The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa A Study in South African Native Music

The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa: A Study in South African Native Music
Author(s): Percival R. Kirby

Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.
63 (Jul. - Dec., 1933), pp. 313-388
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2843797 .
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313
THE REED-FLUTE ENSEMBLES OF SOUTH AFRICA: A STUDY IN

SOUTH AFRICAN NATIVE MUSIC.
[WITH PLATESXVIII-XXVI.]
By
PERCIVAL
R.
KIRBY,
M.A., D.Litt., F.R.C.M.,Professorof Music,University of the

Witwatersrand, Johannesburg.
"Strange ditties singing in a language strange,

The sable women on their oxen rode;
(They prize beyond all beasts that herded range,
These beeves, slow-paced and patient of their load)
They sang in concert, true to every change,
And tuned to pastoral reeds their voices flow'd:
I thought, while listening to the rural strain,
The age of Tityrus was come again."
From Camoens,The Lusiads Quillinan'sTranslation.
(Canto v, stanza lxiii).
THE curious reed-flute ensembles and the dances which accompany them, which are found
in restricted areas of Southern Africa, present a number of very interesting problems to both
the ethnologist and the musician, to say nothing of the philologist.
The subject has not hitherto received the attention which it deserves. Instrumental
ensembles are comparatively rare among the native peoples of South Africa, and when one is
known to have existed for a matter of four hundred years it would certainly appear to merit
the closest investigation.
In the works of some of the earlier travellers mention is made of such ensembles, but until
the nineteenth century, the descriptions are of Hottentot performances only. With Burchell,
in 1812, begins a series of references to Bechuana reed-flute ensembles, and in one instance
Bushmen are mentioned. But no word is heard of the reed-dances of the Transvaal tribes until
comparatively recent times; and these dances often involve considerable organization.
As the works to which reference has been made are in many instances difficult to obtain,
and as the references themselves are in many languages, I have considered it desirable to
reproduce them in translation and in chronological order, so that a conspectus of the field. as
complete as possible, may be available for future investigators.
In this connection I wish to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of my colleagues
Professor L. F. Maingard, Head of the Department of French and Romance, Professor J. L).
1 This study forms a portion of a Survey of the Music and Musical Instruments of the Native Races of
South Africa, at present being undertaken by the writer under the auspices and with the support of the
Research Grant Board of the Union of South Africa and the Carnegie Corporationof New York.
314
PERCIVAL
R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
Krige, Head of the Department of German, and Mr. Percy Freer, Librarian, all of whom
have helped me with the translation, particularly of the older passages. I desire especially
to acknowledge the bibliographical help which Professor Maingard has given me. Again, I
am greatly indebted to Mrs. A. W. Hoernle, Lecturer in Social Anthropology at this University,
Miss Dorothea Bleek, Hon. Reader in Bushman to the University of Capetown, Mrs.E. Krige,
of Johannesburg, Dr. J. van Warmelo, Government Ethnologist, Dr. S. Schdnland, of Grahamstown and Mr. Carl Berger, of Haruchas, South-West Africa, for their kindness in supplying me
with original notes on this subject. I must also express my indebtedness to Messrs. Cuzen,
Ledeboer and Neale, Resident Magistrates of British Bechuanaland, to the Rev. Westphal, of
GeorgenholtzMission, Northern Transvaal, to Mr. G. G. Wessmann, of Sibasa, to Major Harries,
formerly AMagistrateat Potgietersrust, to Mr. Nicholson, Native Commissioner at Tzaneen,
and to many chiefs and headmen whose assistance made my personal observations possible.
My thanks are also due to my lecturer, Mr. W. P. Paff, who prepared the photographs for this
study. Finally, I must acknowledge the invaluable help which I have obtained from the
Gubbins Library of Africana, without which many of the historical references which I have
quoted might have proved difficult of access, or even been overlooked entirely.
Vasco da Gama, 1497.
The earliest reference to the Hottentot reed-flutes occurs in the Journal of Vasco da
Gama.1
" On Saturday, there arrived about 200 negroes, large and small, leading twelve horned
beasts, oxen and cows, as well as four to five sheep; and they started playing four to five flutes,
some high, some low, so that they sounded together marvellously well for negroes, from whom
one hardly expects any music, and they danced in the manner of negroes. Then the commander-in-chief caused the trumpets to be sounded, and we started dancing on the boats, and
the commander himself, who was black, danced with us."
And later on,2 we read the following:
"On Sunday . . . along the beach, they started playing their instruments and dancing,
as on Saturday."
This took place on 2nd and 3rd December, 1497, at Sao Bras, near what is now Mossel
Bay. The " negroes " were undoubtedly Hottentots, since the account distinctly states that
they had sheep and in another place pack-oxen.
Vasco's description is also found in the writings of F. Lopez de Castanheda.3 It is quoted
by Theal4 in the original Portuguese. Theal also quotes a further version by Joao de Barros.5
In both cases he gives an English translation.
1
Morelet, Journal du Voyagede Vascoda Gama. Lyons. 1864, p. 8.

Ibid., pp. 9-10.
3 Castanheda, Descobrimento
e conquistada India pelos Portuguezas. Livro Primiero. cap. iii.
4 Theal, Recordsof South-EasternAfrica, vol. v, p. 307.
5 Ibid.. vol. vi, p. 21.
PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa.
315
Crewof the S. Joao Baptista, 1622.

There is a great gap between the foregoing descriptions of Hottentot reed-flute playing and
the next, which may only possibly refer to the flutes. This 1 gives the experiences of the crew
of the S. Joao Baptista, which was wrecked near the mouth of Keiskama River. The wreck
actually occurred in 1622. The reference runs thus:
" They approached us, giving the assegais which they carried to the children, until they
came quite close to us, and squatted on their heels, clapping their hands, and whistling softly,
KAI
AM
Az P.
1S.
21Vr3
0~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~ANAWAZI
DISTRIBUTION
OF REED-FLUTE
ENSEMBLES
OF SOUTH
HOTTENTOT-BECHUANA-BUSHMAN
BAVENDA-BASOTHO-NDEBELE GROUP.
AFRICA.
GROUP.
so that they made a concerted sound, and many women who were with them started
dancing."
These people were most likely Gonaqua Hottentots, according to my colleague Professor
Maingard. And although the use of actual flutes is not mentioned, the whole description suggests
1 Tratadodo sucessoque teve a nao S. JooioBaptista. See also Maingard," The Lost Tribes of the Cape,"
,in SouthAfrican Journal of Science,vol. xxviii, p. 500.
316
PERCIVAL
R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Esembles of South Afrca.
very forcibly that it was the characteristic reed-dance that was witnessed by the crew; for
although the performers usually dance while playing, there are occasions, as I shall show later,
when the " band " squats on the ground when blowing the flutes. Moreover,the hand-clapping
and the dancing of the women are also very significant.
Peter van Meerhoff, 1661.

But the first really detailed account is met with in the Journal of Peter van Meerhoff,l
on his trip to Namaqualand. It gives a description of a typical " reed-flute " ensemble of the
Nama Hottentots.
" Towards evening the King (Akambie, king of the Little Namaqua) caused a triumph to
be blown, where I stood, in this way, namely, there stood there fully one to two hundred
strong men, in a circle, each having a hollow reed in his hand, some long, others short, some
thick, others thin, and a man stood in the middle with a long stick, who sang, and the others
blew into the reeds and danced round, making very beautiful movements with their feet. The
women danced round the ring, and a sound was produced as if one had heard trumpets blown.
The king sat a short distance away from them on a stool, the stool being a round piece of wood,
three or four fingers thick, beautifully decorated with copper beads, which he commonly carried
about with him wherever he went. This performance continued about two hours with all
sorts of dances. Then it ended. The king then went with me to our camp, where he smoked a
pipe of tobacco or two. Then it began to grow dark. He left us and went home. They began
again to blow into their instruments; and this lasted up to three or four hours in the evening,
after which they rested."
In this description we note that the performers, who were very numerous, stood in the
typical circular formation. The reeds varied in size, and their tone suggested to van Meerhoff
the tone of trumpets (basuynen). It is a fact that, under certain circumstances the tone of
the reed-flutes does at times resemble " brass " tone. The author also notes the " musical
director " who always controls these ensembles, and draws attention to the elaborate " stepdancing" of the men, which is so characteristic of all the reed-dances.
Dapper, 1668.
The account of Dapper2 is merely an echo of van Meerhofl's expedition of 1661, as is
shown by the date which he quotes, and also by his mention of Van Riebeek. There is nothing
new in his description, except that he compares the sound of the reed-flutes, not to that of
trumpets, as Van Meerhofi does, but to that of the " Trompet de Marine," which was a stringed
instrument3 and he avers that the man in the centre of the ring beat tine for the musicians.
(Godee-Mo!4
bergen,Reizen in Zuid Afrika, vol. i, p. 57.
Dapper, NaukeurigeBeschryvingederAfrikaenscheGeweesten,etc., 1668.
3 See Galpin, 0ld, English Musical Instruments . . ., p. 189 et seq.
1
2
PERCIVAL
R.
KIRBY.-The
Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
317
Ogilby, 1670.
Ogilbyl reproduces in English Dapper's version of van Meerhoff's description. There
is no necessity to quote this version.
Simon van der Stel, 1685.
In the month of August, 1685, Simon van der Stel, who was Commander of the Cape of
Good Hope, set out on his famous expedition to Namaqualand. His official report contains
a very accurate description of the reed-flute ensemble of the Nama Hottentots. A version
of this report appears in Godee-Molsbergen'sReizen in Zuid Africa, -vol. 1, p. 176, but the
original report is in the Fagel Collection in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. I quote
the following passage from the translation of certain extracts from the report made by
PrQfessorG. Waterhouse.2
" As it was the Honourable Commander's birthday, we fired three rounds in his honour,
each round followed by one gun. When the Amaquas learned this, they gave the Honourable
Commander a musical entertainment. Their instruments were long, hollow reeds, to each of
which they can give a different note, and the sound is best compared with that of an organ,
They stood in a ring, about twenty altogether, and in their midst was one who carried a long
thin stick in his hand. He led the singing and beat the time, which they all correctly observed.
They danced in a ring with one hand to their ear, and the other firmly holding the reed to their
lips. Outside the ring of musicians were men and women who danced to the music and
reinforced it with hand-clapping. All this passed off very decently, considering that they are
savages. The performance lasted the whole day. Meanwhile the Honourable Commander
had an ox slaughtered as a treat for the chiefs, the musicians, and the dancers, and when the
comedy was ended the feast duly began. He also gave them some arrack, with which they
made merry, before returning to their kraal . .
This occurred on Sunday, 14th October, and on the following day a similar performance
took place when the Amaqua chiefs came to take leave of van der Stel. An important feature
in this description is the comparison of the sound of the reeds, which gave different notes, to
the sound of an organ. I do not desire to read too much into this text, but I should like to
point out that the comparison more than hints at the use of harmony, or to be more accurate,
polyphony. Later accounts will show why this may have been the case; and I can personally
bear witness to the fact that the reed-flute ensembles of Bechuana, Transvaal Sotho and
Bavenda, which are all polyphonic, do actually sound like an organ. Another important
feature is the noting of the fact that the players held the reeds to their mouths with one hand
while the other they held to their ears. This curious practice is frequently met with among
the natives of the Union,3 and it is practically confined to instruments of the flute class, although
'
Ogilby, Africa, London, 1670.
2 Waterhouse, " Simon van der Stel's Expedition to Namaqualand, 1685," published in
Hermaaena,
vol. xxi, 1931, pp. 124-5. Also,,Waterhouse,Simon van derSte's JournMa
of his Expeditioninto Namaqua1ndy
1685-1686, pp. 46-47 and 133-134, and Notes to the drawings, pp. 99 and 162.
3 cf. Mrs. Hoernle's note on p. 346 infra.
VOL. LXIII.
318
PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-The
Burchell' states that he noticed it employed by the Bushman performer whom he heard playing
upon the Hottentot gora. Most important of all is the fact that the performance was
organized in honour of the birthday of the Dutch Commander. The social nature of the reeddance is once again emphasized.
In the version quoted by Godee-Molsbergen,the only addition that I can find is that,
not content with comparing the sound of the reed-flutes to the sound of an organ, the writer
says that they yield " a great and ponderous pealing sound " (galm).
Tachart, 1686.
Now, valuable as this description of van der Stel's is, it gains enormously by the strange
chain of circmustances which followed it. For on May 31st, 1685, a few months before the
Commander set out for Namaqualand, there anchored in Table Bay a ship sent by King
Louis XIV of France which bore a number of Jesuit priests on their way to Siam. Chief
among these was Ptere Tachart, who called upon the Commander in order to make certain
astronomical observations, and to glean as much information as possible regarding the native
life, flora, and fauna of the country. Undoubtedly Tachart must have discussed the projected
expedition with van der Stel, and his interest remained with him. He left the Cape on June 7th
and returned on March 13th, 1686, on his way back to France. Apparently he stayed at the
Cape for fourteen days, and spent his time in thoroughly cross-examining van der Stel and
others. His gleanings regarding the reed-flutes will be found in two places in the work2 which
was the outcome of his Siamese trip. The first of these is as follows :3
" On the morrow one of their chiefs came to see us; he was a man of great stature and
with a certain air of pride on his face which caused his people to respect him. He brought
with him fifty young men, and as many women and girls. Each man carried in his hand a
flute of a certain reed, very well made, which yielded a fairly pleasant sound. The chief having
given a signal, they began to play together on these instruments, with which the women and
the girls mingled their voices and the noise which they made by clapping their hands. These
two troops of people were ranged in two circles, the one enclosed within the other. The first,
which was outermost, and was formed by the men, surrounded the second, or that of the
women, which was innermost. Both danced round, the men turning to the right and the
women to the left, while an old man who held himself erect in the middle of them, a stick in
his hand, beat the time and regulated the rhythm. Their music when heard from a distance
sounded pleasant, and even fairly harmonious; but as for their dance, there was no regulation
about it, and one might even say that it was nothing but confusion."4
A comparison of this description with that contained in the official report of van der Stel
shows how closely Pere Tachart must have questioned the Commander, and this is further
1
2
$
4
Burchell, Travels in the Interior of SouthernAfrica. London, 1822-1824, vol. i, p. 459.

