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EGOCENTRIC/SOCIOCENTRIC
of models of the
HAVENOTED
TWOTYPES
ANTHROPOLOGISTS
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THEORIES
OFTHEWESTERNSELF
543
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... Withinthe UnitedStates, one can finda good deal of rangeon this
variablewith Hispanicsamplesmuchmore collectivistthansamplesof
NorthernandWesternEuropeanbackgrounds.
(Triandis1989:510)
Triandis(1989)also breaksdownthe homogeneityof collectivism/individualinism by writingof culture-specific
collectivistelementsandculture-specific
dividualisticelements. Interestinglyenough, he cites thirty authorswhose
works pointto culture-specificcollectivistelements withindifferentEastern
countriesandonly five authorswhose studies,all done in the UnitedStates,
elements for the Westpoint to culture-specificcollectivistor individualistic
ern conceptionof the self. This suggests thata greatdealmoreresearchcould
be donein the West to questionits presumedhomogeneity.
Ina paperonallocentricversusidiocentric(individualistic)
tendenciesamong
et
thatnot only
of
Illinois
Triandis
al.
found
(1985)
University
undergraduates,
Americansbut
were allocentrictendenciespresentamongthese individualistic
that allocentrismwas not a unitaryconstruct.Rather,they discoveredthree
of personalto groupgoals,the ingroupas exseparatethemes:subordination
tension of the self, and ingroupidentity.Triandiset al. also state that complexities developinsofaras allocentrismor collectivismappearsto be "both
setting specificandgroupspecific":
Dependingon the setting(home,workplace,religion,politics,esthetics,
scientificwork,the courts,schools,shops)andthe specificgroup(family, friends,colleagues,co-workers,neighbors),individualandcollective
goalsmayor maynotbe intercorrelated....Personsfroma givenculture
appearto emphasizeindividualor collectivegoals in differentsettings
andwith differentgroups.(Triandiset al. 1985:397)
dichotomyin light
Kagitcibasi(1987)looksat the individualism/collectivism
of researchwhichpointsto the coexistenceof individualandgrouployalties.
She questionssome of the assumptionsunderlyingthe constructionof this
where
dichotomy,the mainone being the assumptionof unidimensionality,
individualism
is at one end of the scale and collectivismis at the other end,
eachin bipolaropposition.Withinthis assumptionis the notionthatanincrease
in one side (individualistic
orientations)necessitatesa decreasein the other
(collectivisticorientations)andvice versa.Kagitcibasi(1987:96)writes of the
issue thatmightbe relevanthere:
methodological
Researchdone in this area often forces the subjectsto make a choice
betweenindividualistic/competitive
responsesandcollectivistic/cooperative responses. This is the case whetherforcedchoice or preferential
self-reporttechniquesor behavioraltasks are used.... the two orientationsareoftenexperimentally
to be alternativechoices.Such
manipulated
an approachtendsto elicitonlyone of the orientationsin behaviorandis
not conduciveto the expressionof bothsimultaneously.
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THEORIES
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of socialpresentations.
Usingthe analogyof the stage,he submitsthatthe self is
nota stableentity,witha boundedcore,buthardlymorethana seriesofrolesput
on for any numberof differentsocialsituations.Bock (1988:7)writes thatthe
of Selfin Everyday
Life, is its
importanceof Goffman'swork,ThePresentation
one
of
the
of
most
frequent,yet problematic,
assumptionsin psychochallenge
notion
that
all
or
most
members
of a society... must
"The
logicalanthropology:
sharea common,typical,'basic'or 'modal'personality... the errorof neglecting
andof assuminga highdegreeof psychological
intrasocietal
variability
sharing."
situationalism
Bock(1988:7)notesthatGoffman's
suggeststhat"ifourbehavior
as changesinourpositionwithin
andself-conceptrespondas rapidlyandradically
interactionsituationsas Goffman
indicates,... it is nonsenseto generalizeabout
of membersof any socialgroup."Major
the sharedpersonalitycharacteristics
similaritiesin behaviorof groupsare thus morelikelyto be a resultof shared
socialpositionratherthangrouppersonalityor nationalcharacter.
