University of Iowa

Iowa Research Online

Theses and Dissertations

2012

A qualitative investigation of religion, gender role

beliefs, and culture in the lives of a select group of
Muslim men
Elham Bagheri
University of Iowa

Copyright 2012 Elham Bagheri

This dissertation is available at Iowa Research Online: http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3561
Recommended Citation
Bagheri, Elham. "A qualitative investigation of religion, gender role beliefs, and culture in the lives of a select group of Muslim men."
PhD (Doctor of Philosophy) thesis, University of Iowa, 2012.
http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3561.

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A QUALITATIVE INVESTIGATION OF RELIGION, GENDER ROLE BELIEFS,

AND CULTURE IN THE LIVES OF A SELECT GROUP OF MUSLIM MEN

by
Elham Bagheri

An Abstract
Of a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the Doctor of
Philosophy degree in Psychological and
Quantitative Foundations (Counseling Psychology)
in the Graduate College of
The University of Iowa
December 2012
Thesis Supervisor: Associate Professor Saba Ali

ABSTRACT
Psychology of men and masculinity scholars have acknowledged that
understanding the gender ideology of diverse men is an issue of multicultural competency
within counseling psychology that deserves attention. Muslim men in the U.S. are
stereotyped as being violent and misogynistic; however, there is a lack of multicultural
competence regarding the relationship between religion, culture, and gender ideology
among Muslim men. Muslim mens gender ideologies have not been investigated within
the men and masculinity literature, similar to men from other diverse backgrounds.
This study used Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) to investigate religion,
gender role beliefs, and culture in the lives of Muslim men in the U.S. Furthermore, in
order to inform culturally competent clinical interventions with Muslim men, this study
aimed to address the role of Islam in the lives of Muslim men, the interaction between
Islam and culture, and psychological implications of their gender ideologies.
Nine Muslim men in the mid-West between the ages of 21 and 49 participated in
the study. Major influences of Islam included guidance, coping, emphasis on pro-social
behaviors, and prioritizing of family. Participants had traditional and non-traditional
gender ideologies that are multidimensional, complex, and have both positive and
negative implications for their psychological well-being. Finally, findings highlight the
complex interaction between Islam and culture.

Abstract Approved: ____________________________________

Thesis Supervisor
____________________________________
Title and Department
____________________________________
Date

A QUALITATIVE INVESTIGATION OF RELIGION, GENDER ROLE BELIEFS,

AND CULTURE IN THE LIVES OF A SELECT GROUP OF MUSLIM MEN

by
Elham Bagheri

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the Doctor of
Philosophy degree in Psychological and
Quantitative Foundations (Counseling Psychology)
in the Graduate College of
The University of Iowa
December 2012
Thesis Supervisor: Associate Professor Saba Ali

Copyright by
ELHAM BAGHERI
2012
All Rights Reserved

Graduate College
The University of Iowa
Iowa City, Iowa

CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL
_______________________
PH.D. THESIS
_______________
This is to certify that the Ph.D. thesis of
Elham Bagheri
has been approved by the Examining Committee
for the thesis requirement for the Doctor of Philosophy
degree in Psychological and Quantitative Foundations (Counseling
Psychology) at the December 2012 graduation.
Thesis Committee: ___________________________________
Saba Ali, Thesis Supervisor
___________________________________
Stewart Ehly
___________________________________
William Liu
___________________________________
Vincent Rodgers
___________________________________
John Westefeld

With deepest gratitude, admiration, and love, I dedicate this dissertation to my parents.

ii

All religions, all this singing. One Song. The differences are just illusion and vanity. The
Suns light looks a little different on this wall than it does on that wall, and a lot different
on this other one, but its still one light.
Rumi
One Song

iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to those who made this achievement
possible. To my advisor, Dr. Saba Ali, thank you for your guidance, support, and
dedication. Your ability to stay calm throughout the numerous obstacles we encountered
along the way was invaluable to the completion of this project. Your research in Islam
and feminism is the reason I applied to the University of Iowa and I am grateful to have
had the opportunity to learn from you. To my committee members: Stewart Ehly,
William Liu, Vincent Rodgers and John Westefeld, thank you for taking the time to be on
my committee and for your valuable feedback.
To my research team, Samantha Brown and Michelle Nanji, I cannot thank you
enough for agreeing to join me on this endeavor. I thoroughly enjoyed having the
opportunity to work with you and I am deeply grateful for your time, energy, and
commitment. To the research participants, your willingness to share your perspectives on
sensitive and complex topics is greatly appreciated and admirable. Thank you for trusting
me and believing in the importance of this study.
To my fianc, Parsa, thank you for your love, encouragement, support, and seeing
me through an incredibly challenging journey. You bring the greatest joy to my life and it
provided the energy I desperately needed to achieve my goal.
Lastly, to my parents, I am forever grateful for the countless sacrifices you have
made and your unconditional love. You are my greatest teachers and the source of my
success.

iv

ABSTRACT
Psychology of men and masculinity scholars have acknowledged that
understanding the gender ideology of diverse men is an issue of multicultural competency
within counseling psychology that deserves attention. Muslim men in the U.S. are
stereotyped as being violent and misogynistic; however, there is a lack of multicultural
competence regarding the relationship between religion, culture, and gender ideology
among Muslim men. Muslim mens gender ideologies have not been investigated within
the men and masculinity literature, similar to men from other diverse backgrounds.
This study used Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) to investigate religion,
gender role beliefs, and culture in the lives of Muslim men in the U.S. Furthermore, in
order to inform culturally competent clinical interventions with Muslim men, this study
aimed to address the role of Islam in the lives of Muslim men, the interaction between
Islam and culture, and psychological implications of their gender ideologies.
Nine Muslim men in the mid-West between the ages of 21 and 49 participated in
the study. Major influences of Islam included guidance, coping, emphasis on pro-social
behaviors, and prioritizing of family. Participants had traditional and non-traditional
gender ideologies that are multidimensional, complex, and have both positive and
negative implications for their psychological well-being. Finally, findings highlight the
complex interaction between Islam and culture.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES........................................................................................................... viii
CHAPTER I. A QUALITATIVE INVESTIGATION OF RELIGION, CULTURE,
AND GENDER ROLE BELIEFS IN THE LIVES OF MUSLIM MEN.........1
Psychology of Men and Masculinity ................................................................1
Muslim Men and Masculinity...........................................................................3
Culture and Muslim Men..................................................................................5
Conclusion ........................................................................................................5
CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................7
Introduction to Islam.........................................................................................7
Islam in America...............................................................................................8
History .......................................................................................................8
Muslims in America ..................................................................................8
Immigrants .........................................................................................8
Converts .............................................................................................9
Role of Religion in Lives of Muslims in America ...................................9
Interpretations of Islam...................................................................................11
Interpretation of Gender Issues in Islam.........................................................12
Equality....................................................................................................12
Family......................................................................................................13
Education.................................................................................................15
Opposite-Sex Interactions .......................................................................16
Sexual Modesty .......................................................................................17
Empirical Findings..........................................................................................17
Religion and Masculinity.........................................................................18
Gender Role Beliefs of Muslim Men ......................................................23
Limitations of Existing Literature ..................................................................30
Current Study..................................................................................................32
CHAPTER III. METHODOLOGY ...................................................................................35
Recruitment.....................................................................................................35
Participants ..............................................................................................35
Research Team Members ...............................................................................36
Researcher Bias and Expectations...........................................................37
Measures .........................................................................................................38
Demographic Forms ................................................................................38
Interview Protocol ...................................................................................38
Interview Questions.................................................................................39
Procedures.......................................................................................................40
Interview..................................................................................................40
Transcription and Data Security..............................................................40
Data Analysis...........................................................................................40
Domains ...........................................................................................41
Core Ideas.........................................................................................41
Cross Analysis..................................................................................42
vi

CHAPTER IV. RESULTS................................................................................................44

Domains and Categories .................................................................................44
Domain 1: Religion .................................................................................44
Domain 2: Gender ...................................................................................52
Domain 3: Culture ...................................................................................68
Summary of Results........................................................................................73
CHAPTER V. DISCUSSION............................................................................................75
Domain 1: Religion.........................................................................................75
Domain 2: Gender...........................................................................................80
Domain 3: Culture ..........................................................................................85
Limitations......................................................................................................87
Implications for Practice and Research .........................................................88
Practice ....................................................................................................88
Research ..................................................................................................92
Summary and Conclusion...............................................................................94
APPENDIX A

ADVERTISEMENT FOR STUDY ....................................................102

APPENDIX B

EMAIL FOR STUDY RECRUITMENT............................................104

APPENDIX C

INITIAL DEMOGRAPHIC FORM....................................................106

APPENDIX D

REVISED DEMOGRAPHIC FORM .................................................109

APPENDIX E

PILOT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS....................................................111

APPENDIX F

FINAL INTERVIEW QUESTIONS .................................................113

APPENDIX G

CONSENT FORM ..............................................................................115

APPENDIX H

REFLECTION ON RECRUITMENT OF MUSLIM MEN ...............118

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................124

vii

LIST OF TABLES
Table
1.

Participant Demographics.........................................................................................96

2.

Domains, Categories, and Frequency of Participants Responses............................97

viii

CHAPTER I
A QUALITATIVE INVESTIGATION OF RELIGION, GENDER ROLE
BELIEFS, AND CULTURE IN THE LIVES OF A SELECT GROUP OF
MUSLIM MEN
The psychology of men and masculinity has acknowledged that gender
socialization not only influences the lives of women, but also the lives of men. While
patriarchy certainly grants men privilege over women, it also contributes to rigid gender
ideology that has negative implications for the lives of men and society as a whole
(Levant, 2011). Scholars highlight that there are multiple masculinities, which are
influenced by diverse socio-cultural statuses of men (Levant, 2011; Liu, 2006; ONeil,
2008; Wester, 2008). Accordingly, understanding the worldview and gender ideologies
of diverse men is an issue of multicultural competency within counseling psychology that
deserves consideration (Liu, 2006).
Muslim men in the U.S. are a group whose masculinity has been stereotypically
defined by sociopolitical circumstances that have cast them as religious fundamentalists,
violent, and misogynistic (Gerami, 2005). Muslim men in the U.S. have not been
included in the literature on psychology of men and masculinity and there is a lack of
knowledge regarding their religious identities, gender ideologies, and cultural
backgrounds.
Psychology of Men and Masculinity
Within the last 30 years, the psychology of men has been an area of scholarly
interest based on the assumption that masculinity, similar to femininity, is not determined

2
by biological sex. Instead it is a social construction that is influenced by bio-psychosocial experiences. According to Pleck (1995), men can experience gender role strain
[GRS] as a result of being socialized to adhere to a rigid and stereotypical masculine
ideology. Gender role conflict [GRC] and masculine gender role stress [MGRS] are two
forms of gender role strain that have been investigated (Eisler, Skidmore, & Ward, 1988;
ONeil, 1981).
According to ONeil (1981), GRC occurs for men when there is a strict adherence
to traditionally masculine norms and avoidance/devaluing of roles and behaviors that are
stereotypically feminine. Patterns of GRC include mens preoccupation with status and
power, lack of emotional expressiveness, lack of affection towards other men, and
difficulty with achieving work-life balance. GRC has been associated with maladaptive
interpersonal functioning (Bruch, Berko, & Haase, 1998), marital dissatisfaction
(Campbell & Snow, 1992), sexual aggression and assault (Kaplan, ONeil, & Owen,
1993), depression (Shepard, 2002; Fragoso & Kashubeck, 2000; Magovcevic & Addis,
2005), anxiety (Blazina & Watkins, 1996), low self esteem (Mahalik, Locke, Theodore,
Cournoyer, & Loyd, 2001; Sharpe & Heppner, 1991), and substance abuse (Blazina &
Watkins, 1996; Korcuska & Thombs, 2003).
MGRS (Eisler et al., 1988) posits that men experience stress as a result of not
being able to live up to traditional male norms and having fears of being perceived as
feminine. MGRS has been associated with increased anger, anxiety and unhealthy
behaviors (e.g. smoking, lack of exercise, unhealthy diet) (Eisler et al., 1988) as well as
aggression (Cohn & Zeichner, 2006; Jakupcak, Lisak, & Roemer, 2002) and intimate
partner violence (Moore et al., 2008).

3
Not all men experience gender role strain to the same degree. Men who
experience marginalization can experience greater conflict with their masculinity due to
racism (Liang, Salcedo, Miller, 2011; Wester, Vogel, Wei, McLain, 2006), issues related
to racial identity (Liu, 2002); homophobia (Sanchez, Vilain, Westefeld, & Liu, 2010),
classism (Stillson, 1988) and immigration (Kim, ONeil, & Owen, 1996). According to
ONeil (2008), oppression is emasculating because it threatens a mans masculine
identity and denies him human rights and confidence to succeed in life (pp. 409).
The literature on minority men and gender ideology has examined men who
experience racism, homophobia, classism, and issues around immigration. However,
gender ideology among men who are religious minorities has not been addressed within
the psychology of men and masculinity literature.
Muslim Men and Masculinity
A predominant perception of Islam is that it is a misogynistic religion. Though all
major world religions have scriptures that establish the superiority of men over women
(Harrison, 2007; Hasan, 2012), male superiority is attributed to Islam more so than other
major world religions (Hasan, 2012). One reason for this is the Western perception of the
sociopolitical statuses of women in Muslim countries. Ahmed (1992) argues that
Western colonial powers spread false messages about the subordination of women in
Islam as a means to justify the discrediting of Islam and Muslim societies. According to
Moallem (2005, p.8), Islamic fundamentalism has become a generic signifier used
relentlessly to single out the Muslim other in its irrational, morally inferior, and barbaric
masculinity and its passive, victimized, and submissive femininity.

4
These gender stereotypes have consequences for both Muslim men and women.
However, in the United States, the primary focus of scholars has been to study the
gendered experiences of Muslim women (Ali, Mahmood, Hudson, & Leathers, 2008;
Bartowski & Read; Mishra & Shirazi, 2010; Read, 2002; Read, 2003). The majority of
studies that do include Muslim men are conducted outside of the United States (Archer,
2001; Damji & Lee, 1995; Diehl, Koenig, & Ruckdeschel, 2009; Engebretson, 2006;
Hopkins, 2006; Ramji, 2007), focused on Muslim youth (Archer, 2001; Engerbretson,
2006; Hopkins, 2006; Ramji 2007) and outside the field of psychology (Archer, 2001;
Diehl et al., 2009; Engebretson, 2006; Hopkins, 2006; Ramji, 2007). Out of the two
studies that include Muslim men in the U.S, one is focused only on assessing attitudes
towards women (Khalid & Freize, 2003) and another is a study of Muslim families,
which briefly addresses issues of gender (Carolan; Bagherinia,, Juhari, Himelright, &
Mouton- Sanders, 2000). Therefore, there is a gap in the psychology literature on gender
ideology of Muslim men within the U.S.
Muslim men in the U.S. are faced with having their masculinity defined based on
stereotypical and discriminatory perceptions guided predominately by the media (Gerami,
2005). Generalizations are also made about masculinity in Islam based on Western
perceptions of Muslim men in the Middle East. According to Adibi (2006), there are
patriarchal systems in the Middle East that grant men legal control over their wives,
sisters, and daughters. However, this is misattributed to the religion of Islam and
generalized to all Muslim men without cultural factors being taken into account.

5
Culture and Muslim Men
There is considerable diversity among Muslim populations and it is important to
recognize the impact of culture on Muslim identities. According to Stone (2002):
Islam has adapted itself to local cultures and conditions,
and its salience in politics derives to a considerable extent from
this adaptability rather than its ability to transform local cultures
into any unified world image. Even while owing allegiance to the
Islamic pillars and sharing a commonality of attitudes and outlook,
which such allegiance is susceptible of enforcing, the adherents are
willing to continue this allegiance only to the extent that it does not
threaten their cultural autonomy (p. 124).
Cultural differences among Muslim men can influence their religious identities,
practice of Islam, and gender ideologies (Haddad & Esposito, 1998). This includes
Muslims in the U.S. who make up the most diverse religious group in the country (Pew
Research Center [PEW], 2011).

Conclusion
The psychology of men and masculinity has highlighted the importance of
examining the gender role socialization of men and the psychological conflicts that may
arise as a result of rigid gender ideologies. There is also recognition that there are
multiple masculinities influenced by mens diverse backgrounds (Levant, 2011) and that
men who face oppression may be at a greater risk for experiencing conflict with their
masculinity (ONeil, 2008). Muslim men are a minority group in the U.S. whose
experience with gender socialization has not been examined.
Americans report to know nothing or very little about Islam and simultaneously
believe that Islam is very different from other religions (Pew Forum on Religion and
Public Life [PEW], 2007). Also, the masculinity of Muslim men is narrowly depicted by
the media, which influences stereotypes about Muslim mens masculinity and gender

ideology (Gerami, 2005). Muslim men are treated as a homogenous group even though
Muslims are the most diverse religious group in the U.S. (PEW, 2011) and the practice of
Islam is influenced by the diverse cultures of Muslims (Stone, 2002).
Examination of biases as well as knowledge and awareness about the worldview
of clients are key components of being a culturally competent clinician (Sue, Arredondo,
& Davis, 1992). This applies to male clients as well because they are also gendered and
cultured beings (Liu, 2006). There are many biases and assumptions about Islam, Muslim
men, and their gender ideologies. Due to the scarcity of literature, however, there is an
overall lack of awareness and knowledge. Therefore, it is imperative to raise awareness
and increase knowledge about the relationship between Muslim mens religious
identities, gender ideologies, and cultural backgrounds.

7
CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter provides a review of literature pertaining to Islam, religion and
masculinity, and gender role beliefs of Muslim men. The first part of this chapter
contains an introduction to Islam, followed by a review of Islam and Muslims in
America. The next section provides a review of theoretical literature pertaining to the
diverse scholarly interpretations of, and gender issues within, Islam. The chapter
continues with a review of empirical literature pertaining to the relationship between
masculinity and religiosity followed by investigations of Muslim mens gender role
beliefs. This chapter concludes with the aims of the present study based on current
findings and limitations of the existing literature.
Introduction to Islam
Islam is a monotheistic Abraham religion and Muslims are the followers of Islam.
Islam means surrender and Muslim means one who submits to the will of Allah.
Allah means God. Muslims believe that God created the universe and all of humanity.
Muslims use the Quran, the holy book that contains the words of God, and the Hadith,
the traditions and practices of the Prophet Mohammad, to inform their religious practice.
After the death of the Prophet, early Muslim scholars established Sharia (Islamic law)
based on interpretations of the Quran and Hadith. Muslim nations apply Sharia to their
legal systems in varying degrees depending on their own interpretations of the law.
A key component of Islam is the belief in six core tenets. These tenets are belief
in (1) one God, (2) Angels, (3) the Prophets, (4) the Scriptures (Qurran, Torah, and
Bible), (5) the Day of Judgment, and (6) the supremacy of Gods will. The five pillars

8
of Islam are formal practices considered to be the framework of Muslim life. The five
pillars are (1) Iman or faith (belief in One God), (2) prayer five times daily (salat), (3)
giving of charity (4) fasting from sunrise to sunset for thirty days during the month of
Ramadan (the month that the Quran was revealed to Prophet Mohammad) and (5) taking
a lifetime pilgrimage to Mecca. Other practices that are not a part of the five pillars
include refraining from pork, alcohol, and gambling.