Tachart, Voyagede Siam des Peres Jesuites, Paris, 1686.
Ibid., p. 102.
Kolbe, Caput Bonae Spei Hodiernum. Niirnberg, 1719, p. 530 (b).
PERCIVAL
319
emphasized by the wealth of detail which appears in his second description.' But before
quoting the latter it is necessary to note that there was at the Cape at that time a young German
doctor named Claudius, an expert botanist and draughtsman, who accompanied van der Stel
on his expedition, and who had previously been in Namaqualand, when Oluf Bergh journeyed
there in 1682. There is no question but that Tachart met Claudius, and examined (and
coveted) the beautiful water-colour drawings of plants and birds, which together with a few
native studies and a map Claudius had made.2 It is therefore just possible that the supplementary information came from Claudius. Unfortunately this scientist did not leave us a
drawing of the reed-dance.
The second description given by Tachart is still more detailed. As this passage was translated by Kolbe and violently attacked by him, I shall in footnotes give the more important
alterations and substitutions which Kolbe made.
" But when we had arrived at the twenty-seventh degree of latitude at ten or twelve
leagues from the coasts of the Ocean, we encountered a nation, very numerous, and much more
tractable than those which we had hitherto met with. Now M. van der Stel had brought with
him two Trumpeters, some Oboe players, and five or six Violinists.3 The people, when they
heard the sound of these instruments, came in a crowd, and summoned their musical ensemble
which was composed of nearly thirty persons, who had almost all different instruments. The
one in the middle had a species of ' Cornet-a-Bouquin'4 of great length, and made from the
intestine of an ox dried and prepared; the others had flageolets5 and flutes made of reeds, of
different lengths and thicknesses.6 They pierced these instruments almost as we do ours, but
with this difference, that there was only one hole which went right through. It is much larger
than that of the flutes and flageolets which one commonly uses in France. In order to tune
them together, they employ a circle7which has a little opening in the middle, which they advance
or retract in the tube8 by means of a wand, according to the pitch which they wish to maintain.
They hold the instrument in one hand, and with the other they press their lips against it, so
that the breath9 enters completely into the tube. This music is simple but harmonious.10 The
1
Tachart, p. 106.
The original drawings are in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Copies of many of them are in
(a) The South African Library, Capetown, and (b) The South African Museum, Capetown. A few copies
are privately owned.
3 "His Trumpeter and other instrumentalists " according to Kolbe.
As a band of string players at that
date were called " Violins,'-'it is possible that Bass Viols were present. The whole ensemble therefore would
constitute a typical orchestraof that period, and it would probably be the first European orchestra ever heard
in the interior of South Africa.
2
"Zincke " in Kolbe.
"Pfeiffen " in Kolbe.

6 "Verschiedene Grosse " in Kolbe.
7" Circuls" in Kolbe, " Germanized" from the French " cercle."
8 CRohr " in Kolbe.
9 " Blas oder Wind " in Kolbe.
10 " Diese Music ist nichts kiinstliches, sondern etwas einfaltiges, stimmt aber doch zusammen."
Kolbe.
6
Thus
PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
320
one who presides' having made all the other musicians take the note of their instruments from
that of his 'Cornet-a'-Bouquin,'which is near him, 'raises the tune '2 which they are to play,
and beats the time with a large stick, which can be seen by all.
" The music3 is always accompanied by dances, which consist of leapings, and of certain
movements of the feet, without the dancers leaving the place in which they stand. The women
and the girls, making a large circle round the (male) dancers, only clap their hands, and sometimes stamp their feet, in rhythm. The players of the instruments alone change their places
while dancing, with the exception of the 'musical director' who holds himself erect, without
moving, in order to regulate the harmony4 and the rhythm."
Undoubtedly this description shows the extraordinary acumen of the good Father, who
was unquestionably one of the most intelligent men of his day and country. His use of the
term " Cornet-'a-Bouquin,"accurately translated " Zincke " by Kolbe, would appear to prove
his extreme carefulness. The " Cornet-a-Bouquin," which was a characteristic instrument of
the seventeenth century, was a tube of wood, covered with leather. True, it was perforated with
holes like a flute, and blown with a mouthpiece like that of a trumpet or trombone, and therefore
was unlike the Hottentot reed-flute as regards its musical efficiency and the method of playing
upon it. And yet I would suggest that its general appearance (at a distance) and the manner
of holding it would afford a distinct analogy with the Nama reed-flute, especially if the latter
had undergone a mode of repair which is used to-day when a favourite reed-flute cracks through
becoming too dry. This method of mending a flute I have observed among the Bavenda. The
player obtains a length of ox intestine, fresh from a slaughtered animal, and draws it over the
tube of reed. He then ties it securely above and below. The intestine, in drying, shrinks and
draws the edges of the crack together, making the instrument once more " leak-proof." Fig. 1, P1.
XXII shows a Venda native repairing his reed-flute in this fashion. It is quite likely that the
leader's instrument, observed and described to Tachart by van der Stel or Claudius, had been
treated after that fashion, and if that were so, the strictures of Kolbe (to be quoted later) would
prove to be quite erroneous.
Again, Tachart points out that the bore of the Nama reed-flutes was greater than that of
the narrow and conical flutes of his own land. Further, he makes the first mention of the mode of
tuning the reed-flutes by means of a rod and a plug, although his description is somewhat
obscure. This is of paramount importance, since it will be shown later that the method of
tuning the flutes is definitely characteristic of the peoples who play them.
1695.
Graevenbroeck,
Graevenbroeck,5wrote a description of the musical instruments of the Hottentots in the
neighbourhood of Capetown (?), which includes the following:
1"
2
Der so viel als Cantor oder Music-Rector " in Kolbe.

" donner l'air ".
3 Kolbe quotes, in translation, this part of the description.

4
'accords." Perhaps "intonation."

In Dutch translation by van Oordt, in Het Z.A. Tijdschrift, February, 1886, p. 7.
PERCIVAL
321
"On this side of the mountains, they know how to bend a stick with force, and to span it
with a string, and to allow their fingers to play along it, and likewise to play upon reed-flutes
and to blow on the horns of land and sea animals (sic)."
Bogaert, 1711.
Abraham Bogaert,1 in describing the customs of the Cape (?) Hottentots, wrote:
" They show reverence towards the new moon; when it appears in the heavens, while
troops turn their faces towards it and greet it with shouts of joy2 and hand-clapping, and they
whistle,3 the whole night with springing and dancing."
Bogaert's work contains a plate which gives a view of Table Bay, with groups of Hottentots
engaged in various occupations. In the foreground is a dancing group which has been occasionally referred to as a reed-flute dance. There is no reason for so describing it. But Bogaert's
reference to the new moon is of importance; the relation of the reed-flute dance to the moon
will be noticed in later extracts.
Kolbe, 1719.
I have already referred to Kolbe, whose famous work4 contains quotations (in translation)
from Tachart. It also contains a vigorous attack on that writer5 and upon van der Stel, an
attack that to me appears quite uncalled for, and which rebounds upon Kolbe himself.
" Thus far Father Tachart, about whom I am surprised that he regarded as trustworthy,
such a stupid and ridiculous account, seeing that he is otherwise a man of the greatest caution.
I will not go into his first account for it has at least to a certain extent the appearance of
truth; at any rate no one can doubt that out of a kind of reed, which probably was bulrush,
or even Spanish reed, or something not very different from that from which the weavers and
silk workers make their spools, and also the musicians their shawms and oboes, one can likewise fashion pleasing and well-made flute-pipes, as for example, shawms. But I have never
heard or read in any author, that you can take some intestine and prepare it in such a way as
to make a ' cornett ' out of it.
"And if we accept this, although it would have to be a thick intestine, without doubt
one from an elephant or a rhino (since the opening is stated to be so wide), a thing which cannot
be easily obtained, even then, although nothing is said about the number of the instruments,
which are, however, described in such different ways that each player would seem to have
had a different instrument, there remains a fact which one can hardly believe, that, by adding
a ' circle ' (of which these people knew nothing, and which they have probably never or only
rarely seen, and the use of which they would not have understood), they should bring about
an equal tone " (sic) " according to whether it is put far into the opening or near to the tip.
1
Bogaert, ReizendoorAsia, Amsterdam, 1711, p. 113.

gejuig."
3 Ccfluiten." This may mean either (a) to whistle, or (b) to play upon a flute.
4 Kolbe, CaputBonae Spei Hodiermum. Niirnberg, 1719.
5 Ibid., p. 521 (a).
2 c
322
PERCIVAL
R. KiRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
" Further, it seems quite impossible that with one hand they are said to press the lips
against the mouthpiece, so that all the breath goes into it; as if such an intestine prepared
in such a way would not get wet, and in consequence soft, and thereby would become closed
up, so that no breath could pass through it.
" Finally, the statement that the Musical Director is supposed to play a certain 'aria'
is untrue, since, apart from the aforementioned 'Ho, ho, ho, ho," they have no melodies, or,
at any rate I have never heard any, and I have not only been among them for many years,
but have also visited many other peoples.
" I consider that the whole story of Mr. van der Stel is a mere fabrication, as I have stated
elsewhere; that out of a gnat he has made an elephant; and I do not know whether Father
Tachart was not altogether mistaken in this matter, unless he pretended to believe it to please
Mr. van der Stel, and wished others to believe it for the very reason that Mr. van der Stel had
told it him. But if he had known that gentleman as well as I did, he would not have trusted
his stories, and would have realized that they contained a large proportion of untruths.
"But whither are my thoughts leading me? I must revert to the dancing, which is
really my chief aim. As regards this dancing, Mr. Vogel2 writes in the account of his 16 years
East Indian Voyage, that when they came on board ship they had to do it without instruments,
which they did without fail before they were allowed to go again. They always danced in
a circle, and they accompanied the dance by clapping their hands, and also by singing. But
it should be known that the ship's company, who might have seen some Hottentots, but who
had not had any relations with them, did not want them to dance so much for the sake of the
dancing as to see their private parts, and that one testicle had been cut away ;3 the which
was quite visible while they were jumping about, especially after they had had something
strong to drink, either brandy or arrack, which had gone to their heads."
I do not think I need comment upon this diatribe after my remarks upon Tachart's own
descriptions.
Valentyn, 1726.
Two descriptions of the reed-flute dance occur in Fran9ois Valentyn.4 The first of these'5
is in a transcription of the report of Simon van der Stel's expedition to Namaqualand, and
need not be repeated here. The second,6 however, appears to be new, although there are four
possible explanations of its origin. The dance described may have been seen by (a) Valentyn
himself, (b) Graevenbroeck (c) some person unknown, or (d) van der Stel. If (a), (b) or (c) the
performers were possibly Cape Hottentots, if (d) they were most likely Nama. The passage
is as follows:
1
Hottentot Music quoted by Kolbe on p. 528 (a).