In a recent paperon two kindsof indigenouspsychologiesof individualism
(self-containedand ensembledindividualism),
Sampson(1988) cites Lykes's
(1985) and Tuan's(1982) works as evidencefor the fact that an indigenous
exists withinthe UnitedStates.Tuan
psychologyof "ensembledindividualism"
(1982) suggests how even in the midst of cities of atomisticstrangers,enclavesexistinwhichpersons'indigenouspsychologyis closestto the ensembled
saidto characterize
type as opposedto the self-containedtype of individualism
Americans."Groupselves emergewithinthese enclaves;the householdrather
thanthe individualis the key unit;personshavedifficultyconceivingof themselves as detachedand entirelyindependentof their neighborhoodcommunity"(Sampson1988:18).Lykes'sresearchfoundthatpersonsfromlowersocialclasses were morelikelythanpersonsfromupperclasses to havewhatshe
called"socialindividuality."
of the independentself is Holland
Onegoodexampleof sucha reexamination
Selfin AmericanCulture,"
article
on
the
andKipnis's(1994)
"Not-So-Egocentric
in whichthey pointto the heterogeneityin Westernconceptsof the person.
They effectivelyhighlightsome of the ways in which,in storiesof embarrassment,Americansinvokea modelof the personthatis sociocentricandthe self is
definedin terms of relationshipsandotherpeople.They also discusshow the
manifestsitselfin models
sociocentrismimplicitin the modelof embarrassment
as well.HollandandKipnis(1994:337)
ofpride,respect,insults,andcompliments
concludethat "theconceptsof egocentricandsociocentricare bothpresentin
... the glossingof ourselvesas egocentric
ourownculturalself-understandings.
is as mystifyingas the glossingof othersas sociocentric."
Like the socialtheoristsabove,sociologistRalphTurner(1976) sees both
and sociocentricelementswithinWesternsociety.He explores
individualistic
this ideaby focusingon differencesin whatpeopleclaimas their"realself' and
notes the tendencyin folkpsychologyto distinguishbetweenthose expressions
of one's real self and those which seem foreign. Turner claims that there is a
distinctionbetween people who subjectivelyexperience the real self as anchored
in institutions and those who experience it as anchoredin impulse. To one per-
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OFTHEWESTERNSELF
THEORIES
549
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THEORIES
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THEORIES
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individualrights looms large in the West, but if one looks closely at ... the
discourse of women-the emphasis on the individualmay seem less prowhatGilliganmeanswhenshe talksaboutwomen's
nounced.. ."Furthermore,
relatednessand what anthropologistsmean when they talk aboutsociocentrismareperhapstwo differentphenomena.Onerecentstudyof self-construal
in five culturesby socialpsychologists(Kashimaet al. 1995)showedthatdifferencesbetween these culturesare capturedmostlyby the extent to which
peoplesee themselvesas actingas independentagents,"whereasgenderdifferences are best summarizedby the extent to whichpeople regardthemselves as emotionallyrelatedto others"(Kashimaet al. 1995:925).Hence,
Kashimaet al. (1995:935)state thattheirstudy"hasshownthatthere is little
overlapbetweenculturalandgenderdifferences."
Whilethe attemptto finda certainsociocentrismin the Westis muchneeded,
movingbeyondstereotypical,essentialistdepictionsof the workingclass and
women is vital. The continuedglossing of certaingroupsas "conformist"
or
"connected"onlybringsus backto the bipolarrealitywe were tryingto avoid
in the firstplace.Wheninitiallymakingbriefreferencesto sociocentricstrains
in ourmidst,perhapswe shouldfurtherexplorewhetherit is womenas a catandwhetherit is
egorywho are necessarilyacrossthe board"other-oriented"
the conformistworkingclass that providesthe sociocentricelement in our
culture.Perhapsit is time to acknowledgethatin all groups,as in all individuandsociocentricorientationsexist,butin differingstyles
als,bothindividualistic
andratios,pendingon the localworldsthey inhabit.
EXPLORINGTHE GAP BETWEENCULTURALMODELAND
SUBJECTIVEEXPERIENCE
Progresswith the East/Westdichotomycan begin only when we question
the stereotypeson bothsides. Improvementof anthropological
theoryon the
Westernself also dependsupona reexaminationof a very fundamental
question: namely,how closely parallelare sharedculturalmodels and subjective
experience?Canwe assume a very tight fit betweenculturallysharedmeanings andbody/selfprocesses?Weber(1949:42)definedcultureas "the finite
segmentof the meaninglessinfinityof the world-process,a segmenton which
We are allbornintomeaninghumanbeingsconfermeaningandsignificance."
filledlifeworlds,yet this immersiondoes not implya passivityon the partof
who mayactivelymanipulateanduse culturalmodels,investing
the individual,
themwithidiosyncraticmeaning.Hencethere is alwaysa certainvariabilityin
the degree of personalor subculturalinternalizationof culturalmeanings.
Obeyesekere(1981:104)writes of the variationsin the way humansrelateto
suchculturalmeanings:"Thevery notionof subcultureimpliessuchvariation.