Islam in America
History
Muslims have been in America since the 18th century. This was due to the slave
trade, which brought over Muslim Africans who were later forced to convert to
Christianity. America then experienced two significant waves of Muslim immigration.
The first wave was in the mid-19th century when Muslims from Arab countries
immigrated as laborers. The second wave brought Muslims from a variety of countries in
the Middle East, South Asia, and Africa. In comparison to the first wave of Muslim
immigrants, the second were considerably more educated and included professionals and
students. A higher percentage of the latter immigrated in order to escape the difficult
sociopolitical circumstances of their native countries, with hopes for a better life in
America (Leonard, 2003).
Muslims in America
Immigrants
Muslim immigrants to the U.S. represent the Arab region/North Africa, Pakistan,
India, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Iran, Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa. The majority of

9
Muslims in the U.S. are first generation immigrants (63%). Second generation
immigrants make up 15% of the Muslim population in the U.S. Though the majority of
Muslim immigrants come from Arab region countries, the single most represented
Muslim country in the U.S. is Pakistan. In regard to race/ethnicity, 60% of immigrants
from the Middle East and North Africa identify as White and 22% as other/mixed. A
significant majority (91%) of immigrants from Pakistan identify as Asian, as do 69% of
those from other South Asian countries (PEW, 2011).
Muslim immigrants in the U.S. represent over 77 countries (PEW, 2011). The
majority of these Muslims are born into Islam and come from countries where Islam has
had a historical presence and influence. Islam has both shaped and been shaped by the
local cultures of the diverse countries that immigrant Muslims represent (Leonard, 2003).
Muslim male immigrants are diverse with regard to race, ethnicity, social class, and other
markers of differences.
Converts
Converts constitute 20% of the Muslim population in the U.S. The majority of
converts are born in the U.S. and African American. Only a minority (18%) report to
have converted because of marriage or other family reasons. The majority cites their
belief in Islam as the reason for conversion (PEW, 2011).
The Role of Religion in the Lives of Muslims in America
Muslims in the U.S. face the consequences of a long and complicated history
between Islam and Western Christian civilizations. This conflict has been further
complicated with the events of 9/11 and subsequent Islamophobia, hate crimes, racial
profiling, and the war on terror that ensued (Kaplan, 2006). More than half of all

10
Muslims in the U.S. report that it has been more difficult to be a Muslim since 9/11
(PEW, 2011).
The majority of Muslims (69%) in the U.S. report that religion is a very important
part of their lives. There is diversity among Muslims with regard to levels of religious
commitment as measured by attending Mosque once a week, praying five times a day,
and saying religion is very important in their lives. Specifically, 29% and 22% of
Muslims report a high and low level of religious commitment, respectively, and nearly
half report that they are in between. African American Muslims are more likely to report
a high level of religious commitment compared to immigrants.
The majority of Muslims in America are in agreement regarding the core tenets of
Islam (PEW, 2011). There is, however, less agreement among Muslims regarding the
interpretation of Islam. A majority of Muslims (57%) believe that there is more than one
way to interpret Islam. More specifically, the majority of Muslims who rate medium and
low on religious commitment believe that there is more than one way to interpret Islam,
whereas highly committed Muslims are evenly divided on the issue. College educated
Muslims are also more likely to believe in multiple ways of interpreting Islam compared
to those with some or no college education (PEW, 2011). Muslims in the U.S. not only
differ on their beliefs about how to interpret Islam, but they also differ in their observance
of the religions formal practices.
In general, attendance at weekly services and prayer are a part of most Muslims
lives in the U.S., but to varying degrees. Nearly half attend weekly religious services at a
mosque. Male, African American converts, and Pakistani Muslims attend more
frequently than female, foreign born, and other South Asian Muslims, respectively.

11
Iranians are the least likely of all Muslims in America to report attending mosque once a
week (PEW, 2007; PEW 2011). In regard to prayer five times a day, while 48% of
Muslims report performing all five prayers daily, 18% of Muslims perform only some of
the prayers daily and 25% perform some of the prayers occasionally. Also, those who
were born Muslim are more likely to pray five times a day compared to converts (PEW,
2011).
Interpretations of Islam
Although there is only a single version of the Quran, the beliefs and practices of
Muslims are not unified. Similarly to Christians, Muslims vary in their interpretations of
religious texts and approach to practicing their religion (Stowasser, 1998). Two major
approaches to interpreting Islam are the conservative approach and the reformist
approach.
Muslims who take a conservative approach rely on a literal understanding of
Islamic doctrine. These Muslims are likely to adhere to a strict observance of Islamic
practices such as mosque attendance, prayer, dietary restrictions, and dress code.
Conservative Muslims who live in the West are more likely to experience a struggle
between their Islamic values and social norms in non-Muslim societies. (Stowasser,
1998).
Reformist Muslims believe that Islamic doctrines need to be interpreted using a
contextual approach. These Muslims argue that, while Islam includes major core
principles that have remained unchanged since the religions inception (i.e. the core
tenets), the majority of the Quran is ambiguous, lacks specific proscriptions for many
aspects of life (especially related to social behaviors), and should be interpreted over

12
time. Supporters of the reformist approach also argue that the Hadith must be evaluated
for consistency with the Quran, since the Hadith were written based on interpretations of
early Muslims after the Prophets death. Reformists emphasize that Islams core
philosophy is social justice and interpretations need to be made through the lens of
justice. Reformists share the belief that there are many overlaps between Western and
Islamic values. Thus, both identities can be held simultaneously (Stowasser, 1998).

Interpretations of Gender Issues in Islam

Equality
Both conservative and reform scholars acknowledge that there are indications in
both the Quran and Hadith that men are superior to women (Badawi, 1980; Barlas, 2002;
Engineer, 2004; Maududi, 1972 as cited in Yousuf, 2010; Rahman, 2009; Wadud, 1999).
Scholars differ, however, in their interpretations of the relevance and meaning of male
superiority in the doctrines.
Conservative scholars argue that men have been given a status above women
because men have inherent qualities, such as mental and physical strength, to maintain
and protect women, who are gentler and weaker. According to this perspective, in order
for society to function properly it has to be organized in a way that acknowledges these
and other essential differences between the sexes (Badawi, 1980; 2004; Maududi, 1972 as
cited in Yousuf, 2010). This perspective endorses a traditional masculine ideology based
on patriarchal norms.
Reform scholars argue that the verses in the Quran and traditions in the Hadith
that suggest male superiority were meant for a specific sociopolitical context in which
patriarchy was a part of the social fabric (Barlas, 2002; Wadud, 1999; Engineer, 2004;

13
Rahman, 2009). According to this perspective, there are many verses in the Quran and
examples in the Hadith that also suggest equality between men and women, and these
verses and examples take precedence over those that need to be interpreted contextually
(Barlas, 2002). According to Barlas (2002), verses that suggest differential treatment on
certain issues are not tied to claims about the biological inferiority of women. Reformists
also argue that subordination of women has been a historical reality in most societies and
one that has influenced interpretations of religious doctrine to fit patriarchal traditions
(Barlas, 2002; Engineer, 2004; Rahman, 2009). It is important to note that reformists are
concerned with gender inequality, but argue against Western feminist theories that equate
difference with inequality and that perceive religion as incompatible with gender equality
(Barlas, 2002). This perspective endorses a gender ideology that is less rigid than
conservative scholars but still based on Islamic values.
Family
The Quran does not require marriage or childbearing, but does encourage both,
similar to other world religions. Islam teaches that marriage is between a man and a
woman. The value of family is an Islamic principle that is shared by conservative and
reformist scholars. There are differences in beliefs, however, in regard to the roles of
husbands and wives (Abdul-Rauf, 1993; Badawi, 1980; Barlas, 2002; Rahman, 2009).
Conservative scholars emphasize the role of women in the domestic sphere and
men in the public sphere and explain that this division is because of natural God-given
differences in abilities between men and women (Badawi, 1980). According to this
perspective, God has given men qualities necessary to work, and to be the financial
providers, protectors, and leaders of the household. In contrast, women have been

14
granted qualities necessary to take care of the home and children by creating a gentle,
soothing, and nurturing home (Badawi, 1980). According to Badawi (1980), mens
leadership should not be confused with dictatorship because the Quran emphasizes
kindness and mutual decision-making in a marriage.
The conservative perspective acknowledges that the Prophet Mohammad helped
his wives with household chores and can be an example for men. However, a mans
household responsibilities should not prevent him from meeting his obligation as
provider. A womans primary role should be as a wife and mother, but if she needs to
work, her job should be gender appropriate, not violate Islamic obligations, and not
interfere with her domestic responsibilities. Conservative scholars are concerned that if
women participate in the labor force equal to men, the health of the family will suffer
(Abdul-Rauf, 1993; Badwadi, 1980).
Reformists argue that men were referred to as the financial providers in the
Quran, not because men are naturally superior to women, but because of a sociopolitical
context that prevented women from having economic equality. Therefore, the verse
describing mens obligation to provide was meant to provide financial security for
women given the patriarchal system that existed. According to this perspective, there is
no indication in Islam that women cannot or should not work and be financial providers
(Engineer, 2004; Rahman, 2009). According to Barlas (2002) the Quran does not call
for divisions of labor between men and women. Reformists use examples from the
Prophets life, pointing out that he helped his wives with household chores and that his
wives worked in positions that conservative scholars deem to be the domain of men, such
as advisors, businesswomen, and leaders in their communities (Engineer, 2004; Rahman

15
2009). Reformists are not, however, necessarily against the traditional roles of husband
as financial provider and wife as primary caretaker of children because they interpret
these as being functional and complementary to one another, as long as both are valued
equally and the Islamic principle of partnership between husband and wife is upheld
(Barlas, 2002; Rahman 2009; Wadud, 1999). This perspective is similar to the beliefs of
cultural feminists (Enns, 1997).
The Quran establishes that mothers and fathers have the same parental rights,
but does not provide details regarding the roles of mothers and fathers. The Quran does,
however, acknowledge and emphasize the biological role that women have in bearing
children. Mothers are given significant respect and reverence in the Quran and Hadith,
which both conservative and reform scholars acknowledge (Badawi, 1980; Barlas, 2002).
Conservative scholars argue that women are better equipped to take care of children and
their obligation is to prioritize their role as wife and mother (Badawi, 1980; Maududi,
1972 as cited in Yousuf, 2010). Reformists argue that women are not confined to the role
of motherhood (Barlas, 2002; Engineer, 2994, Rahman, 2009; Wadud; 1999). A few
scholars point out that the Quran does not even obligate all women to motherhood
(Barlas, 2002; Wadud, 1999).
Education
Both conservative and reformist scholars agree that Islam emphasizes the pursuit
of knowledge for both men and women and that both have a right to an education
(Badawi, 1980; Rahman, 1984). Scholars differ, however, with regard to the guidelines
and implications of educating women. Conservative scholars argue that women should
pursue an education in subjects that are gender appropriate, such as teaching, nursing or

16
being a medical doctor for women. Supporters of this perspective also argue that
womens pursuit of education should not violate conservative Islamic values or prevent
them from meeting their domestic obligations as wives and mothers (Badawi, 1980). The
reformist argument is that education is a human right that is important for creating gender
equality and women should not be limited in their pursuit of education (Engineer, 2004;
Rahman, 1984).
Opposite Sex Interactions
In Islam, similar to Judeo-Christian values, sex outside of marriage is prohibited.
Based on this prohibition, a conservative approach to Islam is to prevent non-married
men and women from having opportunities that may lead to pre-marital sex, such as
dating. The most conservative approach is to prevent social interaction between nonmarried men and women, opting for gender segregation at all social events in which nonfamily members are present. This approach can also have implications for opposite sex
interaction in other settings, such as employment. This interpretation of Islam also
includes a prohibition on any form of physical contact, such as shaking hands, between
non-married men and women or non-family members (Haddad, Smith, & Moore, 2006).
A reformist approach is to allow for non-sexual opposite-sex interaction between
non-married men and women, such as permitting young men and women to have social
interactions with adult supervision (Haddad et al., 2006). Reformists disagree with
gender segregation and believe it contradicts the equal status given to men and women in
the Quran (Saeed, 2007).

17
Sexual Modesty
The Quran addresses both men and women with regard to sexual modesty.
However, female sexual modesty receives the most attention and is one of the most
debated gender related issues within Islam. The debate is centered on whether or not the
hijab, a form of dress that requires women to cover their entire body except for their
hands and face, is a requirement in Islam.
Conservative scholars argue that the Quran is clear about the restrictions on
womens dress and the hijab is a requirement. However, most agree that the niqab, which
is covering for the face and hands, is not required (Ad-Darsh, 2003 Badawi, 1980; Sherif,
1987). According to the conservative perspective, the hijab allows men and women to be
modest because it prevents women from being viewed as objects of lust by men.
The alternative argument is that the Quran offers a vague definition of modest
dress, modesty is culturally defined, and that verses referring to modest dress were
specifically for the women in the Prophets family (Engineer, 2004; Wadud, 1999).
While reformists argue against requiring the hijab, they agree with the principle of sexual
modesty and also validate a womans right to wear the hijab if she chooses (Engineer,
2004; Wadud, 1999). Reformists also argue that mens responsibilities to be sexually
modest are not given proper attention, even though the matter is addressed in the Quran
(Engineer, 2004; Wadud, 1999).
Empirical Findings
The discussion above provided a review of the theoretical literature regarding
diverse perspectives on prevalent gender role issues in Islam. The following section will
review empirical literature on religion and masculinity, followed by studies that have

18
investigated the gender role beliefs of Muslim men. This review will be followed by the
aims of the present study based on limitations of the existing literature.

Religion and Masculinity

Though the psychology of men has grown significantly in the last 30 years, the
literature on religions constructions of masculinity has been scarce. The literature that
does exist has primarily focused on examining gender differences in religiosity (Francis,
2005; Thompson, 1991; Thompson & Remmes, 2002; Ward & Cook, 2011). Based on a
recent review of this literature, Francis (2011) notes that the over-arching debate has been
about how to explain the empirical observation that men are not as religious as women.
This finding has primarily been determined based on findings that Christian men are less
likely to attend church and pray compared to women (Sullen, 2006). According to
Francis (2011), most of the earlier studies explained the observed difference as being due
to gender socialization or the structural position of men (i.e. public domain) versus
women (i.e. domestic domain) in society. More recent findings challenge the argument
that women are more religious by finding that it is feminine traits, which both men and
women can have, that are correlated with religiosity, not simply the status of being
female (Thompson, 1991; Thompson & Remmes, 2002; Francis, 2005; Ward & Cook,
2011).
Thompson (1991) was the first to discover the relationship between gender
orientation and religiosity. Participants in his study included 201 men and 157 women
who were predominately White, Christian, upper middle class college students.
Thompson found that men with a feminine orientation, as measured by the Bem Sex Role

19
Inventory (BEM), were more likely to score high on subjective religiosity, religious
beliefs (Christian doctrine and prescriptions) and religious behaviors (reading bible,
praying alone, seeking forgiveness for sins, attending church, attending communion,
involvement with religious organizations, participation in church related activities). No
relationship was found between masculinity and religiosity, unlike in Thompson &
Remmes (2002).
Thompson & Remmes (2002) confirmed and extended the findings of
Thompsons (1991) study by adding a measure of masculine ideology and motivation for
religion (i.e. religious orientation). Participants in this study included 214 older men who
were Catholic, evangelical, mainline Protestant and Jewish. Men with a feminine
orientation who did not ascribe to traditional masculine ideology were more likely to
attend church and engage in private religious activities (e.g. reading the bible, praying),
consistent with Thompsons (1991) findings on the feminine nature of religiosity. This
finding also extends results of the previous study in that it shows that both a feminine
orientation and non-adherence to traditional beliefs about men are the most predictive of
religiosity. Also, unlike the previous study (Thompson, 1991), a relationship was found
between masculine orientation and religiosity. Specifically, men with masculine
orientations were more likely to be involved in organizational religious activities (e.g.
holding positions in their church, donating money). Men with feminine orientations were
more likely to have intrinsic motivation for religion (e.g. faith itself is important) and
men with masculine orientations were more likely to use religion as a quest (e.g.
openness to change, existential questioning). Men who used religion as a quest were also
more likely to be Jewish. Finally, extrinsic motivation was not related to gender

20
orientation but was related to masculine ideology. Specifically, men with traditional
beliefs about masculinity were more likely to view religion as a way of achieving success
and status.
Francis (2005) also investigated the relationship between gender orientation and
religiosity. Similar to Thompson & Remmes (2002), participants in this study were older
Christian adults. Unlike previous studies, this study was conducted in England and used
only one measure of religiosity, which measured attitudes towards Christianity. Francis
confirmed previous findings (Thompson, 1991; Thompson & Remmes, 2002) that a
feminine orientation is predictive of greater involvement with religion. No relationship
was found between masculine orientation and religiosity, unlike Thompson & Remmes,
(2002) but supportive of Thompson (1991). However, neither Thompson (1991) nor
Francis (2005) included as many measures of religiosity as Thompson & Remmes
(2005), which explains the discrepant findings in regard to masculine orientation.
Ward & Cook (2011) conducted the most recent study on gender orientation and
religiosity and the most complex in regard to the number of measures used and the
operational definitions of masculinity and religiosity. Participants in this study included
154 predominately White and Christian male undergraduate students. Unlike the previous
studies, which used BEM to measure gender orientation, this study used the Conforming
to Male Norms Inventory [CMNI]. Also, unlike previous studies, religious
fundamentalism and religious commitment were measured. Religious fundamentalism
was defined as believing there is one absolute religious truth that must be followed based
on traditions of the past. Religious commitment was defined as adherence to beliefs,
values, and practices of ones religion as applied in daily life. Similar to previous findings

21
(Thompson, 1991; Thompson & Remmes, 2002; Francis, 2005), men who are
traditionally masculine were less likely to be committed to religion. However, the
findings of this study found that different aspects of masculinity relate to different aspects
of religiosity. Both fundamentalism and religious commitment were associated with antigay attitudes and lack of desire in multiple sexual partners. Conformity to patriarchal
gender roles was more likely among fundamentalists but not religiously committed men.
Also, men who were high on religious commitment and had an intrinsic motivation for
religion were more likely to be emotionally expressive and nonviolent.
Another area of research in religion and masculinity has been the relationship
between GRC/MGRS and religiosity. Two studies have examined this phenomenon
among Christian men. Mahalik & Lagan (2001) were the first to investigate the
relationship between GRC/MGRS and religiosity. Participants in this study were
predominantly White and included seminarians and non-seminarians. Men who were less
likely to have an intrinsic motivation for religion and unfulfilling spiritual life were more
likely to experience gender role conflict and stress. More specifically, among nonseminarians, those who were not emotionally expressive, had a difficult time balancing
school-life, and experienced intellectual inferiority were more likely to have an extrinsic
motivation for religion and less likely to have existential well-being. Among seminarians,
those who were preoccupied with power/success and had a difficult time being
affectionate with other men were more likely to have an extrinsic religiosity and
unfulfilling spiritual life.
Jurkovic & Walker (2006) found that non-religious undergraduate men were more
likely to experience gender role conflict and stress. Gender role conflict and stress were