Vogel, OstindianischeReise, 2nd edition, Altenburg, 1716, p. 75.
3 At one time a common Hottentot practice.
4 Valentyn, Keurlyke Beschryving van Choromandel. . . en eindelyk eiu Beschryving van Kaap den
GoedeHoope, eto., Amsterdam, 1726.
5 Ibid., p. 71.
6 Ibid., p. 111 (a).
2
R. KIRBY.-The Reed-FluteEnsemblesof South Africa.

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323
"When they want to be merry, the women clap their hands vigorously, and sing at the
same time, while the men dance as if they were stamping on the ground; and they now and
then also use a flute of reed. They also dance together a round dance, the men turning to
the right and the women to the left of each other, and it all goes in a fast musical time, which
is beaten with a stick by an old man who stands in the middle of the circle. In this manner
they dance and clap their hands by the light of the full moon."
Here we meet with the connection between dancing and the moon already noted by
Bogaert.
Roos and Marais, 1762.
Thielman Roos and Petrus Marais, who were members of Hop's expedition to Namaqualand in 1761-2, and who, by reason of their knowledge of Hottentot prepared the report of
the journey, wrote an interesting description of the reed-flute dance.'
" Their religion2 chiefly consists of worshipping and praising the new moon. The men
stand in a circle together, and blow on a hollow pipe or similar instrument, and the women,
clapping hands, dance round the men. They continually sing in a praying manner, that the
last moon had protected them and their cattle so well, and they hope the same from this new
moon. The Cabonas, whom we met, praised the moon, particularly that he3 had brought
them into contact with a native from whom they had received so much kindness."
Paterson, 1778.
When Paterson4 visited Little Namaqualand, he witinessed a performance of the reedflute dance at the foot of the Camisberg.
" The Hottentots amused us part of the night with their dancing. . . . Their music
is produced from flutes made from the bark of trees of different sizes. The men form themselves into a circle, with their flutes, and the women dance round them, making a noise with
their hands. In this manner they continue to dance in parties during the whole night, and
are relieved about every two hours."
All the previous writers describe the flutes as being made from reed, with the addition,
by Tachart, of intestine, which addition I have endeavoured to explain. Paterson, however,
states definitely that they are made from bark. It will be shown later that bark is used only
when reed is unobtainable, and the fact that bark was used by these natives would appear to
indicate that the country was getting drier, or at least, that the natives in question were living
in a particularly dry area. Early prints showing the Namaqua reed-dance at this period are
reproduced on Figs. 1 and 2, P1. XVIII.
Reizenin Zuid Africa, vol. 2, p. 56. The English version quoted is by Hahn.
l Godee MIolsbergen,
2 The lNainaqua.
3 In Hottentot the moon is masculine.
4 Paterson, A narrativeof four journeys into the countryof the Hottentotsand Caffraria. London, 1789,
p. 57.
324
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Wikar, 1778-9.
Hendrik Jacob Wikar, who made a journey to the Orange River in 1778-9 and prepared
a report' upon it for Baron von Plettenberg, was entertained by the Korana Hottentots with
a reed-flute dance. This is the earliest reference to the employment of the ensemble by the
Korana.
" They now entertained us with dances and flutes, and on my second trip I understood
that they had talked to the other people about their advantage in having seen me; they also
had made a song about me for the flute-dance, the rhinoceros-dance which I have already
described among the Geisicquas, and which I had found to be not unpleasant to see by the side
of the flute-dance. To this last sometimes belongs the mourning song of a woman, whose
husband has been slain in war. The song has the following content. She sees herself as a
widow with her children, bereft of the care of her husband and their father, and pledged to
hunt herself the game which her husband formerly provided. She hopes to live long enough
for her son to grow up and take the place of his father and hunt the game for her. For this
dance, each of the men is provided with a pipe2 and they form themselves into a circle; another,
who stands alone in the centre, begins to sing, to dance, and between whiles to play upon the
pipe, and the circle follows his beat. The women dance among themselves, and clap continuously with their hands, while one or two men spring out of the circle and dance with the
women in a round, and, according to the custom, fondle them now and then . . .3 Their
pipes are made out of thick or thin reed, and according to the tones which they are to produce
are cut long or short. The reeds are thickly wound round and mostly open at both ends,
although they are often closed at the lower end below the middle.
" On these reeds or pipes they blow in skilful harmony with high or low tones, according
to the evolutions of the dance or the stamping of their feet. The ensemble of these
voices blending with each other can be heard pleasantly of an evening in still weather
at a distance of from 400 to 500 paces, without its being interrupted by the handclapping."
Wikar has attempted to show that the largest reed-flute has a special function. He also
suggests for the first time a courtship " motif " in the dance.
But the Dutch version given by Godee-Molsbergen contains several other interesting
suggestions.
Moritz, Die dltestenReiseberichteilberDeutschSidwestafrika, p. 87 (b).
The Dutch version quoted by God6e-Molsbergenhas: " Some have coarse flutes, others fine; one man
stands with his flute in the middle of the circle. He first begins the dance, and the song, with words; whereupon those standing in the circle begin likewise to dance round and round and at the same time to blow upon
their flutes. The tone of the big flute never comes into the song unless it suits it; and especially when the
song is finished the big flute is heard at the very end. Thus they dance very curiously, stamping their feet
in time."
3 The Dutch version reads: "Here occurs something which reminds one of caresses, for, as they dance
round and round, one or two men slink out of the circle. Thereupon they clasp each other tightly; he who
has come out of the circle, dances beside a woman and pulls softly upon the string of her forekaross"
(vorderschurz)" upon which she appears to threaten him."
1
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325
"Their arrows, with which they shoot wild animals, are generally iron ' harpoons,' and they
also use on the tip of the reed-arrowa sharp-pointed white stone in place of the iron 'harpoon,'
because the stone often breaks into pieces in the body of the wild animal. The other arrows are
made of sharp gemsbok bone, etc., which is stuck inside the flute-reed."'
And again, referringto the Hartebeestrivier,2Wikar says:
" This river is thickly overgrown with ' vaderlandze of fluytjesriet.'"
Of even greater importance is the fact that Wikar connects the Korana practices with
those of the Bechuana, for in a note3 he refers to the Blicqua, or Berikua, i.e. the goatmen,
the name by which the Hottentots used to designate the Bechuana. There is thus indicated
a connection between Korana and Bechuana musical practices. How close this was to become
will be seen when the methods of making and playing the reed-flutes employed by the two
peoples are compared.
Albrecht,1812.
The missionary Albrecht, in his report to the London Missionary Society4 described the
reed-flute dance as observed by him among the Nama.
" Their social pleasures consist almost exlusively of dancing, but, what is curious, only
the men are the performers at the dancing party. The dancing consists chiefly in jumping,
and a violent shaking of the whole body, to the time of the music. The music is made by
whistles, being cut out of a certain reed and turned in such a manner as to produce a musical
sound. If even twenty whistles should be heard at once, they make them all agree. Every
dancer whistles on his whistle during his performance. This kind of amusement they generally
indulge in, when they are provided with honey beer."
Burchell, 1812.
In the famous volumes of Burchell5 we meet with the first reference to the reed-flute playing
of the Bechuana, and, in his usual manner, Burchell goes into great detail. Unfortunately,
however, he felt himself unable to write down the music played on the reed-flutes, and unhappily
he did not even record the notes to which the flutes were tuned, a thing that he might easily
have done.
A curious problem arises at this stage. Without doubt Burchell passed through the Korana
country, where he heard the Hottentot gora played by a Bushman, but he makes no mention
of Korana reed-flutes. On the other hand, he remarks that the reed-flutes were the only
instruments which he heard the Bechuana play. This is very strange, since there seems to me
little doubt that, by this date at least, the two races must have exchanged many musical ideas.
I
God6e-Molsbergen,vol. ii, p. 131.

Ibid., vol. ii, p. 115.
3 Ibid.,vol. ii, p. 79.
4 Albrecht, " Observations made in the country of the Great Namaqua." Printed in Transactionsof
the Mi8siorary Society,to the end of theyear 1812, vol. iii. London, 1813, p. 211.
5 Burchell, Travelsin the Interiorof SouthernAfrica.
London, 1822-1824.
2
326
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There are several references to the reed-flutes in Burchell, and of these the first' is the
fullest and most important:
" The Chief, now considering that the important affair of the gun was brought to a conclusion, dedicated the whole of this day, from seven in the morning till five in the afternoon,
to dancing. As no intimation had been given me, that such an amusement was about to take
place, I was surprisedwhen awakened by the sound of music; and on looking out of my waggon
I saw the Chief and a number of his party, standing together tuning their pipes ready for a
concert.
" These pipes, which they call lichaka, are simply reeds2 of various sizes and lengths, tuned
to concord by means of a small movable plug in the lower end, and having their upper end, or
mouth, cut transversely. This mouth is placed against the under lip, and the sound is produced
by blowing into them, in the manner of a Pan's reed. In order to keep the pipe steady, the
forefinger rested above the upper lip, and the thumb against the cheek, while the other three
fingers held the reed to its place. Each performer had but one pipe, and consequently was
master of only one note of the scale; although at the same time, there were among them,
several pipes in unison; and it seemed, that the notes of the gamut which were most likely to
have produced discords were rejected from the band. Between the highest and the lowest
pipes there might, I imagined, be comprised an interval of twelve notes.
" I saw no other instrument but the lichgka; nor were these used by any but the dancers
themselves, each of whom was furnished with one and which he sounded frequently, though
irregularly. In this music I could discover no particular air; neither was it possible for me
to write it down as many notes were heard at the same time, joining in, perhaps merely
accidentally, or without any preconcerted order. It must not, from these remarks, be concluded that these people are insensible to harmony and melody; a sufficient proof to the
contrary will be found in another place. By the dancers keeping time in their movements,
a certain cadence was now and then perceptible in their music; but, excepting this, no regularity
could be distinguished in their performance; although I doubt not that their ear guided them
in some manner, as the general effect of this music was pleasing and harmonious. It was not
of a sprightly cast, nor noisy, neither was it sluggish nor heavy; but possessed something
agreeably soothing which prevented it, though continued with little intermission for ten hours,
from wearying the ear. As there was in it no particular time to be listened to, it seldom
obtruded itself with a force that could distract the attention from other subjects. The effect
of this concert, considered abstractly as musical sound, was very similar to that which in
England may be felt on hearing, while at a little distance, the country waggons passing along
the road with a full team of well-tuned 'latten-bells,' than which, few mixtures of sounds
not constituting regular music, can, I think, be more pleasing.
" When the dancers, who were all men, had tuned their reeds, they formed themselves
into a ring, which sometimes consisted of about thirty persons, and at others, of not more
than ten or twelve, according to the inclination of those who joined or left the party; but
I
Burchell, Travels in the Interior of SouthernAfrica. London, 1822-24. Vol. 2, pp. 410-3.
Burchell has a footnote: " From the common reed (arundobarbata)which grows in their rivers."