Also, thoughindividualsmay orderthe worldthrougha set of ideas or meanings, their significance for individualand collective life may show qualitative
differences. One does not relate to all segments of culture in the same way."
Some of the main methodological problems with the anthropologicaldepic-
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saw the child's self as a singular unit against the world (e.g., South Rockaway
hard defensive individualism)or as a singular unit opening out into the world
(Carter Hill and Beach Channel offensive individualisms).
I also discovered that I was not able to re-create the East/West dichotomy
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TABLE 1
Types of Individualism
Community
Class
Lower-Working
SouthRockaway
Class
Upper-Working
BeachChannel
Type of Individualism
HardDefensive
HardOffensive
Strandsof individualism
espousedby parents/teachers
Perseverance,self-pride,
independence
Independence,self-confidence
self-determination,
perseverance
Words/images/metaphors/
phraseswoveninto
individualistic
talk/discipline
of child
ThickeningImages:be tough,
standyourground,shield,tighten,
stayput,mindyourownbusiness,
don'tmess withme, alertness,
"Lovemanybut trustfew, always
paddleyourowncanoe,""Lookout
for yourself'
FootballMetaphors:breakthrought
frontline, toughnessneededto brea
intohighergrounds
Nike Ads:just do it, go forit, tough
Imagesof UpwardMovementand
Momentum:Superman,rockets
blasting,"Putyourbest footforwar
"Trysteppingout,""Testthe water
SocialClass
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on a smaller scale along class lines. Even among those whom Kohn (1969)
would describe as the most self-directed, there was a fair amount of sociocentric socialization,just as there was a great deal of individualistictalk among the
working-class parents in Queens. In all communities, parents socialized both
sociocentric and individualisticorientations-the difference lay in how the parents and teachers seemed to feel the coaxing of one (sociocentric) would affect
the other (growth as an individual). For example, in the upper-middle-class
community of Carter Hill, talk about the importance of sociocentric qualities
was quite prevalent ("Be polite, don't interrupt"),but parents worried that this
might stifle the development, expression, and opening of the individualistic
self they were also fostering. This was not the case among the working-class
communities, where parents engaged in frequentnonchalantswitching between
the two modes in their talk about the child and did not seem to feel that encouragement of conformity ("You'restill my kid and you'll do what I say") was a
threat to the child's independence.
My own research represents merely one way in which the gap between cultural model and subjective experience may perhaps be lessened. The refining
of the generic cultural model to the "harddefensive" individualismspoken of
by lower-working-class South Rockaway parents is certainly not identical to
parents' and teachers' subjective experiences of the self, but it is perhaps one
step closer than relying on philosophicaltexts on Western individualismwhich
speak for the Dutch, Italians,Americans, and so on. It also points to the ways in
which sociocentric and individualisticmodes coexistamong parents and teachers in the same socioeconomic community, thereby avoiding a re-creation of
the bipolar dichotomies that only freeze groups (as of late, women and the
working class) into highly simplistic, single modes of orientation.
NOTES
1. Forexamplesofthisover-dichotomization,
see ShwederandBourne1984;Marriott
1976, 1990;and Dumont1980.Recentreferencesto this dichotomyand/orproblems
withit canbe foundin Lamb1997;Lindholm1997;ConklinandMorgan1996;Markus
andKitayama1994;HollandandKipnis1994;Levy1973,1984;Spiro1993;Ewing1990;
Marsella,DeVos, and Hsu 1985;Dumont1965;Howard1985;Shwederand Bourne
1984;Stigler,Shweder,andHerdt1990;Shweder1991;Geertz1973;Lutz1988;Abu1985;Kleinman1986,1988;Danforth1989;Rosaldo
Lughod1986;WhiteandKirkpatrick
1984;Hsu 1983;Kondo1990;HeelasandLock1981;MarcusandFischer1986;Lock
andGordon1988;Carrithers,Collins,andLukes1985;Erchak1992;Johnson1985.
2. For examplesof this, see Ewing1990, 1991;McHugh1988;Mines 1994;Ortner
of the
1995;Parish1994;Bachnik1992.Forexamplesof this sortof dehomogenization
Westernconceptof self, see Battaglia1995;Hollandand Kipnis1994;Murray1993;
andHollan1981;Hollan1992.
Spiro1993;Wellenkamp
3. See WhiteandKirkpatrick
1985;ShwederandBourne1984.
4. See, forexample,WhiteandKirkpatrick
1985.
5. Kashima1987;Kagitcibasi1987;Hofstede1980;Sampson1988;Waterman1981;
Rotenberg1977;Triandiset al. 1985;Triandis1987,1989.
6. However,thereis a verythoroughcriticalhistoryof the philosophical
background
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