
These data consist entirely of loangraph glosses. The identifying code for
them is:
A
B
C
x ~Jf~y
x ~Jf~ ...... (2) y
x ~Jf~~ y
*
"*
1. ZL, Dazhu 135. A ~ *p- > pau*p- > pau2. ZL, Hairen 36. A fin *m- > mau:
*m- > mau
3. ZL, Xiangshi 63. A ~ *tsjah, tshjah, tsab > tsjwo, tshjwo, tswo
Poi *dzjiak- > dzja"straw gift mat"
4. ZL, Suiren 83. A
*dzrjak- > dfjwo- n *dzJiak > dzjiik
"royal field"
5. ZL, Xiaozai 22. A ~m bjak- bjian: > bju- bjlin:
ff 511] *bjuah bjiat > bju bjlit
6. ZL, Diantong 126. B ~N *pjai > pje 1ili *brai > baY
"short in stature"
7. ZL, Niizhu 48. A ~ *krang: > hng: 1C *kang > Hng
.?
147
146
r -
r - --- -
I ---
r----
---
---
r -,.,--
[~
3. Zheng Zhong
9.
lO.
11.
12.
13.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
3. Zheng Zhong
25.
These data consist of loangraph glosses, paranomastic glosses, and rime
sequences. The identifying code for the 100000graph glosses is:
A
B
C
D
E
xm~y
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
148
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
!--
I 3. Zheng Zhong
m:
149
49. ZL, Lumen 224. D fifL *grwang > rwwg *fL *grwang > rwng
50. ZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. B 'Ii. *grwang > rwng
tt *grwang > rwng
51. ZL, Kaogongji, Yumen 235. B ~ *kjong > kjung ~ *khung> khung
52. ZL, SishI 106. A I *kung > kung J}J *kung > kung
53. ZL, Dazhu 135. A jiJ *dung: > dung: i! *tung: > tung:
54. ZL, Mazhi 159. B ~ *kang > kang Jt *kang > kang
55. ZL, Kaogongji 221. B if!Jii. *mang > mwang
*mang > mwang
56. ZL, Yueshi 122.A ~ *gwang> rwang ~ *gwang>rwang
57. ZL, Fubushi 164. B tft *khang- > khang- Jt *khang- > khang58. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 252. D* ~ *drang > 911ng
~ *thrang- (?) > thllng59. ZL, Kaogongji 221. B IJli *pjang: > pjwang: 1M *pjah: > pju:
60. ZL, Kaogongji, Ziren 241. B f:l! *khrian, grian/khwg, rng
rm *khran, khrian > khan, khin
61. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 225. D ,fj *rjian/jiiing
*rjian/jiiing
62. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 223. * *l!!n'lAIUl"* 8 ftjf .zftjfo
*l!! *pjian:/pjang: ftjf *pjian:/pjang:
*pjian: > pjan:
*pan: > pwan:
"rim of a wheel"
63. ZL, Kaogongji, liangren 246. A ~ *dian-/dieng- W *dian/dieng
*dian- > dien64. ZL, Zhouren 228. A 1m *khan: > khan: ,~*khan: > khan:
65. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 223. A
*ngran: > ngan: /IN *gran: > ran:
66. ZL, Sijiyan 110. B* ~ *phjan > phjwan IHS *pjian> pjen
~ *pjan: > pjwan:
67. ZL, Baoren 234. B ~ *ljian > ljen ~ *ljian > ljen
68. ZL, Kaogongji, Lumen 223. B* m *tjan, tjan: > tSjen, tSjen:
~ *di~n- > dien*dian-/dieng69. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. B* ~ *tjian: > tSjen:
~ *thi~n: (?) > xien:
70. ZL, Sijiyan 110. B* M! *tjw~n:, tjw~n-> tsjwen:, tsjwen"hem, border"
~ *kjw~n > kjwen
71. ZL, Changren 107. A 'li *hj~n-(-j:i] , hji~n- [-jia] > xj~n-, xjentti *hjw~i > xjwei
72. ZL, Tuxun 54. A ~II *hjw~n- > xjwan- Nil *sgjw~n > zjwen
73. ZL, Kaogongji 221. B !!ill *gjw~n- > jw~n- ill!: *gjw~n- > jwan74. ZL, Dianrui Ill. B fi *tsjian- > tsjen- ffi *tsji~n- > tsjen-
150
151
r--------
r--
3. Zheng Zhong
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
ZL, Dasima 156. C fIfE *luk > luk W *lung- > lungZL, Kaogongji, Taoren 240. A ~ *guk > 'Yuk f!# *guk > 'Yuk
ZL, Dasima 154. D i; *druk > q.3k lJij *druk > q.3k
ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. D D1I! *?ruk >?3k ~ *?ruk >?3k
ZL, Kaogongji, Baoren 234. D ~ *pak > p3k *W *bjak > bjwak
ZL,Dasima 155.A* ~*mrak>m1!k ~*mrak->maZL, Zeshi 206. B 1"1= *tsrak > t~1!k
~ *tsjiak- > tsja"clear away brush"
>F- *tsrak > t~1!k
ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 223. D 1"1= *tsrak > t~1!k
"narrow, tight"
~ *tsIjiak- > tsjaZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. B 1t *sjiak > sjak ~ *tshak > tsh3k
ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 250. A ~ *rjak > jiak ~'*rjak > jiak
ZL, Zhashi 203. A ~ *dzjiak > dzjak 9li. *dzjiah- > dzjeZL, Checushi 186. A ~ *thiak, ? > thiek, thjat ~ *drjiak > q.jak
ZL, Zhuzi 167. B 2'f' *tshw~t > tshw~t $ *tshw~t- > tshw~iZL, Neisifu 49. Jitl:?f~Ii!iJj/UJUg1!;l.o
Jitl *khjw~t > khjw~t M *khjwat > khjwet
ZL, Kaogongji 221. D 1IlI *tsrji~t (?) > t~t l1!il *tsrji9t > t~t
ZL, Kaogongji, Fangren 240. A ~ *kwat > kwat I'iU *krwat > kwat
ZL, Yeshi 230. A ~ *ljwat > Ijwat ,\ill] (*sljwat ? > )*srjwat > ~wat
ZL, Kaogongji, Lunren 223. A ~ *ngiat > ngiet ~ *ngiat > ngiet
ZL, Sheniaoshi 165. A ~ *kriap > kap EfI *krap > kap
ZL, Fengren 50. A ~ *tsjap > tsjap :i *srj9p > ~j9p
PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
130. ZL, Shijin 134. E #~ *zjah: > zjwo: Ff: *zjah: > zjwo:
131. ZL, Xiaozhu 136. E ~~ *mian/mieng 45 *mjian/mjang
132. ZL, Sijiyan 110. A M! *tjw~n:, tjw9n- > tSjwen:, tsjwen"hem, border"
~ *rjwan- > jiwan133. ZL, Zhangshe 38. E ~ *kj9k > kj9k ~ *kjak > kjuk
134. ZL, Sijiyan 110. E f8 *prak > p1!k ~ *prak > p1!k
135. ZL, Hamen 233. E ot *g9p > 'Y9p EfI *krap > kap
POETIC RIME SEQUENCES
136. 147
137. 157
138. 193
152
1.=.
*sran/~1!ng
)'iJT
*sIjah: >
-g *kra > ka
~jwo:
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
*t1t
153
lexicographical ghost.
99. For discussion of the initial correspondence in this gloss see Chapter 5, section
5.8.
100. A is paranomastically glossed with the word JlIl in Xu Shen 1176. JlIl can in turn
be reconstructed with EH *gl- on the basis of BHTY 6.
109. Karigren (GSR 1224p) gives for ba MC reading rak which he attributes to QY. I
have not been able to locate this reading in any QY fragments or versions.
lIS. Shiwen (9.2a), in glossing this ZL passage, gives for a the MC reading ma-. This
appears to be a lexicographical ghost reading based on Zheng Zhong's original annotation.
142. This rime is irregular.
143. This riming pair is not included in Luo and Zhou (1958) but occurs in the same
text passage where the rest of Zheng Zhong's rimes are found.
4.BHTY
These data consist entirely of paranomastic glosses, which are identified
according to the general code.
3.
3a.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9a.
9b.
lOa.
lOb.
II.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
() 17.
18.
1. 2AAa. B*
2. 4AAb. D
19. 3B.5a. B ~*kr:>k- > kau- ~ *gr:>k- > ')'au20. Quewen 4a. E ~ *trj:>h > ljiiu ~ *drj:>h > <jjiiu
"morning"
21. 3A.2Ib. C .. *kah: > kwo:
[j!!J *kak- > kwo"to trade, do business"
22. 3A.7b C
*gwrah > ')'wa fi *gwak > ')'wak
23. 4A.l8b. B ~ *krak- > ka*krah > ka
*pjah > pju ~ *bjah > bju
24. 3B.7a. B
25. 3B.7a. B* 3( *bjah: > bju: ~ *kjwah: > kju:
26. 2AAb. C ~ *gjwah: > ju: &7 *hrjah > sjwo
27. 4A.l8b. B ~ *tshjuk- > tshju- 1IJi *tshjuh:, tshjuk- > tshju:, tshju28. 2A.lb. C *- *hwa: > xwa: ft *hwra- > xwa29. 2A.lb. C* *- *hwa: > xwa: ~Ii *?jwei: zjwei > ?jwe: zjwe
30. 4A.la. D* !1!! *dei (?) > di- ~ *hrjei > sje IDW *tei- > tiei31. 3B.9b. C JI$ *bjiei > bjie 1# *be:/bieng:
32. 2B.6a. D *mjiai > mji ~ *miai > miei
33. 4B.l6a. C P *hrjiai > si Mi *drjHj/Qjen
34. IB.7a. E ~ *riai 'V ziai 'V ijiai > ji *rei- 'V zei- 'V zjei- > jie"easy"
35. 3B.8a-b. B ~ *tsjiai: > tsi: <tt *tsjiai > tsi
36a. 4B.l Oa C 7E *sjiai: > si: lI9f *sjei > sje
36b. 2A.la. C
*hrjwai: > Wi: 71 *tjw~ :/tsjwen:
37. 3A.24b. B ~ *tjiat- 'V tSjiat- > tsi- J!{ *tjiat 'V tsjiat > tsjet
"to substantiate"
38. lA.14b. C ~ *rjiai- 'V Zjiai- 'V ziai- (?) > dZi-
*
x
51
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
39. 4B.l3b. C
jI
]55
154
r-------
~~----
4. BHTY
51. 2AAb. B
*tangw 'V tong> twong f{f tjangw 'V tjong > tsjung
*tangw 'V tong> twong
52. Quewen 2b. E
1t< *tjangw- 'V tjong- > tSjung53. 3A.23b. C ~ *dzangw 'V dzong > dzwong
ff~ *tsangw 'V tsong > tswong
54. 4B.l3b. B Q~ *phjong> phjung lJi *phjok- > phjau"to cover, protect"
55. 2AAb. B; Quewen 6b. C* '8 *kjangw 'V kjung > kjong
*trjangw 'V trjong > !jung
56. 3B.l9b. B frp *drjangw- 'V drjong- > ~jung*trjangw 'V trjong > gung
57. 4B.5b. B tfoi] *dung> dung jffi *thung- > thung58. Quewen 2b. E ~ *zjung > zjwong ~ *sjung: > sjwong:
59. 1BlOa. C; 2AAb. A; 2A.5b. B Ii *tjung > tsjwong
j!/) *dung: > dung:
60. 2B.1 Oa. C
*?jung> ?jwong ~ *?jung > ?jwong
61. 2B.10a. E
*?jung > ?jwong M *?jung: > ?jwong:
62. Quewen 6b. C* '!it *dang > dang f!ij *mjiang mjwl!ng
63. 4B.10b. B
*smang > sang c *mjang > mjwllng
"burial"
64. 3B.6a. B* ;j!fOOJ *kang > kiing ~ *trjang > tjang
65. 3A.23b.B JJi *gwang > rwiing ;fJ\'t *gwrang > rWllng
66. 3A.23b. C f1If. *gwang > rwiing 1t *kwang > kwang
67. 2AAa. B )Ji! *krang > hng ~ *krang > hng
68. 2B.12b. C :ffi *smrjang > ~ang C *mjang > mjwl!ng
69. 3A.23b. C* ~ *tjang 'V tSjang > tSjang l!fl *mjiang > mjwllng
70. 3A.20b. B l!fl *mjiang > mjwllng C *mjang > mjwang
71. 3B.8b. B 5L *hjiwang > xjwl!ng tR. *hjwang- > xjwang72. 2A.3b. E p:j *pjiang: > pjwl!ng: ~ *pjiang: > pjwllng:
73. llB.12a. B fjlj *tsjie/tsjang ~ *dzjie:/dzjang:
74. 3A.20b. B m*tshjie/tshjang 'j!f *tshe/tshieng
75. 3B.8b. B rn-*dzjie/dzjang ~*dzjie:/dzjang:
76. IB.8a. B* ~ *hrjie/Sjang ~~ *mje/mjl!ng
77. 3B.15b. B tt *sjie-/sjling- 1=. *sre/~l!ng
78. 3B.7a. A* tt*kjwa/kjwan ~ *gjiwli/gjwan
79. 2A.3b. E if: *thjwii'V tSlljwii/tSlljwen iff *thjwii: 'V tshjwli:/tSlljwen:
80. 3B.7a. B gJ: *g(r)ji~/ijen ~ *ki~/kien
81. 2A.3a. B ji{ *ri~ 'V zia/jien ~ *ra: 'V za:/jian:
82. 3B.9b. C 'fl *dzjia :/ijen: ~ *sjiah: > sja:
83. 4A.1a. C x *thi3/thien ~ *trjia-ftjen84. 4AAa. B fr *nia/nien {JJ *njang > nijang
'*'
'*'
*
*
'*
156
85. 3B.9b. C
86. 4B.1b. B
87.4B.15a.C
88. 2B.3a. A
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
I 4. BHTY
~f
*ka/kan =f *ka/kan
*kwa/kwan iJIlf *kjiwa-/kjwanti';; *kwa/kwan 7t *gwa/rwan
~ *kra-/kan1m *kria/klin
~ *krang> hng
"change, alternate"
"change"
2B.10b. E ;tF *pha-/phwan*pa-/pwanIB.9a. C .IJl *hjwa/xjwlln ~ *hjwa/xjwan
lA.lIb. B :ffiIl *tjwa 'V tSjwa/tSjwlin
*tjwa 'V tsjwa/tsjwlin
4B.2b. E ~ *mjia:/mjlin: f!e. *mjia:/mjlin:
4B.2a. C 1f- *bjia-/bjlin- ~ *phra/phwan
2A.1b. E *gram > rlim ~ *ki3/kien
3B.9b. C* {" *sjam > sjam ft. *njam: > iiijam:
2AAb. E :f: *njam > iiijam if *njam > nzjam
"to serve"
IB.10a. B ~ *gjam > gjam ~ *kjam- > kjam-'
IB.8a. B If *?jam > ?jam (!j.: *?jam: > ?jam:
2B.9a. C ~ *grok > rak ~ *krok > kak
4B.5b. B* r *trjok > tjuk m*tsjuk > tsjwok
3B.l9b.B ~*hrjok>Sjuk 'Y'*hrjok-> SjauQuewen 6b. E ~ *djok 'V dijok > ijuk Y.~\*djok 'V dijok > ijuk
2A.1b. C*
*muk > muk
*thjuk 'V tshjuk > tSlljwok
3B.lla. C
*muk > muk !I?c *mjok > mjuk
3A.7b. B iJi *duk > duk ~ *druk > ~ak
4B.lOa. C* ;j!J< *(g)luk > luk m*sjoh > sjliu
3B.14a. B ~ *dzuk > dzuk ~ *tshuh- > tshau~ *dzjuh:, dzjuk- > dzju:, dzju3A.7a. C ~ *ngruk > ngak t~ *kruk > kak
4B.15 a. C
*kwak > kwak
*khwak > khwak
IB.10b. E ~ *prak > pllk *pak > pak
Quewen 2b. E tEl *prak > pllk ~ *prak > pl!k
3B.19b. E is *prak > pl!k ~ *prak > pllk
3A.7a. C 1l *hwak > xwak ~ *gwak- > rwo2B.lOa. Clf: m*p- > pjlik m*ts- > tsjlik
2B.10a. B
*p- > pjlik ~ *p- > pjlik
3A.23a. C* ~ *p- > pjlik m*ts- > tsjlik
IB.7a. B J;: *d- > diek JJ, *r- > jilik
Quewen 2b. E ~ *Ijiat > Ijet N! *ljiat > ljet
IB.9b.A* r5*srjiat(?~jt 1tt*srjak>~jak
2A.3b. E* Z, (*ts?jiat ? > ) *?jiat > ?jet ~iJ *tsiat > tsiet
2AAa. B [l(; *smjat > sjwet iIA: *mjiat > mjiat
ap. TPYL 692.7b. E #C *kiwat > kiwet ~ *kiwat > kiwet
Ja;
'*
-=
*
*
157
C.
D.
NOTES
1. I follow Tjan (1949-53:435, n. 54) in reading b 1?< as ~ "kernal".
8. A can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in Xu Shen's language; see Xu 829. It is
difficult to decide whether or not the present passage should be taken as evidence for an
initial cluster in the BHTY language.
12. On the reconstruction of EH *hnr- in a see Chapter 5, section 5.3.
15. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in Xu Shen's language; see Xu 829. Cf. also
BHTY8.
17. In this passage band c are alternate glosses on a. The initial correspondence
between a and b is irregular.
25. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
29. It is difficult to decide how this passage should be interpreted. The gloss also
occurs in the Chunqiu yuanming bao ~t!;.5C~fY (see Ma 1883 :2120a) which probably
dates from late WH or early EH times (Tjan 1949-53 :101). The BHTY passage is probably
a quote from this text.
30. The rime development of a is irregular, since EH *-ei should yield MC -iei here. B
and c are alternate glosses on a.
45. This passage almost certainly derives from LJ, Jiaotesheng 93: 11'. nll1.. Though
it is listed by Zhang (1816:96), it is probably not a paranomastic gloss.
50. On the rime of b see Chapter 6, section 6.4.12.
55. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
62. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
64. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
69. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
76. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
78. The development of b is irregular since EH *-jiwan should yield MC -iwen.
However, as noted by Li (1971 :37) QY and GY list no words with MC initial g- and fmal
-jwen.
95. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
100. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
103. This is almost certainly a riming gloss.
106. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. A can be reconstructed with
EH *gl- for the language of Zheng Xuan on the basis of Zheng 400.
114. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Cf. BHTY 116.
116. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
119. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
120. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. However, as mentioned in
Chapter 5, section 5.9, it may indicate that a had initial *ts?- in some early EH dialect.
DURUO GLOSSES
1. 681 b. B t! *g:lh > r:li ft{ *g:lh > r:li
2. 5653b. A & *?:lh, ?:lh: > ?:li, ?:li: ~ *hj:lh > xjl
3. 591b.A ~*?:lh>?:li ~*?:lh>?:li
4. (6677a). B M *ph:lh, phj:lh > phw:li, phj:lu ~ *b:lk > b:lk
5. 2805b. A IDI~ *b:lh > bW:li Ilf~ *b:lh > bW:li
6. 2041b. A f@ *n:lh: > n:li: {Jj *nj:lng > nzj:lng
7. 1042a. B ~ *gw:lk-, hW:lk- > rW:li-, xW:li- Il* *gl:lk- > l:li8. 1218a. A }11. *ts:lk- > tS:li- JI!X: *ts:lk- > tS:li9.555Ib.A Iltlj*m:lh:>m:lu: J:*m:lh:>m:lu:
10. 3360a. B FJ *m:lk- > m:lU- i *m:lk- > m:lUII. 5213a. A ~ifii *nj:lh > nZI iili *nj:lh > M:i
12. 2003a. C 7~ *kj:lh > kj"i :Jt *kj:lh > kj"i
13. 5529b. A ~t *khj:lh > khji' .iii: *gj:l:, gj:l-/gj:ln:, gj:ln14. 1407b. A Hg *hj:lh > xji" "l'! *hj:lh > xj"i
15. 178a. A H:! *z:lh > jii" lItl *z:lh > jii'
16. 896a. A ~t *gjiw:lh > gjwi .it *gjiw:lh > gjwi
17.1I32a.A -ft *gjiw:lh > gjwi ~ *gjiw:lh > gjwi
18. 4164b. A In *sj:lh: > SI:
fl *sj:lh: > si:
19. 1371b. A L'X *zj:lh > zl E *zj:lh > zl
20. 2176b. A I'lf *sIj:lh: > ~"i: ill *sji:l-/sjen21. 6578a. A
~ *gj:lh: > gjl:
tc *khj:lh: > khji':
22. 6615a. B* ft *ngj:lh: > ngji: ~1 *ngj:lh: > ngji': ff- *dzw:l /dzw:ln
23. 3587b. A 1a *z:lh: > jii: ~ *dzrj:lh: > d~i:
24. 5632a. B m *pji:lh: > pji: N *b:lh > b:lu
25. 3257a. A 'JL. *kjiw:lh: > kjwi: ofiA *kjiw:lh: > kjwi:
26. 4158b. A
*kjiw:lh: > kjwi: 'ItIt *kjiw:lh; > kjwi:
S. Xu Shen
These data include duruo glosses, paranomastic definitions, and rime
sequences. The identifying code for the dumo glosses is as follows:
A.