PERCIVAL
327
without attention to any observable order, or to any pre-arranged figure. The ring was drawn
as closely together as their number would conveniently allow; but each person danced separate
without any attempt at a particular step or acquired movement of the feet; nor at any time
did they join hands. In this form they moved round in a body, keeping time together; by
the assistance of a small party of women and girls, who, without joining in the dance, followed
them round, and regulated their steps by clapping hands in exact measure; but without
singing or any other noise.
" The number of women engaged in this was not more than six to seven. Neither these
nor the dancers were ornamented or dressed in any manner different from that in which they
usually appeared.
" The most of the men wore the kobo, placed so as to cover only one shoulder, a style
of wearing, usual in warm weather, and which their present exercise required. The grease
and sibilo with which their heads were decorated, melted with the warmth, and frequently
ran down their face in drops. Some of them carried in their hand a very long kavaklcusi,which
they occasionally used to wipe off the moisture from their face or neck.
"This kavaklusi is formed of two or three jackals' tails joined together in length, by a
stick of about four feet long thrust through them in place of the bone. The stick, which
must cost much labour to form, is generally taken from the heart of the mokoala-tree,or camelthorn, as that part of the wood is extremely hard and of a fine black colour.
" Although the dancers moved briskly, the ring itself turned but slowly; so that it made
not more than one round in a minute. Sometimes after a round or two, it moved back again
with a contrary motion; keeping, however, always on the same spot. A number of people,
above a hundred besides women and children, were in the mootsti during the performance,
some stood looking on, but the greater part sat at a distance, or walked about.
"Mattivi and Mollemmi were among the most constant dancers, but the whole party
rested themselves at frequent intervals of two or three minutes. In this manner, and without
any variation, they continued the amusement during the whole day. The pleasure which
they derived from it, seemed to have more the nature of soothing enjoyment, than of mirth.
Laughter was rarely to be observed, and talking was seldom heard among those who were
engaged in the dance. The women and children seemed to take equal delight in the scene,
though merely spectators."
This was by far the best account that had hitherto been given of the reed-flute dance.
The accuracy of Burchell's description is such that one hesitates to suggest emendations or
to hint at omissions, and yet I am of opinion that this is necessary here and there. He is the
first to give a name to the ensemble, lichaka being his method of writing dithiaka, the name
by which the Bechuana call the flutes. He does not note the material of which the movable
tuning plugs were made, nor the fact that the players used sticks for altering the position of
the plugs. Again, he states that the reed-flute is held against the lower lip, whereas it is
actually held against the hollowed tongue, and the sound is produced by blowing across, not
into the reed. Burchell's suggestion that apparently the more discordant notes were omitted
1 Public enclosure.
328
PERCIVAL
from the ensemble is of great interest. In spite of his inability to write down the music as
he heard it, his observation did not fail him in this particular, as will be seen when my own
transcriptions of Bechuana reed-dance tunes, quoted later on, are examined. But Burchell
found himself unable to discover any " particular air " in this music; I hope to give a reason
for this. Yet he regarded the music as generally harmonious, comparing it in a most striking
manner to the " latten-bells " on the horses of an English country waggon.
His suggestion that no particular steps were used by the dancers is significant, since I
have seen quite elaborate and systematized steps used in the reed-flute dances of other peoples.
Burchell's second reference' to the reed-flutes introduces something quite new, a description
of an attempt made by the young boys to imitate the sounds of the reed-flute ensemble. The
music of this attempt Burchell endeavoured to note down and his transcription is of great
interest. I myself have seen similar attempts made by boys among the Bavenda.
"One evening a party of about ten or twelve of these boys amused themselves in dancing.
They formed themselves in a circle, in imitation of the dance used by the men, and appeared
to follow the same rules; but, instead of the reed-pipes, they substituted their voices. Sometimes one of them led the band, and the rest afterwards joined in at different intervals; and
guided only by the ear, attuned their notes in correct harmony. The elder boys, whose voices
were of a lower pitch, sang the bass; while the younger produced, in their turn, the higher
tones of the treble. The sound of the various voices was extremely pleasing; and the natural
manner in which the dancing and singing were performed, would, simply from the engaging
manners of youth, have gratified even those who have enjoyed these arts in their more refined
state. The words Kana Kana, which convey no meaning, were pronounced by each one in
every bar, merely to assist in articulating the air.2 This dance was continued, with little
intermission, for nearly an hour. The same tune was repeated during the whole time withoit
variation, and occupied, in singing it once over, just twenty-two seconds; but it has not been
thought necessary to write the different parts in score separately as they were sung by each
dancer, since they may be readily distinguished by mere inspection. The following notes
will give some idea of them, and will also serve as a specimen of Bachapin music."
AK iJ
-i"
.,1
nb
1
2
ll
lllJl1
-1
J I
IJ
1
|rr I; J
1
1
11
1
11
Burchell, vol. ii, pp. 437-8.

Kirby, " The Musicand MusicalInstruments of the Korana," in Bantu Studies,Jume, 1932, pp. 198-9. ]
329
Burchell did his best to transcribe the dance tune, but his difficulty will be realized when
one considers that the singers were moving in a circle all the time, so that the voices that were
nearest to him at any moment tended to obscure those that were distant. I have experienced.
precisely this difficulty, and only succeeded in overcoming it by (a) repeated hearings (b) listening
from a distance, and also from above, by seating myself on an adjacent hillside, and (c) recording
the sounds phonographically, and afterwards transcribing them. There is nevertheless no
doubt that Burchell's example shows a definite attempt to record in musical notation a vocal
" transcription " of the Bechuana reed-dance.
There is yet a third reference to the reed-flutes in Burchell.1
" The lichaka was the only musical instrument which I ever saw in the hands of the
Bichuana tribes; and if they are no better instrumental musicians than my own experience
would lead me to conclude, they are in this respect inferior to the Hottentot race, who can,
as it has been shown, produce on their goras some little variety of notes; while the Bachapin,
with his reed-pipe, is unable to express more than a single tone.
" But it is not from this to be inferred that the Bichuanas have not an ear susceptible
both of melody and harmony; the specimen which I have given of their singing, and the
readiness with which they caught several European airs which they had heard frequently
played on the violin by my Hottentots, prove that there exists in them no natural inaptitude
for either. The attention with which they listened to the flute,2 evinces that more varied
music affords them pleasure, and renders it probable that he who should put into their hands
the flageolet and teach them to play a few simple airs, or to combine together into one instrument,
an octave of their reed-pipes, would long be remembered among them."
Shaw, 1816-26.
The missionary Barnabas Shaw has described3the reed-dance of the Nama Hottentots thus:
" Reeds of several feet in length, are likewise made use of as flutes. Old Keudo Links
(father of Jacob), in early life was a skilful maker of these instruments. Dancing is a favourite
amusement amongst them, and is performed with long-continued and violent exercise. The
reed-dance is carried on with high glee. A leader, bending forward his head, and at the same
time stamping violently upon the ground to keep time, commences the performance. He
is then followed by the other musicians, who, forming a circle, likewise stoop forward and
stamp. As soon as the sound of the wild music has arisen, the women come forward and run
round the circle of reed-players, clapping their hands and singing. Sometimes they enter within
the circle, and thus continue for hours together, and frequently a whole night with but little.
interruption."
Shaw, it will be noted, hints at a specialist manufacturer of the instruments.
Mention is also made by Shaw to the reed-dance as practised by the Damara.4
1
2
3
4
Burchell, vol. ii, pp. 598-9.

Burchell was a flute-player.
Shaw, Memorialsof SouthernAfrica. London, 1840, p. 25.
Shaw, Ibid. London, 1840, p. 74.
330
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R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemrbesof South Africa.
" Their favourite amusement is dancing to the music of a reed."

There is every probability that the Damara acquired the practice from the neighbouring
Hottentots.
Campbell,1820.
The next traveller to witness the reed-dance of the Bechuana was Campbell. He thus1
describes the performance which he watched at Lattakoo (near KurLiman):
"After supper we heard the sound of music near the king's house. We walked over to
the place from whence the sound came, and found a large party dancing, and in this way
expressing their joy on account of the late fertilizing and refreshing rains. About fifteen
men were dancing in a circle, each holding and blowing a reed. They leaped like a frog, round
and round the circle, keeping time. The king directed the dance, leaping and playing upon
a reed exactly like the others, from whom he could only be distinguished by a long rod, which
he carried, reaching considerably higher than his head. Peekloo, his eldest son, was the only
young person engaged in the dance. Many women rushed forward from the crowd of spectators,
and leaped fantastically around the dancers, singing and clapping their hands."
That these were Bechuana is shown by the facts mentioned in the chapter on Bechuana
manners and customs in the second volume,2 where Campbell states that the chief was Mateebe,
and his eldest son was Peekloo.
Alexander, 1836-7.
Captain James Alexander saw the reed-flute dance in Namaqualand, and described it in
the account which he submitted to the Royal Geographical Society.3
" On the 20th February the Chief, according to the Namaqua usage, presented me with
six sheep, and gave me a grand reed-dance, as follows: A dozen men assembled, and with reeds,
which, closed at one end, were from one foot long to seven, like the horns of different sizes
of the Russian horn bands, the music of which I used to hear float like that of a grand piano,
over the waters of the Neva.4 Women and girls also came, and, throwing off their karosses,
stood by. One man then blew on his reed, holding it in the left hand, and with the fingers
opening and shutting to undulate the sound, while in his right hand, pressed close to his ear,
he held a slight stick to clear the reed. The leader blew strongly, his head stooping forwards,
and his feet stamping the ground to beat time; the others blew also to accompany their
leader; wild music arose, while the musicians circled round, looking inward, stooping and
beating time. The music quickened, the women sang, then sprang forward, clapping their
hands, and ran round the circle of reed-players, giving their bodies various odd twists, and
ending by dexterously throwing up the skirt of their skin half-petticoat behind, previous to
falling into their places. Sometimes the women got into the middle, and the men stamped
1
2
3
4
Campbell,Travelsin South Africa (Second Journey). London, 1822, vol. i, pp. 84-5.
Campbell,Ibid., vol. ii, p. 73.
Alexander,An Expeditioninto theInterior of Africa, etc. London, 1838, vol. i pp. 233-4.
For full details of these bands see Grove's T)ictionaryof Music and Musicians, New Edition, vol.
p. 669 (b).
ii5
PERCIVAL
331
and blew their reeds round them; and thus they continued for two or three hours, with
occasional pauses, to favour me with the reed-dance, which I had never seen or heard before."
Alexander's suggestion that the players obtained a vibrato tone by opening and closing
the fingers of the left hand is quite possible. He was wrong, however, in assuming that the
slender stick was solely for cleaning the reed; it was, of course, the tuning stick.
For the sake of completeness, I quote a second reference to the reed-dance given by
Alexander.'
" Immediately after the arrival of the expedition at Niais, Aramap ordered a grand reeddance to take place, and at least one hundred women came before the tent, young and old.
A full band of reed-players blew and stamped, as before described, the woman clapped their
hands, sang and ran round the players; and there was dust and noise to their heart's content.
There was one old woman here, with ostrich feathers in her hair who was one of the most
persevering dancers I ever saw, for she danced for two or three days after the above beginning."
This reference is of interest because it gives some idea of the duration of these dances.
Louis Trigardt, 1837.
The earliest reference to the reed-flute ensemble of the Bavenda of the Northern Transvaal
occurs in the Dagboek2of Louis Trigardt, the voortrekker. He made two entries descriptive
of it, and both are important.
Under the date, Sunday, April 16th, 1837, we read:
" Doors says that Rossetoe was to have come the other day with his young folk to make
them dance before us, by which he meant to do us a great honour."
And the entry for the following day has:
"About mid-day there came about thirty men and a number of girls. They brought
with them two drums, and each had a flute. They all danced round the drums and blew on
the flutes during the dance. It goes to a little tune. There was one who was dressed up for
the dance, as the girls sang and clapped their hands. He had a belt hanging from his body
and his hips, made of strips of pole-cat skin; on his legs he had small calabashes containing
tiny stones. As the girls sang, one had a small drum on which she beat the tune " (time),
" while the others sang and clapped their hands. They leapt so neatly and comically, and
the calabashes on their legs rattled in time to the music. It was most curious and very amusing."
It should be noted that the dance was given in honour of Trigardt, just as similar dances
were given by the Namaqua Hottentots in honour of distinguished guests. Moreover, Trigardt,
with astonishing acumen, has pointed out many of the salient features of the dance. He
states that the circle of reed-players dances round the drums, which are manipulated by girls;
notes that the tune itself is short (I shall show later that it is only two " bars " in length),
and that the girls sang and clapped their hands; draws attention to the curious leaping which
1
2
Alexander, vol. ii, p. 162.