22
more common for men who were less likely to have an intrinsic motivation for religion
and more likely to have an unsatisfying spiritual life, similar to previous findings
(Mahalik & Lagan, 2001). In general, religious men had less rigid masculine ideology
and were more likely to have an intrinsic motivation for religion and satisfying spiritual
life. However, religious men who were preoccupied with success and status were less
likely to have an intrinsic motivation for religion and report spiritual well being,
consistent with previous findings (Mahalik & Lagan, 2001).
Overall, studies have shown that religious men who find religion itself rewarding,
and are satisfied with their spiritual lives are less likely to have rigid masculine
orientations, endorse traditional beliefs about roles of men, and experience gender role
conflict and stress compared to non-religious men. Also, men who were committed to
applying the values of their religion to their lives on a daily basis were more emotionally
expressive, valued fidelity in romantic relationships, less prone to violence, and less
likely to adhere to patriarchal gender norms.
Findings also suggest that men who have a rigid masculine ideology are more
likely to use religion as a way to achieve success and status and less likely to report
having a spiritually satisfying life. Among religious men who have an overall less rigid
masculine ideology, preoccupation with success increases the likelihood that they will
use religion for external rewards and reduces the likelihood that they will feel satisfied
with their spiritual well being.
The literature investigating masculinity and religion has primarily included
Christian men and cannot be generalized to Muslim men. However, the findings do
suggest that having a religious identity coexists with less rigid masculine ideology, a

23
phenomenon which may be relevant to Muslim men as well. The majority of Muslims in
the U.S. report that religion is an important part of their lives (PEW, 2011). Therefore,
the finding that religiously committed men have less rigid masculine ideologies could
have implications for the masculine ideologies of Muslim men. Conversely, Muslim men
may have more rigid masculine ideologies, which can have negative implications for
their psychological well-being. Thus, it is important to recognize the ways in which
Muslim men may be susceptible to gender role strain . However, the literature on Muslim
men has not focused on identifying the ways in which their religious or cultural identities
may contribute to or prevent gender role strain. Instead, the focus has been on
determining the degree to which Muslim men adhere to patriarchal and sexist ideologies
without attention to how this may negatively impact their religious identities and wellbeing.
Gender Role Beliefs of Muslim Men
According to PEW (2011), the majority of Muslims in America strongly agree
that women should be in the labor force. Most Muslims in America also feel that men
and women are equally qualified to be political leaders. Muslims in other countries are
less likely to endorse these beliefs. Muslims in America hold more conservative attitudes
toward sexual orientation than the issues described above, but they have become more
accepting of gay and lesbian populations since 2007. Specifically, 36% of Muslim men
report acceptance of gays and lesbians.
Damji and Lee (1995) compared gender role attitudes of Muslim women and men
to a Canadian sample of university students. Participants in this study included 46 male
and 35 female Muslim women, 50 of whom were identified as Asian and 31 as Western.

24
The researchers used the Attitude towards Women Scale (AWS) to measure gender role
attitudes and the Bem Role Sex Inventory (BSRI) to measure femininity and masculinity.
Muslim men endorsed more liberal gender role attitudes (i.e. egalitarianism) than
conservative ones, though they had more conservative attitudes compared to Muslim
women. Men were less likely to have feminine traits compared to women but not more
likely to have masculine traits. This is likely because it is more socially acceptable for
women to have masculine traits than it is for men to have feminine traits. Muslim men
were not more likely to be masculine compared to the Canadian sample. Participants
possessing a higher level of education were more likely to endorse liberal than
conservative gender role beliefs.
Khalid and Freize (2004) developed and administered an Islamic Attitudes
Towards Women Scale (IAWS) to a sample of Muslim men and women living in
Pakistan and to Pakistani immigrants in the U.S. The IAWS consisted of 9 items from
the AWS and 21 items specific to issues pertaining to Muslim women. The entire
sample, which included 195 Pakistani residents and 140 Pakistani immigrants in the U.S.,
held more liberal than conservative gender role attitudes and men were more conservative
than women, supporting the findings of Damji and Lee (1995). Recent male immigrants
were more conservative than men who had been in the country longer, but this was not
the case for the female immigrants. This could be because the baseline attitudes of
Muslim men were more conservative than Muslim women and there was more room for
change to occur over time. The study also examined the relationship between
conservative attitudes towards women and acceptance of violence towards women.
Conservative men and women in Pakistan and Muslim women in the U.S. were more

25
likely to agree with statements that indicated acceptance of male violence towards
women. Pakistani Muslim men in the U.S. disagreed with statements in support of
violence against women, regardless of whether they held more conservative or liberal
gender role attitudes. Differences in the cultural and legal acceptance of domestic
violence are likely a contributing factor to the diverse perspectives of Muslim men in
Pakistan versus those in the U.S.
Diehl, et al. (2009) examined gender role attitudes of 10,000 Germans and 4,000
Turkish citizens of Germany. Respondents completed the German Generation and
Gender Survey, which included questions about religious identification and gender role
attitudes. The gender role attitudes measure included five items adapted from Inglehart
and Norrisss Gender-Equality Scale. The five items asked if men are better in political
positions than women, if men should have more access to the labor force when jobs are
rare, if women need children to feel fulfilled, if women should be able to have children
without a man, and if being a homemaker is as rewarding as working for money. The
survey distinguished between self-identified Christians, Muslims, other, and nonreligious persons. 70% of Germans identified as Christians and 90% of Turks identified
as Muslims. A measure of religiosity was also included, defined by attendance at
services, acceptance of religious ceremonies, and the importance of raising children with
a religion. High religiosity predicted conservative gender role attitudes. There was no
effect of generation on level of religiosity; first and second generation Muslim Turks
were equally religious. Men held more conservative attitudes than women and those with
a higher level of education held more egalitarian attitudes, supporting previous findings
(Damji & Lee, 1995; Khalid & Frieze, 2004). First and second generation Turks had

26
more conservative gender role attitudes than Germans even after accounting for variables
such as religious commitment, assimilation, education, age, and relationship status. This
is likely an indication of cultural differences between Germany and Turkey. There was a
generation effect for acceptance of gender equality among secular Muslim Turks, but not
for religious Turks. An important finding was that the demographic variables in the
study were able to explain attitudes of second generation Turks more than those of the
first generation, which, according to the authors, suggests that other factors such as
cultural background could have a role for beliefs of first generation Turks.
Four studies have used qualitative methodologies to investigate gender ideology
of Muslim men. Two of the studies examined gender ideologies of British Muslim youth
(Archer, 2001; Ramji, 2007), one included Muslim youth in Scotland (Hopkins, 2006),
and one included Muslim families in the U.S. (Carolan et al., 2001). Two of these studies
were focused exclusively on Muslim men (Archer, 2001; Hopkins, 2006) and two
included both men and women (Carolan et al., 2001; Ramji, 2007).
Archer (2001) applied a critical feminist methodology to her investigation of
British Muslim youth. Participants in her study included 24 Muslim youth between 14
and 15 years old predominately born in England but of Pakistani descent. Data was
collected through six group discussions that included four participants. Teachers
identified the youth as working class. Participants identified as Muslim rather than British
and made distinctions between themselves and non-Muslim White British youth.
Comparisons were also made between themselves and young British Muslim women,
who were perceived by participants as being too Westernized and inauthentic in their
practice of Islam. The young men acknowledged cultural practices that were unfair to

27
women, specifically the control of womens sexuality, and simultaneously expressed a
belief that these practices were a normal part of Asian culture and therefore acceptable.
Ramji (2006) also investigated gender identities of Muslim youth in Britain.
Participants in this study included 20 men and women between the ages of 18 and 30 and
of South Asian decent. Data was gathered through interviews with participants and
analyzed with a thematic approach. It is unclear whether or not the interviews were
individual or in groups. Also, the qualitative methodology is not described in detail.
Three major themes that were discovered in regard to Muslim masculinity of participants
were their beliefs regarding their duty as financial providers, their emphasis on the
protection offered to Muslim women who dress and behave modestly, and the priority
given to establishing their heterosexual identity through dating. The emphasis placed on
Muslim womens sexual modesty was consistent with Archers (2001) findings. Overall,
participants interpreted Islam based on patriarchal norms, which granted them social and
economic power over women. However, the degree to which participants endorsed this
ideology was dependent on their social class. Compared to working class men, middle
class participants interpreted Islam to be compatible with the belief that womens roles in
the labor force and educational pursuits are valuable and can occur simultaneously with
modest dress and behavior. According to Ramji (2006) middle class participants had
beliefs that were consistent with white middle class norms, whereas working class
participants made clear distinctions between their values and British values. This is
also consistent with Archers (2001) findings in that participants were primarily working
class and defined themselves in direct opposition to British society.

28
Hopkins (2006) investigated masculinities of Muslim youth in Scotland. Data was
collected through focus groups and individual interviews. Data about gender ideology
was gathered through analysis of narratives about the mens relationships with parents,
beliefs about women, and general views on gender. The men in the study were between
the ages of 16 and 25. Most identified with a Pakistani heritage. Hopkins found that most
young men aimed to adhere to a patriarchal construction of masculinity, similar to
previous findings (Archer, 2001; Ramji, 2006). However, this dominant masculinity was
complicated and infused with non-dominant masculinities that were influenced by social
markers such as class, race, disability, sexuality and individual experiences with family,
particularly the mens fathers. As a result, there was a dynamic interaction between their
masculine identities and their socio-cultural positions. According to Hopkins, the men
also held contradictory positions about gender. For example, they espoused a belief
about gender equality while simultaneously endorsing sexist stereotypes, such as
endorsing the belief that women prefer to be housewives or showing a lack of interest in
helping with household labor. Consistent with previous findings (Archer, 2001; Ramji,
2006), participants justified gendered division of labor as a means of ensuring Muslim
womens modesty. Hopkins also explains that the young men attributed the poor
treatment of women in Pakistan to culture versus religion, while simultaneously
endorsing the patriarchal values of their culture, also consistent with Archers (2001)
findings that Muslim youth acknowledge unfair gender practices and simultaneously
accepted them as a cultural norm.
Carolan et al. (2000) investigated the beliefs of Muslim American families. The
participants in this study included 40 male and female members of a Muslim community

29
in the Midwest who ranged in age from 20 to mid-50s. The participants were racially
and ethnically diverse. Focus groups were conducted in addition to interviews with
couples. Participants reported that Islam guides all aspects of their lives and is a way of
life. The authors generally implied that participants strictly observed formal practices of
Islam but did not provide details. Themes related to gender included the belief that
education is valued for both men and women, household chores are shared but women do
most of it, men are the financial providers, women are primary caretakers of young
children, women should not be required to work, the wifes hijab serves as protection,
and women are not respected enough in U.S. society. Although the men believed that
women should not be required to work, their wives were as likely as women in the
general population to be in the labor force. Thus, economic needs appeared to supersede
religious values. The participants beliefs in traditional divisions of labor and emphasis
on womens sexual modesty are consistent with beliefs of Muslim youth (Archer, 2001;
Hopkins, 2006; Ramji, 2006) and their value of education for both genders is consistent
with middle class participants in Ramjis (2006) study. Compared to the previous studies,
these participants were older and married and, based on the discourse on household labor
and womens observed participation in the labor force, it appears that their masculine
ideology is less rigid compared to younger British youth. It appears that the practical
benefits of having an educated wife and a dual income were more salient for these
participants compared to non-married youth were not yet faced with the demands of
marriage and being a financial provider. Similar to men in Hopkins study (2006), these
participants simultaneously held both dominant and less traditional masculine identities.

30
Limitations of Existing Literature
The findings based on the relationship between masculinity and religiousness
indicate that men who identify as religious and have an intrinsic motivation for religion
are less likely to have rigid masculine ideologies. However, the findings are based on
White, Christian, and predominately upper middle class participants and, thus, cannot be
generalized to other populations. Because Muslim men have not been included in studies
of masculinity and religiosity, the link between Islam and masculine ideology is unclear.
A significant limitation of the existing literature that has examined gender role
beliefs of Muslim men is the scarcity of studies that have included Muslim men in the
U.S. A recent poll of Muslims in the U.S. included men, but the data gathered was
limited to three gender issues and the information was not provided based on responses of
men versus women on two out of the three data points that were gathered. Two studies
included Muslim men in the U.S., but since neither focused exclusively on Muslim men
and their gender role beliefs, the information gathered was limited (Khalid & Frieze,
2003; Carolan et al., 2006).
Quantitative studies have addressed whether Muslim men hold conservative or
liberal attitudes towards women and whether or not variables such as religiosity,
education, and acculturation influence findings. The results gathered from quantitative
studies are limited to addressing gender-related issues that are covered by the items in the
measurements, which require participants to answer questions on complicated belief
systems with a forced choice response. Also, the results in these studies are presented in
such a way that participants are labeled as liberal or conservative in gender role attitudes,
but it is difficult to ascertain what meaning these labels have; that is, there is no

31
descriptive information that provides in-depth data about the gender role beliefs of
Muslim men. More importantly, these studies do not address how Muslim men use or do
not use Islam to construct their beliefs about gender. Even a relationship between an
objective measure of religiosity and gender role beliefs cannot explain the role religion
has in shaping beliefs, if any. Also, objective measures of religiosity are not necessarily
consistent with how individuals define what it means to be religious.
Qualitative studies were able to provide more in depth information about the
beliefs of Muslim men, which is beneficial and can build upon results of quantitative
studies. However, most studies did not include Muslim men in the U.S. and did not
examine in depth the salience and role of religion in the participants lives and its
relationship to their gender ideologies. A majority of the studies were on Muslim youth
and many of the themes found in the studies could be dependent on developmental issues
faced by participants. Also, the participants in the qualitative studies were predominately
South Asians living in England and findings could be dependent on the specific
sociopolitical circumstances and race relations existing in that context. Finally, the
studies were primarily based on sociological, anthropological, geographical, and critical
feminist methodologies. While these are all important methods of inquiry, especially in
regard to investigating complex cultural phenomenon, additional qualitative
methodologies can be a useful addition to the literature. A limitation of the
methodologies that were used is that limited information was provided in the studies in
regard to procedures and methods of analysis. Therefore, it is unclear how themes were
discovered and how common the themes were across participants, which influences the
implications of the findings.

32
The lack of attention given to the relationship between culture and religion is
another major limitation. Two studies did examine the relationship between acculturation
and beliefs, and were able to provide basic information regarding the potential impact of
culture on the practice of Islam. Similar to religion, however, a measure of acculturation
does not explain how a longer-term interaction with a host culture influences beliefs and
what interaction this has with religious beliefs. Qualitative studies found themes related
to participants making distinctions between culture and religion. However, there was
limited data in regard to the intersection of culture and religion as it relates to the gender
ideology of participants.
Current Study
There is a significant gap in the literature on the gender role beliefs of Muslim
men in the U.S. The literature that examines masculine ideology and religiosity includes
predominately Christian men. Consequently, it is unclear how Islam may relate to rigid
or non-rigid masculine ideology and if Muslim men are at greater or reduced risk of
experiencing gender role strain. Quantitative investigations that include Muslim men
have contributed to our understanding that there exists a relationship between identifying
as a Muslim man and endorsing liberal or conservative attitudes as defined by
quantitative measures. The studies, however, do not explain what role religion has in the
lives of men or its relationship to gender role beliefs. Also, the liberal versus
conservative labels that are given are based on measures that primarily assess attitudes
towards women and do not illustrate the content and potential complexity of those labels.
The role of culture is also difficult to capture using only quantitative methodologies.

33
Religion, gender, and culture are complex phenomena that should be investigated through
multiple methodological lenses (McFarland, 1984).
A qualitative approach can shed light on the lived experiences of Muslim men in
the U.S. and the relationship between their religious identities, gender role beliefs, and
cultural backgrounds. A qualitative study can also be a useful methodology to use for
studying populations and phenomenon that have not yet been examined. Therefore, the
descriptive information provided in the current study can provide useful data that can
inform quantitative studies on masculinity and religion among Muslim men in the U.S.
Four qualitative studies have examined gender ideologies of Muslim men.
However, three were conducted outside of the U.S. and one was not exclusively focused
on Muslim mens gender ideology. Also, the studies did not address the meaning and
role of religion in the lives of participants and its relationship to gender role beliefs.
Culture was addressed in the studies but it was primarily discussed based on authors
interpretations and observations rather than assessing and describing the participants
beliefs regarding the interaction between culture, gender, and religion.
The purpose of the current study is to investigate religion, gender, and culture
from a social constructionist paradigm that recognizes the importance of understanding
the meaning that is given to social constructs by populations of interest. The study will
use Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR), which consists of open-ended interview
questions, several research team members, and the use of consensus to analyze and
describe data (Hill et al., 2005). CQR provides participants with the opportunity to
answer open-ended questions regarding religion, gender role beliefs, and culture in their
lives. The following research questions will be addressed:

34
1. What is the role of religion in the lives of the participants?
2. What are the participants beliefs about gender roles?
3. How does religion impact the participants beliefs about gender roles?
4. How do Islam and culture interact in the lives of participants and their gender role
beliefs?

35
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
Recruitment
Inclusion criteria for this study required participants to be at least 18 years of age,
identify as a Muslim male, be proficient in English, and be able to conduct an in-person
interview. Participants were recruited through personal contacts/networks, (see appendix
A) , emails (see appendix B) that were sent to local places of worship and special interest
list-serves, and posters that were placed on permissible university bulletin boards.
Specifically, 65 individuals, 5 mosques, and 9 Muslim organization list-serves were
targeted for recruitment. No monetary compensation was provided. Participants who met
the criteria and were interested in completing an interview emailed the primary team
member and interviews were scheduled based on participants availability.
Participants
Nine Muslim men between the ages of 20 and 45 (M=30.55, SD=10.37)
participated in this study. Participants were primarily recruited by personal
contacts/networks and email recruitment. All of the participants identified as Muslim.
Four of the participants identified as Middle Eastern, two identified as Asian, one
identified as Latino/Middle Eastern, one identified as White American, and one identified
as African American. Seven of the participants were first generation immigrants. Data
for number of years in the U.S. is missing for one of the first generation immigrants. Six
of the participants had been in the U.S. between 10 months and 3 years (M=1.95,
SD=.975). First generation immigrants represented Jordan, Palestine, Iran, Pakistan, and
Colombia. One of the participants was a second generation immigrant whose parents

36
were from Pakistan. Two of the participants were American. Seven of the participants
were born Muslim and two were converts. Six of the participants were married, two were
single, and one had a partner. Four of the participants had children. Six of the
participants identified as students. Four of the students were pursuing graduate degrees
and were research assistants and two were pursuing undergraduate degrees. Two of the
participants had undergraduate degrees and one had a doctoral degree. One of the
participants was working as a financial advisor, one as a Juvenile Court Liaison, and one
had a job in Special Education.
Research Team Members
The primary research team consisted of three female members. The primary team
member identified as Iranian. The other team members identified as Afghani-IranianAmerican and European American, respectively. Two of the members, including the
primary team member, identified as Muslim and one identified as Christian. The team
members were aged 29, 23, and 22. At the time of analysis, the primary team member
was a pre-doctoral intern and the other members were first year graduate students in
Counseling Psychology. The primary team member had previous experience with CQR.
The other two members did not have previous CQR experience, but received copies of
the most recent CQR handbook prior to analysis (Hill, 2002) and completed a three-day
CQR training led by the primary team member. In addition to team members, CQR
requires the inclusion of an auditor whose role is to provide detailed feedback at each
stage of the analysis process. The auditor for this study was the primary team members
academic adviser. The auditor identified as female, Indian/Pakistani-American, and
Muslim. The auditor had prior experience with CQR. The primary research team

37
member and auditor were involved in the study from its conception. The two other
members joined the study at the analysis stage.
Researcher Bias and Expectations
The primary team member and auditor addressed biases and expectations prior to
data collection and the primary research team did so prior to analysis. Biases and
expectations were kept in a journal and were referred to throughout the analysis process.
The team discussed their biases with regard to religion in general, Islam, and Muslim
men. The team also discussed their expectations about Muslim mens gender role beliefs
and the role of Islam and culture in their lives. All of the members had the bias that
religion can be beneficial for people but can also result in closed-mindedness. One of the
members discussed her bias that Islam has stricter rules regarding gender roles compared
to other religions. Two of the members discussed their bias that Muslim men prefer their
wives to cook and clean. Two of the members expected that the participants would
acknowledge the role of culture in the practice of Islam. Two of the members expected
that the participants would adhere to the traditional gender role belief that men should be
the financial providers and women should be caretakers of children. One of the
participants expected that participants would have both patriarchal and egalitarian gender
role beliefs. One of the members expected that participants would address issues
concerning womens roles more than mens.