B.
x Ut ~ij! Y [ii]
Others
xMtiiy
xmii ...... (z)y
159
158
r-
--
27. 177a. A*
"*
160
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
. 77.
l' 78.
j", (' 79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
: 85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
;\
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
'*
'*
'*
161
5. Xu Shen
( 105.
(,106.
/ '107.
C 108.
\) 109.
0110.
Ill.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
*'
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.
I 5. Xu Shen
r:
163
162
r -----
r
:
**
164
-=
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
222.
223.
224.
225.
226.
227.
228.
229.
230.
231.
232.
233.
234.
235.
236.
237.
238.
239.
240.
241.
242.
243.
244.
245.
246.
247.
248.
249.
250.
251.
252.
253.
254.
165
5. Xu Shen
255.
256.
257.
258.
259.
260.
261.
262.
263.
264.
265.
266.
267.
268.
269.
270.
271.
272.
273.
274.
275.
276.
277.
278.
279.
280.
281.
282.
283.
284.
285.
286.
287.
288.
289.
290.
291.
4121b. A ~ *ph;}t-, phj;}t > phw;}i-, phjW;}t 1l *phj;}t- > phjwei4402b. A jflj *b;}t- > bw;}i*b;}t- > bw;}i3928a. A * m *mJt- > mWJi*m;}t- > mw;}i1698b. A Jill *k;}t- > bi- ff!l *kJt- > k;}i5944b. A ~ *gW;}t- > rw;}i- iJt *gwJt- > rw;}i(5515a). A ~ *krw;}i > kwm :lji; *krwai > kwiii
183b. A 1M' *gr;}i> rm ~ *gr;}i > rm
2506. B ffll *bji;}i > bi HI: *bji;}i > bi
182a. A m *mji;}i > mji ! *mji;}i > mji
5970a. A * ~ *drji;}i > 9i iiiB *gjiJi > gji
(975b). B ~ *drji;}i > 9i ~ *drji;}i > gi
824b. A* m *drji;}i> gi ~ *drji:li > 9i
5192b. A ... *tsji;}i > tsi 1ft *tsji;}i > tsi
183a. C Ii. *sji:li > si f1. *Sji3i > si
1545. A 1f *sjw;}i > swi lItE *sjw3i > swi
2693b. A ~ *njw:li > nzwi ~ *snjw3i > swi
4393a. A. alt. &j; *ngjiJi > ngji ~ *ngji;}/ngjen
"dog in rage"
I82a. A
*zw;}i > jiwi *It *zw3i > jiwi
1835a. A. alt. "VJ *kj;}i > kjei rll *kJi > k:li
1744b. A Jt *gj;}i > gjei iff. *gj:li > gjei
6830a. A. alt. * fiJi: *gj;}i > gjei ~ *pjiJ-/pjen*kh;}/kh:ln:
5562b. A ~1< *?j;}i > ?jei ;IX. *?j:li > ?jei
*trji:li: > ti:
2354a. A ;Z *trji3i: > ti:
1071b. A ~~ *tji:li: > !si: m*tjiai: > tsi:
5587b. A J:. *gjiw:li: > gwi: ~ *gjiwai: > gwi:
1418a. B IK5 *pji:lt- > pji- W *pji:lt- > pji5591b. A l!! *mji:lt- > mji- ~ *mjiat- > mji5284b. A 1\ *thrji;}t- > thi- ~ *tjiat- > tSi!3 *sbjiJt- > dzi- *bji:lt- > bil09a. A
389a. A z;:; *dzjw;}t- > dzwi- ~ *dzjw;}t- > dzwi4769a. C 1$ *dzjwat- > dzwi- z;:; *dzjW3t- > dzwiI *sji:lt- > si-; *thwat- > thwru218b. D*
"to drag up" "to drag down"
~ *sji:l-/sjen~ *thw:lt- > thwai5597b. C ~ *tji;}t- > tsi- ~ *tjiat- > tsi6338b. A ~ *tji;}t- > tsi- ~ *tjiat- > tsi6138a. A :l *gji3t- > gji- " *gji;}t- > gji3307a. A 11 *gjiw:lt- > gjwi- 1'* *gjiwat- > gjwi1483a. A _ *hji:lt- > xji- reg *hjwat: > xjwei:
'*
I 5. Xu Shen
292. 3863b. A *hji;}t- > xji- ffiX *hj;}t- > xj3i293. 537b. A f1:. *pjat- > pjwei- ~ *pj;}t: > pjwei:
294. 899b. A JtlJ~ *bj:lt- > bjwei- ~ *pj;}t: > pjwei:
295. 3082a. A * ill *bj;}t- > bjwei- !ffl *mjai, mjai: > mje, mje:
296. (6550a). A ~ *bj;}t- > bjwei- 'It *bj;}t- > bjwei297. 4750b. A 7J *ngj3t- > ngjei- ~ *ngjat- > ngjei298. 3853b. A g!l. *mi;}i > miei ~ *mi;}i > miei
299. 4564b. A 1 *ti;}i > tiei g; *ti;}i> tiei
300. 6353b. A ~ *dzi3i > dziei J!1f *dzi;}i > dziei
301. 1381b.C P~*ki:li>kiei f!'*kiai>kiei
302. 2835a. A B *giai > riei ~ *giai > riei
303. 2088a. C l!l *liai: > liei: it *li3i: > liei:
304. 4242b. A ffj *di;}t- > diei- ~n *di3t- > diei305. 2561b.A ffi*niat->niei- tJt*nrji;}t->l)i306. 5783a. A ~ *li;}t- > liei- ~ *li3t- > liei307. 6002b. A ~ *Ii:lt- > liei- ~ *li;}t- > liei308. 215a. C* JW *s- > siei- kID *si;}t- > siei309. 4565a. A* 'if *kat- > kru- M *kat- > kiii310. (5133b). C
*kwat- > kwai- fi *kwat- > kwiii311. (3111 b). A i~ *khwat-, khrwat- > khwiii-, khwai~ *kwa:,kwar->kwa:,kwa312. 733b.A 3.I*gwat->rwai- ~*gat->rru313. 6219b. A * rtJJ *mrat- > mwai- tJf, *mja-/mjw1?n314. 556a. A
*khwrat- > khwai- ~ *khwrat- > khwai315. 1867a. A =f *kriat > km- fr- *kriat-> kiii316. 2846b. B ~ *pjat-> pjiii- ~ *pjat-> pjai317. 4102a. A *m *ljat- > ljlii- mt *ljat- > ljai318. 6008a. A l;i; *ljat- > ljiii- ffl *lat-> liii319. 431a.A* ~*drjat->~jiii- ~*Ij;}kw>Ijuk
320. 4698a. A * lF~ *tshjwat- > tshjwai- ~ *tshjwat- > tshjwlii321. 1878a. A. alt. * frIl *sjwat- > sjwlii*sjwat- > sjwai322. 6269b. A ~ *zjwat- > zjwiii- ~ *zjwat- > zjwiii323. 790a. A 3!!t *tjat- > tSjai- *tjar- > t~e324. 1250b. A J!.1 *tjwat- > tSjwai- It *tjwat- > tSjwlii325. 367b. A * lili *njwat- > fiZjwai- ~ *njwat- > fizjwm326. 385b. A rq *njwat- > fiZjwili- i'P'I *njwat- > fiZjwai327. 741a. A !i!1i *djat- > zjli- 11 *djat- > zjai328. 6330a. A ~ *djat- > Zjai- 11 *djat- > zjai329. 4248a. A lL *kjiat- > kjiii- m*kjiat- > kjiii330. 4252b. A * ~ *gjwat- > jwiii- ,!f;j *kjiat- > kjlii331. 5784a. B
*?jiat- > ?jiii- ~ *?jiat- > ?jai-
*'*
167
166
r---
r------
r--------
r ----
332.
333.
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335.
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370.
168
5413a.B
5301b. C
2795a. A
3948b. A
l~l~
!J!~
*kiat- > kiei- ThJi *kiat- > kiei*khiat- > khiei- ~ *giat- > -yiei"to fear"
3515a. B j)j/j *b;)ng > b;)ng jjg *b;)h > bw;)i
4762a. A * tel *m;)ng, mung> m;)ng, m,Eng ffi'j *kria:/kan:
2086b. A l- *t;)ng > t;)ng ~ *t;)ng > t;)ng
1172b.A fj/, *khw;)ng>khw;)ng ~ *khjw;)ng>khjung
297b. A*
*m;)ng > mung iljj *mriang or mr;)ng (?) > mng
2984b. B* JOOI *mr;)ng: or mria: (?) > mwg:
fill *mr;)ng: or mria: (?) > mng:
6362a. A fJt *bji;)ng- > bj;)ng- U,!!, *bji;)ng > bj;)ng
2135b.A ti*lj;)ng>lj;)ng ~~*lj;)ng>lj;)ng
1774b.A ~*tj;mg>tSj'lllg ZR*dj;)ng>zj;)ng
6440b.B ~*tj;)ng:>tSj;)ng: tTl- *tj;)ng:>tSj;)ng:
2413b. A flj *nj;)ng> iiZj;)ng {Jj *nj;)ng > ilZj;)ng
3828a. A ID'l *kj;)ng > kj;)ng i *kj;)ng > kj;)ng
6288b. A {iiiJ! *d;)ngw > dwong [IT] *duang> dung
3260b. A
*s;)ngw- > swong- itS *suang- > sung2584b. A t~ *gr;)ngw >,),ang
*guang >-yung
2311b.A til *phj;)ngw> phjung U,!!,*bj;)ng,bji;)ng>bjung,bj;)ng
4955a. A ''fl *dIj;)ngw > <Jjung fJJ *duang: > dung:
3007a. A ~*luang > lung l}~ *luang > lung
5161b. A ~Ji\j *luang> lung at *luang > lung
3808a. A ~, *tsuang > tsung
*tsIj;)h: > t#:
179b. A :fl!! *tshuang > tshung ~ *tshuang > tshung
3506b. A 11 *guang > ')'ung ~I *guang > ')'ung
5753b. A* J/i *guang >,),ung ~ *guang >-yung
596a. B 1$ *buang: > bung: ~ *buang: > bung:
173b. B :rt *buang: > bung: ~ *buang: > bung:
631a. A D~ *mruang> mang ~ *mruang > mang
819a. A n *phjuang > phjwong ~ *phjuang > phjwong
Deleted
2355b. A 'i- *bjuang > bjwong *Ji *bjuang > bjwong
(5143b). A ~ *?juang> ?jwong Bit *?juang > ?jwong
2285a. A If *zuang > jiwong 1m *zuang > jiwong
5096a. A 1~ *ljuang: > ljwong: m~ *ljuang: > ljwong:
522la. B ~1i1J *dIjuang: > q.jwong: ~ *dIjuang: > q.jwong:
4729b. A j!f},. *sjuang: > sjwong: N~ *sjuang: > sjwong:
6456a. A* i\!ft *njuang: > ilzjwong: if *njuang > ftZjwong
!J!~
371.
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169
5. Xu Shen
.wm
411.
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441.
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447.
*liai kra-, ljai kra- > liei ka-, lje ka(995b). B ~ *tjia-/tijang- IE *tjia-/tijiing5745b. A fM *biii/bieng ~ *bia/bieng
6509a. A n *tia/tieng T *tia/tieng
5810a. C m*thia/thieng llt\ *thiii/thieng
2138a. A ~ *diii/dieng ~ *dia/dieng
2812b. A ifB *nia/nieng ~ *nia/nieng
4471a. A il *khiwa:/khiweng: [iiJ *kiwa, giwa:/kiweng, riweng:
938b. A ~J! *hjia/xieng
*lujia/sjling
5812b. A ~. *gia:/'Yieng: ~~ *giii/rieng
6030a. A ~ *kw<l/kw:m E{, *kw<l/kw<ln
2539a. B ftll *gw<l/rw<ln 1m *gw<l/rw<ln
1800b. A IJ'l. *sw<l:/sw<ln: H *SW<l-/sw<ln1281b. B giJl. *khr<l, khji<l-/khiin, khjen- ~ *khriii/khng
538b. A '1': *gr<l/'Yiin R *gi<l/rien
1334b. C. alt. $)} *pji<l/pjen m *pji<l/pjen
4700b. A ;t; *mji<l/mjen ~ *mjia/mjen
2385a. B ~ *ljw<l/ljwen f\! *trjw<l/tiwen
name of a hexogram
3431. B .~ *trjw<l/tiwen lt1 *trjw<l/tiwen
179a. A Jilt *tsji:l/tsjen $ *tsji:l/tsjen
1274a. A !" *tsji<l/tsjen $ *tsji:l/tsjen
124b. A lit] *sjw<l/sjwen Jl!: *sjwa/sjwlin
2827b. A* am *grw:l, sjw:I/'rwan, sjwen
& *?rwia or ?rw:lng (?) > ?wng
676b. A ~ *zjw<l/zjwen */11 *zjw:l/zjwen
1070b. A ~ *thji:l/tShjen ~ *tji<l-/tijen975a. A ~'1- *tjwa/tijwen lit! *dw:l/dwan
2283b. A .l *djw:I/ijwen *if! *djw:l/ijwen
4566b. A itf *djw<l/Zjwen *djwa/ijwen
6422b. A* ~ *kjiw:l/kjwen :m *gjiw:I/gjw<ln fl!! *kw:l/kw:m
2116b. A ~ *ngji<l/ngjen It': *ngji:l-/ngjen1226a. A iii *phji<l/phjien ~ *pji<l/pjien
6119b. A ~ *pja/pjwan It *pj:l-/pjw:ln287a. A If *kjw:I, gjiwa :/kjwan, gjwen: .It *?jW:li> ?jwei
2942b. A BJT *hja/xj<ln ;ffi- *hj<li/xjei
2739b. B i'ii *gjw:l/jw:ln i'iB *gjw:I/jw<ln
4956b. A 7r;, *gjw<l/jw:ln
i:l. *gW:l :/rw<ln
"to flow with a swirling motion"
6459b. A ~ *tsrji:l/t~n ~ *tsrji:l/t~n
4546a. B ~ *srji<l/~tn *srji:l/~n
'*
170
448.
449.
450.
451.
452.
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487.
5457b. A
*srji<l/~jn
*srji<l/~jen
6242a. A tf: *mji:J:/mjen: 00 *mji:l:/mjen:
5894a. A *51 *drji:l :/cJjen: ~ *luji<l :/sjen:
6130a. A 1$ *tjw:I:/tsjwen: $ *tjw:I:/tSjwen:
3887b. A ~k *dji:l:/ijen: ~ *dji:l:/ijen:
(5178a).A* It *gjw:I:/jwen: E{,*kw<l/kw<ln
6319b. A* ~ *zw:I:/jiwen: fc *zw:I:/jiwen:
5448a. A m*pj:l:/pjw<ln: *7) *pj:l:/pjw<ln:
6577a. B ~ *kj:l:/kj<ln: e. *kj<lh: > kji":
686b. A ill *khj:l:/khj<ln: I([ *kr<l, gji<l, ki<l:/kan, gjen, kien:
5712b. A L *?j:l:/?j<ln: ~ *?j:l:/?j<ln:
3923a. A* rin *gjw:I:/jw:ln: ~n *gjw<l:/jwen:
3186a. A JIi: *phji:l-/phjen- Ita *bji<l:/bjen:
4462a. A r~J *lji:l-/ljen- ~ *lji<l-/ljen672b. A ~ *drji:l-Njen- rm *drji<l/~ljen
5337a. B 00 *drji<l-{gjen- ~t *drji<l/cJjen
1567b. A 1: *tsji<l-/tsjen- 1f *tsji<l-/tsjen1318a. A* il': *tsjW<l-, njwa:/tsjwen-, nzjwan: ~ *njwa:/nijwan:
1!f; *tsjW<l-/tsjwen675b. A ~ *khji:l-/khjen- ~ *khji<l-/khjen4403a. A. alt.
*ngji<l-/ngjen- iN *ngji:l/ngjen
6647a. A ~~ *zi<l-/jien- 51 *zi<l:/jien:
(5061 a). A il *pja-/pjw<ln- f)} *pj<l:/pjw<ln:
6249b. A ill *hjw:I-/xjw:ln- fi.Ii{ *hjw:I/xjw:ln
1162a. A " *gjW<l-/jw<ln- .iI *gjW<l-/jw<ln1694a. C ~ *?j<l-/?j<ln- ~ *?j<l:/?j:ln:
1605b. A ~ *gjW<l-/jw:ln- i!j!; *gjW<l-/jw<ln3845b. A l'UI. *gjw:I-/jw:ln- ~I *gjW<l-/jw<ln698b. A ~ *ti<l/tien M *ti<l/tien
4982a. A 71 *tsi:l/tsien # *tsW<l/tsw;}n
1047b. A. alt. tv *giw<l/riwen Y,: *giw<l/'Yiwen.
3770a. A U *si:l:/sien: ~ *sjwa:/sjwiln:
2117a. A* *giW<l:, giW<l- (?)/riwen:, riwen- ~ *gw<li >rw<li
(5604b). A* ~tu *giw<l-/riwen- 1U *sgjiw:I/zjwen
3998a. A ;t *ba/bwan ~ *ba/bwan
3373a. A ffj *ma/mwan if *mra/mwan
3989b. A Wi *ma/mwan ?l *mja-/mjwen3102b. A fffii *twa/twan ftffii *twa/twan
4264b. A ~ *thwa/thwan Tffii *thwa/thwan
5397a. B t *da/dan P *da/dan
5336b. A ~ *la/lan 00 *la/lan
*k
171
r- - -
5. Xu Shen
488.
489.
490.
491.
492.
493.
494.
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497.
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521.
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523.
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525.
526.
527.
528.
172
m
m
m
529.
530.
531.
532.
533.
534.
535.
536.
537.
538.
539.
540.
541.
542.
543.
544.
545.
546.
547.
548.
549.
550.
551.
552.
553.
554.
555.
556.
557.
558.
559.
560.
561.
562.
563.
564.
565.
I 5. Xu Shen
m
m
173
5. Xu Shen
566.
567.
568.
569.
570.
571.
572.
573.
574.
575.
576.
577.
578.
579.
580.
581.
582.
583.
584.
585.
586.
587.
588.
589.
590.
591.
592.
593.
594.
595.
596.
597.
598.
599.