Dagboekvan Louis Trigardt. (Ed. G. S. Preller, Bloemfontein, 1917.)
332
PERCIVAL
distinguishes the Bavenda dance from that of the Hottentots; and even notices the use of
the thuzo or ankle rattles made from the shells of a small fruit. (These will be seen on the legs
of several dancers in the photograph reproduced on Fig. 1, P1. XXI.)
Trigardt witnessed this dance somewhere in the Zoutpansberg, probably near to the site
of the present village of Louis Trichardt. Rossetoe, who is mentioned in the first entry, lived
near Elim, in the Northern Transvaal.
I am indebted to my colleague, Professor Maingard, for drawing my attention to these
two references.
Chapman, 1853.
The Bechuana dance is mentioned by Chapman,' who, however, does not enlarge uporl it.
The performerswere Bamangwato.
" The only musical instruments the Bechuanas have are reeds, with which they make
a very monotonous and discordant noise at their moonlight dances."
Berliner Missions Bericht, 1855.
In the Berliner Missions Bericht, No. 11, November, 1855, pages 180-181, appeared the
following description of a Korana reed-dance witnessed by Zerwick, who was the missionary
stationed at Pniel, among the " Springbok " and " Cat " tribes of the Korana Hottentots.
The passage shows the difficulties experienced by the missionaries in their attempts to eradicate
the most important musical feature of Hottentot life.
" On June 16th, Zerwick rode back to old Sauzenes.
.
.
In answer to the question:
'Where are the people?' they pointed to another kraal. Z. heard the humming of reeds being
played and rode towards them. Indeed, on this side of the players, he found the people of
another kraal at the dance, who, however, as they caught sight of him, dispersed, only the
men of the other kraal went on playing. About 15 young men with faces horribly painted
and grimacing, each blowing upon a reed (which differed from the others in length andcthickness, and also produced a different note), danced round with varied movements in a compact
circle. On his approach they excited each other to a madder frenzy of playing and dancing.
Z. now rode up to the mad and repulsive mass of humanity at which his horse itself seemed
to shy, and they now summoned their utmost strength and seemled to goad themselves into
raising their devilish play to the highest pitch. When Z. had for some time witnessed this
display, he alighted, came nearer the crowd, from which a few took flight, commanded silence,
and called up to where he saw the chief men, who were well known to him, and a big crowd
of grown-up women and girls, with painted faces, who had also come to this play and dance
from other kraals. Zerwick gave them a lecture, saying: 'Hear, you people! Now the
time is past for you to go on with your devilish play. Look at your brothers and the Bechuana
carrying on! They did not stop before tempting God to bring His anger upon them from
Heaven; now their play and mad behaviour is at an end, their cattle are dead, they themselves are poor, and they hunger and weep. Are you not afraid that the like will happen to
1
Chapman,Tra,velsin theInteriorof South Africa. London, 1868, vol. i, p. 271.
P1ERCIVALR.
KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
333
you? God's right arm is not short, and it will reach you. You should be penitent and pray
to God; perhaps He then will turn away His judgment from you, etc.' Then Zerwick addressed
himself more particularly to the chief men, saying that they were to blame for such unseemliness, but that God would punish them more severely, etc. With bowed heads, they listened
to his sermon, and ended by begging for . . . a little tobacco ! "
This passage is important since it mentions a new feature, the painting of the faces of
dancers. Although the account does not specifically say so, there is little doubt that it describes
the notorious practice of exchange of wives among the Korana, referredto by Stow (vide infra),
and also checked by myself.
Livingstone, 1857.
Livingstone gives us the first picture of the Bechuana reed-dance,' but unfortunately he does
not describe the instruments. The picture is reproduced on Fig. 1, P1. XIX, and it is entitled
" Bechuana Reed-dance by Moonlight." The reeds appear to be very small, but it is interesting
to note that the ring is moving round counter-clockwise, and that a number of men are wearing
their cloaks exactly as Burchell described them.
But on the page opposite the picture,2 Livingstone gives a detailed description of what
he calls " The Makololo Polka." There is no mention of reeds, but the dance certainly does
suggest the reed-dance. Livingstone's choice of the word " polka " tends to confirm this,
for many of the reed-dances which I myself have seen have a characteristic step which is very
suggestive of that old-fashioned dance.
" As this was the first visit which Sekulutu had paid to this part of his dominions, it was.
to many a season of great joy. The headman of each village presented oxen, milk, and beer,
more than the horde which accompanied him could devour, though their abilities in' that line
are something wonderful. The people usually show their joy and work off their excitement.
in dances and songs. The dance consists of the men standing nearly naked in a circle, with
clubs or small battle-axes in their hands, and each roaring at the loudest pitch of his voice,
while they simultaneously lift one leg, stamp heavily twice with it, then lift the other and
give one stamp with that; this is the only movement in common. The arms and head are
thrown about also in every direction; and all this time the roaring is kept up with the utmost
possible vigour, the continued stamping makes a cloud of dust ascend, and they leave a deep
ring in the ground where they have stood. If the scene were witnessed in a lunatic asylun
it would be nothing out of the way, and quite appropriate even, as a means of letting of( the
excessive excitement of the brain; but here grey-headed men joined in the performance with
as much zest as others whose youth might be an excuse for making the perspiration streams
ofAtheir bodies with the exertion. Makobo asked what I thought of the Makololo dance.
I replied 'It is very hard work, and brings but small profit.' 'It is,' he replied, 'but it is very
nice, and Sekulutu will give us an ox for dancing for him.' He usually does slaughter an ox
for the dancers when the work is over.
1 Livingstone, MissionaryTravelsand Researchesin SouthAfrica. London, 1857. Plate facing p. 225.
2
Ibid., p. 225.
VOL. LXIII.
334
Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa.
" The women stand by clapping their hands, and occasionally one advances into the
circle, composed of a hundred men, makes a few movements and then retires. As I never
tried it, and am unable to enter into the spirit of the thing, I cannot recommend the Makololo
polka to the dancing world, but I have the authority of no less a person than Motibe, Sekulutu's
father-in-law, for saying 'it is very nice.' They often asked if white people ever danced.
I thought of the disease called St. Vitus's dance, but could not say that all our dancers were
affected by it, and gave answer which, I ought to be ashamed to own, did not raise some of
our young countrywomen in the estimation of the Makololo."
Livingstone, as one could expect from the son-in-law of Moffat, was unsympathetic towards
these dances. Moffat's point of view will be seen when I discuss my own experiences of the
Bechuana reed-dance.
Wuras, 1858.
With Wuras1 the Korana Hottentots again come into the story, and Wuras gives for
the first time the Hottentot name for the dance.
" The Aas (The reed-play or dance). The day on which the play begins, the men make
flutes of reed, all of which have the same tone. They then stand in a circle, the music-master
comes round and listens if all the flutes are in tune. When he declares them in unison the
dance commences. The men blowing the flute move in time in a circle, the women form a
second circle and, enclosing the men, dance round them clapping their hands. The dance
lasts the whole night. The greatest immorality prevails during these plays, of which there
are several. In some of them they imitate the howls and cries of different animals, and at
sunrise the men rush to the kraal and catch the sheep and goats for the day's feast, howling
like many wolves."
Wuras suggests that the reed-flutes were made for the particular occasion, and this is
quite possible, though my own information, gleaned from the Korana themselves, is otherwise.
But Wuras is certainly in error when he states that the flutes were tuned in unison. His
reference to the immorality which was associated with the reed-dance is particularly valuable.
It will appear again in Stow's description, and also furnishes an excellent reason for the
attitude of Moffat and all the other missionaries towards the Bechuana reed-dance, particularly
when one considers the close association of Batlapin and Korana in the time of Burchell.
Stow, 1880.
The information given by Stow2 concerning the reed-dance has received much greater
publicity than that of any other writer except, perhaps, Burchell. In some respects this is
unfortunate, since many of the statements made by Stow do not square with the mass of evidence
vouchsafed by other writers. Moreover, Stow suffered a good deal at the hands of his editor,
Theal, who not only suppressed the bulk of his authorities, but even struckout some important
matter from the text itself. In quoting Stow's three references to the dance I shall therefore
1 Wuras, " An Account of the Korana." OriginalMSS. dated Bethany, 1858. Published in Bantu Studies,
vol. iii, p. 287. Johannesburg, 1929.
2
Stow, The Native Races of South Africa.
London, 1905.
PERCIVAL
R.
335
KIRBY.-The
restore from the MS., now in the Grey Library,1 both the references to his authorities and a
passage omitted by Theal. In the first of these2 Stow, in discussing the probable relationship
between Bushman and Bantu music, emphasizes the extraordinary effect which the art had
upon the feelings of the former people, and says:
" This the writer had fortunately an opportunity of witnessing, while exhibiting a portfolio
*oftheir own cave paintings to some old Bush-people. The old man, whose name was 'Ko-rin-'na
(called Danster by the Boers and Basutu), was apparently between seventy and eighty years
old, while his wife, 'Kou-Ke, was about ten years younger. The meaning of his name was
flat-stone, probably derived from the place of his birth. He originally belonged to the tribe
which inhabited Bushmanberg on the Caledon.
" This interesting old couple expressed their delight continuously as with twinkling eyes
they were shown the different copies of their cave-paintings, explaining all they saw, and
,emphatically terming them ' their paintings,' ' their own paintings,' ' the paintings of their
nation.' Coming at length to the copies of some dances, old 'Kou-Ke immediately exclaimed,
'That, that is a grand dance. It is the 'Ko-'ku-curra.'3 'This' she said 'had gone out of
fashion when she was a little girl, but used always to be danced in the days of her grandmother's
grandmother. I know it. I know the song.' And at once, moving her head and body to
the time, commenced the following:-Whilst 'Kou-Ke was singing the upper line, the old
D. C. ad lib.
'Ka- 'ka-'ka- 'koo- 'ka
um
'Ka- "ka-"ki- 'koo 'ka
'ta 'ta
'ta 'ta
um
.u
man became visibly affected and kept continually touching her arm, saying, 'Don't! Don't!'
She, however, continued, when he again said, almost pitifully, 'Don't! Don't sing those old
She still persisted, with more animation
songs, I can't bear it! It makes my heart too sad!'
than before, evidently warming with the recollection of the past, until at length the old man,
no longer able to resist the impulse, broke into the refrain shown in the second line. They
looked at each other, and were happy, the glance of the wife seeming to say,' Ah ! I thought
you could not withstand that! "
I have carefully examined Stow's original copies of the rock-paintings,4 but cannot identify
the one referred to; nor can Miss Dorothea Bleek to whom I referred the matter. This is
unfortunate, since in his other two references Stow identifies the 'Ko-'ku-curra with the
reed-dance, and an actual picture would have been of the greatest value in establishing it as
a typical Bushman dance.
1
2
3
4
With the sanction of the Trustees of the National Library, Capetown.

Stow, op. cit., p. 102.
Stow's manuscript has 'Ko-'Ku-curra.
They are in the South African Museum,Capetown.
2
336
PERCIVAL
But Stow's quotation of the tune and the words of a typical " reed-dance, " with its
interesting suggestion of harmony is of great interest, for, although most of the reed-dances
which I have witnessed were performed without singing, in not a few instances the players.
were able to associate the dance tunes with words. This phenomenon has also been notedby several other writers such as Hahn, Schultze, Hoernle, and Meinhof.
Stow, in his second extract,' describes the flutes:
" Another wind instrument was a kind of reed-flute, or pipe, and was especially used:
in their old favourite dance called 'Ko-'ku-curra. The reeds were cut at a particular season,
and the flutes made of different sizes and lengths, so as to obtain a variety of notes. They
were made by one or two of the men who were skilled in their manufacture, but their use was
reserved exclusively for the women. The Koranas esteemed this the most beautiful of all
the native music, and introduced its use into several of their dances."
Here is another and a definite reference to specialist makers of the reed-flutes. But I
am of the opinion that Stow was misinformed with regard to the sex of the performers. He
is the only writer who says that women play upon the reeds, and, as will be seen, he repeats
the statement in connection with the Korana. But all others who have observed or talked.
with the Korana agree that it is the men only who play upon the flutes. Stow's third reference2
is as follows:
" The 'Ko-'ku-curra, or as it might be termed from the instrument played during its.
performance, the reed- or flute-dance, was exclusively for women. This was also a kind of
competition dance, as the women of one cave or kraal would send a challenge to those ofanother, informing them that on a certain day they intended to come and 'flute' with them.
Both parties then prepared for a feast, by laying in as large a stock of provisions as possible.
On the appointed day the challengers, who had prepared, in addition to the provisions which
they had carried with them, a large supply of various-sized reed-flutes, left their kraal in a kind
of rude procession, leaving all the men of the place behind, and starting for the rendezvous.
whither the challenge had been sent, fluting as they went along. Had any of the men attempted
to follow them it would have been resented as a gross breach of privilege, for it was the day
of the women asserting their prerogative of unlimited freedom. Their approach was heralded
to their expectant hosts by the sound of their flutes, which could be heard in fine weather at
a great3 distance. As they drew near their friends turned out to meet them, and gave them
a joyful welcome. A feast was prepared, and when all were satisfied, they made ready for
a friendly contest.4
" The women of the two kraals then drew up in two opposing lines, when the rival fluting
and dancing commenced; this was taken up alternately, first by the representatives of the
one kraal, and then by the other, though5 occasionally both joined together. This was some1
2
3
4
5