38
Measures
Demographic Forms
All participants filled out a demographic form (see appendix C) at the time of the
interview, which consisted of questions about age, highest level of education completed,
occupation, marital status, number of children, country of origin, and race/ethnicity. The
participants were also asked to complete a revised demographic form (see appendix D)
several months after the interviews. This was because the original form did not include
an important question addressing the number of years that participants have lived in the
U.S. The revised demographic form was created with Qualtrics Online Survey Software
and approved by IRB. Participants were sent an email with a link to the survey. Eight of
the nine participants completed the online demographic form.
Interview Protocol
The primary team member and two former members developed open-ended
questions based on previous literature on religion and gender role beliefs and their own
experiences with the topic. Team members also discussed issues of religion and gender
roles with Muslim men in their lives to further help with the development of questions.
Team members revised questions several times and came to consensus on seven
questions. It was important that interview questions were open-ended to allow
participants to answer freely. However, it was also critical that participants provide
complete answers that would allow researchers to collect in-depth information for
analysis (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). In order to achieve complete and
comprehensive answers from participants, interviewers are recommended to develop
standard probes and use spontaneous probes that will elicit more information. It is

39
important that the probes do not reflect interviewer bias or send the message that the
interviewer is seeking a specific answer (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). A set of
standard probes was developed and spontaneous probes were used depending on the
specific issues that emerged for individual participants. Seven pilot interview questions
were developed (see appendix E).
Two Muslim men completed pilot interviews to finalize the interview protocol.
Each participant completed all of the interview questions. In addition to spontaneous
probes, previously developed probes were used during the pilot interviews. Upon
completion of the interview, participants were given the opportunity to discuss matters
not addressed during the interview and to reflect on the interview experience. Upon
completion of pilot interviews, further revisions were made to the questions based on
participants feedback, team members reflection of the interview process, and
recommendations of the dissertation committee. The final interview protocol consisted
of four questions with standard probes.
Interview Questions
Participants were asked a total of four questions (see appendix F) pertaining to the
role of religion in their lives, gender role beliefs, and their cultural heritage. The
interviews lasted approximately one hour. During the briefing process, participants were
informed that the goal of the interview is to understand the meaning and role of religion
in their lives, the role that religion may or may not have in shaping their gender role
beliefs, how they define their cultural heritage, and if their cultural heritage influenced
their gender role beliefs.

40
Procedures
Interview
The primary team member conducted all nine interviews. The interviews were
approximately one to one-and-a-half hours in length. At the beginning of the interview,
participants were given a brief explanation of the study and asked to read the consent
form (see appendix G). Consent was provided verbally, as approved by IRB. Upon
consent, participants were asked to fill out a demographic form. The interview began
following consent and completion of the demographic form. Participants had the right to
skip questions or stop the interview process at any point. Upon completion of the
interview, participants were de-briefed and had the opportunity to provide feedback or
reflections with the interviewer.
Transcripts and Data Security
All interviews were audio recorded with the participants permission. The
primary team member transcribed the recordings. Participants were assigned a number
that was placed on the transcripts and demographic forms. Audio-files were transferred
to a password-protected computer that only the primary team member could access. The
primary team member secured any hard copies of transcripts and demographic forms in a
locked cabinet. All data was discarded upon completion of data analyses and final writeup.
Data Analysis
CQR involves a consensual research approach that requires all research team
members to come to consensus on the meaning of the data. Disagreements are resolved
through the use of continual discussion and evaluation of the data (Hill, Thompson, &

41
Williams, 1997). The goal of analysis is to stay as true to participants words as possible.
Since researcher bias and expectations are likely to influence data analysis, open
discussions and reflection on biases and expectation are meant to reduce their impact on
final analysis and conclusions. There are three central steps to CQR data analysis. First,
domains were used to categorize the data into general topics. Second, the domains were
analyzed for core ideas that were meant to summarize and capture the essence of the
participants words. Third, a cross analysis was conducted to determine common themes
across participants (Hill et al., 1997).
Domains
A domain start list was generated based on the research questions. Then, primary
research team members independently read the transcripts and found phrases and ideas
from each transcript that fit into each of the domains. The team members used the exact
words and ideas used by participants to complete domains. The team met five times to
come to consensus about phrases and ideas categorized under each domain. Disputes
were resolved by reflective and open conversation that allowed team members to explain
their own positions and understand the positions of others (Hill et al., 1997).
Core ideas.
Core ideas were generated to further categorize the ideas within the domains into
meaningful information. The primary research team reviewed the phrases and ideas
within each domain and generated a list of core ideas for the first three cases. The team
members met once and came to consensus on the core ideas for the first three cases. In
order to shorten the process, the primary team member completed a draft of the core ideas
for the next six cases and sent this data to the other members who reviewed them and

42
prepared to discuss their positions on the core ideas at the consensus meetings. This
process of shortening the core ideas procedure is in compliance with CQR
recommendations (Hill, 2012). The team met two times to come to consensus on the core
ideas for the remaining six cases. Upon full consensus, the primary team member
generated a document that consisted of domains, core ideas, and transcript data associated
with each domain. This document was given to the auditor for review to ensure that team
members had accurately represented the data. Specifically, the auditor read all of the
material and determined if the information within each domain was complete and fit the
domain, if domain names were appropriate, if domains should be divided or combined,
and if the core ideas were worded appropriately and reflected the data (Hill et al., 1997).
The auditor returned the audited data to the primary research team and the team met to
review the comments of the auditor. The team members considered each comment
carefully and came to consensus on the acceptance or rejection of the auditors
comments. Once the team made changes based on the auditors comments, the revised
data was returned to the auditor who had the opportunity to see the team members
responses and express any concerns about comments that had been rejected by the team.
The auditor agreed with all of the revised changes and had no further comments.
Cross analysis
A cross analysis was conducted to generate categories/subcategories (common
themes) across participants that were reflected in the core ideas within each domain. The
primary team member generated categories and subcategories and sent them to the other
team members for review. Then, the team met and came to consensus on categories and
the placement of core ideas within each category. The team met a total of three times.

43
Once consensus was reached, categories/subcategories were given a frequency label of
general, typical, or variant depending on the number of cases represented in each one
(Hill et al., 1997).
Upon completion of cross analysis, the auditor was given the data to review and
determine if the categories were reflective of the data and if the core ideas within each
category were appropriate. The auditor reviewed the data and had no changes to
recommend.

44
CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
Domains and Categories
Three domains were generated from the interviews and categories for each
domain were generated based on an analysis of core ideas across all nine cases.
Categories were considered general if all nine cases were represented, typical if four or
more cases were represented, and variant if three or fewer cases were represented.
Results will be presented for each domain.
Domain 1: Religion
Categories included relevance of religion, God, practice of Islam, Islams role in
life, Islamic teachings, image of Islam, and religious extremism. Subcategories for
discussions of God included (a) reverence for God, (b) obedience to God, (c)
understanding of God, and (d) interpretations of God. Subcategories for practice of Islam
included (a) prayer, (b) dietary laws, (c) Quran, (d) influence of prayer, and (e)
practicing in non-Muslim society. Subcategories for Islams role in life included (a)
guidance, (b) all encompassing, (c) treatment of others, (d) relationship with family, (e)
coping, (f) structure, (g) knowledge, (h) purpose, (i) personal fulfillment, and (j) impact
of environment. Subcategories for Islamic teachings included (a) modesty and (b) social
justice. Subcategories for public image of Islam included (a) knowledge about Islam and
(b) representing Islam.
A variant subcategory included participants beliefs about the relevance of having
a religion. Khaled explains how religion is a human necessity:

45
Religion is a need, like the need for food, like the need for
water. It's necessary for everything in this life, because humans
need guidance.
Azeem explains that religion is important because it provides spirituality:
It's like if you ask me to count what I believe from religion,
it's like two or three things. Most of what we believe, it's not like
we are sitting and saying "God, allow me to go to this party." "God
allow me to study this part of my class." It's not like this, but you
feel like you want something to be a spiritual thing in your life,
part of your life to be spiritual life.
Sami addresses the importance of having a belief system that fosters

faith,

which he believes is the core of all religions:

I think we need to follow a style; to follow a style is better
than no style of life, even if that style may have many false
arguments. We need to have faith. I think in that way there is no
difference between being Jewish or Muslim or Buddhist. It's
enough to believe in something.
Participants typically addressed their reverence for God and had variant responses
regarding obedience to God, understanding of God, and interpretations of God. Ways
that participants report having reverence for God include being grateful to God for life,
showing respect to God, and committing ones life to the worship of God. For example,
Adeel reports that according to Islam:
The purpose of a person's life is to worship God. So I
would say that would be the purpose of life, ideally. I mean,
obviously I'm not saying I'm up to the ideals, but that's the ideal
that hopefully I could get to. I would say to me that's the purpose
of life.
Several of the participants also addressed their obedience to God. Ways of obeying God
include being a slave to God, always being mindful of God and ones actions, and staying
on a straight path. Fahad explains:

46
There is the whole 24 hours of a day, they are basically a
platform on which I am being analyzed and continuously being
evaluated. So I just try to keep myself on the straight path during
the whole day.
A variant number of participants address how Islam helps them have a context for God.
Azeem explains:
To me the idea of God is more of the transcendent part of
the universe and Islam just gives me a context for that. Because it
can be so open to just think of God as being the universe or some
all pervading omnipotent being and I think because of the customs
and the laws that go along with the religion it gives more of a
human context.
Azeem also discusses how Islam gives him a context for God and the afterlife:
Islam helps me believe there is a God who created this
Earth, to believe that there is another world where if you are good
God will treat you good, if you are bad he will treat you bad, so
something like that.

A variant number of participants shared their beliefs about the interpretations of God.
One participant shared how he believes in God but does not define God as Islam does and
another reported that there could be diverse interpretations of God depending on ones
point of view.
Participants discussed their practice of Islam. Variant responses were that
participants strictly observe five daily prayers, adhere to dietary restrictions, and follow
orders of the Quran. Participants also shared the influence of prayer in their lives. For
example, Mikail explains:
For us it's more of a sense of we feel like a sense of
tranquility. At least I do. It gives me a chance to get away from
my day to day, so to speak. It gives us a chance to sit down and do
our prayer and reflect. And then say, "am I really doing the right
things, am I really guiding my family in the way in which we
should go?

47

Participants typically shared that it can be difficult to practice Islam in a Western nonMuslim society. For example, John explains:
For me, praying, in a European American, non-Muslim
society, there are things that are difficult to do like being able to
attend the Friday prayer and being able to have time off for
Ramadan. Of course in Muslim countries those things are part of
the culture.
In addition to how they practice Islam, participants also shared Islams role in
their lives. The majority of participants shared that Islam provides guidance. Amin
reports:
The way I have always seen Islam is that it was just
guidance, it was just a route that just makes it easier for you to live
and deal with fellow human beings.
Azeem explains:
It makes my life easy because it doesn't say everything, it
doesn't go into details in your life, it makes just a frame in your
life, just a frame, and in your life you do what you want, what you
think, because God gave us a brain just to think what's good and
what we have to do, but it provides a framework.

Azeem explains:
To me the biggest guidance is to the kinds of choices that
you need to make to be the best you can, whether it's with your
family or your job or your relationship with God.

Participants typically shared that Islam is all encompassing because it influences all areas
of their lives. Fahad explains:
Islam is my first identity of my life. It plays a role in all
aspects of my life. Ideally, during the whole 24 hours of a day I
should do each and every work according to the written scriptures.

48

Azeem, who identifies as Jordanian, explains the salience of Islam in his community and
life:
We are born Muslims and I live in a community where all
of them are Muslims, so it plays a role in all of our life aspects.

One of the most typical roles of Islam, based on the responses of seven participants, is
that Islam influences their treatment of others. Participants reported that Islam positively
influences their treatment of others and their approach to relationships. Fahad reports:
Islam has changed me in many ways. The first thing is that
I became more responsible in my relations. I always remind myself
that I never have to degrade anyone and I never have to cheat and I
never have to lie in my relationships.
Khaled has a similar response and further adds that his actions are for Allah and not to
gain gratitude from others:
So I try to understand and to learn things, how to be, like
for example, one of the best persons in this life. So, if I meet
somebody and he needs something, I can help him right away and I
don't need to be thanked by him. No, no, no, don't thank me,
because I only need Allah to thank me. I don't need them to thank
me. I do help others for the sake of Allah.
Another typical response concerning relationships is Islams influence on participants
relationships with their families. According to participants, Islam emphasizes their duties
and obligations to their family. For example, Azeem reports:
My sense of duty and responsibility to family has been
more prominent since converting to Islam.
Fahad also describes his sense of responsibility to family:
I feel I should be taking care of all of the ones who are
close to me, both financially and talking to them, trying to solve
their problems, and all of these things.

49

According to John:
Of course I think the number one obligation in terms of
Islam is your family. Your family is the number one obligation as a
Muslim man, to raise your family with the right values.

Participants also typically reported that Islam helps them cope with struggles and
obstacles in their lives. Mikail explains:
We also understand that if there is a calamity or injustice
there has to be a reason for it. As Muslim people there is a way to
guide oneself and accept the way that things are and say "well
there is probably a reason for this" and then try to understand.
John addresses the role of faith, which Islam fosters, in coping with challenges:
In life you face obstacles and tests and if your faith is
strong you can handle it and overcome it.

Azeem explains:
If you're preoccupied and there is something upsetting you,
it just reminds you that it's temporary, and that really what you are
and what you make of yourself depends on how you encounter
every situation. You can maintain your identity and learn from
each situation and be better after that. I think that's a part of being
tested and being a better person after every encounter.
Another role of Islam, which was a variant response, includes participants explanation
that Islam provides structure. Mikail explains:
It's enjoyable because of the structure that is a part of the
religion. You figure that with that structure you can pretty much
carry yourself well throughout the rest of your life.
According to Azeem:
I think what I liked about it was that, it was, I guess has its
own sense of discipline inherent in it. And that was probably
something that I recognized was one of my weak points, was selfdiscipline.

50

Another variant role discussed by the participants is Islams emphasis on acquiring

knowledge. According to John, this is a reason he was drawn to Islam:
The thing that attracted me to Islam is the first word "iqra"
"read" that you're supposed to go and read for yourself and not
just follow blindly.
Mikail has a similar response:
A part of being Muslim is being a learned individual. So
the better you study, the better you present yourself, the better. So,
you try to excel in whatever you do. So you never stop learning.
You never say, "enough is enough.
Other variant responses included Islams role in helping participants
have a purpose in life and have peace and happiness. A variant number of
participants also acknowledged that Islams role in their lives depends on their
environment. For example, Amin, an international student reports:
I am an international student and I came straight from
Palestine about two years ago. So, there was a complete change in
how Islam affects my life. Not just because I grew up or anything
but also because of the whole transformation of the environment,
the surroundings.
He further elaborates by saying:
It doesn't impact me as much anymore because I barely
even see physically, with respect to the surrounding around me, I
don't see mosques at all. The only mosque is far away and
whenever I go there, there are no Arabs, at least no one that I know
of is Arab. So it's kind of weird for me to go because not only is it
in a different atmosphere but its surroundings are not the same.
The rituals don't feel exactly the same. So, that part of my life was
kind of over since the day I got here.

Fahad also addresses how moving to the U.S. impacted the influence of Islam on his life:
When I was in my country I never prayed regularly. I was
spending just my own life. When I came here and since I was
lonely it made me more close to my religion.

51
Participants also discussed specific teachings of Islam. According to a variant
number of responses, participants reported that Islam teaches modesty and social justice.
According to Fahad:
In general, modesty is the whole behavior of my life. Islam
preaches modesty.
In regard to Islams teaching of social justice, John reports:
As a Muslim I know that we are not supposed to sit back
and be apathetic. Oppress not and be not oppressed.
Mikail shares a similar belief:
Being a Muslim means you are not going to allow people to
be treated unfairly.
Azeem adds that Islam rewards those who help the oppressed:
Those who help the poorest and the neediest, especially
children and those who are oppressed..you get great
rewards for that kind of work.
A typical response regarding religion was participants concerns about religious
extremism. Fahad addresses this in relation to his native country, Pakistan:
It's the only country where the religion is hyped so much
that the people try to follow it too much and in this way sometimes
they become misguided.
Sami also expresses a similar concern for his home country, Iran:
I think that is a big problem in Iran. People sometimes kill
each other for their beliefs. To attach to some special beliefs, I
think is good, makes you strong in different circumstances, but it
can be very dangerous.
According to Mikail:
In today's society people misunderstand Islam and degrade
it with fanatical behavior.