I 5. Xu Shen
600. 4196b. C 'f1 *ngr:lm, ngj~m > ngilm, ngj:lm Aft *ngram > ngam
601. 1191b. A ~ *dzji~m, zj:lm > dzjiim, zj~m
!Jot *tshj:lm, dz*m > tshj:lm, d~j~m
602. 5OO8b. A it *lj~m > Ij:lm 1* *lj~m > Ij3m
603. 5823a. A
*thrj.,m > thj;)m ffil *thrj~m > !hj~m
604. (6284b). A tt *drj~m > Q.j~m 7% *drj~m > Q.j~m
605. 2663a. B ~ *srj~m > ~j~m $ *srj~m > ~j:lm
606. 4165b. A J~ *gj~m > gj~m p,. *gj~m-> gj:lm607. 3659a. A !JA *ngj~m > ngj~m ~ *ngj~m > ngj~m
608. 4152a. A ~ *hj~m > xj:lm w: *hj~m > xj~m
609. 2879b. A &~ *z~m > ji:lm f *z~m > ji~m
610. 4517b_ B ~ *lj~m: > Ij:lm: g *dj~m: > dzj~m:
611. (931a). A T nj~m: > nij3m:
ME *nj:lm: > iizj~m:
612. 5632b. A ~ *hrj~m: > sj~m: ~ *hrj~m > sj~m
613. 3854b. A U *thrj~m- > thj~m- m *thrj~m > thj.,m
614. 5314a.A fHl*thrj~m->!hj~m- tl1)*thrj~m>thj~m
615. 1368b. A ~ *gj~m- > gj~m- !;f: *gj~m > gj~m
616. 4297b. A !\'Ii *di~m: > diem: *di:lm: > diem:
617. 5202a. B tA *ti~m- > tiem- WJ *ti~m- > tiem618. 693b. A A] *b~k> b:lk 1iV *b~k> b~k
619. 4388a.A l!.1X *m~k>m3k ~ *m~k>m.,k
620. 1084a. A ~'*kr3k > kEk !IX *kr~k- > kai621. 1484a. A * i'ii'l *pji:lk > pj3k ~ *pji~t- > pji622. 272a. A jf *hlj3k, 1, ? > thj~k, xjuk, thjuk ifll *lj.,h> Iji
623. 684a. A a *thrj.,k > !hj3k !I& *thrj:lk > thj3k
624. 6234b. A ~ *thrj;)k > thj:lk !I& *thrj3k > tJtj3k
625. 3426a. A fflj *hrj3k > sj3k ~ *hrj<lk > j:lk
626. (2143a). A II *hj3k > xj<lk tg *hj3h:, hj:lk- > xji:, xji627. 3318a. B fi *hjiw<lk > xjw~k MIl *hjiw<lk> xjw3k
628. 208a. C I,E *bj~k > bjuk 1m. *bj3k> bjuk
629. 2289b. A -:; *bj3k > bjuk tk: *bj:lk > bjuk
630. 4636a. B* Mt *bj3k> bjuk Tt *bj3k (1) > bjuk
631. 2284b. A ~ *t3kw> twok
*t<lkw> twok
632. 3702b. A 11 *t<lkw> twok fl *t3kw > twok
633. 266b. A fi *d~kw > dwok fl *t~kw > twok
634. 1161a. A
*phr~kw > phak ;f" *phruak > phak
635. 501 lb. A ~ *gr3kw> 'Yak Ilf! *gr~kw > 'Yak
636. 6102b. A ~ *lj~kw > Ijuk ~ *drj~kw > gjuk
637. 663a. A
*tj~kw > tsjuk ~ *tj:lkw> tsjuk
: \ \638. 4401a. A 11* *hrj3kw> sjuk ~ *hrj~kw > sjuk
639. 161a. A fa *dj~kw > zjuk I~ *dj<lkw > zjuk
*'
*'
175
174
r-- - - -
r-----
----
r---
,----
~---
640.
641.
642.
643.
644.
645.
646.
647.
648.
649.
650.
651.
652.
653.
654.
655.
656.
657.
658.
659.
660.
661.
662.
663.
664.
665.
666.
667.
668.
669.
670.
671.
672.
673.
674.
675.
676.
677.
678.
679.
176
m
m
177
5. Xu Shen
758.
759.
760.
761.
762.
763.
764.
765.
766.
767.
768.
769.
770.
771.
772.
773.
774.
775.
178
r --
r-
,----
776.
777.
778.
779.
780.
781.
782.
783.
784.
785.
786.
787.
788.
789.
790.
791.
792.
793.
794.
179
-
,------
,--
,--
PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
5530b. A ~t *m;)h > mw;)i ~ *mj;)h > mj;)u
5541b. A fIJ *m;)h: > m;)u: !IX *mj;)k > mjuk
6701a. A ff< *g;)h: > -y;)i: ?; *k;)h, kr;)h > k;)i, khl
1984b. E ~ *sak- > s~i 'J,V; *s;)k- > s;)i4429b. E l~ *sj<lh> si "l *sj;)h > !ii
61 b. E ffiQ] *zj;)h > ii ~r *zj;)h> ii
5366b. E l\i~ *z;)h > jii ~ *z;)h > jii
968a. A ,lY *hrj;)h > 51" ,t; *tj;)k- > tSi2003a. E* /.; *kj~h > kji" )I~ *kj;}h > kji
lO64b. A ;~t *khj;}h > khji' Ilk *khj;}h > khjr
2958a. E hj~ *gj;}h > gjr WJ *gj;}h > gil
4285a. Emit *gj;}h> roT ~ *gjah > gil
3880a. E ~'1X *hj;)h> xfi ~'~: *hj3h: > xji:
6541a. E* hli *gjiw;)h> gjwi JL *kh;)hw: > kj<lu:
'iIH *kjiw;}h, kjw;}h > kjwi, kj;m
809. 6062b. A* 'Iffil *kjW3h, kjiw<lh > kj;}u, kjwi if, *gjw<lk- > gj;}U810. 3657a. E fr *khjw;)h > khj<lu m1l. *khjah> khjwo
811. 3526a. A Hi *drj;}h: > cpo: i!i' *d<lh: > d<li:
812. (6198b). E Ill.'] *drj;)h: >!fi: 11:. *tj;)h: > tY:
813. 6595b. E
( *tsj;}h: > tsi:
*tsj;)h > 1Si
814. 1013b.E J!~.*sj;)h:>si: !l1,*sj;)h>si
815. 47a. E ijie *zj;)h: > ii: L', *zj;)h: > ii:
816. 212b. AI:: *dzrj;)h: > ~oi: 'h *dzrj;)k- >~:.
817. 3577a. E. alt. M *ngj;)h: > nrol: ~ *ngj;)h > nrol
818. 5632a. E ~fI *pji<lh: > pji: =1' *pj;)h:, pj;)t > pj;)u: pjW;}t
819. 5281a. A ~ *pj;)h: > pj;)u: /l~ *pj;)h:, pj;}t > pj;}u:, pjW;)t
820. 2360a. E 7... *kjw;)h: > kj;)u: :J( *kjw;)h: > kj;)u:
821. 16a. E ~ *lj;)k- > lji:' 'lti *drj;)k-'> Qi:'
822. 6709a. E rf: *dzj;}k- > dif- Yf *dzj;)k- > dil:'
823. 2004a. E* ~ *kj;}k- > kji ~c *kj;)k- > kji'824. 1052a. A f\' *gj;}k- > gjr- ~,*gj;)k- > gji:825. 2728b. E [fll *gjw;}k- > j<lU- 11 *gjw;}h: > j;)u:
826. 72b. E* im (*skl;}hw:, skl<lkw-?? > ) *t;)hw:, t;}kw- > tau:, tau*k;}kw-, k;)kw > lciu-, kwok
*gj;)hw> gj;)U
827. 83a. E ~)1lJ *t;}hw: > tau: iii *t;)hw: (?) > tau:
828. 5463a. E* tfJ *d;)hw: > tau: 'f- *hrj;)hw: > sj;)u:
~ *trj;)kw> tjuk
829. 3758a. E .~ *gl;}hw: > hiu: ~ *kh;)hw: > khilU:
830. 146b. E m *m;}kw- > mau- 'ffl *m;)kw- > mau-
795.
796.
797.
798.
799.
800.
801.
802.
803.
804.
805.
806.
807.
808.
989a. A ,i;fi *k;)kw- > kau- :tr *k;)kw- > kau6627b. A 9[1 *mr;)hw: > mau: 'fj' *m;)kw- > mau1377a. E !}1Jc *gr;)kw- > -yau- ~ *kr;)kw, kr;)kw- > kill<:, kau1224a. E* M *lj;)hw, ki;)hw: > Ij;)u, kieu:
*~ *mjiahw, mji;)kw-, mj;)kw > mji;)u, mji;)u-, mjuk
835. 4951b. E jWtl *lj;}hw > ljeu VfE *lj;)hw > Ij;)u
836. 1034b. A ']'::1 *trj;)hw > tj;)U ~ffl *dj;}hw > ij;}u
837. 4768a. A ~ *dzrj;)hw > ~j<lU ;!, *dz?j;}hw> ?j;}U
838. 5147b. E* 1+1 *tj;)hw > tsj;)U liil *tj;)hw > tsj;)U
IIf.Ij *drj;)hw> gj,lU
839. 1035b. A ~ffl *dj;)hw > ij;)u J"~j *trj;}hw> tj;}U
839a. 3610a. A OL *gj;)hw > gj;)U "*g (r) j;)hw > ij<lu
840. 4771b. A Q *dz?j<lhw > ?j;)U 1& *dzrj<lhw > ~j;)U
841. 945b. E '-/ *kji;)hw > kji;)u *4 *kji<lhw: > kji;}u:
842. 946b. A ~4:' *kji;)hw > kji;)u '-/ *kji;}hw > kji;}u
843. 4768b. E flli; *z;)hw > ji<lu ~ *dz?j;)hw > ?j;)U
844. 3383b. E l1 *lj;)hw: > lj;)u: WI *lj;)hw > Ij;)u
845. 6622b. A * If: *thrj;)hw: > !hj;)u *11 *nrj;)hw: > 1).j.lU:
846. 6655b. A i *tsj<lhw: > tsj<lu: jf,t *dzj<lkw- > dzj<luj~ *tsh;)kw-, dz;)hw: > tshau-, dziiu:
847. 3965b. A *hrj;)hw: > Sj;)u: ~n *duah > d;}u
84~. 3764a. A
R *g(r)j;)hw: > ij;)u: 7... *kj;)h: > kj;)u:
849. 858b. E mS *gj;)hw: > gj;)u: El *gj;)hw: > gj;)u:
850. 4764b. E W) *dz?j;)hw: > ?j;)u: . *dz?j<lhw> ?j<lU
851. 6650a. A i1N *z;)hw: > ji;} u: jf,t *dzj <lkw- > dzj;)u852. 5194a.E M *lj;)kw->lj')u- VfE*lj;)hw>lj;)u
853. 1916b. E Iffl *drj;)kw- > gj<lU- U'( *duak> duk
854a. 6555a. E Ik *hrj<lkw- > ij;)U- 'it' *hrj;)hw: > ij;)u:
854b.1670a. A Y;h *?ji<lkw- (?) > ?ji<lu- j.-' *hrjakw- (?) > sjliu"young"
855. 1668b. A z. *s?i<lhw> ?ieu 'j' *sjahw: > sjliu:
r" 856. 1070a. A 4'H *dahw > dau ~ *liahw > lieu
"small drum"
857. 158b. E J::t *tsahw: > tsau: t.i *tsahw> tsau:
858. 6409a. E
*dzrahw > ~au ill: *dzrahw > ~au
859. 1394a. A :St *grahw> rau ~ *krahw > kau
860. 3480a. A {j( *krahw: > kau: 3C *krahw > kau
861. 4464b. E Hz *krahw: > kau: 3C *krahw > kau
862. 4468a. E ~j( *krahw: > kau: 3C *krahw > kau
863. 5620b. E ~ *srakw- > ~au- 'J' *sjahw: > sjau:
864. SW, ap. TPYL 68.323b NA *drjahw > gjiiu
831.
832.
833.
834.
wi
181
180
5. Xu Shen
865.
866.
867.
868.
() 869.
870.
871.
872.
873.
874.
875.
876.
877.
878.
879.
880.
881.
882.
883.
884.
885.
886.
887.
888.
889.
890.
891.
892.
893.
894.
895.
896.
897.
898.
899.
900.
901.
902.
182
'*
..a
,-
903.
904.
905.
906.
907.
I 5. Xu Shen
183
r
-,
,---
r- - ----
943.
944.
945.
946.
947.
w:
* '*
184
980.
981.
982.
983.
984.
985.
986.
987.
988.
989.
990.
991.
992.
993.
994.
995.
996.
997.
998.
999.
1000.
1001.
1002.
1003.
1004.
1005.
1006.
1007.
1008.
1009.
1010.
1011.
1012.
1013.
1014.
1015.
1016.
*"
5835a. E
*gwat- >rwai- f'r *gwat- >rwai3455a. E ~'*bjiat- > bjai- Il)(; *brat- > bwai719a. E t.~ *skjwat- > sjwai- ,t~ *gjwat > jWRt
715a. E M: *t~ng > t~ng 1: *djang: > ijang:
"to rise, mount"
5761a. E ij *khj~ng > kjung M *gj~ngw > gjung
3826a. A it *thj~ngw > tShjung J~ *drjang > gjang
3488a. A W *drj~ngw- > gjung- '1 ' *trj~ngw > tjung
1453a. E ~ *muang > mung ~ *muang > mung
*tuang > tung fib *duang: > dung:
2652a. A
3602a. A 1m *thuang > thung iill *thuang- > thung4759b. A
*thuang> thung fill *thuang- > thung838b. E jMj *duang, duang- > dung, dung- ~ill *thuang > thung
139a. E JliIi *luang > lung Illi *ljuang > ljwong
1117b. A m- *dzuang > dzung WZ *dzjuah:, dzjuak- > dzju:, dzju4328a. E lijiij *duang- > dung- 1I"J *duang- > dung2748b. E yt *kuang- > kung- J}] *kuang > kung
2247b. A* iiI *gruang > rang J/i *guang, kruang >rung, kang
2885b. E ~J~ *gruang- > rimg ;1'< *gjuang- > gjwong838a. E i~r *thjuang > tshjwong ;ill *thuang > thung
631 Oa-b. E ~ *tjuang > tSjwong li. *dIjuang > gjwong
1391b.A 1M *zuang>jiwong m *zuang->jiwong2285b. A i *zuang > jiwong m *zuang- > jiwong6456a. E* ifift *njuang: > iiZjwong: tt *pjuah- > pju3338a. E f:if *djuang: > ijwong: nill *tjuang: > tSjwong:
5439b. A fit *bjuang- > bjwong*bjuang: > bjwong:
2231 b. E .ft *tshang > tshang iJf..~ *dzang- > dzang"storehouse"
665a. A ~ *smang, smang- > sang, sang- c *mjang > mjwmg
6197a.A IIYt *kang>kang M*kjiang:>kjRng:
4961a. E tJ\'; *kwang > kwiing 1t *kwang > kwiing
3259b. E. alt. 'fI *dang- > dang- iffiJ *duang- > dung486b. E # *tsang- > tsang- ~ *dzang > dzang
"to conceal"
54b.E ~ *prang> pRng ~*bang->bwang2570b. A ~ *drang > gRng tt *drjang:, dIjang- > gjang:, gjang148b. E Jfr *grang> rRng
*grang> rRng
1888a. E ffij *grang > rRng lJI'i *grwang >rWRng
"crosspiece"
3816b. E 15 *pjang > pjwang tH *pjia-, bia:/pjang-, bieng:
6311b. E $jj *pjang > pjwang ;, *pjang > pjwang
185
5. Xu Shen
1017.
1018.
1019.
1020.
1021.
1022.
1023.
1024.
1025.
1026.
1027.
1028.
1029.
1030.
1031.
1032.
1033.
1034.
1035.
1036.
1037.
1038.
1039.
1040.
1041.
1042.
1043.
1044.
1045.
1046.
1047.
1048.
1049.
1050.
1051.
1052.
1053.
1054.
1055.
a:
186
I 5. Xu Shen
'*
187
r------~-
r------
r--------
r----
,----.
~-
1097.
1098.
1099.
1100.
110 1.
1102.
1103.
1104.
1105.
1106.
1107.
1108.
1109.
1110.
1111.
1112.
1113.
1114.
1115.
1116.
1117.
1118.
1119.
1120.
1121.
1122.
1123.
1124.
1125.
1126.
1127.
1128.
1129.
1130.
1131.
1132.
1133.
188
189
'* '*
*'
190
1244. 6709b (Luo and Zhou 1958:135) i"f *hrj:lhw: > sj:lu:
Q *dj:lhw: > ij:lu:
1245. 6709b(LuoandZhou 1958:159) ffi[ *ngjai->ngje~ *hjwai > xjwe
1246. 6709b 1J *mjiii/mjang JJX: *djia/ifang
1247. 6758a (Luo and Zhou 1958:190) ~ *mia/mieng
Iljj *mjiang > mjwung
'1' *trj~ngw > tjung {f') *phang > phwfmg
}j *pjang > pjwang
1248. 6758a (Luo and Zhou 1958:212) iM *twa/twan it *pj:l/pjw~n
ft *kwa/kwan JfMi *lja/ljan Jjj'( *ngjwa/ngjwun
1249. 6758a (Luo and Zhou 1958 :206) fW *drjwa/<;Ijwan ~I *ni;)/nicn
fIr *hrji:l/sjen ijiljr *dji:l/dijen '{ *sji:l/sjen riff *pja/pjwun
~ *liii/lieng
ilJ1'i *bji:l/bjen r1 *m:l/mw:ln llj *sria/~n
1250. 6709b (Luo and Zhou 1958:130) ~ *hrj:lk> Sj:lk
"to know"
,TI; *?j:lk- > ?ji:1251. 6709b fu *mj:lt > mjw:lt ~lfj *khjw:lt > khjw:lt
1252. 2a ~ *?ji:lt > ?jet fu *mj~t >mjw:lt
NOTES
22. C is an alternate gloss on a. The sound correspondences between a and c are
irregular.
27. C is an alternate gloss on o.
29. C is an alternate gloss on a.
32. The EH rime categories of both a and b are uncertain.
39. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The reading is attributed to
the Shizhoupian Jl:ffii.ii1i and may represent a language considerably older than that of
Xu Shen. It is interesting to note that Bodman (1980, section 6.6) has suggested that a
had an initial cluster **b-l- in OC.
51. The reading of 0 is attested only in JY.
55. C is an alternate gloss on a. It occurs only in Shuowen xizhuan.
58. The EH rime category of a is uncertain. B belongs to the EHyou (*-Jhw) group,
but MC -jiiu: is not regularly derivable from this category.
64. This reading of 0 is attested in the fragmentary original YP preserved in Guyi
congshu tt~ lfl ~ GY reads MC biliu:.
67. For discussion of the initial correspondence in this gloss see Chapter 5, section
5.8.
90. The development of a is irregular since EH *tr- should yield MC !-.
97. The.MC reading $iiiu for 0 is attested in the Chuxueji W~~2 written by Xu Jian
f;f.~ (659-729).
127. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
128. C is an alternate gloss on o. It is attributed to a person named Ning Yan ~it,
whose identity is unknown.
131. On the development of the initial in b see Chapter 5, section 5.8.
192
193
194
r~
Xu Shen's language. The MC reading ijwan, found in QY, GY, and Shiwen is, I believe,
based on the association between a and the word fOO(MC ijWiln), suggested by Zheng
Xuan in various commentaries on the ritual texts, as for example, in Zheng Xuan 198
below. If this view is correct then the initial correspondence in the present gloss would
be regular.
535. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
549. The reading of a is attested only in IY.
551. C is given as an alternate gloss on a.
555. C is an alternate gloss on o.
562. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the languages of SM and Gao You on
the basis of SM 1195 and Gao 152 respectively.
564. On the initial of 0 see Chapter 5, section 5.2.
574. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language on the basis of SM 1204.
575. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language on the basis of SM 1204.
578. C is an alternate gloss on 0, attributed to Sang Qin ~~J,: (fl. WH period). C can
be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the SM language on the basis of SM 1204.
580. C is an alternate gloss on a.
584. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. A occurs again in Xu 578
where the correspondence is regular, and it is possible that the two glosses represent
different dialects and/or reading traditions (see Chapter 5, section 5.8). For the imal
correspondence see Chapter 6, section 6.4.3.
585. This MC reading of 0 occurs in current versions of YP and in Bansho myogi.
586. The sound correspondences in this gloss are completely irregular.
594. On the final correspondence in this gloss, see Chaper 6, section 6.4.3.
598. C and d are given as alternate readings for 0, while b is the primary glossing
word.
621. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
630. The EH rime category of b is uncertain.
652. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
660. The reading of 0 is attested only in lY which miswrites the graph as ft. The
character is sometimes also confused with ~ "drum".
673. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Other characters in the OC
phonetic series to which 0 belongs have either MC s- or tsh- (one case). A is a very rare
word, and the GY reading jok for it is probably quoted from Guo Pu's commentary
on FY 2/13. IY gives a MC reading sjo7c EH *sjiiik) for the word. While there is no
earlier text support for this, I suspect that it may in fact represent an etymologically
"regular" reading while Guo's reading may be dialectal.
680. The imal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. It seems to represent a Chu
dialect reading.
696. The sound correspondences in this gloss are irregular.
698. The phonological correspondences in this gloss are completely irregular.
708. The MC reading tsjet for a "to ascend" is etymologically irregular. The regular
reading, "<Jk, is attested in Shiwen (29.6b). This was apparently unnoticed by Karlgren,
who has discussed the MC reading tSjet at some length (GSR 1257d; 1948-9, Gloss 1520)
and has suggested that it should be emended to "<Jk. Xu Shen's duruo gloss may reflect
a dialect reading of a, for FY 1/28 states that b was a word of the Wei and Lu areas
meaning "to ascend". Why Xu preferred this reading of the word is uncertain.