Stow's MS., " long."
Stow's MS. adds " Between the women."
Stow's MS., " and."
PERCIVAL
337
times continued for hours. Feasting again followed, and the dance was renewed, the women
ever and anon throwing themselves into a variety of positions intended to excite the feelings
of the male spectators. This feasting and revelry was continued for three or four days, or
until all their provisions were exhausted, during which time the lady visitors abandoned themselves to every species of licence, and had no cause for missing the absence of their husbands.
They then returned to their kraal in the same frolicsome manner as they had left it. In a
short time the women of the kraal they had visited returned the compliment, and came in
the same kind of procession, bringing, in their turn, their flutes with them, when the dancings
and flutings were repeated, the same feastings and orgies were reacted, and the men of the
kraal were consoled for the departure of their wives on the former occasion."
At this point there is an important footnote, deleted from the manuscript by Theal.
" The women of the Korana tribes had an exactly similar custom of periodically asserting
their independence, and visiting the neighbouring kraals in a body, carrying their flutes with
them-all the milk of the neighbourhood having been collected at the kraal threatened, when
the same scenes of feasting and midnight revels were carried out."
The remainder of the printed passage is as follows:
" The song which accompanied this dance has already been given. The Koranas had
a dance which was identical with the one described, but as the Bushman of the north practised
it for generations before the Koranas made their appearance on the banks of the 'Nu 'Gariep,I
it is not improbable that the latter derived their knowledge from the older race."
I shall consider the question of the exchange of wives on the occasion of the reed-dance
when I describe my own experiences with the Korana Hottentots, and shall also defer consideration of the problem of whether the Hottentots derived their knowledge of reed-playing
from the Bushman or vice-versa.
Hahn, 1881.
A particularly interesting description of the Nama reed-dance is given by Hahn,2 in
which much fresh information is disclosed.
" I cannot conclude this chapter without adding some remarks on Khoi-khoi poetry,
and on the so-called 'Reed-dance,' :4ab, to which in the following chapters reference will be
repeatedly made.
" The Khoi-khoi have two kinds of poetry, sacred and profane. The sacred hymns, as
well as the profane songs, are sung accompanied by the so-called Reed-music or Reed-dances.
The sacred hymns are generally prayers, invocations and songs of praise in honour of Tsullgoab,
Heitsieibib, and the Moon; and such sacred songs, and the performance with dancing is
,called Igeib while the general profane songs are called //nai-tsanati, or better, bark-pipes,
is $ abaXaire. The profane reed-danlcesor reed-songs are of a very different nature. Either
1
2
It would be interesting to discover Stow's authority for this statement.

Hahn, Tsuni-//1oam, The SupremeBeing of the Khoi-khoi,p. 27.
338
PERCIVAL
the fate of a hero who fell in battle or lost his life on a hunting expedition, is deplored; and
on such an occasion a performance is connected with it. In such a case the performances
have much in common with the mediaeval German 'Singspiel.' We can also compare them
with our modern operas. If an illustrious stranger visits a place, he is often welcomed with
a reed-dance while entering the place. Thus the first Moravian missionary, George Schmidt,
who came to the Hottentots in the Caleden District, was received with a reed-dance. The
Dutch Governor, van der Stel, on his journey to the Copper Mountains, the present Copper
mines, was honoured in the same way.' Hop, a burgher of Stellenbosch, who in Governor
Ryk van Tulbagh's time went on an expedition to Great Namaqualand, received the congratulations of the IlHabobes at the foot of the IlKharas mountain in a grand reed-dance
performance.2 Alexander received the same honours from his Namaqua host, the famous
Jonker Afrikander iHaramub,3 and up to this time the traveller, if he only understood how
to fraternize with them, will gladly be admitted to witness their simple merry-making.
" If chiefs have become unpopular by some whimsical or despotic orders, very soon the
tongue of the women-of whom a Khoi-Khoi proverb says 'that they cannot be as long quiet
as it takes sweet milk to get sour'-will lecture him in a sarcastic reed-song. Once I saw
a chief sitting by when the young girls sung into his face, telling him, " that he was a hungry
hyena and a roguish jackal, that he was the brown vulture who is not only satisfied with tearing
the flesh from the bones, but also feasted on the intestines."
On another occasion, a very old man had married a very young girl, and her friends
sung:
The geiris (first wife) is dismissed, his only great thought is the !aris (second wife) ; or,
as we should say " Age does not prevent a man making a fool of himself."
Other songs again are of a very simple character: "Don't please, kill my antelope, my
darling antelope; my antelope is so poor; my antelope is an orphan,"-and are simply an
instance of the thrift of poetical productiveness. Or they are of a comical nature, sympathizing with a patient who suffers from gripes:
Poor young IlKharisgot into a fright,
She is suffering from gripes,
And bites the ground like the hyena which ate poison
The people run to see the fun !
They were all very much frightened!
And still they say-Oh it is nothing.
This reminds one very much of the style of Heinrich Heine and even more of the way of
the Middle-Hligh-Germanpoet, Nithart. I saw this play " The Gripes," performed, and
honestly confess that I laughed until the tears came. Helmerding could here have found his
match in caricaturing people.
Cf. p. 317 supra.
Cf. p. 323 supra.
3 Cf. p. 330 supra.
2
PERCIVAL
339
Every large kraal has its bandmaster, ei-!gun-cob, the leader. He teaches the young
boys how to perform and to play on the pipes, and if a boy should remain out of class, he is
sure to get the whip severely. Also the girls, if they are too lazy and do not pay attention
enough, receive now and then the whip, but then generally on the kaross, merely to make
a noise and to frighten them. The reed-music sounds exactly like playing on a harmonium.
It is very pleasant at a distance. Boys who perform well, are petted by the girls, and this
kind of petting is called !kho-/kha, to touch the body, which means, " to praise a person in song."
Such was the culture of the Khoi-Khoil before they migrated from the grave of IGurikhoisib, and such was it still at the time when Bartholomeu Diaz discovered the Cape, and when
GovernorJan van Riebeek hoisted the banner of the Netherlands at the foot of Table Mountain,
below the old Khoi-Khoi kraal IlHu-!gais(the meaning of which is " veiled in clouds," referring
to the " table-cloth " so often seen on Table Mountain). And such we find it still to be among
the remnants of the !Kora and the so-called Cape Hottentots."
Hahn gives the name2 of the reed-dance as 34Axais, and later3 when commenting upon
certain Hottentot hymns and " epical myths," describes how two heroes of the Namaqua
and Damara wars were honoured by such ceremonies, saying that " One sees the whole fight,
in which dancers and pipe-blowers are the actors."
Schinz, 1884.
Hans Schinz was present at a Nama reed-dance which took place at Ganab, in December,
1884.4
" At nightfall preparations were made for the worthy celebration of the happy event,5
and a big dance was staged, which I naturally did not miss being present at. A wild scene,
indeed! Around a group of five men fluting on reeds made of bark " (sic), " a circle
of young women danced, accompanying the rhythmical movement of the buttocks of the
musicians with the clapping of hands and screaming song. With arms held high above the
head they throw legs and head in a droll manner to right and left, and forwards and backwards,
coquettishly showing, now here, now there, their naked and shining bodies from under their
karosses. The treading was at times succeeded by new steps; and the men indefatigably
went playing on and on, and if one or other made as if to pause, then the song became more
powerful, and the blowers were really excited to further efforts by the madder shouting. I
remained about two hours in the neighbourhood of this quaint drama and then I retired. Even
towards midnight I could distinguish from my camp figures lit up by flickering firebrands still
dancing. In the East a faint red appeared on the horizon, and now for the first time, the most
indefatigable of the actors sought their huts to wait by the side of the warm fire the appearance
of the morning-star. The musical instruments which were willingly given up to me by the
'
Hahn calls all Hottentots Khoi-Khoi, and distinguishes them from the Bushmen whom he calls San.
Hahn, op. cit., p. 24, note.
3 Ibid., p. 103, note 34 to ch. 2.
4 Schinz, Deutsch-Siidwest
Afrika. Oldenburg,1891, pp. 31-2.
5 Schinz' arrival.
340
PERCIVALR. KIRpBY.-TheReed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
people in exchange for two bits of tobacco, consist of a piece of acacia bark which is bound
round with a strip of bark, and closed at the end with a cylinder of wood; over the upper
end it is blown in a manner almost similar to that in which a key is blown, whereby the different
lengths of instruments govern the different tones."
Schinz has increased our information concerning the Nama reed-flutes by naming the
plant from which the bark of which they are made is obtained, but he states that the plug
is of wood. On a later page1 he adds " They2 are the simplest and also the oldest musical
instruments of the Hottentots," and in support of this statement he mentions Vasco da Gama's
experience as described by Camoens and also that of Hahn.
Anderson, 1887.
Three references to the Bechuana dance occur in the work of Andrew Anderson.3 The
first of these is general.4
" They are also very fond of music; they make various kinds of instruments which
produce pleasing sounds. The young men form themselves into bands to the number of
twenty or thirty, called the reed band, reeds from six to eight feet in length with holes similar
to the flute, but held upright in front of each musician, forming a circle like our military bands,
and perform tunes. The women and children walk round on the outside singing and clapping
hands in time to the music. The performance generally begins about sundown, and is kept
on for several hours."
Anderson has overestimated the length of the reeds ;5so far as I have been able to discover,
four and a half feet is the maximum length of the largest reeds used. In his second extract,6
Anderson describes how he returned the compliment paid him by providing the refreshments
for a similar dance given by him to the Bechuana.
"4As it would take some few days before the waggon would be ready, and as all the people
at these large stations had always been kind to me whenever I came amongst them, I determined
to send out an invitation to all the young Kaffir girls and young Kaffirs to a big dance. They
were to come in full dress costume. The reed band was engaged. The performance was to
wind up with a large ox roasted whole, to be washed down with Kaffir beer. Three o'clock
was the appointed time, at a large open space by the waggon. Long before that I had half the
people round me, including little children. The young girls came decked out with a profusion
of beads worked upon well brayed leather, forming aprons, bracelets. necklaces, in every variety
of form and design, very beautifully executed; bands of beads round their woolly heads and
long pendants of beads for ear-rings setting them off to great advantage, each coming to show
1
Schinz, op. cit., p. 95.

The reed-flutes.
3 Anderson, Twenty-oneYears in an Oxewaggonin the GoldRegionsof Africa. London, 1887.
4 Ibid., vol. i, p. 106.
, 5 But see Schonland, Arts and Crafts of the Natives of South Africa, in the British and South African
Associations' Report, vol. iii, 1907, who quoting from another edition of Anderson, has " The reeds are from
5 inches to 4 feet in length," a much more reasonable estimate.
2
6 Anderson, vol. i, p. 139.
PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-Tlhe Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
341
me their finery, and seeming delighted to be praised for their good looks and fine ornaments,
-for invariably when young they have beautiful figures and expressive features. The young
men also came dressed in their best clothes. The old people, with their chief and his counsellors,
~cameto look on. In all about 500 assembled to do honour to the feast, and great rejoicings
and fun characterized the meeting. Two reed bands came, thirty in each. Dancing and
music commenced at 4 p.m. and continued up to feeding time, when the ox was sufficiently
-roasted. Men were told off to cut up and divide it amongst the people. Nearly 100 little
fires were made for parties to form round them, for Kaffirs can do nothing without a fire.
Kaffir corn was cooked in pots in addition to the meat for their feast, and at 9 p.m. dancing,
music and talking recommenced with undiminished joyousness, whilst, to complete the evening,
-I had a scramble from my waggon of a variety of articles of use to them-handkerchiefs, tinderboxes, knives, beads, and other things, which caused an immense amusement. At twelve
o'clock I told them to go home, for I must sleep; and in less than ten minutes all was quiet.
Everything passed off pleasantly. This reed band is a great institution with these people.
The following night the young men met as usual with the band at their large kraal. The night
was not dark, as the stars give great light in this latitude. When they were in full play, and
the women and children going round the performers, singing and clapping of hands, each one
wearing a long karos, which covered their figure, and a fur cap, their usual covering at night,
I left my waggon, dressed like them, with a jackal karos and tiger-skin cap, which concealed my
figure and face, walked down and joined in the dance, which was maintained for some time, all
the men sitting or standing beyond the circle looking on. A little girl caught a glimpse of my
white face, which had become partly uncovered, when she screamed out and pointed to me.
-It was then no longer necessary to keep up the disguise; I therefore threw off my karos. When
they saw who it was, they joined in the fun, laughing and clapping of hands, and I was made to
sit down and have a good drink of Kaffir beer."
Anderson has a third reference to the dance1 but it is merely a passing one, and need not
be quoted. The locality in which Anderson saw the reed-dance was Molepolole.
Von Fran9ois, 1894.
Von Frangois gives an account of the Nama reed-dance,2 describing in detail some of its
dramatic features.
" The reed-flute is prepared exactly according to the analogy of the ' Schalmeifldten' out
of a piece of reed about a foot long, in which a piece of wood is moved, through pushing which
higher or lower the various tones are obtained. In holding the reed-dance, the men group themselves in the form of a circle, their faces turned towards the centre. To the combined and
eanon-like accompaniment of the reed-flutes they. always moving on the periphery of a circle,
execute the most baroque and most marvellous springing and bowings of the upper part of their
bodies, whilst the women, humming or singing and clapping their hands, execute around the
1
2
Anderson, vol. i, p. 176.