52

John addresses the importance of handling extremist factions, not only in Islam, but also
in Christianity:
I think as Muslims it is our duty to handle that and just as
it's Christianitys duty to handle their factions of extremist, which
no one talks about, which have actually grown in the last 10-15
years.
Participants also shared their concerns about the image of Islam. Variant
responses addressed the publics lack of knowledge about Islam and the duty of Muslims
to represent Islam. Participants shared that most people do not know about and
misunderstand Islam. John discusses what he believes to be contributing to false
perceptions of Islam:
Even in education, the things that kids are taught in public
schools about Islam are really.most of the
teachers are not educated about Islam.
Participants also shared that Muslims are responsible for being a positive representation
of Islam. Mikail reports:
You have to be a good example for the people at large. So
when the general public, the American population, sees you they
are going to look and say, "ok, look what a respectful person that
is.
John believes counteracting stereotypes is a duty of all Muslims:
I think that it is a duty of every Muslim in this culture, in
that we have a great opportunity to show that Islam is not a
backward faith, that we are not terrorists and all of the stereotypes.
Domain 2: Gender
Participants were asked to share their beliefs about the roles of men and women
and explain in what ways, if any, Islam has shaped their beliefs. Categories that emerged
in this domain include similarities, differences, family roles, occupational roles,
complementary roles, personality, opposite sex interactions, sexual modesty, Islams

53
treatment of women, social issues facing women, and sources of gender role beliefs.
Subcategories emerged within the majority of the categories. Within the similarities
category, participants addressed (a) equality, (b) education, (c) intelligence, and (d)
aspirations. Within the differences category, participants addressed (a) physical, (b)
objective, (c) Islams acknowledgement, (d) emotional, (e) biological, and (f) different
but equal. Within family roles, participants discussed (a) womens role, (b) mens
obligation, (c) men as financial providers, (d) household labor, (e) the Prophet and
household labor, (f) parenting, and (g) marriage . Occupational roles included (a)
womens income, (b) physically jobs, (c) historical Muslim women, (d) appropriateness
of womens occupation, (e) womens occupation and family, and (f) division of labor.
Within opposite sex interactions, participants addressed (a) permissible interaction, (b)
gender segregation, and (c) dating. Within sexual modesty, participants addressed (a)
purpose of the hijab, (b) problematic modest dress, (c) requirement of the hijab, and (d)
wifes choice of modest dress. Subcategories within Islams treatment of women included
(a) womens roles, (b) prohibition of oppression, (c) respect, and (d) protection. Social
issues facing women included (a) stereotypes and (b) oppression. Source of gender role
beliefs included (a) culture, (b) family, (c) Islam supports beliefs, and (d) Islamic doctrine
is source of beliefs.
In addressing similarities, participants typically reported that men and women are
equal and should have equal access to education. Variant responses included men and
womens similarity in intelligence and aspirations. Regarding education, Azeem reports:
We are commanded to read and educate ourselves and I
think it's extremely disconnected from the religion and obviously
shortsighted to not provide girls equal access to education.

54

Fahad explains his wifes pursuit of education as an example of Islams support for
education of women:
My wife is going to start her Masters, so you can see that
we Muslims do not restrict our sisters, our wives, from studying all
these things. I am happy for her ambitions.
John similarly uses a personal example:
Most of the Muslim couples that I have known over the
years, especially here in this community, are both educated
professionals.
Referring to similarities in intelligence, Amin reports:
My personal belief is that women are equal to men in
regards to thinking, producing ideas, brainstorming, and stuff like
that.
Azeem similarly reports:
Women are as good as men in regard to their brain they are
intelligent.
In regard to aspirations, a variant number of participants reported that men and women
share the same hopes, dreams and lifetime goals.
Participants typically reported that women are physically weaker and cannot
tolerate certain work that men can because of this difference. Participants had variant
responses regarding the belief that men and women are objectively different, Islam
acknowledges gender differences, men and women are different but equal, women are
more emotional and there are biological differences. In regard to physical differences,
participants typically reported that women are physically weaker than men. For example,
Amin reports:
It's just that logically and biologically, the female build is
ratherhas less qualities in terms of, you know, strength and
stuff like that.

55

A variant response included participants beliefs that there are objective differences
between men and women. For example, John reports:
I think that is just the way we are, whether you believe in
religion or science or are an atheist or agnostic, I think those
differences exist. However you want to explain it.
Sami reports:
I believe men and women have many obvious differences.
Amin reports that women and men cannot be compared to one another because they are
objectively different:
It's the fact that we are different. It is not about a woman
being unequal to a man. A woman is technically not equal to a
man; a woman is equal to a woman.
A variant number of participants explained that Islam acknowledges differences between
men and women. According to Amin:
Allah said the male is not like the female. So, we should
take this statement and put it in bold line and put it in our mind.
Fahad reports:
According to Islam, men and women are almost equal with
minor differences, which is what I described earlier, that men are
supposed to be caretakers of women.
John explains:
But then again, in society, even in our society, women are
moms and teachers. Most of the women are in education, in the
U.S. it's mostly a female profession because I don't know maybe
because men are more aggressive and ambitious and not good at
nurturing? Not that all men, there are male teachers that are really
good, but it seems that for the elementary, K-12, it's mostly women
that are teachers. I don't know, is it because of some innate
difference? Or is it because of some type of gender role thing that
has been imposed on women? I don't think it is. I think it's because

56
of those innate differences and I think in Islam you acknowledge
that there are those differences.
Participants also had variant responses that addressed biological and emotional
differences. Participants reported that only women are able to bear children and that
women are more emotional than men.
Finally, another variant response was participants beliefs that men and women
are different but equal. Specifically, one of the participants reported that men and women
should not be discriminated against based on their differences and another explained that
differences between men and women should not result in valuing one more than the
other.
One of the specific roles addressed by participants was the role of men and
women in the family. Participants typically reported that women are primary caretakers
of children and household labor should be shared. Variant responses included that a
mans first obligation is to his family, men are financial providers, there are historical
examples of the Prophet Mohammad helping with household labor, parenting is a shared
role, and a marriage should be a partnership. Regarding womens role as primary
caretaker, Adeel explains:
Women are expected to have more of a nurturing role. I
mean there is no way a man could biologically be the mother of a
child.

Azeem explains:
Islam says that mothers are created to take care of children
more than men do. It is by natural behavior.
John uses a personal example to illustrate his belief that mothers are more nurturing than
fathers:

57
My son, when he wants nurturing and babying, he goes to
his mom.
Participants typically reported that household labor should be shared. Azeem explains:
In my house it's equal and that's important to us because we
are both dedicated to the family. Keeping order in the house is a lot
of work for one person to bear and there can be resentment, spoken
and unspoken, and I think it's important that everyone makes their
contribution and when it's possible it should be shared equally.
Mikail explains that household chores are not the sole responsibility of women:
Something that I find insulting is when someone says, for
example, "Go help your mother do the dishes." Why don't they just
go do the dishes themselves? Tell their mother to come out and
they go do the dishes. It's like, we should not have to say, "Go help
your mother do this." Since when did it become her job?

Based on variant responses, participants reported that a mans first obligation is to his
family. For example, Khaled explains:
If you want to be a good man, the most important thing to
do is give to your wife and children first. Try to have food in your
home, try to have everything that your wife needs in this life or in
the home, and after that you can give to others.
A variant number of responses addressed mens role as financial providers. Adeel
explains:
There are certain rules that are expected of men in Islam.
Like, they are expected to provide for the family.
Variant responses included participants explanations of the Prophet Mohammads role in
helping with household labor. For example, Khaled explains:
Prophet Mohammad said the best man is the one who is
best for his wife. Prophet Mohammad, he used to clean the house
with his wife, he used to sew his clothes.
John explains:

58
Of course I think the number one obligation, in terms of
Islam, is your family. Your family is the number one obligation as
a Muslim man, to raise your family with the right values.
Variant responses included the belief that parenting should be a shared role. Mikail
explains how parenting is a team effort:
It's a team effort. So it's not just one member or the other
because it takes the two parents to raise a proper family. You
cannot have a parent, whether it is a male or female, undermine the
authority or belief system of the other parent.
Khaled also addresses shared parenting:
The man and the woman are the nucleus of the family in
our religion. After marriage, they will have children, so they both
have a responsibility to raise the children to be committed to
Islamic ethics and orders.
John agrees with both of the statements above and reports:
Both parents have a responsibility to raise their children as
decent citizens, as good Muslims. Neither one should have more
authority than the other.

Participants also had variant responses regarding the belief that marriage should be a
partnership. Azeem reports:
My family is pretty much a microcosm of my beliefs and
my wife and I are co-equal partners.

Fahad explains how his marriage, in which he and his wife have different responsibilities,
is a partnership:
In both cases, there is a delicate balance, which should not
be violated. Like, sometimes I help my wife in cooking food and
we work together and go to the laundry at the same time and all of
these things. I mean there is no hard and fast thing. Even if the
woman is responsible for doing some tasks, I am a human being so
I can imagine and feel that sometimes she is tired, so I should help
her. In the same way if at some point I have some financial
problems I can use the salary of my wife as a loan or something.
The general trend is like that, so we believe in that.

59

Beliefs about occupational roles included the variant responses that women do not
have to contribute financially to the family, women cannot work in physically demanding
jobs, Islam has historical examples of women in the workforce, there are some
occupations that are more appropriate for women than others, womens work can
interfere with family responsibilities, and gender division of labor is a worldwide norm
that occurs because of differences in abilities.
Fahad explains that women are not obligated to be financial providers:
Islam doesn't require women to participate in the financial
matters of the family home. So even my wife, she is starting her
Masters next semester, so we have an agreement that we will not
use her salary for our purposes. She can spend her salary, as she
wants.

Azeem addresses his belief about physically demanding jobs:

For me, it makes sense for women to work most of what
men do except some hard jobs. Women are more emotional and
they are weaker than men. They cannot work in harder jobs like
lifting or maintenance in hard places.
John refers to historical examples in Islam of women in the workforce:
I don't think a person's gender limits them to those roles. I
mean there are examples in Islam where women took on political
roles. The wife of the Prophet, she was a businesswoman, well
regarded. One of the wives of the Prophet was very vocal. I mean
they were leaders in their communities and there is absolutely
nothing wrong with it.

Fahad explains his belief about the appropriateness of womens occupations:

I do not want my wife to, for example, drive a bus or drive
a cab or stay somewhere doing a cashier job. I feel that, as the
Holy book says, the woman is like a treasure and should be
respected and there should be some decency involved with the jobs
the women are doing.

60

Khaled explains that a womans occupation is appropriate if it does not violate Islamic
orders:
But the woman, if the work doesn't have any violation with
the Islamic commitment, that is fine, she can work. For example,
she can work as a teacher; she can work as a nurse. But she should
commit to covering her hair and wearing wide clothes.

Fahad addresses how a womans occupation, in this case his wifes, can interfere with her
role in the family:
Because we belong to an Eastern country and she does not
like me to do any work at home, she likes to cook food and she
likes to take care of my clothes and all of these things. So I say that
this will be an injustice to her because she will try to commit to her
job from morning to evening and then she will try to take care of
me and our children when we have them.

Azeem addresses how womens role in the workforce is redefining families:

But now because the world has become small, you know
because of the internet and these things, women all over the world
start working in night jobs and for a long time in hard jobs. So now
that these lines start to break down, I am afraid that we will reach a
point where there is no definition of families.

Finally, participants addressed their belief that gendered division of labor is a worldwide
norm because of differences in abilities:
Suppose I have a company and I want to hire some people,
and I believe that the job, people I need, should have special
abilities and maybe I like to hire men because of that. I think
people do that everywhere, even here, and that's completely
different from discriminating between people. It never means that
we believe that men and women are different so we are
discriminating.
According to variant responses, participants reported that men and women
complement one another. For example, Azeem explains:

61
We don't have to live in a world where you completely use
your mind and forget your heart and emotions and at the same time
you don't have to follow your emotions and your heart all of the
time. You have to have a balance so I feel men and women make
this balance.

John reports:
Men and women, we are equal, but we have sort of
differences, but we complement each other.
Participants addressed their beliefs about gender and personality. Variant
responses included the belief that ones environment impacts his/her personality
development and that there are Muslim mothers who have more dominant personalities
than fathers. Amin explains:
It really depends on how they grew up. I mean in my
family, where I come from, my mom is the dominant one. My dad
has no views on anything. He is usually silent.

John explains:
Most of the Muslim families I know, the mom is the boss in
the house; the dad is actually quite passive. So that debunks the
stereotypes.
Participants discussed their beliefs about opposite-sex interactions. Participants
typically stated that Islam does not prevent them from having interaction with women
and variant responses included the belief that gender segregation is problematic and
dating is prohibited in Islam. With regard to men and women interacting, Azeem reports:
Even mixing of men and women, it's not a problem in my
religion.

Mikail agrees and further adds his belief about the importance of such interaction:

62
We have to keep in mind to keep the channels of
communication open between men and women all the way down to
the youth.

Azeem addresses the belief that gender segregation is problematic and discusses the role
of culture in shaping his belief:
I mean obviously being raised in the European American
culture I am not really all that comfortable with the segregation
that happens a lot..I just feel like in a social
setting you're getting a very narrow and incomplete view of who a
person is by just talking to them alone while their wife and kids are
running around and my wife is their too, and so it does feel a little
disjointed and not natural to me. I do, however, understand the
rationale.

Amin refers to Islams prohibition on dating:

This is the Islamic commitment, no girlfriend, no
boyfriend.

Fahad explains:
Because everyone knows it's a fact that the opposite
genders they have an attraction, so they get attracted towards each
other. Even if they are not having any physical relationships, still
they are enjoying each other's company, so they are getting a
benefit out of it. I will say that it will be a satanic activity.
Participants also discussed sexual modesty. Participants typically stated that the
hijab prevents women from being sexually objectified. Variant responses included
participants explanations that niqab is problematic, the hijab is a requirement, and their
wives freely chose to dress modestly by wearing the hijab or niqab. In regard to the
hijabs role in preventing sexual objectification of women, Azeem explains:
I struggle with it because I sometimes wonder if I'm
rationalizing or not, but hijab makes sense to me because it forces
you to see that person as a person rather than something to be
checked out before you even have interaction with them and you're

63
not thinking of them as a potential partner or thinking about their
sexual attributes. You're just thinking this is a person, and it's
obviously a women, but there's no way, it's much less likely you
will have thoughts about having any kind of sexual relationship
with them.

He continues by addressing his views that pornography, which he believes is more

accepted in America than the hijab, is more oppressive to women.
Whereas the American view is "you're keeping the women
in society covered up" and to me the irony is you see women who
are in pornography and to me that's subjugation and repression
much more so than the view of the hijab.
Khaled explains:
Sometimes the woman is married, so she should, for
example, wear something that covers her hair and cover her body,
like wide dress. Those things try to keep her, for example, those
things protect her from any unexpected thing.
Mikail, also agrees that the hijab prevents sexual objectification of women, though he
believes that the niqab is problematic and too extreme:
In Libya, for instance, there were some ladies who would
cover themselves all the way up and open up enough for eyes to
see through and in my opinion that is a little bit overboard. I mean,
close to fanaticism I guess.

Azeem also explains his concerns about the niqab:

There is no support for the niqab, the complete veil that you
see. Thats probably one of the few things I wasn't comfortable
about in my encounters because I couldn't see the facial
expressions, which obviously curtails any conversation, so I was
uncomfortable with that.

Two of the participants reported that the hijab is a requirement in Islam and that their
wives made their own choice regarding their Islamic dress. Khaled explains:

64
My wife, she chose to cover her face. I will not obligate
her, but I am very happy with these things because she is loyal to
me.

Referring to his wifes hijab, Fahad explains:

My wife, she does it. With her own will, she was doing that
before marriage.
Participants addressed their beliefs about Islams treatment of women.
Participants typically reported that Islam does not limit the roles of women, prohibits
oppression of women, and prioritizes respect for women. A variant response included
participants beliefs that Islam encourages the protection of women. Regarding womens
roles, John explains:
I think if you go to the source and the Quran, I don't think
that they specify that women can't do certain things.

Azeem reports:
My religion makes sense for me because it doesn't say you
have to keep women in homes, as some people think.

Fahad addresses respect for women:

As the Holy book says, the women are like a treasure and
they should be respected.

John explains:
As a Muslim man relating to women you are supposed to
the Quran says that you have to respect the womb that bore you, or
something to that effect. So we are supposed to respect our
mothers and wives and treat them with kindness.

Amin refers to protection of women:

65
Most of the time, like I said, women are feminine, where
men are masculine, most of the time. And so, most women would
be described as being a glass wall, which needs to be protected.
And this protection is not because, "oh hey I'm going to force you
and just say I'm going to protect you and you better listen." But it's
because of the whole fear that the glass might break.Islam
tries to protect women in that sense, out of chivalry.
Participants addressed social issues faced by women. Variant responses included
the concern that Muslim women are stereotyped and women face oppression. Fahad
explains:
It's just my belief, and whatever I have acquired from
reading news and articles, that the Western society feels that
Muslims do not give respect to their women, that they degrade
them and restrict them and so on. I think that it is a completely
wrong argument because whatever they argue is most of the time
baseless and sometimes they use the verses from the scriptures that
are taken out of context.

John discusses the negative impact stereotypes have on Muslim women:

I have talked to a lot of Muslim women in this country who
are working and going to school and the things they face, it's
similar. The same type of labeling and stereotypes, it can lead to
anger and depression.

Fahad addresses the oppression of women in his country, Pakistan:

In my country the women are sometimes oppressed and this
is not a good thing. I want to eliminate that on my part as much as
I can.

Azeem addresses the issue of oppression in regard to economic inequality:

I think the most pressing challenge for women is, to me it's
economic, the economic imbalance in the developing world and
what people have to struggle through to provide the most basic
things for their family.

66

Fahad reflects on the pervasiveness of oppression experienced by women:

Men are viewed as the powerful individuals and women as
more subservient. Whether you are Catholic or Christian or
Muslim, it doesn't matter.
Participants discussed sources of their gender role beliefs. They typically
reported culture and family as a source of their gender role beliefs. Participants also
typically reported that Islam is not the source of their beliefs but that it supports them. A
variant number of participants reported that Islamic doctrine is the source of their beliefs.
Referring to the impact that his cultural environment has on his beliefs, Amin explains:
It impacts me to where I feel like I'm not forced but I
should, it's a need, that I need to change my beliefs in order to cope
with the new surrounding, new society. That happens everywhere
you know. It's normal.

Azeem explains how his beliefs were set by his culture prior to converting to Islam:
I'm 35 now, so I guess being 24 at the time, those are pretty
well set by the time I converted.

Mikail addresses the influence of culture on gender role beliefs:

Even though there are general lessons we learn from our
faith and examples of the people that are in the Quran, the Prophet
and his family and other prophets as well, I don't think there is a
map or a blueprint of how we should exactly do it. I think culture
plays a big part of it. You can be Muslim and raised in a certain
culture and your understanding of the roles and relationships with
men and women are going to probably be more based on your
experiences and culture.

Referring to the influence of family, Mikail explains:

I believe women should have the same rights as men, and
my mother had a lot to do with that belief. She made sure we knew
it.

67

Adeel explains how family influenced his beliefs with regard to gender and household
labor:
I would say I have a really good example of my own dad,
he helps out my mom, and he helps with the dishes. So I was really
lucky in that aspect. So I always had that to serve as my base.

Sami addresses the theme that Islam is not the source of his beliefs but that he can find
support for them in Islam:
Maybe I can match some of my beliefs with Islam. That's
the thing that every time almost all people do to try to justify
whatever they are doing, their beliefs. I can do that. But I don't
think the source of my beliefs is from Islam.

Azeem addresses how Islam supported his beliefs that were in place before he converted:
I haven't found anything incompatible with my own ideas
of gender roles. I haven't. It hasn't really changed all that much.

Mikail, also a convert to Islam, explains:

Its not that I didn't respect women before and I became
Muslim and then respected women. I think I was already on that
path and it just reinforced and strengthened that value
Three of the participants reported that Islam is the source of their beliefs. Khaled
explains:
The best thing I would say about the role of men and
women in society are what Allah and what Prophet Mohammad
say about these roles. I just follow what the creator asks to do.

Adeel reports:

68
Examples from the Quran, from the Prophet, I would say
those point to the ideal of what men and womens relationships
with one another should be.