713. The sound correspondences in this gloss are completely irregular. Both b and
the word Ilil (MC tsiet EH *tsi<Jt) occur in the SW definition of a in this passage. B has
195
r-
,---
196
898. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Perhaps it was taken by Xu
Shen from materials reflecting a dialect where MC ;i- should be reconstructed as EH *rrather than *z-.
901. Band c are both glosses on a.
910. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Perhaps it represents a dialect
where MC;i- corresponds to EH *r-.
915. The EH rime category of b is uncertain. As pointed out elsewhere (Coblin 1978:
51) the basis for this gloss may be graphic rather than phonological.
930. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular and would appear to argue in
favor of reconstructing EH *-r for a. However, I suspect that this gloss dates from a time
much earlier than that of Xu Shen. The term huohai "disaster" is very old, appearing for
example in the Han[eizi YJ~.JI' r and in Han texts such as the Lunheng ~t.1ij of Wang
Chong E:1C (A.D. 27-97); and in fact a is glossed paranomastically by b several times in
Lunheng, Leihuo ~ijl~ With Li (1971) I think it probable that a really did have f"mal
**-r in OC and perhaps also in later periods; but, as argued in Chapter 6, section 6.3.4,1
suspect that shang tone words like a had open finals in Xu Shen's language.
938. This passage is a quote from the Mao commentary to Shi 10. Cf. also EY 2/220.
947. The rime development in a is irregular, since EH *-iai- should yield MC -iei-.
951. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
958. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
959. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is an implicit
quote of EY 3/116 and probably represents a language much earlier than that of Xu
Shen.
962. C clearly glosses a in this passage. B may also be a gloss on a. Cf. Xu 283.
968. The EH rime category of a is uncertain. It is possible that it should be reconstructed as EH *giai.
971. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. However, the passage is a
quote from EY 2/38 and may represent a language stage much earlier than that of Xu
Shen.
975. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is a quote from
YJ, Shuogua and may represent a sound system much earlier than that of Xu Shen.
978. The rime development in b is irregular, for EH -iwat- should yield MC -;wDi-.
However, as noted by Li (1971:39) this MC f"mal does not occur in words having MC
initialj-.
996. The MC readings of b are attested only in JY.
1002. The basis for this gloss may be graphic rather than phonological. See Coblin
(1978:50).
1043. The EH rime category of a is uncertain.
1069. C is clearly a gloss on a. B probably also glosses a.
1073. C is an alternate gloss on a.
1090. B is a gloss on a, and Duan Yucai and other SW commentators believe that c
also glosses a. If this is correct then the initial correspondence between a and c is irregular.
1103. The rime developments in both a and b are irregular, for EH *-iiwiJn (= Xu
Shen's *-iiwiJ) should yield MC -iwen. However, as pointed out by Li (1971:37) MC
-iwen does not occur after g-.
1120. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language on the basis of SM 989.
197
1142. The rime development in b is irregular, for MC -jwan here should derive from
EH *-jiwan (= Xu Shen's *-jiwa).
1153. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. cr. Chapter 6, section 6.4.3.
1164. The rime development in b is irregular, for we would expect EH -am to yield
LOANGRAPH GLOSSES
1176. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the BHTY language on the basis of
BHTY6.
11 77. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the BHTY language on the basis of
BHTY6.
1179. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- for the BHTY language on the basis of
BHTY 6.
1192. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
1200. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
1211. B and c are both glosses on a.
1229. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is a quote from
the Mao commentary on Shi 192, and may represent a language much earlier than that
of Xu Shen.
1230. B and c are glosses on a.
1234. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage is an implicit
quote of the Mao commentary on Shi 128.
1239. The .initial correspondence in this passage is irregular. The gloss occurs twice in
the Mao commentary to Shi and once in EY. It is probably quoted from one of these
sources and may not represent the language of Xu Shen.
'*
6. Zheng Xuan
These data consist of loangraph, paranomastic, and sound glosses. The
identifying code for the loangraph glosses is as follows:
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
**
2. Shi 302. E
MC-am.
x~.y
x~ftF.h
x~ft~ ......
(L.) y
x~fttlr:ly
x~fttlll.. ... (Z)
x~.~y
x~ft~ ...... (L.)
x'R;~y
x'R;f'fy
x~JHJijy[ffJ
Others
199
r~--- --~
r- - ---
r------
6. Zheng Xuan
'*
200
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
73a.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
I 6. Zheng Xuan
201
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
202
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
m:
'*
m:
203
6. Zheng Xuan
ffiili' *sjang gj;)':/sjang gj;)n: m;Jiff *njang gj;)i > nijang gjei
142. ZL, Kaogongji, Huahui 235. B ~ *tsjang> !Sjang
~r;t *tSjang > tsjang
143. Shi 211. F
*njang, njang- > nzjang, nzjangill *hnjang, hnjang:, hnjang- > sjang, sjang:, Sjang144. YL, Yanli 67. B ~ *ijang > jiang. ~ *ijang- > jiang145. D, Yuzao, 108. ffi~nfl}~, ~~itl!illo
#n *ijang > jiang m*ijang > jiang
146. D, Jiyi 162. C m *ijang>jiang ~ *ijang>jiang
147. ZL, Kaogongji 221. E fiR *pjang: > pjwang:
.
!ill:. *pjang:, pjang- > pjwang:, pjwang148. D, Tangong 28. B ~ *grwrej-yweng t:1t *grwie/'yweng
149. YL, Shisangli 162. B m *tSriie/t~EOg *'Ji *tsriie/t~eng
150. D,Mingtangwei 112. B 1ti *sjiie:, srjhi:/sjling:, ~jling: 1m *sja:/sjlin:
151. D, Daxue 214. ~UUMf, ~~~illo
~ *mjre-/mjweng- tf *ma-/man152. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.7a. B ~ *mre, mie:/mieng, mieng:
~~ *mjie/mjwllng
153. ZL, 8ishi 78. B jt *dre-/dieng- 5E *dre-/dieng154. Shi 23. D Mi *dw~/dw;)n
It! *dw;l/dw;)n
"to tie together"
155. comm. to Shu, ap. SSJ,Shu 9.6a. M
**hW~/XW~lO
ff *hw;}'/xw;)n
156. ZL, Zhuishi 132. E ~ *tsw;}'-, tsjW;)-/tsw;)n-, tsjwen-
iO
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
204
*dzw~-/dzw;)n-
I 6. Zheng Xuan
~*dwa/dwan
'*
'*
205
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209.
210.
211.
212.
213.
214.
215.
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
222.
223.
224.
225.
226.
227.
228.
H,
229. ZL,linche 144. B Hb!. *bj<lk > bjuk rm *bj<lk > bjuk
230. Deleted
231. U, Wenwang shizi 74. B 1Ii *kok, kok- > kwok, kau~ *kjok > kjuk
232. YL, Tesheng 202. B . f(j *sjok > sjuk !lIn *sjok > sjuk
233. Shi 53. K ilV/, *tSjok > tSjuk ~ *tSjuk > tSjwok
"to attach"
"to attach"
234. Shi 212. B* ~ *tShjok > tshjuk ~ *tshjdk- > tShi:'
235. ZL, Dasima 156. E fIlE *Iuk > luk !lIi: *luk > luk
236. ZL, Sixuanshi 204. E ~ *?uk >?uk ~fj *?uk > ?uk
237. comm. to Yl, ap. Shiwen 2.l7b. F ~*?ruk >?3k ~*?uk > ?uk
238. U, Sangdaji 156. *1<~~ff], ~~~ \P,o
~ *gljuk > ljwok
f!j *kruk > kak
239. U, Shenyi 207. M
*zjuk > zjwok
Jjij *tSjuk, dijuk > tsjwok, ijwok
240. ZL, Kaogongji, Hanren 233. E ~ *tSjuk > tsjwok it *tSjuk->tSju241. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. C 1r *tshak > tshak ~ *sjiak > sjak
242. ZL, Sizunyi 109. B H'F *dzak > dzak ~ *dzak > dzak
243. ZL, Kaogongji, Fushi 232. C tt *dzak > dzak 11/10 *dzrak- > d~a244. ZL, Sishi 106. C ~ *mrak > mek
t'i *prak > pek
245. U, Xueji 125. E -m *grak > rek
*gak > 'Yak
246. U, Jiaotesheng 94. B llf *pjlek, bjlek > pjiik, bjak
~ *mjileh: > mjie:
247. U, Yuzao 105. E 1l$ *pjlek, bjlek > pjiik, bjiik
~ *pjileh, bjileh > pjie, bjie
248. YL, Shisangli 162. 1* ~ *mlek > miek ~ *?jiwre > ?jwang
249. U, Zaji A 132. C ~ *tlek, sjlek > tiek, Sj'ak i!{ *dlek > diek
250. U, Yanyi 221. B zr- *tshwat, tSW<lt > tShW;lt, tSW<lt
($ *tshw;lt- > tshw<li251. ZL, Kaogongji, Gongren 249. C ~ *lji<lt > ljet ~*ljat > Ijiit
252. Shi 156. J5:1'f~. ~@tlUJtf2o
~ *lji<lt > ljet
~ *ljat > ljat
253. U, liyi 161.E r:t *tshji<lt > tshjet -I;fJ *tshi<lt > tshiet
254. U, Xueji 124. (;f,j',!if;~~, ~z~illo
& *zjW<lt (7) > dijwet i *zjW<lt- > zwi255. U, Zaji 138. 'ff',!if;:f.:}'. dUJ't1ff] ~zA. ~ziMillo
:. *diji<lt > dijet i'. *tSji<li- > tSi256. Zhengzhi, ap. Shiwen 5.16b. E jill, *ijw<lt (?) > dijwet
i *zjW<lt- > zwi*pji<lt > pjiet
257. ZL, Kaogongji, Yuren 237. E ,.IZ, *pji<lt > pjiet
258. Shi 225. B J'f *kji<lt > kjiet iz.'i *gji;)t > gjet
*'
207
206
,--
r---
r -------
6. Zheng Xuan
259.
260.
261.
262.
m
m
PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
267. U, Neize 100. D ~~ *Sjah> si -* *dzjang> zjang
268. comm.toShu,ap.SSJ,Shipuxu2a.E ~~*Sjah>si iG*tsjak->tS"i269. YL, Shisangli 163. E ~ *gjah, gjak- > gji, gji:'
1* *kreh- > kiei"to bind, connect"
270. Shi 238. E* *C *kjah: > kji': J!Il *(g) Ijah: > lji":
27l. comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.9a. A* 8$ *tsIjah:, tsIjiai: > t~i:, t~i:
'If *tsrrek > t~k
272. U, Jitong 17l. D =1: *dzIjah: > d~i: ;11= *dzIjak- > d~l273. U,Yueling57.D c*kjah:>kj1: E*kjah:>kji':
274. U, Mingtangwei Ill. D ~ *bjah: > bjau: ~ *bak- > bwai275. comm. to Shu, ap. WX 58. A ~ *tshjak- > tSliiiffi *tShjiak > tShjiik
276. U, Biaoji 191. D I?- *gjak- > gjY: ill<: *krak- > k:}j277. U, Quli 17. D ~ *pjak- > pjau- vm *bjiak- > bji278. Shi 256. A* Ii *gjwak- > gjau- 7-... *kjwah: > kjau:
279. U, Mingtangwei 112. D .$. *koh > kau rni *k::>h > kau
280. ZL, Yueshi 122. D .. *koh > kau ljT}f *g:>h, g:lk- >rau, rau281. U,Liqi85.D li*poh:>pllU: ~*poh,pok->p1lU,pau282. ZL, Daoren 13. D J@. *broh > bau *proh> pau
283. U, Wangzhi 48. D ~ *kroh, kroh: > kau, kau: ~W *kjioh: > kjeu:
284. ZL, Luren 242. D @ *dzjoh > dzjau ~ *dzjoh > dzjau
285. YL, Xiangyinjiuli 31. E* riIfi *dijoh > ijau i *tsjoh: > tsjau:
)7;] *tSjoh > tsjau
286. comm. to SSWXZ, ap. WX 180. E lYE *thioh > thieu
~ *thioh > thieu
208
287.
288.
289.
290.
291.
292.
293.
294.
295.
296.
297.
298.
299.
300.
301.
302.
303.
304.
305.
306.
307.
308.
309.
310.
311.
312.
313.
314.
315.
316.
317.
318.
319.
320.
321.
I 6. Zheng Xuan
Shi 91. E tlz *kr:>k- > kau- t\z *gr:>k- > rauU, Zhongyong 183. E ~ *kr:>k- > kau- fiIi: *gr:>k- >1'auZL, Dazongbo 99. E ljiJl *drj:>h > I)jiiu ljiJl *tIj:>h > !jau
ZL, Jiyi 32. E* Wi *sj:>h > sjiiu filJ *sj:>k > sjak
U,JifaI59.D ~t*ti:>h>tieu ~*tIj:>h>tjau
ZL, Yuren 238. E IDl. *dzah: > dzwo: m. *tsah: > tswo:
YL, Shiguanli 7. E IfF *dzak- > dzwo- ~ *dzak> dzak
ZL, Sijia 56. E f* *krak- > ka- !@ *krak- > kaU, Tangong 38. ~,mlmo j~1i~\a~fficW!o
~ *trjah > tjwo
~~ *tah> two
U, Yuzao 107. D ~ *srjah > ~jwo II *tshah> tshwo
U,Jifa 158-9.D ~ *gjuoh>ju Ilf *gjuoh>ju
YL, Xiangsheli 49. E ~ *phjuoh: > phju: m*phjuh: > phju:
YL, Shiguanli 12. E n~ *hjuoh: > xju: iIf!!\ *hwoh > xwo
Shi 290. D fi *dzjiak- > dzja- ff} *tsjiak- > tsjaZL, Sigedun 172. A {I} *Sjiak- > sjaJ.I:. *tSjah: > tsi':
"to stop over, rest"
Shi 246. D* i!r *Sjiah: > Sja:
~ *sjiak > Sjiik
"to put down, set aside"
ZL, Zuzhu 96. E* ~!l *tsrjak- > t~jwo- ilVl *tSjok- > tsjauill *tsjak- > tsjwoZL, Lizai 85. E ,I!lb *dzIjak-> dfjwo- IlJJ *dzIjak- > d~jwoZL, Dashi 124. D PJI: *pjuok- > pju- jjjl *phjuoh> phju
YL, Jixi 180. D II'.~ *bjuok- > bju- flli *pwoh: > pwo:
ZL, Xiaozhu 136. D 1* *guh> 1'au ~ *guk- > rauYL,JixiI9I.E @i*guh>1'au ~*guk->1'auZL,SigongshiI73.D ~*guk->'Yau- ~*guk->rauYL, Shiguanli 12. D *!iJ *gjuh > gju tfiJ *kjuh > kju
U,Quli15.D ~*njuk->ftzju- Iill*djuk>zjwok
Shi303.D 10J *ga>ra fiiJ *ga>'ya
Shi 47. D .wn *kra > ka 110 *kra > ka
Shi 246. E ~ *kra > ka 110 *kra> ka
Shi 196. A ~ *ngjai > ngje ~ *ngjai- > ngjeU,YuzaoI08.E ~*zjai>jie jJ!1*ijai>jie
YL, Shihunli 15. D ~ *ijai > jie
*Sjai > sje
"to extend"
YL, Shiguanli 12. E ~ *?jwai: > ?jwe: 'tZ *?a./?an
ZL, Sigongshi 173. E ~ *pjireh, bjireh: > pjie, bjie: it *pjiai: > pi:
"equal"
U, Quli 15. D IJ.I}f *bjireh > bjie Pf. *pjireh > pjie
YL, Jinli 141 ~ *bjireh > bjie .!! *bjireh > bjie
209
322. ZL, liangren 246. D 1:: *kwreh > kiwei fE *kwreh > kiwei
323. YL, Shiguanli 12. E ffi *tw:li > tW:li
*tw:li > tW:li
324. comm. to Shu, ap. SJZ 29.1a. A i1f![ *gw:li: >'Yw:li:
fllJ *gw;}i > 'Yw:li
325. comm. to LY, ap. SSl, LY 14.l4b. E F *sji:li > si
*It *sji:li- > si326. ZL, Lingren 35. D ~ *iji:li > jii r *sji:li > si
327. ZL, Changren 107. E* Jjg *ijw:li, ijw:li: > jiwi, jiwi:
~ *?jwai: > ?jwe:
328. U, Liqi 87. E 1t< *?j:li > ?jei
fit *?jai: > ?je:
"to lean on"
329. U, Quli 17. D tnt *pji:li:, pji:li- > pi:, pi- t@ *phi:li- > phiei330. ZL, Dazongbo 101. D ~ *tsji:li- > tsi- *tsji:li- > tsi331. YL, Shisangli 161. D ~ *zjW:lt- > zwi- ~ *ijw:lt- > jiwi332. ZL, Bianshi 172. A J1f1 *ti:li: > tiei: ,f:I! *ti:li: > ti:li:
333a. ZL, liuzheng 33. E M *li:li: > liei: ~ *hli:li: > thiei:
333b. Lixu, ap. SSl, U 1.2a. B ~ *li:li: > liei: ~ *hli:li: > thiei:
334. U, Daxue 213. D R: *li:li- > liei- fU *lji:li- > lji335. ZL, Niizhu 48. E ijfj *kwat-, gwat- > kwai, 'YwaililJ *krwat > kwat
336. Shi 250. D j'iq *njwat- > fiijwai- r"J *nw:lt- > nW:li337. U, Xueji 125. D* !JIt *hj:lng- > xj:lng- ~ *hj:lh: > xji:
ilX *hj:lm > xj:lm
338. YL, Yanli 67. A* ~ *zj~mg- > ji:lng- itS *sung- > sung339. U,litongI69.D IPJ *dung> dung ~FnJ*dung>dung
340. Shi 299. E 8 *?jung > ?jwong mf *?jung> ?jwong
341. comm. to Shu, ap. SSl, ZL 22.l2a. E* *ijung > jiwong
mr *ijung > jiwong ~ *zjung- > zjwong342. ZL, Dashi 124. D* ~ *zjung- > zjwong- ~ *zjung- > zjwong
?(J. *ijung > jiwong
343. Shi 238. E*
*kang kang iJl *trjang ljang
344. YL, Mulu 3. E* t~ *sang> sang c *mjang > mjwang
"burial"
345. YL, Shisangli 162. D %! *sang > sang N *sang> sang
346. ZL, liuzheng 33. E* I: *?ang- > ?ang- ~ *?ung > ?ung
347. U, Liqi 87. E if!5 *prang > peng 'jj *bang > bwang
348. U, Zhongyong 186. A 11 *pjang > pjwang JiR *pra: > pwan:
349. comm. Yl, ap. Shiwen 2.22a. A ~ *dzjang > dzjang
~ *sjang > sjang
350. Shi 193. A ~ *dzjang > dzjang ~ *dili/dzan
351. YL, linli 144. E* f'i'j *sjang > sjang ffi *sjang > sjang
210
352.
353.
354.
355.
356.
357.
358.
359.
360.
361.
362.
363.
364.
365.
366.
367.
368.
369.
370.
371.
372.
373.
374.
375.
376.
377.
378.
379.
380.
381.
382.
211
r --
r --
--~---
4l3.
414.
415.
416.
SOUND GLOSSES
,j
212
419.
420.
421.
422.
423.
424.
425.
426.
427.
428.
429.
430.
431.
432.
433.
434.
435.
436.
437.
438.
213
439.
440.
441.
442.
443.
444.
445.
446.
447.
448.
449.
450.
451.
452.
453.
454.
455.
456.
457.
458.
459.
460.
461.
462.
463.
464.
465.
466.
467.
468.