VonFrangois, Nama und Damara,n.d., p. 229-30.
342
PERCIVAL
circle of the men a second and larger circular dance with similar movements, wherein they,.
with comic solemnity, and original coquetry, reproduce on their side the peculiar traits of their
race. The dances are started preferably in the evening, and often last, especially on bright
moonlight nights, throughout the whole night."
Von Fran,ois also describes a reed-dance in which the murder of Jan Jonker by Hendrik
Witbooi was enacted by the reed-flute players, who, while blowing their flutes, actually mimed
the actions of the persons in the story. But Von Frangois closes his description with the
significant words, " I give here some melodies of the Hottentot reed-dance; but the people
have already begun to use the Dutch text and the melodies of Church songs for these dances."
And in truth the five examples given by Von Fran9ois are all hybrids, so I shall not quote them
here.
Schonland, 1896.
Dr. S. Schonland, of Grahamstown, supplied me1 with the following information regardinga Batlapin reed-dance which he saw at Taungs in 1896.
" I was in Taungs for one night (in or about the year 1896). The chief Malala arranged
for a dance (with the customary music) but unfortunately heavy rain put a stop to it. I then
asked for a special performance next morning, but only six performers, including the band
conductor, could be got together. They had over twenty reeds (which, by the way, are preserved in the Albany Museum, Grahamstown). The conductor (in cap in photo) picked out
six which he tuned by pushing a plug up and down the reeds. When he was satisfied, the performance began. It turned out they played in groups of three. The conductor started with
B flat, then came one in A flat, the third in E flat, then the second set started a little higher
than B flat, and the two remaining ones had lower notes than this at similar tonic intervals as the
first lot. The time intervals of the succeeding performerswas about -1second, so that the whole
lot got through in about 3 seconds. I must add that each performergave only a short puff; the
starter of each set made a more emphatic noise than the others. The ' music,' if it may be called
by that name, was accompanied by a slow dancing movement, the right foot being raised when
the first set started, the left when the second set started. They went on without stopping
until I asked them to do so. Of course to a European ear and eye it was a most monotonous
performance."
Dr. Sch6nland also sent me a copy of a photograph which he took of the six players.
It is here reproduced on Fig. 2, P1. XIX.
Schultze, 1907.
The work of Schultze2places before use a full description of the Nama reed-flutes. Schultze
added a good deal to what had been previously observed, and took the trouble to find out not
only the names of the individual reed-flutes, but also the pitch of the notes to which they
were tuned. His description is long, and, further, is readily accessible. I shall therefore
summarize it, quoting only some of the more important points.
1
In a personalletter to me dated 23rd March, 1932.

Schultze, Aus Namaltandund Kalahari, 1907, pp. 375-81. (In transcribing the Nama words, the tone
symbols have been omitted here.)
2
PERCIVAL R.
KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof uouthAfrica.
343
The reed-flutes are, he says, the ancient musical instruments of the Hottentots. They
are usually cut from reed, but where the country is dry, and there are few reeds, they are
made from the roots of Acacia horrida Wield. The root of this plant is either peeled as a
whole, or slit lengthwise and the bark peeled from the wood, after which it is bound spirally
with another strip of bark. The tube thus formed is plugged at one end by a stopper of grass,
by moving which up and down the tube the pitch can be varied and the " flute" tuned. To
prevent the tube drying up, it is filled with milk when not in use. A complete "orchestra "
consists of at least nine musicians each with his own specially tuned reed or set of reeds.
Schultze gives the following tunings, which were recorded from a freshly tuned set of reeds.1
The flutes have the following names according to Schultze.

1. 7 kxari5Zdti, the small reeds, are all tuned to the same pitch, four to six being laid
side by side in either hand.
2. !nonacgu,the three, or collectively, !nonab, the triplet, consist of three pipes tuned to
the same pitch, and held in the hand.
3. !naniqu, the six, or collectively, !nanib, the sextet, consists of six pipes tuned to the
same pitch, and held in the hand.
4. //huiirob,or //hutirokxa, according to whether the player has one or two pipes in his
hand.
5. aids, the " s " before " ai "weeps " ( means in this connection mournful tones).
Only one man in the orchestra has this pipe, while, with the exception of No. 6, all
the other reeds may be doubled or tripled. This reed gives the pitch to all the other
pipes. From it No. 6 is tuned first.
6. d!gis, " weeping afterwards " (!gds meaning " back "), is a single pipe. Then follows
the tuning of the other pipes.
7. gomas, " the cow."
8. !arob, and lastly,
9. //hu-ib,the lowest-toned reed.
Then there is the tuning-stick //kxaehatib,with which the grass or bark stopper is pushed
into the inside of the reed, or, as it were, " chased back " (//kxae), thus establishing the pitch.
This completes the instrumental ensemble.
Schultze also notes that the tones of the various pipes harmonize. The flutes give the
beats for the dancers and singers, but the text of many reed-songs is wanting. " The dance
1 But see my remarksupon the Nama reed-flutesdescribed and recordedby Mrs. A. W. Hoernle (infra).
344
movements of the men " he says, " consist of small jumps, close to the ground, both legs
being bent weakly at the knees, and the feet placed one before the other. The dancer moves
slowly forwards and backwards in this manner, bent forward, his head bowed over his chest,
and his lips on the reed. The women ' chassez ' forwards with small, and often most graceful,
steps, swaying about, protruding their posteriors, and rocking their buttocks from the haunches,
clapping their hands loudly before their faces, while they sing with an expression of the greatest
excitement. There is no fixed number of dancers."
He then describes seven reed-songs in detail, indicating clearly their dramatic nature,
and giving the melodies in musical notation. These appear to me to be, with the possible
exception of the last, vocal melodies; the actual music of the reed-flutes is not quoted, and
the melodies given are not such as would be played on the flutes. The seventh one, however,
might be so performed. It is of the usual length, and is constantly repeated; it is also in
triple rhythm, and the notes used appear to reflect the tuning of the reeds to some extent.'
This tune is thus transcribed by Schultze. The author actually says that in this song the
singers follow without cessation the beat of those who play upon the reeds.
-? I 9
0
I2
I~~~~-
IIJ
I I 2
With regard to Schultze's description of the various reed-flutes, I would offer the following
comments. The information that only one aids, may be used is important; so also is the
statement that it is the basis of the system and the flute from which the others are tuned.
The first three names of Schultze's list are, according to him, sets of flutes, each set consisting
of three or six flutes of identical pitch, as corroboratedby his notation. But Mrs. A. W. Hoernle,
whose description of the Nama reed-ensemble appears next in this study, states that these
groups of flutes are recent, and have been introduced by the Hottentots to imitate the trills
which can be played upon the concertina. The phonographic records which she made reveal
the fact that the sets consist of several pipes tuned, not as Schultze said, to the same pitch,
but to different pitches. These I shall reproduce when discussing Mrs. Hoernle's notes. In
this connection it is interesting to observe that Schultze actually mentions the use of the
accordion (a member of the concertina family) and the mouth-organ by the Nama Hottentot.
Hoern4M,1911.
Mrs. A. W. Joernl6,2 who heard several Nama ensembles in 1911, has given me the
valuable notes and phonograph records which she made at that time, together with an actual
set of reed-flutes, a photograph of which, with the tuning-stick, appears on Fig. 2. P1. XX,
Several new features will be remarked in her description.
" Among the Topnaars, Zwartboys and Rooi Natie Hottentots, the pipes were made of
the root of a tree rather than of reeds. This may be the case for other tribes too, but I have
1 Comparemy transcriptions of reed-tunes of Nama and Bechuana.
Lecturerin Social Anthropology, Department of Bantu Studies, University of the Witwatersrand.
PERCIVAL
R. KiRBY.-The
345
not got definite information for them. The men told me the reason was that reeds were not
to be found in their territory. On the Orange River, on the other hand, among the Little
Namaqua and the Bondelzwarts I saw the pipes made from reeds."
The following is the account given me of the making of the pipes by the Zwartboys.
"Roots of the //kAus (Giraffe acacia) are taken and cut into various lengths, the longest
being three feet and even more, the shortest I saw something under a foot. The roots are said
to be far the best for the deep notes, while the reeds, if they can be obtained, are liked for the
high notes, especially for the trill notes which the iottentots say are a recent introduction,
imitating the concertina.
" The !nomab, or root, is taken and the outer rough bark, the sorob, is scraped from it.
Then the inner white bark, or lap, is peeled off spirally, and laid either in water or in damp earth.
Then the root is cut open along its whole length and the inner core taken out. The removal of
this core makes the hollow tube, while the central core of the root itself is used for the //ai hatip,
the tuning stick, by means of which the movable stop is shifted up and down the tube until the
right note is obtained to the satisfaction of the player and the leader of the band. This tuning
takes a long time when the pipes are being made. The root is then squeezed together again
so that the cut edges join, and the white bark which has meantime been softening is wound
round so that the slit is completely closed and no air can escape through it. The whole pipe
is now rubbed with cow-dung (?-haop), then with fat, and finally with red ochre !naop. Some of
the lap, the inner bark, is now chewed until it is broken up into its constituent fibres to form
a wad. This is pushed up into the pipe and forms the stop by means of which the pipe is tuned.
A stopper is then made of wood and is called !kau ams (to shut the mouth)."
" When the pipe is not in use, this stopper is put in one end and the whole pipe then filled
with milk, if possible, to keep it supple. The other stopper is then inserted and the pipe put
safely away. When the pipe is in use the milk is poured out and the pipe tuned by means of
the //ai haip.
" The names of the pipes are as follows
Oati. The set of reed-flutes.
ai.as. High and shrill. This pipe always begins, and is used for tuning the others.
a.!kas. Chimes in next; a little deeper than ai.as.
gomas. Comes next.
//kuis. A big reed with a deep note.
!a.rop. Very deep. keise a!gam very much it is deep!
ai.a. Sister to ai.as, but higher (the octave ?).
!naniti or $arioati.
Six little reeds which, they say, are taken from the concertina.
and are played by one man for 'trilling' effects.
!nona$ ati. Three small reeds, additional to the six main reeds, and played by one man.
" I have always seen more than five men playing the reeds, so that some of the notes may
be represented two or three times, these men standing together in the circle and coming ia
together when their note has to be sounded. Sometimes all the notes will be duplicated, if there
$346
PERCIVAL
are players enough, and, in addition, there may be a man playing the !naniti, the six reeds representing the trills.
" Each man carries his tuning-stick which he constantly uses between the dances to tune
his reed or pipe, while in the dance he uses it to flourish in the air to express his emotion, or to
lay on the shoulders of a girl whom he wishes specially to single out in the dance.
"The method of playing the reed is peculiar. The tongue grips the undersurface of the
pipe by suction and is curled up to make a sort of trough down which the air is blown into the
pipe. I have seen several times, when the playing ceased, the pipes quite literally lifted from
the tongue which grips on fast.
" Each note is sounded separately by its player so that it takes some time to get the
successive notes played smoothly and in the right order. Until the rhythm goes with a swing,
the men often close one ear with the hand holding the tuning-rod and bend close to the ground,
paying attention only to their own note and stamping the rhythm on the ground with their
-feet. Once the tune is going smoothly they take more liberties, making capers at intervals, or
even join the outer circle of women for a while, only then to re-enter the inner circle of men
which stamps out the rhythm constantly with the feet.
" The dancing is intensely dramatic, each song having its own particular action in addition
to its own tune and words. The words are often reduced to a minimum, but by the actions
and the rhythm the whole story is dramatically told.
"I have a large number of songs of which I have taken down the words, but I was unable
to write down the tunes. I attempted to get them on a phonograph, but the results were not
very good.
" One of the most beautiful tunes I heard was sung and played by the Zwaartboys. These
people had been removed from their reserve at Franzfontein by the Germans and were intensely
home-sick for their country. The song commemorates their country through one of the trees
found in that reserve and not down south where they were more or less imprisoned.
TlsaoraNaitchi. Juicy tree (The stem is full of juice).
ti Naitchi. My tree.
isa Naitchi. Beautiful tree.
'The Dutch name for the tree is Saftboom."
The fact that these Hottentots said that their " trill ' pipes were introduced in recent
times in imitation of the concertina is particularly interesting. Schultze had noted the use
of the accordion among the Nama, and I shall show in a moment the influence of the instrument
upon the entire ensemble. But let me first suggest that mention of instruments of the concertina class furnishes us with an important date. The invention of this type of instrument
is said to have beeni made in the year 1822, and it was styled Zieh-harmonika;1 but in its
portable form it was manufactured by Damian, of Vienna, in 1829.2 The true concertina also
dates from this year, when it was invented by Charles Wheatstone in England. This being
- Curt Sachs, Handbuchder Musikinstrutmentenkunde.L3ipzig, 1930.
2
Grove, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, articles " Accordion " and
'G
Concertina."
PERCIVAL
347
so, it follows that the Nama could not have added the sets of " trilling " reeds to their ensemble
before that date. Moreover, the fact that their object was to achieve an imitation of the
concertina is supported by the further fact that the reed-dance tunes recorded at Windhoek by
Mrs. Hoernle and transcribed by me show that they are based upon the tonic and dominant
chords which are characteristic of the cheaper forms of accordion popular amongst the natives.
These cheap instruments enable the performer to execute an ordinary diatonic scale with his
right hand, while with his left he can sound one or two. simple chords of which the tonic and
dominaiit are the chief.
Mrs. Hoernle recorded the reeds separately and I have transcribed them thus.
The six principal reeds, in the order in which they were sounded on the record:
The "Trilling" reeds, played by one man, sounded thus:
The "Trilling" reeds (set of six), played by one man, sounded thus:
Additional reeds (duplicates and added notes), in order of sounding:
The full scale of reed-flutes, as recorded separately, is therefore as follows, the principal
flutes being shown in minims:
"Trilling" Flutes
348
PERCIVAL
But although the flutes were tuned in this manner when being sounded separately, Mrs.
Hoernle stated that, during the dances, the players would frequently step out of the circle
and re-tune their flutes. This explains why, in the transcription of the reed-dance tune which
follows, E flat and A natural appear, the harmonic scheme, based upon European practice,
REED- DANCE TUNE