Fahad explains:
When we read the Holy Scriptures, the Quran and the
Hadith, we come to know that what the responsibilities are of each
gender in Islam. I think every Muslim should be convinced, as I
am, that the division of responsibilities between the two genders is
right and is complete in every aspect.
Domain 3: Culture
Participants were asked to describe their cultural heritage and discuss if there are
any ways that their culture has influenced them differently than Islam. Categories that
emerged included definition of cultural heritage, intersection of culture and Islam,
similarities between culture and Islam, distinctions between culture and Islam, external
influences on culture, and adherence to Islam in Muslim countries. Three of these
categories included subcategories. Cultural heritage included (a) country of origin and
(b) mixed racial/ethnic heritage. Intersections of culture and Islam included (a) historical
relationship between culture and Islam, (b) cultures influences on Islam, (c)
differentiating between culture and Islam, (d) Islam versus Christianitys influence on
culture, and (e) similarities between culture and Islam. Distinctions between culture and
Islam include (a) oppression of women and (b) marital practices.
Participants typically defined their cultural heritage as their country of origin.
The regions that were represented included the Middle East, South Asia, and Latin
America. A variant number of participants who were born and raised in the U.S. defined
their cultural heritage as mixed. For example, Azeem reports:

69
I think of myself as European American, Irish, Swedish,
Dutch, a mix.

John reports:
Probably more accurate for my cultural background is
mixed heritage because my great grandparents were immigrants to
New York from the Caribbean, from St. Marten, what was known
as the West Indies. My great-grandfather came from the British
West Indies and my great-grandmother from St. Marten, so maybe
having some type of French or Indonesian heritage, not really sure.

Participants discussed their beliefs about the intersection of culture and Islam.
Participants typically addressed the historical relationship between their culture and
Islam, difficulty in distinguishing between influences of culture versus Islam, and
cultures influence on Islam. A variant number of participants reported that Islam
influences their culture more directly than Christianity influences U.S. culture and that
there are similarities between their culture and Islam. Azeem refers to the historical
relationship between Islam and his culture:
We have lived more than 2000 years in the same place.
Generation over generation we have mixed and modified the
culture and the religion to be compatible with each other.

John explains the relationship between Islam and his African heritage:
African Americans had a culture, legacy, religion and
language that was taken away. The slave trade occurred mostly in
West Africa. Well it doesn't take much, it's not rocket science, to
figure that out that a large percentage, I think the estimate is
anywhere from 44-50%, of the slaves were Muslim. So if you
wanted to kind of research it, I think there were Muslims here long
before. There is evidence, archeological and historical evidence,
that many of us were Muslim and were forced to convert.

Sami refers to the difficulty in differentiating between his culture and Islam:

70
I was born after the Iranian revolution when the
government became the Islamic government. So I cannot
differentiate between my culture and Islam.

Amin explains:
Where I come from culture is a part of Islam and Islam is a
part of the culture, so they are complimentary. So you really can't
just look at one and not the other. So culture is built upon Islam
and Islam is built upon culture where I come from. So they are
almost the same exact thing. I can barely tell the difference.

John explains cultures influence on Islam:

Islam is very flexible and that's probably why there are so
many different cultures that have embraced it and you find from
Europe, Asia, Africa, Middle East, different cultures. But we all
have the same thing in commonI think in Islam there is
flexibility and it adapts to each culture.

Amin addresses how his practice of Islam was influenced after moving to the U.S.:
My first impression was, well just hold on to what you
know and then I slowly started letting go. Not because I felt like
that Islam was wrong or anything but because I felt like some of
the guidance or some of the rules that Islam applied on me were
just unnecessary. I can live without them in order to indulge in the
society and just be part of the whole American society.

Fahad addresses the belief that Islam influences his culture more directly than
Christianity influences U.S. culture:
I mean if you think for a while, then we can see that
whatever is going on in my society is being influenced by
IslamWhat I see is that other religions are not
affecting the cultures. Like, Christianity exists in the U.S., but it is
in very weak condition. It doesn't influence any of the people in the
U.S. They are not following what is said in the scriptures.

Referring to the role that Christianity plays in the U.S. compared to Islam in his
culture, Amin reports:

71

here.

It's more neutral in terms of the things you can do around

Participants had variant responses regarding similarities between their culture and
Islam. Khaled explains:
In Jordan, we have a lot of things, by culture, not by Islam
but by culture, that are similar to Islam.

He continues by providing an example:

Do you know, in Jordan, there are Christian people who
wear the hijab? The women cover their hair because this is
tradition in our country.

John, who identifies as American, explains what he believes to be a commonality

between being Muslim and being an American:
Standing up for something that's wrong and justice. To me,
that's our duty as Muslims and Americans.
Participants also discussed distinctions between Islam and their cultures.
Participants typically reported that oppression of women should be attributed to culture,
not Islam. Variant responses addressed participants beliefs that marital practices in their
countries contradict Islam. Fahad refers to the oppression of women that occurs in his
country:
I will say it is not because of Islam, but it is because of
society. The society has some components that are not Islamic.

Mikail explains:
We look at like in Iran, Lebanon, Syria, and countries like
that and I'm speaking of experience with my friends, my

72
immediate personal experience, I have seen men who are very
sexist, which is a disservice to Islam..Overall
you look at those things and you have a hard time, at least I do,
have a difficult time dealing with that and saying "oh sure, that's
religious." It's not religious! It's cultural. So some people might
intertwine them and say that's religious, but it's cultural.

Two participants, both sharing a Pakistani cultural background, address how marital
practices in their culture contradict Islam. Adeel explains:
What I most clearly think of is how people get married to
one another in the culture versus how it is viewed in Islam. In
Islam it's like a contract, there is not so much of the hoopla aspect
to it. But in the culture it's this whole ordeal. I feel it almost
objectifies women. In that sense it is more demeaning to women in
the cultural aspect than it is in the religious one. . Its like
women more have to prove themselves to be a person of interest.

Fahad has a similar concern:

I came here and saw how the marriages are performed here
and I realized that marriage involves a lot of pain in my country for
the female because the groom usually has a lot of requirements, all
of the materialistic requirements, which is un-Islamic and still is
present in my country. So the brides face a lot of difficulties. Their
families have to take out loans and most of the brides do not get
married because of this problem.
Participants had variant responses in regard to external influences on their
cultures. Khaled explains:
I see a lot of differences in the Jordanian culture, because
the media and the internet is entering the country and it's entering
every home in Jordan.

Fahad explains the influence of religion and media on his culture:

Two things are influencing our culture. The first thing is
the religion and the second thing is the media. From media we hear
and we see all kind of different activities. From the dramas and
films we come to know how different people think, how different
people speak, and how different people spend their life, I mean
how what are their ideas, motivations, and their different dressing

73
style and all these things. So the media is affecting the whole
world and all these social networking things, they are also
revolutionalizing [sic] the whole world. Whenever my society goes
a step further from the religion because of all of the diversions
such as the media, then they are brought back by the religion,
because we have a really effective religious preaching system in
my country.
A variant number of participants addressed the adherence to Islam in their native
countries. Khaled reports:
Unfortunately now, we have a lot of Muslims, men and
women, who are not committing with Islam.

Adeel explains:
I was always under the impression that people in Muslim
countries practice the religion much more than people in America
and that was completely wrong. Most of the people that I saw
didn't pray five times a day. They were more concerned with the
cultural aspect than the religious aspect.
Summary of Results
This study aimed to explore the relationship between religion, gender, and culture
in the lives of Muslim men.. The investigation was conducted using CQR, which
included the use of semi-structured interviews and a consensus process among three
research team members for data analysis.
The results indicate that the majority of participants do not strictly observe formal
practices of Islam, though they reported that Islam influences their lives in many ways.
The most typical responses were that Islam provides guidance, aids in coping with lifes
obstacles, promotes pros-social behaviors, and motivates participants to prioritize their
obligation to their families.

74
The typical beliefs about gender were that women are physically weaker than
men, women are better equipped to be nurturers and primary caretakers of children, men
and women should have equal access to education, opposite sex interaction is
permissible, a womans role should not be limited to the home, Islam prohibits
oppression of women, women should be respected, womens sexual modesty can prevent
objectification, and household labor should be shared.
In regard to the influence of Islam on gender role beliefs, the majority of
participants reported that Islam is not a direct source of their beliefs. Instead, family and
culture are direct sources of beliefs and Islam reinforces those beliefs.
Participants also addressed the relationship between Islam and culture.
Participants explained the historical role of Islam in their cultures, the difficulty in
distinguishing between influences of Islam and culture, the distinction between Islam and
culture with regard to the oppression of women, and Islams ability to adapt to diverse
cultures.

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CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION
This qualitative investigation explored the role of religion in the lives of Muslim
men and sought the ways in which Islam influences their beliefs about gender roles. The
study also explored the role that mens cultural backgrounds play in their religious
identities and gender role beliefs. The studys aim is to fill a gap in the literature on the
gender role beliefs of Muslim men in the U.S. Unlike the majority of quantitative studies
that have included Muslim men and assessed gender attitudes, this study provided indepth descriptions of Muslim mens lived experiences and illustrated with words, rather
than solely numbers, the intersection of religion, gender role beliefs, and culture in their
lives. Specifically, this study consisted of a semi-structured interview that granted
participants the opportunity to answer open-ended questions regarding Islam, gender
roles, and culture in their lives.
This chapter will further explain the results provided in the results section. The
results will be discussed in terms of the three domains (religion, gender, and culture).
The discussion will focus primarily on typical themes, but noteworthy variant themes that
relate to typical ones will also be addressed. The limitations of this study will then be
discussed, followed by implications for practice and research. Finally, a summary and
conclusion will be provided.
Domain 1: Religion
In this domain, participants addressed the relevance of religion in peoples lives,
God, the role that Islam plays in their lives and their concerns about the image of Islam
and extreme religious views. Participants espoused the belief that having a religion is an

76
important part of life because it provides guidance, faith, and spirituality. The
participants motivations for having religion appear to be more aligned with intrinsic
religiosity, in that the guidance, faith and spirituality provided by religion is valued,
rather than religion as means of gaining external reward (Allport, 1967). Also, in
discussing the importance of religion in peoples lives, religion was discussed in general
terms rather than specifically mentioning the need for the religion to be Islam. This
appears to be consistent with findings in a recent poll of Muslims in America in which
the majority of persons polled reported that faiths other than Islam are valid and can lead
to eternal salvation (PEW, 2011).
Regarding God, participants typically addressed their reverence for God but did
not discuss the quality of their relationship with God. According to Fetley & Paloma
(1991), women are more intimate in their relationship with God compared to men. This
could help explain why participants did not discuss their relationship with God in
intimate terms.
With regard to the specific role that Islam plays in their lives, participants
discussed the formal practices and the various influences of Islam. Only a minority of
participants reported that they strictly observe practices, such as prayer five times a day
or adherence to dietary laws. Participants did not address other formal practices, such as
frequency of mosque attendance, pilgrimage to Mecca, fasting, and how often they read
the Quran. The majority of participants reported that it is difficult to do formal practices
of Islam in a non-Islamic Western society. However, participants did not provide details
in regard to the practices they engage in versus those in which they do not. Islam has
more structured formal practices compared to Christianity and, therefore, Muslim mens

77
inability to adhere to practices could be contributing to gender role strain if their
construction of the ideal Muslim man is one who adheres strictly to formal practices. The
lack of detail given in regard to their formal practices could be an indication of shame
associated with not being able to live up to their expectations of Muslim masculinity.
Conversely, according to PEW (2011), the majority of Muslims report that
religion is a very important part of their lives, but most are somewhere in between high
and low religious commitment, which is defined as adherence to prayer five times a days,
attendance at mosque once a week, and saying that religion is very important in their
lives. The findings in the current study, in conjunction with the findings in PEW (2011),
may be an indication that strict adherence to the formal practice of Islam is not
necessarily what Muslims in America are referring to when they say that religion is a
very important part of their lives. Therefore, Muslim men in the U.S. may not necessarily
define their Muslim masculinity based on their ability to adhere to formal practices.
Instead, their construction of Muslim masculinity may be based more on internalization
of Muslim values and application to daily life, rather than strict observance of formal
practices.
In regard to Islams role in their lives, participants typically explained that Islam
provides guidance in all aspects of life (similar to previous findings (Carolan et al.,
2000)), helps in coping with lifes obstacles, emphasizes positive treatment of others, and
prioritizes family. These are similar to the influences of Islam described by Muslim
women in the U.S. (Ali et al., 2008), are common aspects of all religions (Moses, 2002)
and are aspects of life that are a part of the universal human experience. Participants
emphasize application of Islam to all areas of life, which is again an indication of

78
intrinsic versus extrinsic religiosity (Allport, 1967). Seeking guidance to cope with
distress, pro-social behaviors, and prioritizing family are aspects of non-traditional
masculinity in that Muslim men are not adhering to a rigid ideology of self reliance,
competition, and prioritizing success and status over family. In that sense, these findings
could imply that there is a relationship between an intrinsic motivation to practice Islam
and less rigid masculine ideology, similar to findings among Christian men (Francis,
2005; Jurkovic & Walke; Mahalik & Lagan, 2001; Thompson, 1991; Thompson &
Remmes, 2002; Ward & Cook, 2011).
Participants were concerned with the negative stereotypes and lack of knowledge
about Islam, which, according to PEW (2011), are among the top concerns that Muslims
report facing in America. The researchers expected that this theme would be general or
typical, but results proved otherwise. This may be because the majority of the
participants are frequently in contact with people in academic settings, who are likely to
have more knowledge of and fewer stereotypes about Islam compared to the general
population (PEW, 2007). It may also be due to participants difficulty in admitting to
ways in which they are negatively impacted by discrimination. This could be an
indication of adherence to traditional masculinity that makes it difficult for men to
express their emotions and vulnerabilities (Mahalik, Cournoyer, DeFranc, Cherry, &
Napolitano, 1998).
Two of the three participants who did express concern about negative stereotypes
were also the only racial minorities. As racial minorities, they may be more attuned to
these issues because they are also faced with them with regard to their racial identities.
These two participants also reported that it is the duty of Muslims to represent Islam

79
accurately and counteract stereotypes. Since other participants did not discuss this belief,
it is likely that these participants have had experiences with counteracting stereotypes of
their racial group (Fleming, Lemont, & Welburn, 2012; Oboler, 1995), which influences
them to feel the same way about their religious identities. Therefore, these two
participants constructions of masculinity could be inclusive of discussing their reactions
to discrimination because of their experiences with it, whereas the other participants may
not have had the same experiences and therefore their masculinity may feel threatened as
a result of exposing difficulties. However, the participants who discussed the need to
overcome stereotypes about Islam were adhering to a traditionally masculine norm by
addressing their ability to cope with the challenge of discrimination, rather than
expressing how they are affected by experiences with discrimination. Therefore, for all of
the participants, when it came to discussing their experiences with marginalization due to
their religious identity, the traditional masculine norm of emotion control may have
prevented them from being able to do so.
Finally, participants typically addressed their concerns about extremism in Islam
and other religions consistent with PEW (2011), which found that the majority of
Muslims in America are concerned about Islamic extremism. These findings are
inconsistent with the belief among 25% of Americans that there is a fair amount of
support for Islamic extremism among Muslims (PEW, 2011). These findings are an
indication that Muslim men in the U.S. are constructing their masculinity in opposition to
the stereotypes about Islam and men are concerned with being perceived as
fundamentalists. This is similar to previous findings, which highlighted that religiously

80
committed Christian men responded to a measure of masculine conformity in a way that
distinguished them from fundamentalist Christians (Ward & Cook, 2011).
Domain 2: Gender
In this domain, participants addressed their beliefs about men and women and
described the ways, if any, in which Islam has shaped those beliefs. The majority of
participants made a statement about the equality of men and women, usually near the
beginning of the interviews. Participants specifically addressed men and womens equal
rights to an education. This finding supports other studies (Carolan et al., 2000; Ramji,
2007) and makes sense for several reasons. First, among Muslim scholars and
communities, it is commonly agreed upon that both men and women have a right to
pursue knowledge, which is a core value of Islam (Badawi, 1980; Engineer, 2004;
Rahman, 1984). Second, this belief is a core value of a democracy, like in the U.S., and
it would be difficult for participants to be active members of such a society, especially in
academic settings (which the majority are in) if they were to believe otherwise. This
finding is also consistent with constructions of masculinity among British middle class
Muslims whose beliefs aligned with the White middle class norms of British society and
who considered their wives education to enhance their social status as men (Ramji,
2007).
With regard to beliefs about gender differences, the main finding of the study was
that participants believe women are physically weaker and unable to perform physically
demanding jobs that men traditionally perform. This is not surprising; given that this
belief is also common among the general population in the U.S. (Glick, Wilk, &
Perreault, 1995; Messing, Lippel, Demmers, & Mergler, 2000). The participants who

81
endorsed this belief were fairly new immigrants and hailed from regions of the world
where exposure to women working in physically demanding jobs is limited, which could
also be attributing to their belief (Cejka & Eagly, 1999). This belief is also based on a
norm of traditional masculinity that places expectations on men to be physically stronger
than women. Therefore, admitting that women can do physically demanding work could
be experienced as a threat to their masculinity. Discussion of womens inability to do
physically demanding work could also be an indication that participants are reacting to
the changes that are occurring in the divisions of labor between men and women
(Tomaskovic-Devey, Zimmer, Stainback, Robinson, Taylor & McTague, 2006.) These
men could be feeling threatened as occupational segregation based on sex continues to
decline and the lines between masculine and feminine become more blurred. Therefore,
their emphasis on physical differences is a socially acceptable way to justify the need for
division of labor between men and women, potentially as a reaction to a threatened
masculinity.
Participants typically reported that women are primary caretakers of children,
supporting previous research (Carolan et al., 2000; Ali et al., 2008). Participants
explained that the reason women are primary caretakers of young children is that they are
better able to nurture children. The belief that women are more nurturing often stems
from womens biological role in bearing children, which is addressed with reverence in
the Quran (Barlas, 2002). This belief also aligns with views of the majority of men in
the U.S. who believe that it is best for young children if their mothers stay home full
time instead of working (Pew Research Center [PEW], 2009). The participants belief
that women are better caretakers of children can have implications for their parental

82
involvement and marital satisfaction. For example, Bonney, Kelley, & Lavant (1999)
found that fathers who had more traditional views about parenting were less involved in
activities related to child care and mens involvement in childcare was positively
associated with marital satisfaction.
More participants endorsed the belief that women should be primary caretakers
than the belief that men should be the sole financial providers. This is consistent with
current gender norms because womens roles have been changing and expanding at a
faster rate than mens. Consequently, while it has become more socially acceptable for
women to work, men who take on the role of househusband are viewed more negatively
(Wentworth & Chell, 2001). Only two of the participants reported that women are not
obligated to financially contribute to the family, whereas this was a major theme in
another study (Carolan et al., 2000). While the absence of extensive vocal support for
this proposition does not mean that the remaining participants believe that women should
contribute, combined with the fact that only a few men discussed the role of men as sole
financial provider and most acknowledged that Islam does not limit womens role to the
home, it suggests that the participants beliefs could align with the beliefs of 28% or 29%
of men in the U.S. who agree or strongly agree that both men and women should
contribute to household income (Pew Research Center [PEW], 2009). Alternatively,
participants may have not addressed the topic if they were in a dual income marriage and
had shame associated with not being the sole financial provider, which is a traditional
norm of masculinity in Islam and in U.S. society. Furthermore, Muslim women also
report that men are responsible for being the breadwinners (Ali et al., 2008). Therefore,
Muslim men who cannot be the sole providers may not be meeting their own and their

83
wives expectations. If participants are preoccupied with their inability to be the sole
financial provider, they can be at greater risk for experiencing GRC, less intrinsic
religiosity and lower quality of spiritual satisfaction (Jurkovic & Walker, 2006; Mahalik
and Lagan, 2001).
Participants typically reported that household labor should be shared, which
supports previous findings (Carolan et al., 2000). This belief is indicative of a nontraditional masculine ideology and has been associated with increased involvement in
household labor and lower GRC among men (Mintz & Mahalik, 1996). Specifically,
men who hold less rigid gender ideology in regard to their role in the family are less
likely to be preoccupied with success, power, and competition (Mintz & Mahalik, 1996).
Participants also addressed themes surrounding sexual modesty. The majority of
participants did not report that the hijab is a requirement, though they did express concern
for the sexual objectification of women and reported that the hijab can prevent this from
happening. Participants did not, however, discuss the Islamic principle in regard to male
sexual modesty, which is that men should guard their gaze and not view women as sexual
objects. It appears that participants are simultaneously adhering to a traditional masculine
ideology (i.e. men cannot control their sexual urges) and a pro-feminist ideology (sexual
objectification of women is a social problem).
Participants also addressed opposite sex interactions and typically reported that
Islam allows men and women to interact socially, which is consistent with the views of
reformist scholars (Saeed, 2007). This belief is not surprising, given that participants live
in the U.S., a society where gender segregation is not practical.