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5 .2b ti~ *tsa: > tsa: {t *tsa- > ts11ap. comm. to SJ 476 I\tt *ijai, ija (?) > jie, dija fi *ijai > jie
comm. to LY, ap. Shiwen 24.5b 9.:[J*ttjreh > tje ~ *trjreh- > tjecomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.6a Wi *sjreh, sjreh- > sje, sjem*srek > siek
ap. comm. to WX 624. * Wi *sjreh, sjreh- > sje, sje- I3t *ijat- > jiiiicomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7 .19b ~ *sjwai > swi !Ill *sjwai > swi
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.3b* & *gjiwai- > jwi- lfY. *gljiai- > Ijicomm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.15a ~ *khiwai > khiwei
~ *kwreh > kiwei
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.2a ~ *khiai: > khiei:
~ *khiai: > khiei:
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.16b *- *that- > thai- ~ *that- > th11icomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.14a it *gat- > 'Yai- ~ *gat > 'Yat
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.35a ~ *tsriat- > t~iii~ *tsjat- > tsj'ruap. Jijie comm. to SJ 2232* fl1i *thung:, dung: > thung:, dung:
~ *ijung: >jiwong:
comm. to Shi, ap.Shiwen 7.19b ~ *kjung: > kjwong:
~ *kjung> kjwong
comm. to LY, ap. Shiwen 24.8b fM *kang> kang ~g *kang > kang
comm. to D, ap. Shiwen 14.17b 'ii: *mjang- > mjwangC *mjang > mjwang
comm. to YJ, ap. Shiwen 2.30b f *dijire/ijang IiX; *dzjire/ijang
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.3b j3(: *tSjire-/tijang- {IE *tSjiie/tijang
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.11a .!'fl. *tii/tao ft *ta/tan
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 5.19 1'fO *pha-/phwan- N$ *ba-/bwflO.Elf *pra/pwan
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.2b $I *pra/pwan
"distribute"
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.5b $ *krwa-/kwan- ,ffi *grwa-/'YWancomm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 9.24b fJt *kja:/kjlln: f~ *gjiwa-/gjwiin"tired"
*dzrjwa-/d?jwancomm. to LY, ap. Shiwen 24.2b
~ tsjw:f-/tsjwencomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.7 a f* *swil /swan Hi *sw?i-/swancomm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.6b ~ifB *ljw:i/ljwen M! *ljw;)/ljwen
comm. of Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.34b ~ *gjwil/jwan ~ *gjw~/jwan
comm. to ZL, ap. Shiwen 8.3a ~ *bjia/bjien ~ *bji~/bjien
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 6.24a Ml *gam >'Yam JiJ(. *gram > 'Yam
comm. to Shi, ap. Shiwen 7.17a ~ *?jam, ?jam- > ?jam, ?jamiii *?jam- > ?jam-
472.
473.
474.
475.
476.
I 6. Zheng Xuan
NOTES
11. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
14. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular for Zheng Xuan's language.
It is possible that in his interpretation of this ZL passage Zheng was influenced by
familiarity with some EH dialects such as those of Zheng Zhong or Fu Qian where MC
ji- can be reconstructed as EH *r-.
23. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in the SM language because in SM 149 it has
a contact with. , which in tum has a contact with a velar initial word in SM 1265.
35a. The initial correspondence in this pair of glosses is irregular. These word pairings
seem to represent semantic glosses on a Qi dialect word rather than true sound glosses.
41. The fmal correspondence in this gloss is irregular. It seems to represent a Qin
dialect reading (see Chapter 6, section 6.4.3).
61. The final correspondence in this gloss is irregular. The passage may represent a
dialect like that of Xu Shen, whose MC -ju in a would be reconstructed as EH *-jwah.
70. For a Shiwen reads MC tSiwo: and tSiwo- and GY reads tSiwo- in the ZL title
Zhushi; but we suspect with Karlgren (1963-7: #1542) that these are learned readings
based on Zheng Xuan's ZL commentarr.
77. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. In the Shi line in question
some early versions wrote not a but ~ (*thuh > th;Ju), and this reading of the line was
current in EH times as revealed by its appearance in several EH texts (see Wang 1915:
149). It seems possible that Zheng Xuan knew of this reading and was influenced by it in
his interpretation of the Shi line.
82. Shiwen (9.29a), in a gloss on this ZL passage, reads a as MC kan-; but this is
clearly an attempt by Lu Deming to derive a MC fanqie spelling from Zheng Xuan's
original gloss. cr. Coblin{1979-80:278, n. IS).
90. The text reads: ''TIle xizun is a vessel which takes shayu 'phoenix-feather patterns'
as its decoration ... " With Karlgren (1963-7: #363) we suspect that this passage is
intended as ajiojie type gloss.
101. The sound correspondences in this gloss are problematical. See Karlgren (1963-7:
#1396) for a discussion of this and various related text passages.
104. Several variant and, in my opinion, corrupt versions of this gloss occur in other
sources. For a comparison of these passages see Coblin (1979-80:272-3, n. 8).
118. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular. Cf. Zheng Xuan 119, where a
is glossed by a word having MC initial s-.
215
214
r -
,-----
,------
s-
216
-am.
MCsjiik.
302. This gloss is probably quoted from SW. See Xu Shen 904.
303. B and c are both glosses on a. The vowel correspondence between a and b is
irregular.
327. The initial correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
337. B and c are both glosses on a. The [mal correspondence between a and c is
irregular.
338. The vowel correspondence in this gloss is irregular.
217
7. Fu Qian
These data consist primarily of direct sound glosses. The basic pattern for
these is x H' y. Glosses which depart from this pattern are quoted in full. There
are also several /anqie, loangraph, and paranomastic glosses, which are quoted
in full. Glosses which are specifically said to represent alternate readings are
marked as "alt."
1. HS 2456* m; *m:)'}' > mW:1i ~ *khj:1'Y > khji'
2. HS 2024 :te *rj:1'Y> jii IPJf *rj:1'Y > jii'
3. HS 3001 * ~1i~ *kjw:1)' (7) dzj:1'Y"'*kjiw:1)' dzj:1 > kj:1u dii '" kjwi dzi
li\)~ *khjW:1'Y (7) dzj:1)' > khj:1u dzi'
4. ap. comm. to WX 633 711 *kjiw:1'Y: > kjwi: iliJl *kjiw:1')': > kjwi:
5. HS 6. 1!f'i'ftmP*Pfz~o
1!f *k:1kw- > kau- p~ *g:1hw > )'au
6. HS 3547 lJJl *hr;),},w > xau ~ *hrarw> xau
7. HS 731 ~ *srj:1'Yw > ~:1U ~ *srj:1)'w > ~j:1U
8. SJ 2073* trf *thi:1'Yw > thieu fI;li *thia-yw > thieu
9. HS 3215 Il;It *darw, thiakw- > diu, thieu- ~ *diakw> diek
10. HS 1922 ~ *la),w: > lau: ~ *la'Yw, lakw- > lau, lau11. HS 1458 lf *makw- > mau- ~ *makw- > mau12. HS 2780 fi *gja-yw > gjau til *gja),w > gjau
-13. HS 2478 ~41t *phjiarw rja'Yw > phjiau jiau
~tt *phjiarw rjarw > phjiau jiiiu
'14. ap. comm. to WX 120 ~ *kjarw: > kjau: m*kjarw: > kjau:
. 15. HS 2225 *kia,),w > kieu !fl *kiarw > kieu
16. SJ 3292. ~~lli:II1\-Pfo
~ *kiarw > kieu:
II1\- *ki:1kw- > kieu17. HS 3215 ~ *kiakw-> kieu II1\- *ki:1kw-> kieu. 18. HS 11 0 M *ba'Y > bwo ifl *bar > bwo
19. HS 3585 E! *pra,), > pa 00 *phra')' > pha
'20. ap. comm. to SJ 2071 m. *dzjar:, tsjak- > dzjwo:, tsjwo~1l *tsrja,),: > t~jwo:
21. HS 25 8: *gjar: > gjwo: ~ *gjar> gjwo
219
218
r ----
r---
,Ii]
220
1 !
r*
221
92.
93.
94.
95.
)-,96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
HS 195 'J:.li'J *tjuak > tSjwok iI: *tjuak-, tIjuak- > tsju-, tjuSJ 2891 and HS 268* it *rjuak >jiwok ur. *luak > luk
SJ 2875* 1)& *sruak > ~ak ifoll *srak > ~ak
HS 2405 * Ql *khjiak > khjiik :if: *khjia)'-, khjiai > khjie-, khjie
HS 3537. ~g IHi~&o
~g *thiak > thiek
1 i *djiak > ijlik
~*thrjak > thjak
HS 3564 11:11 *tw~t > tW;)t Ttl *trjwat > Hwet
HS 175* tilt *thrjw;)t > !hjwet 1ffi *rjat- > jiliiSJ 2942 f\S *tji~t > tSjet ~ *trji;)t, ti~t > tjet, tiet
HS 2078* ll'i *pat > pwat ~ *pat > pwat
SJ 343 ~ *tjwat > tSjwat
till *tjwat > tsjwat
"tip of the nose"
HS 106 ~ *diap > diep fi':!l!i *diap > diep
NOTES
1. The sound correspondences in this gloss are irregular. I suspect that Fu Qian's
HS edition read not a but !!It (MC khji" > EH *khjah) here.
3. The vowel quality of the EH fmal which yielded MC -j;}U in a and b is uncertain.
8. Our SJ edition mistakenly writes a as I1lf
41. A is a proper name in the HS text. GY (but not the QY versions) states that in
this name the second graph (i.e. shi "to eat'') is to be read as MCji;:- in HS. This is almost
certainly a lexicographical ghost reading based directly on Fu Qian's original HS gloss.
49. The fmal developments in 0 and b are irregular, for we would expect EH *-jwatto yield MC -jwui- here. However, as noted by li (l971:39), this MC fmal does not
occur after initialj- in hekou syllables.
50. The phonological correspondences in this equation are quite irregular. The gloss is
an annotation on a place name which also occurs in a parallel passage in SJ 2712. In SJ
this place is called nota but b;andhere Fu Qian's note, as cited by the Jijie commentary,
substitutes b for a, thereby using b as a gloss on itself. It is probable that the SJ version
best represents Fu's original gloss and that his HS edition read not a but b.
77. The rime development of b is irregular, for we would expect EH -jwat- to yield
MC -jwDi-. However, as noted by Li (1971:39) this MC fmal does not occur after initial
j- in hekou syllables. The phonological correspondences in this gloss are quite irregular.
86. B can be reconstructed with EH *gl- in Zheng Xuan's language on the basis of
Zheng 395.
87. The MC reading !jiJk for 0 appears in Shiwen (29.6b). QY, GY, and Shiwen (4.3a)
also read MC t$jet. Karlgren (GSR 1257d; 1948-9, Gloss 1520) notes that QY and Shiwen read a as t$jet and then argues at some length that the word should also be read
tj;}k. He was apparently unaware that this MC reading was in fact attested in Shiwen
itself. The MC reading ($jet is almost certainly derived directly from Xu Shen's duruo
gloss on a; see Xu 708.
93. This passage glosses the term Luli :filii , a Xiongnu title. For a discussion of this
title see Boodberg (1979:104). For 0 GY and one QY version read Me [uk, stating that
this reading applies specifically to the title Luli. This is almost certainly a lexicographical
gltost based on Fu Qian's SI and HS glosses_
222
r~------
,-----.
,---
94. The rime development in b is irregular, for EH *-rak should yield MC -uk.
95. Current HS editions read not 0 but @(MC d.Ju- < EH duok-). However, Duan
Yucai (SWGL 769a) and Wang Xianqian (Hanshu buzhu 52.20a-b) argue convincingly
that this character is a copyist's error. Fu Qian's HS text and his commentary on it must
have read a here.
98. Many HS commentators believe that Fu Qian's HS text wrote not 0 but tk (Zjiii< EH djat-). See Wang Xianqian, Honshu buzhu 6.13a-b.
100. TIle MC reading of 0 is attested only in lY.
8. YingShao
These data consist of sound glosses and paranomastic glosses. The basic
pattern for the sound glosses is x ft- y. All departures from this pattern,
including [anqie glosses, are given in full. Paranomastic gloss types are
identified according to the general code.
SOUND GLOSSES
1. SJ 345 *f:l *d~i: >d;)i:
lih *d;)i: > d;)i:
2. HS 51 ~ *k;)i> k~i t~ *k~i >k~i
3. HS 64 ifiit *n:ii-> n~i- ~ *na"i, nang> nai, nang
4. HS 1618 1iHl *k- dzj;)l 'V kjiwe"i dzj;)i> kj;)u dzl'V kjwi dzl
Ji:~ *kh- dzj~"i> khj;)u dii
5. HS 1582 IE *dzrj;)Y> dtt illl *tsrjii> t~i
6. HS 1598 ;:~ *dZ- > ij~u ff, *dZ- > ij;)u:
7. HS 4206 (!);! *h- > xj~u- ~ *h- > xj~u8. HS 1579* (fIN =) l1lf *tb- > thieu tt *th- > thieu
9. HS 1565 !5Jt *d- > dau M; *d- > dau
10. ap. SJZ 30.17b i:tl *gr- >-yau *:tl *kr- > kau:
"to strangle"
11. WX 45 fI *nj- > nijliu:
*nj- > nzj ;)u:
12. HS 22 ~ *ng- > ngieu ~ *ng- > ngieu
13. HS 1464 ~ *na > nwo tv( *na > nwo
14_ WX 7 fW *lcl > .kwo IlIl *kii > kwo
15. HS 365 ~ *p- > pwo: :fflj *p- > pwo:
16_ HS 1616 fflIl *tsa: > tswo: Ii: *tsjia > tsja
17. HS 1597
~ *krii mjiang > ka mjweng
*kra mrang > ka m eng
18. HS 1602 tl *tshja > tshjwo H *tshja > tshjwo
19a. HS 1562 W*rja > jiwo T* *rjii- > jiwo19b.HS 1626 l\! *lja- > ljwo ~ *lja > ljwo-
*l1l
223
20. HS 1576
21. HS 1574
22. HS 1590
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
'l~
place name
HS 1617 IIIij *hju- > xju- ,I!~ *hju- > xjuHS 1795 ~ll. *gwa: > -ywii: W~ *gwa: > -ywii:
ap. comm. to S1 2070 ~ *sra > ~a lIb *sra > ~a
HS 1636 ~ *gra:, gra- >-ya:, -ya- f'{ *kra:, gra- > ka:, kaWX 105 if( *grai: >-yai:
~(*grii: >-yii:
Deleted
HS 1250 l)1i *drj waY > ~jwe JIi *drjwii> gjwe
fit *sjaI > sje
Wi *sjii> sje
HS 1599
HS 1616 L'\; *tsjaY> tSje 7: *tsjii> tsje
I *dij wa"i > ijwe f* *p- > pau:
S12606*
HS 1627 Hi *rjii > jie ~ *Ijai> jie
HS 173 lltll *rjai:' > jie- ~ *IjaI-> jieHS 1587 t~ *pjiai> pjie f~ *pjiai > pjie
HS 1629 fN. *mjiai > mjie ~m *mjiaI> mjie
HS 3153 U:t *hjiwii> xjwie tt *kiwai" > kiweiHS 729 i'e *diaI> diei pW *diai> diei
HS 1588 Jlt *bjai > bjwei ~E *bjai > bjwei
HS 1574 ~ *pjai: > pjwei: ~F *pjai > pjwei
place name
HS 1589 jl\ *dzjang > ijeng i.~ *tsjang- > tsjangHS 1630 1ifli *lung> lung 1m. *ljung > ljwong
S12499 :l!k: *?ang > ?ang :'R: *?jang> ?jang
HS 286 ~,*khwang- > khwfmg- IlJ{ *khwang- > khwangHS 1469* ~ *gjiwang > gjwang
*gjiwang: > gjwang:
HS 1597 m*rjang > jiang ~ *rjang > jiang
S1 1491 4'; *ljang/ljang ~ *liang > lieng
HS 1625 ~ *ljang, ljang-/ljang, Ijang- ~ *liang> lieng
HS 224 lIlT *thiang, diang > thieng, dieng
M *thiang, diang> thieng, dieng
HS 1602 1i1 *liang> lieng ~ *liang> lieng
HS 1632 ~<ll: *giang>-yieng 1flJ *giang>-yieng
HS 1603 ~ *biang: > bieng:
*bii:/bwan:
HS 1614 ~j: *tw-:J/twan ~ *dwa/dwan
HS 1325 ~ *p~:/ pwan:
*p~:/pwan:
HS 3527 O~ *lji:l'/ljen ~ *ljiS/ljen
HS 1616 om *sjw'5/sjwen 1lJ *zjw~/zjwen
HS 2846* ~j; *ngji:l'/ngjen ~ *ngjiai > ngji
224
,I
f*
"*
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
225
8. Ying Shao
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
94. FSTY 103. A fflX *gr:!l- > yru.- JIX: *kr:!i- > kru.95. FSTY 91. B* In *lj:!i > ljl: 11: *tSj:!'i: > !Sji:
96. FSTY 93. B m*dijei: > ii: t~ *dij:!'i: > Zi':
97. FSTY 92. A ~ *zj:!'i- > ii- p] *sj:!i > sl
98. FSTY 92. E ~ *zjlll- > ii- Jl. *tsj:!l: > tSi:
99. FSTY 92. A ~ *zjlli- > zi- poll) *zj:!l- > ii100. FSTY 93. E l1il *yj- > j:!un * yj- > j:!u:
101. FSTY 103. A IN *z- > zj:!u ~ *dz- > dzj:!u
102. FSTY 91. A* m*tS- > tsj:!u *dr- > gj:!u
103. FSTY 80. B -Ii! *b- > bjllu: m*m- > m:!u104. FSTY 81. A i'iiIl *ga > ywo $ *ta > two
105. FSTY 109. B i'ilJ *ga >ywo Ii. *ga- >ywo106. FSTY 48. B IlHI *p- > pwo: 'fflj *p- > pwo:
107. FSTY 64. B fflIl *tsa: > tswo: m. *dzii > dzwo
108. FSTY 80. B .tm *khja > khjwo w*khja > khjwo
109. FSTY 82. E ~ *gja > gjwo 15 *kja> kjwo
11 O. FSTY 103. A* Lm *ngja: > ngjwo: lfI! *rja: > jiwo:
111. FSTY 95. B :;Ie *pju > pju lit *pju > pju
112. FSTY 94. B* f11ff *nju > flzju 1 *khju > khju
113. Deleted
114. FSTY 92. A* fff *pju: > pju: ~ *dzju: > dzju:
115. FSTY 111. E fit *phju: > phju: ~ *bju: > bju:
116. FSTY 92. B f:tj *krai > kai 11 *giwai > -yiwei
117. FSTY 82. B ~1Ii *pjiai, pjiai- > pje, pje~ *ba, bja > bwan, bjwvn
118. HGY, ap. TPYL 3045. A* !! *sjai: > sje:
~ *sjai, sjai- > sje, sje- Fa *sji5-/sjen119. FSTY l11.B ~t.}*kjal:>kje: ~*kjai>kje
120. FSTY 108. E .J3; *tiai: > tiei: m: *tiai: > tiei:
121. FSTY 110. B ~ *rjilli > jii filii *ti:!i: > tiei:
122. FSTY 81. E 7rfj *pai-, phai- > pwfti-, phwai- ifit *pjiai- > pjiii123. HGY, ap. TPYL 771. E '1i. *grwllng > '}'WEng JJ{ *kwang: > kwang:
124. FSTY 110. B* Bt *njong > itijung 9!!. *hjung > xjwong
125. FSTY 95. E j:: *drjang: > q.jang:
~ *drjang> c;ljang
"(length=) height of a person"
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.
FSTY 95. E 't *srang > ~vng IW *siang, siang: > sieng, sieng:
FSTY 94. B l,!E *sjang-/sjang- "if: *sjang/sjang
FSTY 91. A* q; *diang > dieng iF *bjiang > bjwvng
FSTY 103. A ~l *liang > lieng % *ljang, ljang-/ljiing, IjiingFSTY 1. A ;jfrj! *diji5/dijen ffj *sji;}-/sjenFSTY 67. B ;jfrj! *diji5/dijen 111 *sji:s/sjen
FSTY, ap. TPYL 1859. E* H *gi;i/yien
I;!& *ki5/kien
1Jri: *gljiam > ljiim
FSTY 45. E 'llf *kwa:/kwiin: .~ *kwa, kwa-/kwan, kwanFSTY 110. B m*mra > man t~ *mra-/manFSTY 67. B ~ *yjwii/jwlm tl: *yjwa/jwen
FSTY 93. A ru *?jwa:/?jwan: tIM *?jw:! :/?jw:!n:
FSTY 91. A !I'*' *giwa/yiwen 1:: *giwa/yiwen
FSTY 49. B m*d- > diek ~ *d- > diek
FSTY 78. E W: *ngruk > ngiik fj *kruk > kiik
FSTY 108. B ~ *mrak > mvk PI~ *ljak > Ijak fiJj. *bak > bilk
FSTY 59. E ~ *dzjiak > dzjiik it} *tsjiak > tsjak
ap. SSJ, Shi 19D.4a. E f! *dzjiak > dzjak
*dzjiak > dzjiik
"royal field"
FSTY 110. B* ~* *d- > diek fl'f *p-, b- > pjiik, bjak
FSTY 103. A ~ *tsji:!t > tsjet *dzji:!t > dijet
FSTY 64. B JXt *lap > lap 3ttt *ljap > ljiip
FSTY 64. B. alt.* JJI!l. *lap > lap t~ *tsjap > tsjap
NOTES
8. A, a place name, is sometimes incorrectly written without the grass radical in ilie
historical texts. Cf. Fu Qian 8.
32. The phonological correspondences in this example are quite irregular. It appears
in the Suoyin commentary to SJ, where we learn that it was originally a gloss on ilie
place name if! in the parallel HS text (HS 1890). The second character in iliis name
varies in the early histories. In ilie original SJ passage (i.e. SJ 2606) it is written tli (MC
rjiwe, r!jwe-). In SJ 389 it is again written U, but here ilie parallel HS passage (HS 74)
has ffi (Me piau:). The reactions of later HS commentators to iliis last variant are
interesting. The Three Kingdoms glossist Meng Kang iililJlt states that it should be
pronounced like f* (MC pau:), while his contemporary, Su Lin ~ft ,says that it should
be read like ~ (i.e. as MC Ziwe). Yan Shigu states that Su is correct because fIT is really
a copyist's error for here, and in this he is followed by most later commentators (see
Hanshu buzhu IB.19b). It would appear, however, iliat Ying Shao not only belonged to
the same school as Meng Kang and read fIT as MC pau:, but also considered I in our HS
passage to be a corruption of fIT and read it pOu: as well. Ying's note ilius represents, in
effect, a graphic emen~tion and is not a true sound gloss.
45. The rime development in a and b is irregular, for EH *-iiwang should yield MC
-jwDng. However, as noted by Li (1971:45) initialg- does not occur before -jwDng in MC.
227
226
r- -----,
1----
r---
r----
9. Gao You
These data consist of loangraph, direct sound, and paranomastic glosses.
The identifying code for the loangraph glosses is as follows:
A
x~j'(y
x~ ......
C
D
E
x31Sy
xUlPIl ...... (Z) y
xmPlly
xm't' ...... (Z) y
Others
(Z)y
The basic pattern for the sound glosses is x ff y . Glosses which depart from
this will be quoted in full.
Paranomastic gloss types are identified according to the general code.
LOANGRAPH GLOSSES
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
HN 13.8b. B .:l *dah: > dai: f\; *dak- > daiHN 17.11a. B* ~*nak->nai(~=)~*hnak>thak
HN 2.lOb. B* fi *mrah > mai g; *?jwei, ?wa > ?jwe, ?wa
HN 5.1 b. B ~ *kjah > kji ~ *kah > kai
LS 11.2a. B ~ *thjak- > tslii- ~ *thjak- > tshi-
228
229
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
HN 8.8b. B
HN 2.5a. B
HN 8.5a. B
LS 7.2b. E
HN 17.2a. B
HN 2.5b. D*
HN 5.9li. B
HN l.3a.B
HN 5.5b. B
LS l.3b. A
HN 16.8a. B
HN 8.2a. B
LS 1.9a. D
l'''~
IJIij
4l& *tw~-/tw;)n63. HN 5.4a. B U: *ljw;)i > ljwi G.t *ljw;)i: > ljwi:
64. HN U5b. B ~ *sjw;}i > swi *Ui *sw;}i > sW:li
65. HN 3.11a. B ~ *srjw;)i > ~wi *It *zjw;}i > jiwi
"weak"
66. HN 2.1 b. C* fi *tjw:li > tswi 11ft *zjw;}i > jiwi
67. HN 195b. ftHJt~mgo
fit *hjiw;)i > xjwi ~ *hjw;)i: > xjwei:
68. HN 13.11a. B ~ *mj;)i >mjwei tx *mj~:, mj~-/mjw:ln:, mjw;}n69. LS 7.6b. B Wr *gj:li > gjei Ifilf *gj;)i > gjei
70. HN 9.3b. B R& *sjw;}i/xjwei ~ *tshw;}i > tshw;}i
71. HN 19.8b. B
R& *sjw;}i/xjwei
72. LS 15.2b. E
230
231
r---------
r--- -
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
m*gjiw~:/gjwen:
120. LS 6. lOa. G
121. HN 9.16b!"
;Mij *gljw~/ljwen
ill *gjw~-/jw;!n-
*kjw;j/kjw;!n
!t~~~ltElfLmJiJio
~J~~ *sjw~-
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
232
drj;!hw/sjwen- "j;!U
fLmJiJi *sji;!i bji;!i duah > si bi d;!u
LS 9.3b. B if *gji~-/gjen- rr *kj;j, kj~-/kj;!n, kj;!nHN 6.7a. B M *ti;j/tien ~ *di~/dien
"to block up"
HN 8.9a. C ;&:: *dia:/dien: :!II! *ti;j:/tien:
HN 1.4a. G* ~~ *thi~:/xien: n~ *tji~:/tsjen:
LS 4.6b. C illil *kiw~/kiwen :t:: *kwei > kiwei
LS 1.8b. C I(fe *matmwfm fffi *ma:/mwan:
HN 9.12a. B ril\*dzwa/dzwfm
*dzwa-/dzwiinHN 1.6b-7a. B ~x *khwa:/khwfm: H *khwa > khwa
HN l.4b. B* $: *twa-/twan- ~ *pjiang: > pjweng:
LS 14.5a. G m. *kwa-/kwfm- tit *gjiwa/gjwiin
HN 2.4b. B -rtf *ga-/yfm- f'fJ *ga-/yiinHN 16.3b. B* ~ *hwa-/xwfm- ij~ *nw~-/nw;!nLS 14.6a. D ~ *?wii-/?wfm- tm *?wa:/?wfm:
HN 9.5b. B ~ *mra-/man- H~ *mra-/man-
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
'*
233
170.
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
.jI*
210.
211.
212.
2l3.
214.
.ll
PARANOMASTIC GLOSSES
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
r*
222.
223.
224.
225.
SOUND GLOSSES
205. LS 22.9b
206. LS 8.4a
iahw: > ?ieu: y"j) *?iahw: > ?ieu:
207. LS 192b. ~HlcHszfso
~} *mak- > mwois *prak > puk
208. HN 2.6a'!' il tH!fxzJ!o
~ *(g)luak- > lau- - l!: *(g)ljuak- > lju"frequent, many"
226.
227.
228.
229.
230.
231.
232.
233.
HN 4.4b. E fl:: *dak- > dai- iN *dak- > daiLS 1.8a. A Z *tjah > tSI '. *tjiai- > tsiLS 16.11a. A ka *hrjah: > si: I"f *hrjahw: > ijau:
HN 3.5a. A 7* *pakw- > pau- f~ *bjakw > bjuk
LS 15.18b. A
*pakw- > pau- ~l *brak > buk
HN 1.10a. A mJ *tjahw > tijau ilfflJ *diahw > dieu
"to blend"
HN l3.lla. E 1fnj *khakw- > khau- t.Hi *khahw: > khau:
LS 14.24a. A ~ *duak> duk ;li.\ *djakw > zjuk
HN l3.12b. E* ~ *(g)ljuah > lju
}Sfc*(g)ljuak > ljwok
name of a sword
LS 7.2b. E .1:11 *bjuak- > bju- lIT *b"h: > b:m:
"mound"
HN l3.la. A
*grwai > ,},wai ff,~ *kjwai > kjwei
LS 3.2b. E k2. *phjai, phai- > phjwei, phwai- 12: *pjah> pju
HN 2Ab. E fJlI. *ngjwai, ngjwai- > ngjwei, ngjwei~ *ngjwai > ngjwei
LS 1.9a. E 9 *liai: > liei: r.I *hliai: (?) > thiei:
LS 14.2a. A !J}, *trjangw > ~jung iE *tjang-/tsjiingLS17.ISa.A "/it *tang > tang r:p*trjangw>tjung
LS 6.5b. A fi:l *mrang > mung IIffi: *miang, rniang->mieng, miengLS 6. lOb. A ~ *mL"lg > mung ~ *miang, miang: >mieng, mieng:
234
235
r --
r------
r-----
r-----
9. Gao You
236
10. SM
to.SM
The 8M data have been published by Bodman (1954) and will not be
repeated here. The notes appended below' are intended to supplement those
237
583. This passage contains a second part not listed by Bodman: '!'liYifuo
{ tshjang
!iizjang
624. This gloss occurs in EY lA.8.
690. This gloss occurs in Zheng Xuan's commentaries on several of the ritual texts. I
suspect that it is not a paranomastic gloss there.
703. This is an alternate gloss. It is quoted from EY IB/60.
715. This gloss also appears in SJ and BHTY 51.
717. This is probably a quote from SW (SWGL 3263a). The original SW passage reads
',j,. fHllJo;lJi l!!.. Duan Yucai emends to: 'ifi. \'t l!!.. iffi.J.;iJi l!!.. I suspect that the original SW
passage is not a sound-based gloss.
728. This is a quote from EY lA.2.
758. This gloss may be based on a passage in LJ (GZSSJ 126) where Zheng Xuan says
that the word lit in the phrase lit~ is to be read as n (see Zheng Xuan 136). He then
remarks: ff'nffill 'T!:tfj!~ 1!2 "OlOngrong means 'to beat heavily' ". It is this line which may
form the basis for the SM gloss. I think it unlikely that Zheng's defmition is a paranomastic gloss. For a discussion of the LJ passage, see Karlgren (1963-7: #1918).
811. This appears in LJ, Tangong (GZSSJ 25).
816. This is probably a quote from SW; see Xu Shen 1217.
817. This is a quote from SW; see Xu Shen 1219.
822. The initial correspondence in this passage is irregular. However, it is identified by
Liu Xi as an alternate gloss on a. The other alternate (SM 821) is phologically regular.
827. As pointed out by Bodman (1954:60) the initial correspondence in this gloss is
irregular. According to sw (SWGL 1271b) the Chu dialect word for a "writing brush"
was r. jiwet SM *zjwat). In the SM language b could be reconstructed as *ijwat, or
perhaps *dZiwat (see Chapter 5, section 5.8 on the initial of this word). It seems possible
that in Chu a was actually read as *Ziwat rather than *pjiat and that this fact enabled Liu
Xi to pair a and b in this gloss.
829. Bodman reads a as MC tshjwet. I suspect that it should be read as tshwi- "to
bring out, take out" here.
842 This is a quote from YJ, Shuogua. It also appears in SW; see Xu Shen 975.
843. Bodman takes b, sense of "soft and slippery" (this sense attested only in SM)
as a loan for j!I; "sharp", and he consequently reads bas MCjiwiii-. This seems uncertain.
It is probably best to retain the known reading, dwai-, for b.
856. This is a quote from SW; see Xu Shen 982.
857. Bodman reads a as MC sjwiii- and zjwiii-. This word also has a MC reading,
-yiwei-, which is homophonous with b.
881. Bodman reads b as MC 1)iet. SW (SWGL 2938a) states that b is a variant form
of lVi (MC 'lief); and QY, GY, and Shiwen probably follow SW in giving 'ljet as the
reading of b. This reading has been adopted by Karlgren in GS and GSR. However,
Shiwen (3.17a) also gives another reading, 7J~lXniei:; and it may have been this
pronunciation which was intended by Liu Xi here.
888. Bodman reads a "storage crib for grain" as MC Ziwe. This word has an alternate
MC reading, Zjwiin.
901. On the reading of b, see note 881.
903. This is a quote from Zheng Xuan 333b.
915. This may be an implicit quote from SW (SWGL 551a), which may in tum be
based on EY 4/3.
925. Original !'in has been emended to a by Bi Yuan in this gloss. It is uncertain
whether or not this is correct.
239
238
r-- .
r' -----
1-_------
941. Several text versions of this gloss are attested. It is uncertain which version is
correct.
948. For b the original SM text read fit (MC elwi), which has been emended to b by
Bi Yuan.
952. This passage also occurs in BHTY 36b and SW (Xu Shen 956).
1016. Bodman reads a "meat sauce" as MC thjan. In this sense GY also reads it jan,
which is homophonous with b.
1071. A "covered or screened carriage" is read as MC bien by Bodman. In this sense
the word is also read bieng in QY and GY.
1077. This is an implicit quote from SW; see Xu Shen 1114.
1105. This is an implicit quote from YJ, hexogram 2.
1128. For a Bodman reads MC tshjan:. In GS Karlgren reads tshjan, which he
attributes to QY. In GSR he reads tshjan:, tshjan-, and tshjen-. In fact, however, QYand
GY both read MC ~hjan: and t~hjen- for this word. Cf. SYHB, pp. 140 and 212 and
Long 1968, rimes ~~(18) and]t (21).
1140. For a Bodman reads MC Zjwen and tSjwen:. This word occurs in the sense of
"femur" in YL, Shaolao, where Shiwen (16.36a) gives two glosses: (1) Zjwen, attributed
to Liu Daoba 'l1JillW: (fl. mid fIfth cent. A.D.); (2) tsjwen, attributed to SW. These
readings are adopted by Karlgren and Bodman. However, in the SM passage a means not
"femur" but "knee". GY gives several readings for a, but none in the sense of "knee".
Liu Xi's reading of the word in this sense seems uncertain.
1181. For a Bodman reads MC diep. GY gives two readings for a: (l) diep "a lined
garment"; (2) zjap "an outer garment, jacket, tunic". The SM text explains a as 11L1::L
"an expression for covering over". Wang Xianqian emends mto fl , changing the meaning
to "an expression for doubling over". Wang's emendation requires the reading diep for a.
I prefer the original SM version, pointing to the reading zjap, which would make a and b
homophonous.
1182. Bi Yuan emends a to read 7!li thiei-, which is homophonous with b. Bodman
has apparently misunderstood this and thinks Bi's emendation is directed at b rather
than a. See his note 1182.
1185. This is probably an implicit quote of the Mao commentary on Shi 17. Cf. also
SW (SWGL 4992).
numbers in the Tripifaka, (2) Chinese transcriptions, (3) EH > MC reconstructions for the Chinese forms, (4) ludic (usually Sanskrit) forms.
1. AN SHIGAO
11. BTD
INTRODUCTION
These data are arranged according to the translators (or translation teams)
discussed in Chapter 4, section 4.11.2, i.e.
1. An Shigao
2. Zhi Loujiaqian/Lokak~ema
3. Kang Mengxiang
Under each translator the texts are arranged in their order of appearance
in the TaishO Tripitaka. Individual transcriptions are ordered according to
page numbers in the Tripitaka texts.
For each entry the following information is given: (1) page and section
240
j.
241
27. T 602.173.1
VtiJOO *zjw~t dzja > dzjwet zja
Skt. vidya; cf. Gd. vija, P. vijja
28. T 602.173.1
NO'it *sra la > ~a Iii Skt. sala 'V sala
29. T 607.230.3*7('Yft *thi~n (or*hi~n 1) trjok > thien tjuk
tok
twok
tuk
tuk
Old Iranian hinduka 'V hindukka
30. T 607.230.3
fftfJJu *sang gja > sang gja Skt. sa~gha
31. T 607.230.3
*lUll *Ia tshrat > Iii t~hat Skt. rak~asa
32. T 607.232.3
tHt!'I *tsjan dan> tsjlin diin Skt. candana
33. T607.232.3
jJj\~*na thiai->niithiei- Skt.nam
48. T 224.427.3
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
2. ZHI LOUJlAQIAN/LOKAK~EMA
54.
34. T 224.425.3 itlltlijijI; *Ia ijwat gjiei > Iii jiwlit gjie
tsjei
tsje
Skt. rajagrha; cf. P. rajagaha
35. T 224.425.3
~OO~ *gjiai dZja gjw~t > gji zja gjwat
Skt. grdhraku1a; cf. P. gijjhaku1a
36. T 224.425.3
r"f. ~ *ma ha > mwii xii Skt. maha
37. T 224.425.3 * ~~tH: *sjou bo dei> sju bwo diei Skt. subhuti
38. T 224.425.3
"~iiii *ma ha sat> mwii xa siit Skt. mahasattva
39. T 224.425.3
~iiii bo sat> bwo siit Skt. bodhisattva
40. T 224.425.3
5mtb *mjiei lak > mjie Iak
Skt. maitreya; cf. Kuchean maitrak, Agnean metrak (Bailey 1946:
780-1)
41. T 224.425.3
3tJ5\::l'lffifIJ *mj~n dijou srjiai Ijiai- > mjwan :lju ~i IjiSkt. maiijusrl; cf. BHS maiijusiii
42. T 224.425.3
m~:;S:ilUIHt: *pan nja: pa la mjiat > pwiin iiija: pwii Iii
mjiet
Skt. prajnaparamita; cf. P. paiifia, Gd. praiia (= Skt. prajiiii)
43. T 224.425.3
t7] fll *tii Iji~i- > tau ljiSkt. trayastritpsa; cf. Khotanese ttiivatrlsa, Agnean tapiitris, Kuchean
tapattris (Bailey 1946:780); also P. tavatitpsa
44. T 224.426.1
rurlit~fX *?a zjwai yjwat trjiai- > ?a jiwi jwat 1iSkt. avivartin 'V avivartika 'V avaivartika
45. T 224.426.2
~~* *sat yjwan nja: > sat jwan iiZja: Skt. sarvajiia
46. T 224.427.2*
f}jl~3trt::~ *pji~n na mjan da pj~t > pjen na mjwan dii
pjw~t Skt. purt}amaitray~lputra; cf. P. pUl}.l}amantiinTputta
47. T 224.427.2-3
fflt JJIIffit5!. *sang na sang ni~t > sang nit sang niet
Skt. sannahasannaddha
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
Skt. mahayana
JlanzjanT 224.427.3*
~=:tli:fX *S:lm bat trji~i- > siim bwat 1i- Skt. saJ1lpatti
T 224.427.3
~"I ~ ijijI; *?a S:lng gjiei > ?a S:lng gjie
tsjei
tsje
Skt. asailkhya 'V asankhyeya
T 224.427.3
mltiJl:.tH *pan ni:li ywan > pwiin niei ywiin
Skt. parinirviqla
T 224.429.1
r'f\1)Hl~IAj *sjiak dei ywan ?ji~n > sjiik diei ywiin ?jien
Skt. sakro deviinam indra
T 224.429.1
jtill!~ *b(r)jam- kja zji:li > bjwem- kjajii
ka
ka
Skt. brahmakayika
fiiJ~ *kou zjak > bu ji:lk Skt. kausika
T 224.429.1
kjou
kju
T 224.429.1 * ~IJtw.rurm(rt::)*tat sat ?a gjiat (da) > tiit sat ?ii gjat (dii)
Skt. tathagata
T 224.429.1
ruritnilJ *?a la ha > ?ft Iii xii Skt. arhat; cf. Gd. araha
?lfB'=c{.)!l *sam zja s~m bjat > sam jia sam bjwat
T 224.429.1
zja
zja
Skt. samyaksarpbuddha; cf. Gd. same-sabudha
T 224.429.3
rm'lZ. *zjwat tshra > jiwat t~ha Skt. yak~a
T 224.430.1
"IfPffiiJfl *ma ha kou sjiai > mwii xa kau si
kjou
kju
Skt. mahakau~thila; cf. BHS maha-ko~thila
T 224.430.1
"PilJ.iQ!!lJPj9if; rna ha kja tsjan ijan > mwii xii kja tsjlin jilin
kra
ka
Skt. mahakatyayana; cf. P. mahakaccana
T 224.431.1
~t!! *?jian drji:li > ?jien qi Skt. indra
T 224.431.1
iEllfB flJm *pa zja ywa dei > pwa jia ywii diei
zja
zja
Skt. prajapati
T 224.431.1
{Nt}; *?jiai sra> ?i ~a Skt. Isiina
T 224.431.1
mfIJ~m *dei ywa gjiat la > diei ywa gjat la
Skt. dfp~kara
T 224.431.1
Will! x.: *jiak kja mjan > sjak kja mjw:ln
kra
ka
Skt. sakyamuni
T 224.431.1
!tliJi:. *bjiai khju nrji:li> bi khj:lu I].i
niai- binieiSkt. bhik~ul].l
243
242
r
~-
----
r~--
1-------
67a. T 224.431.1
f~i%J;t; *?ju ba sak > ?jau bwii sak Skt. upasaka
f~~ ~ *?ju ba ijiai > ?jau bwii jii Skt. upasika
67b.T 224.431.1
68. T 224.431.1 *
~iiJ ~Ef ~ *?a ywat- sjwan sju > ?ft ywfti- sjwan sjau
Skt. abhasvara + su (bha)
69. T 224.431.1
Jtl~c$-t; *b(r)jam- rna sam pat> bjwllm- mwii sam pwiit
Skt. brahmasahiiIppati
70. T 224.431.2
l'f,]iil; *ma gjiei > mwa gjie
Skt. maghI
71. T 224.432.1
~iiJ 1"Hiifl *?a sjou ljwan > 'lii sju ljwen Skt. asura
72. T 224.432.1
~Jf1 ~l\m *?a nou ta la >?ii nau ta Iii Skt. anuttara
73. T 224.432.1
Imn,flj *zjam bju ljiai- > jiam bjau Iji- Skt.jambudvlpa
74. T 224.433.1 *
!lliiflJ *sat ywa > sat ywa Skt. sattva
75. T 224.433.1
til *gang> yang Skt. ganga
76. T 224.433.3
JiJ1tillb't3) *pan tsja zjwan> pwan tsja zjwen
Skt. paiicabhijiiana
77. T 224.433.3*
~.lI!~J{i)~*i *?ou ywa kou sja-Ia > ?;:m ywa (7) keu sja-lii
Skt.upayakausalya
78. T 224.434.1
ffl)r); *bing sra > bieng ~a Skt. bimbisara 'V bimbasara
79. T 224.434.1 *
il:!lJIfrIr.: *pa sjei nrjak > pwa sje I].jak Skt. prasenajit
80. T 224.434.1
Yi!!~~ *kja zjak > kjajiak Skt. kayika
kra
ka
81. T 224.434.2 f~ *dan > dan Skt. dana
Skt. vlrya
'I#.~ *zjwai diai- > jiwi diei82. T 224.434.2
datdai83. T 224.434.2
li~J:~ *tshrian: dei t~hiin: diei Skt. ~anti
tshriant~hiin84. T 224.434.2 P *sjiai > si Skt. sua
Vi!!t~aJ1l *kja lou la > kja lau Iii Skt. garuq.a; cf. P. garu!a
85. T 224.434.2
kra
ka
~wt*i *kjian da la > kjian da Iii Skt. kiIpnara
86. T 224.434.3-435.1
tsjian
tsjen
?t:~tl\m *gjian da la > gjan dii hi
87. T 224.435.1
kan
kan
Skt. gandharva 'V gandharva
88. T 224.435.1
l"f1~I[.;IJ *ma you lak > mwft rau lak Skt. mahoraga
youyau9'evfcjwt *tou zjwat da> tau dZjwet dft Skt. tu~ita
89. T 224.435.1
Jl:,~ m tM *niai- rna la dei > niei- mwa Iii diei
90. T 224.435.1
nrjiai
Skt. nirmanarati
91. T 224.435.1 . iIUllJl:,J'~,fI1$tl<:3& *pa la niai- mji;)t ywaija bat trjiai >
zja
nrjiai
244
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
",.