84
Some of the participants expressed their concern that oppression of women is a
worldwide problem and typically reported that Islam prohibits oppression of women (e.g.
violence against women, subordination). Thus, participants made it a point to note that
oppression of women is a global issue, not a Muslim one. Participants attunement to the
oppression of women aligns with their explanation that Islam teaches about social justice.
Participants also expressed concerns regarding stereotypes about Muslim women and
explained that Islam does not limit a womans role to the home and prioritizes respect for
women. Participants are of the belief that Islam does not restrict ones roles based on
gender, which aligns with interpretations of reformist scholars (Barlas, 2002). The theme
of respect for women was also evident in previous studies (Carolan et al., 2000; Hopkins,
2006) and appears to be a masculine ideal for Muslim men. Respect for women is
defined in the literature on gender as benevolent sexism. Benevolent sexism suggests
that, even when intentions are good, the expression of adoration and reverence for
women is based on an ideology that women are more fragile than men and rewards
women who conform to traditional roles (Glick & Fisk, 1999). Notably, though,
participants perspectives align with the values of cultural feminists who believe that
women possess unique qualities that are not respected enough, but should be (Enns,
1997).
Participants did not address concerns about social issues faced by men, which is
consistent with the common perception that gender issues are only relevant to women
(Bannon & Correia, 2006). It was anticipated that participants would typically or
generally address the stereotypes of Muslim men, but only one participant, who identified
as African American, addressed this issue, possibly for the reasons described previously.

85
The majority of participants addressed the matter passively through the acknowledgement
that people stereotype Islam as oppressive to women. This could be an indication that
participants adhere to the traditional masculine norm that men are supposed to be tough
and, therefore, are not vulnerable to social problems, like women.
Finally, participants discussed the role of Islam in shaping their gender role
beliefs. Only three participants reported that their beliefs are directly based on Islamic
doctrines. Typical responses were that family and culture influence beliefs about gender
and Islamic doctrines support them. According to social cognitive theory (SCT) of
gender role development, gender conceptions and role behavior are the products of a
broad network of social influences operating both familially and in the many societal
systems encountered in everyday life. (Bussey & Bandura, 1999, p. 676). According to
the majority of participants, their gender role beliefs are products of a dynamic
interaction between family, culture, and religion, which supports SCT. For these
participants, it appears that Islam interacts with culture and family, culture and family are
then used as direct sources for gender role beliefs, and these beliefs in turn influence how
participants interpret Islamic doctrine in regard to gender.

Domain 3: Culture
In this domain, participants described their cultural heritage and discussed the
relationship between Islam and culture. The majority of participants identified their
culture as their country of origin, much like Muslim women did in Ali et al., (2008).
Three of the participants who were born and raised in the U.S. identified their cultural

86
heritage as a mix of diverse ethnic/racial identities. None of the participants identified
their cultural heritage as their religion.
A main finding was that Islam has played a significant and historical role in
participants cultures. The majority of participants who expressed this view hailed from
countries where Islam is, and has been, the predominant religion. One of the participants
who addressed this view was a U.S. born participant who identified as an African
American. He discussed the historical role that Islam had played in his African heritage
and noted that he does not define himself as a convert. Instead, he considers his
situation as returning to his roots. This is consistent with the literature describing the
history between Islam and African slaves who were forced to convert to Christianity
(Leonard, 2003).
Because of the role that Islam has had in the participants cultures, a typical theme
in the study was that it is difficult to distinguish between cultural versus Islamic
influences on their lives. The participants were able to make a distinction between
culture and religion in regard to the oppression of women, however. Participants
explained that the oppression of women in Muslim-dominated cultures is contradictory to
Islam, a distinction that other Muslim men (Archer, 2001; Hopkins, 2006) and women
(Ali et al., 2008) have also made.
Participants also acknowledged that culture influences the practices of Islam
because Islam adapts to diverse cultures. Participants gave personal examples of this
relationship by explaining how their cultures practice Islam differently compared to
others, how moving to the U.S. influenced their practice of Islam, and how they value
Islams flexibility and ability to adapt to diverse cultures. This is consistent with Stones

87
(2002) analysis of the dynamic interaction between Islam and culture and supports the
argument that there is more than one kind of Islam (Read, 2008).
Limitations
The current study aims to fill a gap in the literature regarding religion, culture,
and gender ideology in the lives of Muslim men. There are, however, several limitations
that need to be addressed.
First, recruiting participants for this study was difficult. Research conducted on
Muslim populations runs the risk of being viewed suspiciously by Muslims in America
due to the current sociopolitical climate. According to Muslim Advocates (2011):
the Patriot Act opened the floodgates to a plethora of
discriminatory and invasive laws, policies, and practices in the
name of national security of which Muslims and those perceived to
be Muslim have borne the brunt. This includes the roundup and
detention of hundreds of mostly Arab and Muslim men in the
weeks after the 9/11 attacks; the abuse of immigration laws and
material witness authority to detain individuals for long periods of
time; the creation of special detention facilities and units that
severely restrict communication to segregate and house primarily
Muslim prisoners; a series of interview programs targeting mostly
Arab and Muslim men; and the NSEERS Special Registration
program. While some of these activities were short-term, certain
government efforts to target, monitor, and interrogate the Muslim
community, without any suspicion or evidence of criminal
behavior, have grown in size and scope. With law enforcement
casting its net so unnecessarily wide, it is difficult to find a Muslim
today who has not been contacted by law enforcement or affected
by these policies. (p.4)
In light of these plausible concerns of Muslims, it was especially challenging to
recruit Muslim men who would be asked to address issues related to their religious
identities and gender role beliefs, while being recorded. Furthermore, Muslim men who
did agree to participate may have biased the findings because of the possibility that they
used this opportunity as a platform to dispel stereotypes about Islam and Muslim men.

88
In regard to participants, although the sample size is in accordance with
recommendations of CQR, it is small and the generalizability of results is limited.
Participants similarities in regard to educational level, marital status, geographic
location, and occupations (generally professional), also limit generalizability of findings.
Finally, the study did not account for acculturation factors, such as language use, or
whether participants identified as predominately American, Muslim, or both, which may
have influenced the results.
In regard to data collection, the studys exclusive reliance on a semi-structured
interview is a limitation because the type and amount of information that is gathered is
based on open-ended questions and any spontaneous probes that may be used by the
interviewer. Thus, participants may have perspectives that were not captured by the
questions. Additionally, interviewer biases may have influenced the types of probes that
were used. The female identity of the interviewer was also a limitation. Participants may
have felt compelled to give socially desirable answers. They may have also experienced
increased discomfort discussing gender-related issues with a female interviewer,
potentially limiting the amount of information shared.

Implications for Practice and Research

Practice
Despite the limitations addressed above, the findings of this study have important
clinical implications for counseling psychologists. Psychologists may hesitate to explore
the role that religion plays in the lives of Muslim male clients due to their own lack of
knowledge regarding Islam or biases about Islam and Muslim men. According to this
study, however, the influence of Islam is widespread in the lives of Muslim men.

89
Therefore, inquiry into the role of religion in the lives of Muslim male clients is an
important multicultural consideration that deserves attention. Counseling psychologists
can have an important role in helping Muslim men use their religious identities as a
source of strength in a society that predominately treats it as a deficit.
An important finding is that the influence that Islam has in the lives of
participants appears to be similar to that of other religions. An understanding of the
similarities between Muslim male clients and clients from other religious backgrounds
may increase counseling psychologists willingness to approach topics of religion with
Muslim male clients, who are stereotyped as having religious practices and beliefs that
are significantly different from other world religions. Furthermore, contrary to
stereotypes about Islam, participants described influences of Islam that were indicative of
a non-rigid masculine ideology. For example, rather than adhere to the masculine norm of
self-reliance, participants indicated that religion is used as a coping mechanism. As a
result, Muslim male clients may benefit from strength based counseling psychology
interventions that welcome the use of Islam as a coping strategy.
The findings also have implications for issues that would be beneficial for
psychologists to be attentive to in exploring Muslim mens religious identities. First,
participants discussed God but did not describe their relationship with God in affective or
intimate terms. Also, though issues related to the marginalization of Islam were addressed
and responses implied concern about being viewed as Islamic extremists, participants did
not discuss subjective experiences or feelings in regard to their experiences as a
marginalized religious minority in the U.S. It appears, therefore, that participants adhere
to a norm of traditional masculinity in regard to expression of emotion and

90
vulnerabilities. Psychologists who aim to explore Muslim mens religious identities
should be attentive to the ways in which restriction of affect could impact their clients
ability to openly discuss their relationship with Islam and experiences as Muslim men in
the U.S. Psychologists should not assume that religion or experiences with
discrimination are not relevant for Muslim male clients if it is not volunteered or done so
with restricted affect because, in accordance with traditional norms of masculinity,
Muslim men may have a difficult time addressing these issues in depth due to the
emotions involved in doing so. Second, participants reported that it is difficult for them to
practice Islam in a non-Muslim Western society. It would be beneficial for psychologists
to be attuned to, and explore this issue with Muslim men, particularly in regard to the
potential shame that may be involved with not being able to meet religious obligations.
Results also indicated themes related to gender ideology that are important for
counseling psychologists to consider. Muslim men are often stereotyped as having
beliefs about gender roles that are considerably different and more discriminatory than
non-Muslims but the findings of this study suggest that this is not necessarily the case.
Counseling psychologists can benefit from understanding the similarities between
Muslim and non Muslim men in regard to gender role beliefs rather than exclusively
focusing on the existence of differences, which can prevent effective interventions
targeting issues of gender with Muslim male clients.
Participants held both traditional and non-traditional masculine ideologies, which
could have implications for their psychological health. Traditional ideologies in regard to
the role of mothers and fathers could limit Muslim mens involvement in childcare,
increase stress related to financial success, and have a negative impact on their marriage

91
and religious identities. It is especially important for psychologists to consider the
negative impact of this ideology on Muslim mens roles in their families because
participants reported that family is a priority for a Muslim man. Muslim men may feel
they are not meeting their religious obligations to their family due to a distant relationship
with children and/or marital dissatisfaction that may result from rigid beliefs about
fatherhood.
Results also implied that participants adhere to the traditional masculine norm that
expects men to be tough and unaffected by problems because participants did not address
social issues faced by men. This may mean that Muslim men have negative attitudes
towards seeking psychological help, similar to men in the general population who adhere
to a traditional masculine ideology (Berger, Levant, McMillan Kelleher, & Seller, 2005).
Additionally, Muslim men may be concerned about the lack of knowledge and
stereotypes about Islam among psychologists, which could make it even more difficult
for them to seek help compared to non-Muslim men. University counseling centers can
develop outreach efforts that specifically target Muslim men as a way to reduce barriers
to seeking psychological help among this population.
Due to stereotypes, psychologists may assume that Islam enforces rigid gender
ideology and that Muslim mens beliefs are not conducive to a modern society.
However, participants acknowledged that a womans role should not be limited to the
home and husbands should share in household labor. Also, participants did not typically
express a rigid ideology in regard to a mans role as financial provider. These beliefs are
consistent with the societal changes that have been occurring in regard to womens roles

92
in the labor force and are practical ideologies for men to have in todays society,
including Muslim men.
Results also indicated that Muslim mens gender ideologies are complex in that
they can be simultaneously viewed as patriarchal and pro-feminist. Due to stereotypes
about Islam and Muslim men, psychologists may be more attuned to noticing and
challenging the beliefs of Muslim male clients that indicate adherence to patriarchal
norms and less likely to notice aspects that indicate pro-feminist values and sensitivity to
issues of social justice. Muslim men are attuned to, and concerned about, the oppression
of women and it can benefit psychologists to recognize how this concern relates to the
patriarchal norms held by Muslim men, such as concern for sexual modesty and desire to
respect women.
In regard to the role of culture in the lives of Muslim men, the findings of this
study support the notion that Muslims are a highly diverse religious group and Islam has
a complex and dynamic interaction with culture. This is important because Islam is
typically viewed by non-Muslims as a monolithic religion. Additionally, many
generalizations are made about Muslim mens gender role beliefs without taking into
account the significant role of culture, which this study highlights. It is imperative that
counseling psychologists recognize this diversity and inquire about the cultural heritage
of their Muslim male clients and how it relates to their practice of Islam and gender
ideologies.
Research
In regard to research implications, the majority of men in this study would likely
not score high on measures of religiosity because they do not strictly observe formal

93
practices and do not interpret the Quran in a literal manner. However, even this majority
identified several ways in which Islam influences their lives, which were as many and
similar to the minority of participants who would score high on religiosity measures.
They also acknowledged their ability to find support for their views in Islamic doctrine,
suggesting that, though they do not read the Quran literally, they consult Islamic
doctrine and recognize its validity. In that sense, it could be said that Islam and
identifying as a Muslim are as important to them as they are to the participants who
would score high on religiosity. In order to examine this matter further, future studies
can explore whether Muslim mens subjective views of their religiosity are dependent on
the degree to which they observe formal practices of Islam or have a literal interpretation
of doctrine.
This study did not separate questions into beliefs about men and beliefs about
women, which may explain why participants primarily discussed gender-related issues
specific to women. A future qualitative study can focus on asking more specific
questions about constructions of masculinity among Muslim men. A quantitative study
could assess the relationship between traditional masculine ideology, GRC and religiosity
among Muslim men and determine the ways in which it is similar and different to nonMuslim men. A quantitative study could also assess the relationship between experiences
with discrimination and gender role strain among Muslim men.
Due to the intersection between culture and Islam, an interesting area of future
research is quantitative and qualitative studies with Muslim men across diverse
geographic locations in the U.S. to determine to what degree local cultures influence
religious identities and beliefs of Muslim men. For example, would Muslim men in the

94
South be more conservative in their practice of Islam and gender role beliefs because
high levels of religiosity and conservative beliefs about gender are more prevalent in
southern states (Carter & Borch, 2005)?
Finally, it would also be beneficial to conduct studies that compared the gender
role beliefs of Muslim men in the U.S. to men from other religious backgrounds or no
religious background. These studies could help to determine the degree in which there are
similarities or differences in the gender ideologies of Muslim versus non-Muslim men.
Summary and Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to understand the role of religion in the lives of
Muslim men in the U.S. and the relationship between religion and/or culture and gender
role ideologies. The investigation was conducted using CQR, which included the use of
semi-structured interviews and a consensus process among three research team members
for data analysis.
The majority of participants did not strictly observe formal practices of Islam,
though they reported that Islam influences their lives in many ways. Participants appear
to have an intrinsic motivation for religion and Islam appears to promote and reinforce a
non-rigid masculine identity that allows men to seek guidance and support, encourages
altruistic social behaviors, and prioritizes mens relationships with family. Also, Islams
influence on participants is more similar than different to the influences of other major
world religions on their adherents.
The majority of participants did not interpret the Quran in a literal manner based
on their views about gender, but reported that their views are supported by Islamic
doctrine. The typical beliefs about gender were that women are physically weaker than

95
men, women are better equipped to be nurturers and primary caretakers of children, men
and women should have equal access to education, opposite sex interaction is
permissible, a womans role should not be limited to the home, Islam prohibits
oppression of women, women should be respected, womens sexual modesty can prevent
objectification, and household labor should be shared. These beliefs are inclusive of both
traditional and non-traditional gender ideologies and are compatible with gender norms in
the U.S. Whereas some of these beliefs may increase the likelihood that Muslim men will
experience gender role strain, others are indicative of a non-rigid gender ideology that
may reduce gender role strain among Muslim men. Some of the beliefs are also indicative
of pro-feminist ideologies that are sensitive to issues of social justice faced by women.
Participants also addressed the relationship between Islam and culture.
Participants explained the historical role of Islam in their cultures, the difficulty in
distinguishing between influences of Islam and culture, the distinction between Islam and
culture with regard to the oppression of women, and Islams ability to adapt to diverse
cultures.
This study provided descriptive and in-depth information regarding the role of
religion in the lives of Muslim men and the relationship between their religion, cultures,
and gender role beliefs. Contradictory to stereotypes, their gender ideologies are more
similar than different to gender norms in the U.S., are multidimensional and complex,
and influenced by a dynamic interaction between Islam and culture. Overall, the study
highlights the importance of challenging the predominantly one-dimensional portrayals
of Islam and Muslim masculinity.

96

Table 1. Demographics

Name

Age

Race/ethnicity

Country of
Origin

Education

Occupation

Marital
Status

Children

# of Years
in U.S.

Azeem
Azeem

35
24

U.S.
Jordan

Ph.D.
Masters

Special Education
Graduate Student

Married
Single

2
0

35
1.5

Khaled

27

Jordan

MD

Graduate Student

Married

2.5

Amin

20

Palestine

Undergraduate
Student
Graduate Student

29

Some
College
Masters

Partnered

Sami

Married

10 months

Adeel

21

White
Middle
Eastern
Middle
Eastern
Middle
Eastern
Middle
Eastern
Asian

21

45

Married

45

Mikail

49

Bachelors

Undergraduate
Student
Juvenile Court
Liaison
Financial Advisor

Single

John

Some
College
Bachelors

Married

Fahad

25

Masters

Graduate Student

Married

Missing
data
2.5

Iran
U.S.

African
U.S.
American
Latino/Middle Columbia
Eastern
Asian
Pakistan

97
Table 2. Domains, Core Ideas, Categories, Frequencies
Domain

Categories

Core Ideas

Frequencies

Relevance of
religion
God

Having a belief system that

fosters faith is important.