saiiiiiiyatanupaga)
131. T 224.467.1
?fbm *sjou mjiei > sju mjie Skt. sumeru
mjiei:
mjie:
132. T 224.465.3
::)(~t:*m *mjan da la > mjw:m da Iii Skt. mandiirava
liffiMJjfI *Ia lji::ln na > Iii Ijen nii
133. T 224.467.3*
Skt. ratna; cf. P. and BHS ratana; also various Pkt. forms: e.g. radal)a,
lad~a (PischeI1900, section 132)
134. T 224.468.2
iJ!d\{tUJ) *pa la kjap > pwa Iii kjep Skt. bhadrakalpa
135. T 224.468.2
I"f'il"J'NU 'Jlli *ma ha ijw::li yjwatla>mwa xa jiwi jwet Iii
Skt. mahavaipulya
UIlJt'r:~iiJ~ *gjan: da ha tsji::ln: > gjen: dii xii tsjen:
136. T 224.470.1
gjian
dzji::ln: gjan
dzjen:
Skt. gandhahastin
137. T 224.470.1
N;W10tfl1 *sra la ?ji::lidan > ~a la ?i dan
Skt. ~a~iiyatana
] 38. T 224.470.3
WJt'r:i.J!i liill *sat da pa ljwan > sat dii pwa Ijwen
Skt. sadliprarudita
139. T 224.470.3
iJ.lllftli..lff, *gjan: da la zja > gjen: dii Iii jia
gjian
zja gjan
zja
Skt. gandhiilaya tV gandhalaya
140. T 224.470.3*
Jt:.~l~~t:iBl7;) *ni::li- tsja gjan: da pa mj::lt > niei- tSja
nrji::li
gjian
ni
gjen: dii pwa mjW::lt Skt. *nityagandhapramudita (7)
gjan
141. T 224.471.1
'1l:1!I.r)~ *dam mjo gjiat > diim mju gjiit
Skt. dharmodgata
142. T 224.471.3
f~it*ffi *?ju pat la > ?j::lU pwiit 1ft
Skt. utpala; cf. P. uppala, Gd. upada (= Skt. utpada)
143. T224.471.3*
/f~J}f,fIJ*pju nalji3i->pj::lu niiljipj::lt
pjW::lt
Skt. pUIJ<;larlka
144. T 224.471.3
jl.) :UM *kou mj::ln la > bu mjw::ln 1ft Skt. kumuda
kjou
kju
145. T 224.471.3
~H~tJi': *sjou gjan: dei> sju gjen: diei Skt. sugandhika
gjian
gjiin
146. T 224.471.3
~1,\J *tsjam b::lk
> tsjam b::lk Skt. campaka
bj::lk (7)
bjuk
*lH~t~{ *nan dan ywan > nan dan ywan
147. T 224.471.3
Skt. nandanavana
148. T 224.471.3
Hl~t:~ *gjan: da yjwat > gjen: dii jwet Skt. gandhavatI
gjian
gjan
247
246
r ---
1-----
r----- -
r-------
:iJmfil ~~J *kja Iju lak > kja Ijau Iak Skt. garuqa
kra
ka
150. T 224.475.2*
Il(Hi ~ *kju yjwan > kjau jWlm Skt. kupana
151. T 224.477.1
~t:II}!Jt!. *da Ijian nrjiai > dii Ijen I).i
Skt. dharatJI
niairuel152. T 224.477.2*
;Jml~ *kja rna> kja mwa Skt. kama
kra
ka
153. T 280.445.1
1Jl:'.1'j; *tou sra> tau ~a Skt. tu~ara
154. T 280.445.1 *
l~slMtJf:: *rna gjiat dei > rnwii gjiit diei Skt. magadha
155. T 280.445.2
f<iIilli *?a dijat- >?ii zjai- Skt. acala
156. T 280.445.2
i\Z:)Tfli *kjat Ijan ywan > kjat ljan ywfm
Skt. *hiratJyavarI).a
157. T 280.445.2*
il:ntn *Iou gjiaiywan > lau gjiywan
Skt. *rucivarI).a
158. T 280.445.2
i$:JlJ{(l-[ *pa douywan > pwii dau ywan
Skt. *padmavan;ta; cf. P. and BHS paduma (= Skt. padma)
159. T 280.445.1
mllJ!gffifU *la Ijian srjiai Ijiai- > 1ft Ijen ~i IjiSkt. ratnasrI
160. T 280.445.1
f<iI1'*! *?a dzja >?a zja Skt. aciira
161. T 280.445.2
tlJfg.i'![ *tsjam bak-ywan > tsjam bwai-ywan
Skt. *campakavarI).a
162. T 280.445.2
l'fHlj)gmfU *dan na srjiai Ijiai- > dfm na si IjiSkt. dhansrI
163. T 280.445.3
~iiJ~1jf\ *?a Ijw:ln na >?ii Ijwen na Skt. aruI).a
164. T 280.445.3
f;fi'Blm *?ju pa ywan > ?jau pwa ywan
Skt. utpalavan;la
165. T 280.445.3 . r.Yom *gjwan na > gjwan na Skt. gut:ta
166a. T 280.445.3
~JJjp}~ *?a tsjan da>?a tsjiin da
Skt. atyanta; cf. P. accanta, Gd. acada
166b. T 280.445.3*
I;I~ *hjiwei da > xjwie dii Skt. veda (?)
167. T 280.445.3
tfUiWI *kjan dija ywan > kjen ija ywan
Skt. kaiicanavan;la
168. T 280.445.3
NJiiGlfiflj *niat la srjiai Ijiai- > niet Iii si IjiSkt. netrasrl
169. T 280.445.3
*?jwat drj~m > ?jwat djam Skt. uttama
170. T 280.445.3
mr~m *Ia Ijian ywan > lcl ljen ')'Wan Skt. *ratnavarI).a
171. T 280.445.3
'ittI'*! *zjw~i dija > jiwi zja Skt. vliya; cf. Gd. viya
172. T 280.445.3
ft5~ *ywat zjiat >ywflt jiet
Skt. vajra; cf. P. and BHS vajira
-It~ *dam rna > dam mwa
173. T 280.445.3
Skt. dhanna; cf. P. dharnma, Gd. dhama
149. T 224.475.2
mix
248
174. T 280.445.3
+J:r!I''f *p(r)jam rna > pjung rnwft Skt. brahma
175. T 280.445.3
~flj *phan Iji:li- > phwfm IjiSkt. spha!ika; cf. P. phalika
176. T 280.445.3
Hi IJjlr:lliflj *njak na srjiai Ijiai- > nzjak nii ~i IjiSkt. jiiiinasrI; cf. P. iifu)a (= Skt. jiiana), Gd. iiatva (= Skt.jiiatva)
177. T 280.446.2
'Hf' j~m *ijwai ijiai la > jiwi jii 1ft Skt. vicara
178. T 280.445.3
,li},(Wi::: *bat da > bwftt dft Skt. bhadra
179. T 280.446.1
~~IIIlJ *tshat- ha > tshai- xii Skt. saha (lokadhatu)
180. T 280.446.1 * III: 1I1:(~~t: *Sjat- sjat- man- da> sj3.i- sj3.i- mwan- da
Skt. *sasimandala
181. T 280.446.1 j.}lhi! J}fHl1tJ( zjiai ha na drjiai dei > jii xii na <;Ii diei
Skt. sitphanada; cf. P. sThanada, sThanadika, Gd. siha (= Skt. siIflha)
182. T 280.446.1 * (itt ~ )iIHI!l("filx *dzjei- srji:li sat drjam > zje- ~i siit q.jam
Skt. *r~isaptama; cf. P. isi sattarna; Gd. i~i (= Skt. r~i)
183. T 280.446.1
I;HWJAJ; *hjiwei lou zjan > xjwie laujiiin
Skt. vairocana
184. T 280.446.1
(j~,i1;rl'}1;L *kjou dam ywriat dei > kju dam ywat diei
Skt. gautamapati
~JJlI *dZjian na> zjen na Skt. jina
185. T280.446.1
186. T 280.446.1
n :5} *tsjiat ta> tsjet ta Skt. citta
187. T 280.446.1
~JJU;t'.~ *tsja kra ywa > tsja ka ywii Skt. cakravaIa
188. T 280.446.1
1\l T~ *pjat yjwa diei- > pjwat ju dieidatdaiSkt. piirvavideha
f!Pl~l~ *kjou zja nrjak > kju jia I).jak Skt. godiinlya
189. T 280.446.1
zja
zja
190. T 280.446.1
m",(111 *?jwat tan yjwat > ?jwat tan jwet
Skt. uttarakuraval).
191. T 280.446.1
wt.0J1i'fc *11; *tsjii dou rna la > tsjau dau mwft la
Skt. caturmaharajika
192. T 280.446.1 ~ *zjam > jiam Skt. yama
193. Deleted
194. T 280.446.1
~"J r~ I J: ifi: *?a ywat- sjwan sju > ?ii yw:ii- sjwiin sjau
Skt. abhiisvara = su(bha)
195. T 280.446.1
ilJi ~ifi:,l"J *pa Ijiat sju ha > pwa ljet sjau xa
Skt. parlttasubha
196. T 280.446.1
~ijJi}JiI'i'-~ ,;: *?a pa rna sju > ?a pwii mwii sjau
Skt. apramfu).asubha
197. T 280.446.1
,i;;Z: *sju kjat > sjau kjat Skt. subhakrtsna
198. T 313.751.3
~iJJ1UllilJL *?a bjiai la dei>?ii bi Iii diei Skt. abhirati
bjiaibi-
249
199. T313.752.2
Iti.Uifl;*mala>mwiilii Skt.mara
200. T 313.753.2*
I;JJiWtl;tJ *pjei da kjap > pje dii kjep
Skt. bhadrakalpa
201. T 313.753.2
J:U"M~ *dei rwangjiat > diei I'wiin gjat
Skt. dfpaJ11kara
l~hlj..tL! *gjan: d:lp )'wa > gjen: d:lp -ywii
202. T 313.753.3
gjian
gjan
Skt. gandhlirva
~np[ififij *?a sjou Ijw:ln >?a sju Ijwen Skt. asura
203. T 313.753.3
204. T 313.753.3
j!J!!W/ *i *kja Iju la > kja Ij:lu Iii Skt. garuq.a
kra
ka
205. T 313.753.3
(i\~'t~(ji *tsji:ln da Ia > tsjen dii lfi Skt. kiJ11nara
206. T 313.753.3
I"'f (.f;l(y] *ma hju l:!k > mwfi xj:lu I:lk Skt. mahoraga
207. T 313.753.3
~"JML\iru *?a sju Ia >?ii sj:lu Iii Skt. asura
208. T 313.754.1
")-wtflJ*pj:ln da Ijiai- > pjw:ln dii Iji- Skt. pUQqarlka
209. T 313.756.1
ffj' \p-~ *?jw:lt tan -yjwat > ?jw:lt tiin jwet
Skt. uttarakurav~
210. T313.757.1
il!.i:JiJtl)'~*padouliai >pwfid:luliei
Skt.padmaniraya
lji:li
lji
~iiH;t1Lf:ffi *?a la la >?ii Iii Iii Skt. atata
211. T 313.757.1
212. T 313.757.1
~iJJ1t;g *?a bji:li ~a->?fi bi Sja- Skt. avfci
bji:libi213. T 313.757.1
~ff~'t *?a ?ju da>?a ?j;m dii Skt. arbuda
214. T 313.757.1
ilJl*iJE:lf.: fU.lj~~ *pa Ia niai- rnji:lt -ywa zjarjwat > pwii
nfJI:lI
zja
Hi niei- mjiet -ywii jia jwet Skt. paranirmitavasavartin
I).i
zja
j}/lii\i.j *na zjw:lt > nii dzjwet Skt. nayuta
215. T 313.758.3
216. T 313.759.1
flJ.lj~~j'$(: *)'wa zja -yjwat trji:li > -ywajia jwet ti~a
~a
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
250
222.
223.
224.
225.
226.
227.
228.
229.
230.
231.
232.
233.
234.
235.
236.
237.
238.
239.
240.
241.
242.
243.
244.
245.
246.
247.
248.
T 418.903.1
W (o;,.fIJ *hjiwei sja-Iji:li- > xjwie sja-lji Skt. vaisalf
T 418.903.1
[ljilll *tsjam pa > tsjiim pwii Skt. campa
T 418.903.1
J~*rtiY *na la dat > nfi Iii diit Skt. naradatta
T 418.903.1
(W i)HMj~i *pa la sjei > pwii la sje Skt. paraslka
T 418.903.1
~il:t!-*sjou sj:lm > sju sj~m Skt. susaJ11prasthita
T 418.903.1
IJllliffii!M *kra la rjwat- > ka Iii jwiii- Skt. kapilavastu
T 418.903.1
lri"J~iJt,ff11 *ma ha sjou sat -ywa > mwii xii sju sat )'wii
Skt. mahasusarthavaha
T 418.903.1
~i'Hifn)PI\ *?a nan pji:ln drji:li >?ii nan pjen q.i
Skt. anathapiQq.ika
T 418.903.1
~jlht *?ji:ln drji:li dat > ?jien qi dat Skt. indradatta
T 418.903.1
~D~1ru *kju sjam: mjiei > kj:lu sjam: mjie
mjiei:
mjie:
Skt. kausambf; cf. P. kosambf
T 418.903.1
f11~,j),~ *)'wa Ijw:ln deu > )'wa Ijwen dieu
Skt. varuQadeva
T 418.903.1
f'TJlM-IIII: *?a dzja sjat- >?a zja sjiii- Skt. ajatasatru
T 418.903.1
'YilfJiiHH'Y:(f *nan dou rwa nan> nan d:lu rwa nim
Skt. nandopananda
T 418.903.1
l'HM*sra gjiat > sa gjat Skt. sagara
T 418.903.1
I'ft*lHtIi *ma nan sjei > mwa nan sje Skt. manasvi
T 418.903.1
r"JMit *?a nou dat >?ii n:lU dfit
Skt. anavatapta; cr. P. anotatta
T 418.903.1
~~m *kjian ta la > kjian tii Iii Skt. kiJ11nara
tsjian
tsjen
T 418.903.3
wttmJe *da H:ln nrji:li > da lien l}i Skt. dharaQI
nI:lInieiT 418.905.1
~iJruwt *?a mjiei da>?a mjie da Skt. amitabha
mjlel:
mjie:
T 418.905.1
%tl'?ttJ *sjou rna dei > sju mwii diei Skt. sumati
T 418.905.1
~1"1 *sjou m:ln > sju mwan Skt. sumana
T 418.905.1
~iiJ )U11~ *?a bjam )'wa Iji:li >?ii bjwem )'wa Iji
Skt. amrapaIf; cf. P. ambapaIT
T 418.905.1
f:li&@ *?ju ba )'wan > ?j:lu bwii )'wiin
Skt. utpalavarQa
T 418.906.1 m*gjiat- > gjiii- Skt. gatha; cf. Gd. gadha
T 418.908.3
g~ *s:lm mja: S:lm bo dei > sam mjau: sam
mriik
bwo diei Skt. samyaksaJ11bodhi; cf. P. sarnmasambodhi
~tli *kju )'wan > kj:lu )'wiin Skt. kupana
T 418.912.3
T 418.913.3
~lit *sjou dat > sju dat Skt. sudatta
=ID'i=
251
r
r - --
----
r-------
r-- -----.
249.
250.
251.
252.
252
T 418.913.3
T 418.913.3
T 418.917.3
T 418.917.3
274.
275.
276.
277.
278.
279.
280.
281.
282.
283.
284.
285.
286.
287.
288.
289.
290.
*pa ti~i: ban kou Ijiai- > pwii tiei: bwiin bu Ijikjou
kju
Skt. pratibhlinakil ta
T 626.393.1
~m *zja bjiai > dzja bji P. jhlipita
T626.393.1
mJf~*Iaija>Iiijia Skt.rlija
zja
zja
T 626.394.1 * ~'iJil!llifj[ ttlYi:: *?a pa Ia gjiai da >?ii pwii Iii gji dii
Skt. aparlijita
T 626.394.2
Hf)~ m *zjwai rna Ia > jiwi mwii Iii Skt. virnala
T 626.395.1
M~' *?a bjiai- >?ii bi- Skt. avid
T 626.397.1
(pJflI]' *sra ha > ~a xa Skt. sahli
T 626.399.1
ml~ *Ia bjiai > Iii bji Skt. rasmi
T 626.399.1
#J* *kou suk > bu suk Skt. kusurna
kjou
kju
T 626.400.1
:=::'l'f.lYt *sam rna da > sam mwii dii Skt. sarnanta
T 626.401.3
jtJjj!;~ *kou suk rna > bu suk rnwii Skt. kusuma
kjou
kju
T 626.404.2
mift:Jjj\!;}~f! *Ia da na kjei dou > Iii da nil kje d"u
Skt. ratnaketu
M~'1~ *?a kja dam> ?a kja dam Skt. agadam
T 626.404.2
kra
ka
T 626.404.2
H~ i"fift: *zjw"i sju da > jiwi sjau dil Skt. visodha
T 626.404.2
iiUrJ.,'JfII *zjw"i sra ija > jiwi ~a jia Skt. bhai~ajya
zja
zja
T 626.404.3
~~;fU *tsja kra "Ywa > t~a ka 'Ywii Skt. cakravlila
kja
kja
f,UfI',N,~ *dei 'Ywa gjiat > diei 'Ywii gjat Skt. dIpa~ara
T 626.405.1
~ift:*bat da > bwiit dii Skt. bhadra
T 626.405.1
3. KANG MENGXIANG
291. T 184.461.1
253
294. T 184.461.2
~JtHlf:\'j *dei ywa yjwat- > diei ywajwiiiSkt. devavatara
295. T 184.462.2
iSi~t *pa da> pwa da Skt. bhadra
1'% Jf!) *rna zja > rnwa jia Skt maya
296. T 184.462.2
zja
zja
291. T 184.462.2
:& % *gju zji:li > gj:lU jii Skt. gopi 'V gopika 'V gopa
298. T 184.462.2
m~ *Ia yjw:ln > la jW:ln Skt. rabula
j'mm *kja la > kja la Skt. kala
299. T 184.463.3
kra
ka
300. T 184.464.1
~iiJ% *?a iji:li > ?a jii Skt. asita
301. T 184.464.2
f~~~*?ju dam pat>?j:lu dam pwat
Skt. uq.urnbara 'V udurnbara
~iJtfiJll *sjou pa bj:lt > sju pwa bjwat
302. T 184.465.2
Skt. suprabuddha
303. T 184.465.3
f;fWt: *?ju da > ?j:lU da Skt. udayin
304. T 184.465.3
~ii *deu dat > dieu dat Skt. devadatta
305. T 184.468.1
lloJilJV~ *?a no rna > ?ft nwo mwa
Skt. anorniya; cf. P. anoma
306. T 184.468.1
mup *bing sra > bieng ~a Skt. bimbisara 'V bimbasara
301. T 184.469.2
~"Jfiili!lil *a Ian kja lan>?a Ian kja Ian
kra
ka
Skt. aradakalama
308. T 184.469.3
~m *sa la > sa la Skt. sala 'V sala
309. T 184.412.2
J't ~ *pat- ta> pwai- ta Skt. pattra
310. T 196.141.3
fJf:~ *dei yjw~t- > diei jweiSkt. trapu~a; cf. P. tapussa, Khotanese ttravaysa- (Bailey 1946:186)
311. T 196.141.3
iJtfU *pa Ijiai- > pwa lji- Skt. bhallika
312. T 196.141.3
1m jjMiiJl~ *?jwat dou lam pj;it > ?jwat d:lu lam pjwat
Skt. udrakararnaputra
313. T 196.141.3
:JtJt~ *kou 1i;m > k:lu lien
kjou
kju
Skt.kau~qwnya;cf.P.koQ4aiina
314. T 196.141.3
315. T 196.141.3
254
r----
,----
,----
256
152. This item is part of a longer compound which I have been unable to identify.
154. The Chinese transcription may reflect a derivation such as the feminine adjectival
form miigadhikff.
157. B is probablY an error for II~ (ii- < *dijiai-).
166b. The identification of this item is uncertain. It occurs several times in this T 280
passage in variant forms such as ~1\, ~i!":m (MC xjwie !ti), 1>1\1"XI~t: (the graph r~ here may
be a corruption), Iii'; !, (MC xjwie dfii-); and in later translations of the original Indic text
(e.g. T 278.418.2-3, T 279.58.1-2) it is consistently rendered as 1'1' "wisdom". It seems
unlikely that our transcription could represent vidya "wisdom" since Skt. -dy- should
probablY correspond to Indic -j- in the language transcribed by BTD. Cf. #27 above.
180. The identification of this expression is uncertain. It is rendered in T 278.419.1
as iiJIlifl "full moon" and in T 279.58.3 as IfliiiJllifl "round full moon". The reconstructed
Sanskrit form means "disc of the moon". Cf. Edgerton (1953.2:524) fasima1JrJaliibha
"name of a Buddha".
200. A is probably an error for iIli: (MC pwa) or some other similarly written graph.
261. B may be an error for iIli: or some similarly written graph.
276. D is probably an error for i!& (ti- < *d1jiai-).
333. Interpretation of this example is problematical. Perhaps 333c corresponds to
Skt. -rodh-.
339. B may be an error for ,*.
avivartin, avivartika 44
avrha 101,118
bandhuma 343
bandhumatT 342
bhadra 124,134,178,200,290,295
bhadrapala 220
bhadrika 314
bhaiajya 287
bhallika 311
bhik~u 10
bhik~u~1 66
bimbisara '" bimbasara 78,306
bodhisattva 39
brahma 6, 174
brahmakayika 53
briihmaI).a 8,263
brahmapariadya 93,113
brahmapurohita 92, 112
brahmasahiiIppati 69
brhatphala 100, 117
buddha 1
buddhak~etra 122
cakravltla 187, 288
cakravartiraja 123
campa 223
campaka 146,321
*campakavarl]a 161
candana 32
caturmaharajika 191
citta 186
dakiI]a 268
dana 81
devadatta 304
devavatiira 294
dhanasrl 162
dharaQI 151, 239
dharma 173
dharmodgata 141
dhyana 9
dlprupkara 64,201,289
gandhahastin 136
katriya 249
ketra 106
kulapati 15
kumuda 144
kupana (or: kumbhiil)qa?) 150,247
kusuma 281, 283
magadha 154
maghI70
maha 36
mahiibrahmaI).~ 94a
mahiikaruI).ii 265
mahiikatyayana 60
mahiikau!hila 59,257
mahanamakopya 315
mahasattva 38
mahasusarthavaha 228
mahavaipulya 135
mahayana + karal)c;la 219
mahayana 48
mahoraga 88, 206
maitreya 40
mandiirava 132
manam 236
maiijusri 41
mara 16,199
maudgalyiiyana 13, 255
maya 296
miirdhagata 338
nam 33
nadikaSyapa 324
nairaiijana 319
naivasaqtjiianasallljiiayatanopaga 130
nandanavana 147
nandopananda 234
narada 328
naradatta 224
nayuta 215
netrasr"i 168
niraya 121
nirgrantha 293
nirmal)arati 90
258
nirvaI).a 22
*nityagandhapramudita (?) 140
nyagrodha 292,333
padmaniraya 210
*padmavarQa 158
paiicabhijiUina 76
paranirmitavaSavartin 91, Ill, 214
parasika 225
parinirvaI).a 5 1
parlttabha 95
parlttasubha 98, 114, 195
patra 20
pattra 310
prajapati 62
prajiiapiiramita 42
prasenajit 79
pratibhiinakii!a 273
pratyeka 26
pratyutpannasamadhi 218
preta 129
pUl)qarika 143,208
piirl)amaitrayal]Iputra 46, 126, 258
piirvavideha 188
rabula 298
raja 275
rajagrha 34
riikasa 31
rasmi 250,280
rii~!rapala 260
ratna 133
ratniikara 221
ratnaketu 284
ratnasii 159
*ratnavan;la 170
*Hisaptama 182
*rucivarI}a 157
rudra 270
sadaprarudita 138
aqiiyatana 137
siigara 235
saha 179, 279
259
r ----
r -
---
11. BTD
sakrdaglimin 18
sakro devanam indra 52
sakyamuni 65
sala 'V sala 28, 308
sarna 262
samadhi 108
sllJ11anta 282
sarrgha 30
sal1lparu 261
sarrpatti 49
samyaks3f!1bodhi 246
samyaksarrbuddha 57
sannahasannaddha 47
sari 5
sariputra 14, 254
sarvajiia 45
*sasimal)qa1a 180
sastaral}. 128
sattva 74
rua 84
sifJ1hanada 181
sphatika 175
sramal)a 7
sravastI 3
srotapanna 19
subha 97
subhakrtsna 116,197
subhiiti 37
sudarsana 104, 119
sudatta 248
suddhiivasa 120
suddhodana 317
sudrsa 103
sugandhika 145
sumana 242
sumati 241
sumeru 131
suprabuddha 302
susatpprasthita 226
suvan}.a 264
*suvarQavarI}apadma 217
tathagata 55
trapu~ 310
trayastriIpSa 43
tu~ara 153
tu~ita 89
udayana 337
udayin 303
udrakaramaputra 312
uqumbara 'V udumbara 301
upasaka 67a
upasikli 67b
upati~a 329
upayakausalya 77, 272
uruvilva 318,320
utpala 142
utpalavarQa 164,244
uttama 169
uttarakuraval). 190,209
vairocana 183
vaisali 222,340
vajra 172
varal)asi 316
varuI}a 253
varuI}adeva 232
vaSavartin 216
vli~pa 271
veda (1) 166b
vicara 177
vidya 27
vimala 277
vipasyin 344
vIrya 82, 171
viwdha 286
vdi 339
yak~a 58
yama 110, 192
yojana 251
Graphs in this index are arranged according to stroke order. Within each stroke
the order is that of the Daikanwa jiten (Morohashi 1955-60). References are
to the sources listed in III.A and to the entry numbers of each source.
1 Stroke
- Xu 1252; Zh. Xuan 259
Xu 286
Xu 701
"- Xu 216
z., BHTY 120; Ying 88
L Xu 458
J Xu 743
v Xu 741
"
'\...
2 Strokes
T
';
C
1..\
!'J
h
/\
JL
JL
13
I.
c
lY...
(1)
Xu 413
Xu 188
Xu 73, 841, 842
Xu 928
Zh. Zhong 1
BHTY 13; Xu 74,808
Xu 1224
Zh. Zhong 36
Xu 167
Ying 82
Xu 383
Xu 249
Ying 92
Xu 34
Xu 310
Xu 593
3 Strokes
i'.
/,
1J.L
FL
7...
r
TL
~~
J[
11
)/..
)z.
/;'
k.
Ix
.-f
'J'
J1
57,69,107,108,218,246,246,
261,262,282
Xu 983;Zh. Xuan 356
Xu 12,803
Zh. Xuan 82
Zh. Zhong 80; Xu 496
BTD 243, 341
Zh. Zhong 143; BHTY 16; Xu
820, 848, 885, 886; Zh. Xuan
15,278
Xu 173
Xu 902; Zh. Xuan 61, 62; BTD
100,188
BHTY 47, 63, 68; Xu 1006;Zh.
Xuan 344,454
Xu 789
XU 696,736
Xu 10
BTD58
Xu 876
BHTY 4;Xu 816;Zh. Xuan 272
Xu 277
Zh. Xuan 407
Zh. Xuan 448
Zh. Xuan 436
Du 2; Xu 813, 1242
Xu 716;Gao 198,250
Xu 537, 552
Xu 855, 863, 867, 868
BHTY 33, Xu 953; Zh. Xuan
325,326; BTD 84
261
3-4 strokes
'f' Xu 746
IJ]
r.
C
C
B
T
.,
rt
I'J
lL
T
j-'
Xu 1133, 1249
Zh. Zhong 52
BHIY 5; Xu 456; Zh. Xuan 20,
21,273,422
Zh. Xuan 14
Xu 19, 815;Zh. Xuan 421
BHIY 85 ;Xu 491 ;Zh. Xuan
190;Ying 66
Xu 855
Xu 571
Du57
Xu 984
Xu 329
Xu 1241; Zh. Xuan 7
Xu 725
4 Strokes
fI:
rp
+l
~
f't
Z
T
:E;
7i
Ii.
Ie
fIIA.
()t
fl'
ffJ
fc
;c
12;BID 143
Xu 907
BHIY 12;Xu 62, 845
BHIY 55, 56;Xu 986,1247;
Gao 231
Xu 674
Xu 315
Zh. Xuan 457
Xu 1241;Gao 217
Xu 907
Zh. Xuan 465
Ying 105
Xu 880
Zh. Xing 7; Zh. Zhong 54, 57;
Zh. Xuan 138
Gao 201
Xu 1181
Xu 839a; Zh. Xuan 31; Gao 10
Xu 315
Zh. Zhong 1; BHIY 84; Xu 6,346
Xu 454,1107; Ying 59; Gao 117
Xu 1137
Xu 1234
-7f Xu 968
rAJ Zh.Xuan 336
7} Xu 1083, 1084, 1085, 1102,
1248; Zh. Xuan 116,367; BID
126,208
lj/J Xu 714; Zh. Xuan 253
1\1 Xu 54
'l}) BID 140
-it BHTY28
~ Xu 950
ft- Zh. Xuan 130
'F Xu 880, 881
&. Xu 1235
Q
Xu 693
&. Xu 1144
: Xu 1073
:f: BHTY96;Xu 1168
7:. BHIY83;Xu 1090, 11 16; Gao
243; BID 29
1;;: BHIY 24; Ying 111 ; Gao 227
:k: Xu 1231
j-' Xu 747
/,t BHTY 101; Xu 854b
j~
Zh. Xuan 171
It!. Du44;Zh.Xing8;Xu427,428;
Zh.Xuan 154;Ying53;Gao 109
i]l Zh. Zhong 75; BHIY 38; Xu
468,1090, 1115;Zh.Xuan
176,370
,L' BHTY 95
Xu 883
~ Xu 935; Fu 76; Ying 31; BID
26
Xu 1129; Ying 58; BID 41, 46
65,132,144,258,338
':j- Zh. Xuan 73a
rr Gao 122
}j Xu 383, 394,1015,1016,
1247;Zh. Xu an 348; Gao 234
(l
Xu 1217, 1218
Jh:
il::
)L
x..
If):
It
to
II:;
;I(
)c
m
0/:
9.
~l'
;f
I:
I>iJ
5 Strokes
rt Ying 18
1~
,.
'*
262
r-----
zlj
flj
r)]
1311
~t
.'rII~
l5
~
': 9"P
til
11)
III}
)L
11
.{i
.~
H]
(.xl
(6l
(l9
'&
*
*
IIJ!.
'1t..
Jt
rot
jl~
U
I'll
;(p
=F
71'
f;h
It
1p
I 4-5 strokes
r-
r ....--
r---
r- -
f----'-'
,--
,---
.. _--
,---
,--
5-6 strokes
~ll
,IZ,
tJJ
Ix
fJJ
*
*
*
7$;:
tL
iE
J;
ffl:
iS~
il;;
{E
1ft
11jB
~
i:t
10
m
fI
E
$
S
J.t
Illl
13
:{']
7.G
*1\.
1L
264
T Xu 203
It
H Xu 413
II)) Xu 1177
6 Strokes
Ja Xu 598
ZE;
Xu 344
13: BID 68,194
Y: BHIY lOb; Xu 859, 860, 861,
862; Gao 17,18
~ BHTY 1 ; Xu 797
~ Zh. Xuan 471, 472; Ying 86
f'11 BHIY 56;Xu 986
Hi: Gao 73
ff: BHTY 96; Xu 1162; Zh. Xuan
392
:IE Fu 95
W BID 63,117,137
~
Xu 607
tK Xu 629,1186
1x Xu 1227;Zh. Xuan 415
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Xu 239
Xu 1022, 1031;Zh. Xuan 140
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Gao 230
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Fu 98
Xu 198
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Zh. Xuan 201
Zh. Xuan 349,350
Zheng Xuan 396
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208,213,220,239,240,258,270,
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276,282,284,286,290,292,295, pt Zheng Xuan 55
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Zh. Xuan 471
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Xu 738; Gao 194
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Zh. Xuan 448
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Zh. Xuan 74; BTD 73, 125
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~ Zh. Xuan 261
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Zh. Xuan 253
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~ BTD 126, 180
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Xu 634
Xu 1021
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Zh. Xuan 381
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Xu 751
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Xu 625
Xu 1235
Xu 786
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15 Strokes
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BHTY 69
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BHTY 120
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Xu 916
Zh. Zhong 142
Zh. Xuan 369, 464; BTD 253
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Xu 922
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Xu 747
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BTD 283
Xu 909; BTD 76,123,140,187,
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BTD 151, 159, 170
Gao 74
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Xu 320
Zh. Xuan 193,209
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Xu 755
Xu 725
BHTY61
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Du35
BTD 141, 173,285,301
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Du 56; Zh. Xuan 228
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Xu 742, 743
BHTY 65; Zh. Xuan 148; Gao 96
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Gao 203, 204
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Zh. Xuan 48
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Xu 43
Xu 732
Xu 137
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Xu 959
Xu 88
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Xu 1239
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Xu 529
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Du 53; Zh. Zhong 91
Zh. Xuan 27b
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Ying38
Xu 405
Xu 446
Xu 401
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Zh. Xuan 427
Ying46
Gao 130
Xu 759
Zh.Xuan 309
Zh. Zhong 91; Zh Xuan 205
Du 55; Xu 1171; Zh. Xuan 221
Xu 487
Zh. Xuan 430; BTD 27, 35,125,
160,167,171,233
Zh. Xuan 105
Xu 1239
BHTY 40; Xu 458, 472
Zh. Xuan444
Xu 152
Xu 171
Xu 665
BHTY 68; Xu 1019
Zh. Xuan 231
Xu 223
Xu 1201
Zh. Xuan 188
302
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Zh. Xuan 123
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Xu 368
Zh. Xuan 95,195
Xu 350; Gao 84, 88
Ying 36
BHTY32
Zh. Zhong 97
Zh. Zhong 8;Zh. Xuan 38
Xu 1159
Xu 592
Xu 509
Xu 646
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Xu 120
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fli Xu 616
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1m Zh. Zhong 85; Xu 337,1135
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Xu 784
~ Zh. Xuan 210, 389
~ Xu 709
Zh. Xuan 39
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~ Zh. Xuan 228
~ Xu 166
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fJ'i BTD246
,ji Xu 340
5m. Xu 84
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Zh. Xuan 119
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Xu 66, 84, 87; Gao 174
BHTY83
Zh. Xuan 178
Zh. Xuan 102
Zh. Xuan 474
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Xu 614
Xu 653
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205, 207, 211, 211, 214, 221,
224, 225, 227, 238, 254, 260,
263, 270, 272, 275, 276, 277,
280, 284, 291, 298, 299, 308,
316, 318, 320, 328, 331, 336
fft Zh. Xuan 196
~ Zh.Xuan87
19 Strokes
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Ii. Gao 63
BTD 11, 147, 229, 234, 234, nlln
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Zh. Xuan 327
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~J}t Gao 186
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Zh. Xuan 31
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~ Xu 166
Zh. Zhong 124
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Xu 1142
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Zh. Zhong 73
Zh. Xuan 417
Xu 335
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Gao 150
Fu88
Xu 228
Xu 806
Zh. Xuan 115
Gao 55b
Xu 689
Zh. Xuan 94
Zh. Xuan 199
Gao 88
Xu 601
Fu 24
Gao 228
Gao 121
Gao 173
Xu 182
Zh. Xuan 177
Gao 38
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Fu 57
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Gao 160
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Xu 96
Gao 137
Fu 100
Xu 742; Gao 193
Zh. Xuan 416
Xu 96; Fu 14
Fu 12
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Zh.Zhongl06
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Gao 113, 114
Xu 800,1241
Zh. Zhong 141;Xu 550
Xu 149
Xu 316
Xu 609
Gao 19
Xu 322
Du 46; Xu 400, 401, 423
Zh. Xuan 341
Xu 1038
Xu 288
Gao 208, 224
Xu 1153
Xu 1123
Xu 367
Xu 70
Xu 208, 933; Zh. Xuan 86; Fu
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Du 18; Gao 46
Xu 617
Xu 207, 295; Gao 73
Zh. Xuan 186
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Xu 602
Xu 732
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Xu 376
Gao 113
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Ying 136
Zh. Xuan 163
Xu 439
BHTY 99; Xu 833
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Xu 942
Xu 1053
Xu 534
Xu 707
Xu 659
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Xu 566
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Fu 13
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Gao 49
Xu 1230
Xu 587
Xu 481
Xu 763
Xu 50
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Xu 891
Xu 473
BHTY 94; Xu 1166
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Gao 105
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Xu 94
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Zh. Xuan 214
Ying 79
Zh. Zhong 83
Gao 141
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Xu 677
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Xu 777
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Xu 1036
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Xu 317
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1.'1 Zh. Xuan 191; Gao 131
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Ii Xu 306
~ Xu 378; Zh. Xuan 353
tJl Xu 1039, 1040
*i Zh. Zhong 21; Gao 27
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1ft! Xu 414
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Xu 1157
Xu 1030
Xu 616
Xu 486
Zh. Zhong 60
Zh. Xing 12; Zh. Xuan 221
Xu 683
Xu 744
Xu 291
Xu 186
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m Zh. Xuan 378
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M Zh. Zhong 44; Xu 976
W Zh. Xuan 333a, 333b; Gao 229
M~ Xu 679
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M BTD 133
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1m Xu 147
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Xu 353
24 Strokes
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Gao 178
Xu 246
Xu 963
Xu 626
Zh. Xuan 191
Xu 565, 566
Gao 84
Xu 758
Xu 585, 1158
Xu 1249
Xu 460
Xu 562
Xu 275
Xu 440
Zh.Xuan427
Zh. Xuan 215; BTD 192,335
Xu 75;Ying 7
Xu 170
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Xu 296
Xu 500
Zh. Xuan 87
Xu 482; Zh. Xuan 382; Ying 134
Zh.Xuan 99
Zu 321
Xu 678
Xu 508, 519, 520, 534
Xu 141
Xu 449
309
25-38 strokes
Zh. Zhong 71
Xu 212
~ Xu 552
~fIi Xu 122
;;n Gao 121
D!ni Xu 517
\\ Xu 197
~ Xu 1157
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27 Strokes
W Xu 410
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32 Strokes
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II Xu 778
33 Strokes
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Gao 215
Bibliography
r.AJ
'-I
Xu 489
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1968
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1953
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