Variant

Islam helps me be grateful to God

for life.
I follow dietary laws set by Islam.
Daily prayer allows for personal
reflection.
God can be defined in multiple
ways.

Typical

Praying 5 times a day is an

obligation.
I follow dietary laws set by Islam.

Variant

Daily prayer allows for personal

reflection.
I cannot adhere to all of the
practices of Islam because I live
in a non-Muslim society.

Variant

I use Islam for moral guidance.

Typical

Islam plays a role in all aspects of

my life.
I use Islam as a source of
guidance for being kind to others.
Islam has increased my sense of
obligation to family.
Faith helps you to overcome lifes
obstacles and tests.
I enjoy the structure of Islam
because it helps one to have.
Life-long learning is an important
part of Islam.
Islam gives me a sense of purpose
in life.
Islam has allowed me to find
peace in my heart.

Typical

Reverence
Obedience
Context for God
Interpretations
of God
Practice of Islam
Prayer
Dietary
restrictions
Influence of
prayer
Practicing in
non-Muslim
society
Islams role in life
Guidance
All
encompassing
Treatment of
others
Family
Coping
Structure
Knowledge
Life Purpose
Personal
fulfillment

Variant
Variant
Variant

Variant

Typical

Typical
Typical
Typical
Variant
Variant
Variant
Variant

98

Table 2. Continued
Domains

Categories

Core Ideas

Frequencies

Impact of
environment
Islamic teachings
Modesty

Islam affects me differently since

moving to the U.S.

Variant

I live my life modestly as Islam

preaches.
Muslims are accountable for
challenging injustice.
I dont agree with extreme
religiosity.

Variant

Most people do not know about

Islam.
Muslims need to be more
involved in their communities in
order to dispel fears about Islam.

Variant

Men and women are equal.

Men and women should have
equal opportunities for education.
Men and women are equally
intelligent.
Men and women have similar
hopes and dreams.

Typical
Typical

Women are physically weaker

than men.
Differences between men and
women are a fact.
Allah states that men and women
are different.
Women are emotional.
Men cannot bear children.
Differences in gender roles does
not mean men and women are
unequal.

Typical

Women do not have to contribute

their money to the family.
Physically demanding jobs are
unhealthy for women.

Variant

Social Justice
Religious extremism
Image of Islam
Knowledge of
Islam
Representing
Islam
Gender

Similarities
Equality
Education
Intelligence
Aspirations
Differences
Physical
Objective
difference
Islams
acknowledgment
Emotional
Biological
Different but
equal
Occupational roles
Womens
income
Physical Jobs

Variant
Typical

Variant

Variant
Variant

Variant
Variant
Variant
Variant
Variant

Variant

99

Table 2. Continued
Domains

Categories

Core Ideas

Historical Muslim Historically Muslim women had

active social, economic,
women
political roles.
Appropriateness
Women can have jobs that do not
of womens jobs
violate Islamic orders.
Work and family It can be difficult for women to
balance work and family roles.
Division of labor Hiring people based on abilities is
not discrimination.
Complementary roles Men and women complement one
another.
Personality
Traits
Development of personality traits
depends environment.
Most of the Muslim families I
Mothers
know have dominant moms.
Opposite sex
interactions
Permissible
Islam does not prohibit social
interactions between men and
women.
Gender segregation prevents
Segregation
people from getting to know one
another as complete individuals.
Dating is not permitted in Islam.
Dating
Sexual modesty
Hijab prevents women from being
Purpose of hijab
sexually objectified.
In my opinion, wearing the niqab is
Problematic
going overboard.
modest dress
Requirement of
Women should commit to the
hijab
hijab.
My wife wears the hijab on her
Wifes hijab
own will.
Islams treatment of
women
Islam does not limit womens roles
Womens roles
to the home.
The Quran teaches us not to
Oppression
oppress women.

Frequencies
Variant
Variant
Variant
Variant
Variant
Variant
Variant

Typical
Variant
Variant
Typical
Variant
Variant
Variant

Typical
Typical

100

Table 2. Continued
Domains

Categories
Respect
Protection
Social issues facing
women
Stereotypes
Oppression
Source of gender role
beliefs
Culture
Family
Islam supports
beliefs
Islamic doctrine

Culture

Cultural heritage
Country of origin
Mixed
Intersection of culture
and Islam
Historical
relationship
Influence of
culture
Differentiating
Islam vs. Christianity

Core Ideas

Frequencies

The Quran teaches us to respect

our mothers and wives.
Islam promotes the protection of
women.

Typical

Western media degrades Islam by

portraying Muslim women as
oppressed.
Sexism exists in all societies and
is a major problem.

Variant

My gender role beliefs depend on

the culture I live in.
My dad has influenced my beliefs
about the role of men and
treatment of women.
Islam is not the source of my
beliefs but I can find support for
my beliefs in Islam.

Typical

My beliefs about gender roles are

guided completely by Islam.

Variant

My culture is my country of
origin.
I consider myself to be of mixed
heritage.

Typical

My culture and religion have a

long history of impacting one
another.
The practice of Islam can differ
based on culture.
My culture and Islam are
intertwined and I cannot
differentiate between the two.
Christianity has a more neutral
affect on American culture than
Islam has on my culture.

Typical

Variant

Variant

Typical
Typical

Variant

Typical
Typical
Variant

101

Table 2. Continued
Domains

Categories

Core Ideas

Frequencies

Similarities between
culture and Islam
Distinction between
culture and Islam
Oppression of
women

The influences my culture has had

on me align with Islam.

Variant

The poor treatment of women in

Muslim countries is due to culture
not religion.
Marriage practices in Pakistan are
materialistic, hard on women, and
not Islamic.
Media and internet are influencing
my country.
People in my country are not more
likely to be practicing Muslims
compared to Muslims in America.

Typical

Marital practices
External influences
Islam in Muslim
countries

Variant
Variant
Variant

102

APPENDIX A
ADVERTISEMENT FOR STUDY

103

Research Study About Religion and

Gender Role Beliefs

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"7#8,//#I,@,#J/&#,*#KLMBKKNBNOMN9#

104

APPENDIX B
EMAIL FOR STUDY RECRUITMENT

105
Greetings,
We are a group of researchers from the Counseling Psychology program at The
University of Iowa. Currently we are conducting a research study about the gender role
beliefs of Muslim men. We invite you to participate in our study. Your participation
would consist of meeting with a research team member to be interviewed about your own
personal perspectives and provide demographic information. If you are not a Muslim
male, we would like to ask for your consideration in discussing this research opportunity
with Muslim men that you know.
The interview questions include how Islam plays a role in the lives of the men and
if/how their religion impacts their beliefs about the roles of men and women in society. It
is a qualitative study, which means its purpose is to be descriptive. The purpose is not to
confirm or disconfirm a hypothesis or to portray Muslim men in any particular way. The
analysis stays true to the words of the participants.
While Muslim men are often discussed in the media, there is little research that has
allowed them to share their experiences and beliefs. It is the aim of this study to provide
Muslim men an opportunity to be heard and to deepen the field of psychology's
understanding of an understudied population.
If you have any questions about the research, please do not hesitate to ask. You can email
Elham Bagheri at Elham-bagheri@uiowa.edu. We hope you consider participating or
passing this message along to eligible men!
Thank you!
Elham Bagheri

106

APPENDIX C
INITIAL DEMOGRAPHIC FORM

107

Demographic Questionnaire
Please respond to the following questions by placing a check mark or filling in the blank when
appropriate. Please do not write your name on this form.
1. What is your age? _____________
2. What is the highest level of education you have completed?
Less than High School _____
High School/GED _____
Some College _____
2 Year College Degree (Associates) _____
4 Year College Degree (BA, BS) _____
Masters Degree (MA) _____
Doctoral Degree (PhD) _____
Professional Degree (MD, JD) ____
3.

What is your occupation? _____________________

4.

What is your current marital status?

Single, never married
In a Relationship
Married
Separated
Divorced
Widowed

108
5. If you have children, how many? _______
6. What is your country of origin___________________
7. What is your race/ethnicity
White _____
African American/Black _____
Asian _____
American Indian/Alaskan Native _____
Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander _____
Hispanic/Latino _____
Middle Eastern _____
Other _____

109

APPENDIX D
REVISED DEMOGRAPHIC FORM

110

Demographic Form
Q1 What is your age?
Q2 What is the highest level of education you have completed?
! Less than high school (1)
! High school/GED (2)
! Some College (3)
! 2 year college degree (Associates) (4)
! 4 year college degree (5)
! Masters Degree (6)
! Doctoral Degree (7)
! Professional Degree (MD, JD) (8)
! Other, please explain (9) ____________________
Q3 What is your occupation?
Q4 What is your current marital status?
! SIngle, never married (1)
! In a relationship (2)
! Married (3)
! Divorced (4)
! Widowed (5)
! Separated (6)
! Other, please explain (7) ____________________
Q5 How many children do you have?
Q6 How long have you resided in the U.S.?
Q7 What is your race/ethnicity?
! African American (1)
! White (2)
! Asian (3)
! Middle Eastern (4)
! American Indian (5)
! Alaskan native (6)
! Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (7)
! Hispanic/Latino (8)
! Other, please explain (9) ____________________
Q8 What is your country of origin?

111

APPENDIX E
PILOT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

112
Study Questions
1. Do you have a religion (if terminology that is identified is not religion, substitute their desired
term) and how does it play a role in your life? What does your religion mean for you?
2. Do you believe men and women are more similar or different? In what ways and why?
Probe: Physically, emotionally, mentally, socially, etc.
3. In your opinion how should women and men behave?
Probe: You can decide what behaviors you want to talk about
Socially and professionally
What do you think standards of behavior for men and women should be?
Can be private and public
4. What is your cultural heritage and do you believe it has impacted your beliefs/views on men
and women in society? If yes, how?
5. What do you believe are the most pressing issues for men and women today?
6. What does feminism mean to you?
If definition is given-Probe: How does it having meaning in your life?
7. What do you think influences people to be feminists?
Probe: What cultural, societal, and/or personal events
influence/affects/motivates/encourages people to become feminists?

113

APPENDIX F
FINAL INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

114

Muslim Men Study Questions

1. How does Islam play a role in your life?
2. What are your beliefs about the roles of men and women in society and what
role does Islam have, if any, in guiding those beliefs?
3. What is your cultural heritage? Has your cultural heritage impacted your beliefs
about men and women?
Prompt: Are your cultural beliefs about gender roles different from your religious
beliefs?
4. What do you believe are the most pressing issues for men and women today?
Prompt: How does Islam influence your perception of these issues?

115

APPENDIX G
CONSENT FORM

116

CONSENT DOCUMENT
Project Title:

Gender Role beliefs among Atheist, Christian, and Muslim Men

Principal Investigator:
Research Team Contact:

Ali Ali
Ali Ali: Phone: 319-335-5495;Email:Ali-ali@uiowa.edu

We invite you to participate in a research study. The purpose of this research

study is to understand the beliefs men from various religious backgrounds and
experiences have about the roles of women and men.
We are inviting you to participate in this research study because you are a man,
aged 18 years or older, who identifies as an Atheist, Muslim, or Christian.
Approximately 21 men will take part in this study at the University of Iowa.
If you agree to take part in this study, your involvement will last for 60-75
minutes. You will be asked to complete a demographic survey that asks for your age,
highest level of education, occupation, current marital status, number of children, country
of origin, and race/ethnicity. This will be followed by an interview. During the interview
we would like you to answer questions about the role of religion in your life, your
beliefs/opinions about the roles of men and women, issues men and women face, and
how your cultural heritage may have shaped your beliefs. You may skip any questions
you do not wish to answer.
If you agree, we will be audio recording interviews in order to ensure we have
accurate record of your answers. Recordings will only be available to team members and
kept in a safe and secure location. For your privacy, your information and the answers
you provide will not be associated by your name, but by a random number. We will ask
you if you agree to the recording at the start of the interview before starting the recorder.
Even if you do not wish to be tape-recorded, you can still participate in the project.
We will keep the information you provide confidential, however federal
regulatory agencies and the University of Iowa Institutional Review Board (a committee
that reviews and approves research studies) may inspect and copy records pertaining to
this research. To help protect your confidentiality, the answers you provide will not be
associated by your name, but by a random number. We will not be able to link you to
your responses. We will make a transcript of the recorded interview and will destroy the
recording of the interview upon completion of the study. If we write a report about this
study we will do so in such a way that you cannot be identified.
There are no known risks from being in this study, and you will not benefit
personally. However we hope that others may benefit in the future from what we learn as
a result of this study.

117
You will not have any costs for being in this research study. Taking part in this
research study is completely voluntary. If you decide not to be in this study, or if you
stop participating at any time, you wont be penalized or lose any benefits for which you
otherwise qualify.
If you have any questions about the research study itself or to report a research
related problem, please contact Ali Ali at 319-335-5495 or via email, Ali-ali@uiowa.edu.
If you have questions about the rights of research subjects, please contact the Human
Subjects Office, 105 Hardin Library for the Health Sciences, 600 Newton Rd, The
University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA 52242-1098, (319) 335-6564, or e-mail
irb@uiowa.edu. To offer input about your experiences as a research subject or to speak to
someone other than the research staff, call the Human Subjects Office at the number
above.
If you agree to be in the study, please tell me now and we can begin the study or,
if you need more time to decide you will be given up to three days to make a decision and
re-schedule an interview. We will schedule the study procedures at mutually convenient
times. If you do not wish to be in the study, please let me know now or at any time.
Thank you very much for your consideration of the study.

118

APPENDIX H

REFLECTIONS ON RECRUITMENT OF MUSLIM MEN

119

REFLECTIONS ON RECRUITMENT OF MUSLIM MEN

In an effort to provide readers an understanding of the complexities and
experiences of recruiting Muslim men for a qualitative study of this nature, I will use this
section to shed light on my experiences with the recruitment process. I will address my
assumptions and expectation, initial recruitment efforts, barriers and challenges to
recruitment, changes to recruitment, and outcome of recruitment.
Assumptions and Expectations
My first assumptions in regard to recruitment was that finding Muslim men in the
Midwest to speak about their religious and gender role beliefs, while being recorded, was
going to be a major endeavor. I assumed that given the current sociopolitical climate,
potential participants would be understandably cautious and hesitant to participant in this
study. For this reason, I expected that participants would be more willing to participate if
someone in their community referred them. I expected that poster ads would be the least
effective method due to their impersonal nature and that personal contact would be the
most effective. I was unsure how responsive participants would be to recruitment emails
sent to list-serves.
Initial Recruitment Efforts
Initial recruitment efforts included sending emails to Muslim organizations and
two Mosques in the community, putting up poster ads on various university bulletin
boards, and requesting assistance from two personal contacts. These initial efforts were
not successful. I did not receive a response from the organizations or Mosques, posters
were not garnering responses, and my two personal contacts could not assist me as I had

120
anticipated. These initial recruitment efforts lasted approximately 5 months, with no
success. The lack of success during the initial recruitment phase was due to several
barriers and challenges.
Barriers and Challenges
During the initial stages, the goal was to have participant homogeneity in regard
to geographic location. Therefore, the number of organizations and Mosques that were
contacted were minimal. There were only four organizations and two Mosques that were
in the area and when attempts at reaching these communities were not successful there
were no other options other than relying on posters and word of mouth. Another barrier
was that participants were requested to complete the interviews on campus versus having
the interviews at a place that would be convenient for participants. The geographic
limitation also made it difficult for my personal contacts at the time to be of help because
they did not have as many close ties to the Muslim community in the area as I had
anticipated.
It seemed that a major way to gain access to Muslim men was to attend the local
Mosques. While I identify as Muslim and am familiar with the customs of attending
Mosque I was extremely hesitant to attend Mosque services alone and to initiate contact
with men at the Mosque. One reason for this is because I was aware that the local
Mosque was more conservative than ones I have attended. I was unsure how I would be
perceived if I were to attend as a Muslim female, alone, and initiate contact with the men
at the mosque. Furthermore, I was concerned that the only way I would be able to gain
the trust of potential participants was to be perceived as a good Muslim woman. I

121
believe this pressure I felt impaired my ability to form a relationship with the local
Muslim community.
It is important to mention, that the pressure I felt to be a good Muslim was self
imposed and not based on any interactions with members of the two local Mosques or in
the community. It was partly based on what I had heard about the conservative nature of
one of the Mosques but it was mostly based on my own insecurities in regard to my
Muslim identity. Based on personal experiences I had an awareness of expectations and
standards that could exist in Muslim communities in regard to being a good Muslim
woman and I felt confident that I would not meet them. I was concerned that my study
would not be considered credible if I could not convince potential participants that I was
a real Muslim woman. I assumed that it would be easier if I were a Muslim man or a
non-Muslim woman because I believed that whether or not the men agreed to participate
would be contingent upon their acceptance of me as a good Muslim woman.
I believe my lack of personal contact with the Muslim community was a
significant barrier to the recruitment process and one that I regret for two reasons. First, I
regret it because I believe the recruitment process could have been shortened if I were to
have reached out personally to the Muslim community. Second, I believe building
relationships with study population is an important marker of difference between
qualitative and quantitative research and one that adds a richness and depth to the work
done by qualitative researchers.
Changes to Recruitment Efforts
After an unsuccessful year of recruitment it was time to consider other options.
One of the challenges that needed to be addressed was the geographic limitation. In

122
consultation with my dissertation chair it was decided that we would continue our
attempts at getting participants from a centralized location but would no longer exclude
Muslim men from surrounding cities. Another change that was made was the requirement
of participants to complete the interview on campus. In order to be more accommodating,
a modification was made to be able to travel to a location that was convenient for
participants.
After these changes were implemented, I began to do research on Muslim
organizations and Mosques in surrounding cities and attempted to contact them through
email. None of the organizations or Mosques responded. I was not completely surprised
by this lack of response. It made sense to me that an email from university researchers
requesting Muslim men for a study would be responded to with caution. I was confident
that the most effective way to get participants was through a personal contact and I
decided to focus my efforts on this approach.
Outcome of Recruitment Efforts
After focusing my efforts on finding personal contacts I was able to get the
assistance of two individuals, one male and one female, who together were able to help
me in finding 6 of the 9 participants. My dissertation chair, also considered a personal
contact, was able to help in recruiting 2 participants. Therefore, 8 of the 9 participants
were recruited through the help of a personal contact. I am unsure how the other
participant found out about my study.
Recruitment of 9 Muslim men took approximately one year. Once I was I was
able to get the assistance of personal contacts with strong ties to their Muslim

123
communities the recruitment process sped up considerably. I recruited the majority of
participants within a two-month period.
Overall, recruitment was as difficult as I had anticipated. The difficulty in getting
Muslim men to participate in this study was not surprising and sheds light on current
sociopolitical climate and experiences of Muslim men. Muslim men are treated as
suspects in our current society and any suspicion on their part regarding the aims and
intentions of this study are understandable.
My understanding of the challenges involved in recruiting Muslim men did not
prevent me from doing this study, it was a significant reason I chose to do so.
Populations that are difficult to recruit are populations that are necessary to recruit
because it is their voices and experiences that are left out of psychological inquiry. This
was a challenge that was worth the time and effort it required and one I hope more
psychologists will take on.

124
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