"Trilling" Flutes
(outline)
Flute
f1
in E6
__________
I=
*Flute in D
B
-_
Flute in A
*Flute in G
* Flute in F
*Flute
Flute
4=
in G
in BF
__
:--__--
___4_____
*The six principal reed - f lutes

in
The Flutes EA
, D & C occasionally
play
at this point
demanding those notes. This particular record has been transcribed several times during
a period of three years, and on each occasion the result lias been the same. Unfortunately
the details of the "trills" do not come out clearly, although the general outline can be made
out. The deepest reeds and singing of the women cannot be distinguished.

PERCIVAL
349
Engelbrecht,1928.
Engelbrecht, in his study of the Korana language, defines the reed-flute as follows :1
gas- a flute made of reed. Of these, different sizes existed, and their tones were also
different. The people stood in a circle, and played and danced.
Meinhof, 1928.
Meinhof, in his Vocabulary of Korana2 mentionisthe flute and the dance.
Z'as _ Reed-flute.
# 'a-s/ai-b
Reed-dance.
He also adds3 " They " (the Korana) " have no drums, but like the Nama, they have a reedflute. The women sing, and the men play upon the reed-flute."
Meinhof, while at Pniel, recorded two Korana dance-songs phonographically. The texts
were published in Korana with German translation,4 and reproduced by Wilhelm Heinitz5 who
also attempted to transcribe the records. The first of these definitely mentions the reed-dance,
and is in dialogue form; but the transcription by Heinitz suggests to me not the usual type
of Korana song, but rather the vocalized speech which Korana women " sing" to the accompaniment of an " ostinato " upon the khas, a type of musical bow used only by the women.6
Kirby, 1930.
In July, 1930, I heard several Sotho and Ndebele reed-flute ensembles in the Northern
Transvaal. The most characteristic (Sotho) was at Chief Mohlaba's location, Thabina.
Another ensemble (Ndebele) performed at Valtyn Makapaan's location, some miles west of
Potgietersrust. Both displayed similar features. I shall describe the first in detail.
The ensemble which is called naga, consisted of eleven reed-flute players (one flute to
each man, and each flute tuned to a different note), one palaphala or horn player (who in this
case also played one of the flutes), and two drum players. One of the tunes was played by
the ensemble with only ten flutes. Most of the flutes used were made of brass tubing, obtained
from old bicycle pumps. They were " stopped" pipes, the lower ends being plugged with
dagga. But the players possessed a second set of instruments, made from reeds. This, they
maintained, was the correct form of the instrument, although they preferred the clear and
easily produced tone of the brass pipes. Nevertheless, reed-flutes were used for the lowest
notes, and the full set of reed-flutes was requisitioned when the size of the ensemble was
increased. This, they said, was quite common, as many as twenty pipers playing together,
or even more.
The brass pipes were, of course, perfectly cylindrical; the flutes of reed were not so
completely regular in form. The latter are made by cutting a piece of reed in such a way
IEngelbrecht,
2
3
Studies oor Korana-taactl. Capetown, 1928.
Meinhof,Der Koranadialektdes Hottentotischen,1930.

Ibid., p. 19.
Ibid.
5Heinitz, Struktur-Probleme
in Primitiver Miusik. Hamburg, 1931.
6 Kirby, " The Music and Musical Instruments of the Korana," in Bantu Studies.
1932.
4
VOL. LXIII.
Johannesburg, June,
2 A
350
PERCIVAL
that the top end is left openi, while a natural knot of the wood closes the lower end. The
upper end is then thinned down to a fairly sharp edge. The various pitches required are
obtained by experimenting with flutes of varying length. Like the Nama, the Sotho grasps
the flute between the second, third, and fourth fingers and the palm of his right hand, and,
protruding his tongue slightly, and rounding it, he lays the top of the upright flute against
it, steadying it with the first finger and thumb of the same hand, against his chin. With the
instrument in this position, it will be seen at once that no definitely tongued " ictus," such
as is usual in European performances on instruments of similar or analogous type, is possible.
Accordingly it is difficult to determine with exactness the melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic
scheme of the music played, especially when the flute-players dance to their music.
I examined the eleven flutes used on this occasion, blowing them myself, and endeavouring
to obtain the relative pitches direct, in addition to recording them. Each flute (or note) had
its own name, with the exception of the lowest for which the players could not supply one.
The scale and names of the flutes, from highest to lowest, was approximately as follows. (The
variation possible in blowing an instrument of the flute type makes it extremely difficult to
obtain perfectly accurate results.)
moroto
zing-ti
buri
begufri
letzeka
tatelili
?impo
ziisi
komo
tibeli
[no name]
I suspect that No. 7 should be tuned to the note F. The palaphala was of the usual
type, and was made from the horn of a sable antelope, the embouchure being at the side.
There were two drum players with the ensemble, but the leading musician stated that there
should be four. The largest he called gedzo. This is the instrument which " gives the beat.'
In this particular instance it was of fair size, and of the characteristic conical shape of the
drums of this tribe.
These drums are said to be made of marula wood, and the sticks of moroto wood. The
sticks are called mnalama. The " shell " of the largest drum was about 1- inches thick, and
it had an opening in its narrow base. The name given to the narrow end was moluma maruba.
and to the opening moluma. This drum, like the others, had a single " ear " cut out of the
solid tree from which the " shell " had been fashioned. The " head " was of cow-hide, pegged
encircled the pegs to keep them
in position with pegs called notu. A band of hide (nmakuba)
in position. The names given by the players to the four drums were:
Largest drum, gedzo.
Cbegurt.
Smaller drums( tutumJdjo.
L,nagodi.
PERCIVAL
351
The word used for beating the drum was gediza. The largest drum is struck, or rather
thumped, by a long stick shaped like.a rather thin knobkerrie. The other drums are played by
the palms of the hands. The large drum beats a primary rhythm, and the small ones a secondary
rhythm or rhythms. On the march, these drums are carried by one woman, while a second
woman plays. The drums are always played by women; the reeds by men. The palaphala is
usually sounded by a man, although I have seen it played in a similar ensemble by a woman.
On the march the drum-players walk behind the reed-pipers. In the dance, the pipers form
a circle, with the drummers in the centre, and sometimes other girls as well. The palaphala
sounds a signal,
after which the player of it gives a word of command, in this case the word pezulu (raise your
pipes), the drums begin their rhythm, and the pipes join in one after the other until all have
entered. In one particular tune which I recorded, the noroto player led off. When they had
fairly started, the pipers began to dance round the drummers counter-clockwise led by the
morotoplayer. The dance steps were very simple, as also were the drum beats, although the
player on the small drum tried to vary the " colour " of the sounds produced, but I could not
discover whether this was intentional, either by questioning the players, or by imitating their
methods myself.
Three tunes were played, for which the players had names.
1. Vesha. The men must close in.
2. Matshesa. The men are sweating.
3. G7wamatabink&ino. The song about a big cow.
This last is used at the conclusion of a performance, and is intended to convey a hint to the
employer of the band, which performs at marriages and similar festivals, that it is time to kill
an animal, that being the fee for their services. The players come from different kraals and
meet together for practice. The reeds are kept in a bag, originally of cow's skin, called the
sagarinaga, " the sack of the naga." Some of the reed-flutes were rudely ornamented with
roughly engraved designs. The leader of the band, Jan Peduli, was also the composer of the
tunes, which were played in harmony of a characteristic kind, but consisted only of a single
"phrase."
I have heard several performances at Chief Mohlaba's location, Thabina, Northern
Transvaal, and at Chief Valtyn Makapaan's location, near Potgietersrust. The general
methods employed were similar, though the tunes played varied in detail. I noted down some
of these on the spot, so far as it was possible to do so, since on both occasions the performers
were surrounded by hundreds of natives, who, crowding closely round the dancers, tended to
interfere to some extent with the blowing of the flutes, particularly the longer ones. I also
2
352
PERCIVAL
R. KiRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
recorded several tunes, and I reproduce two of these in score. It should be remembered that,
although the sounds of the various flutes began at the points indicated, all tended more or less
to overlap those which succeeded them.
TUNE II
TUNE I
= 112
FluteinAl4-,
Flute in A:
F
c~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~E
e-Ni
FIT
Si
C'
- : : --
tt
t
: - -t5 4
These
flutes
were soundedrather erratical,
DO
Drum
-t
XC -----
S -
+ EW
Drums~~r
;,..
RW
.A
asin
--
E,0--
J $ |
- - t
b2
Drumns
vw
sticek
Drum
I:
I4
- e---5b -?
-N.AIL
itt
zJ|
f m
---tM
--------:.i
1I
* These f lutes were sounded rather

erratically,
Q -----1--------w
i--.-
sj4
....
~~~~~~~~~Stick
-s
DHand
||
...
lWU
~~~~~Hand
j
$~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~rums
DV _,Ap_ t ... _.
vct
C6r :-s t
+ t_
'I
ED
*
O-
th remainder definitely
the remainder definitely as indicated
-3
PERCIVAL
353
Krige, 1930.
Mrs. E. Krige, who visited the Bakwebo people at Modjadje's location in the Northern
Transvaal, in July, 1930, gave me the following notes descriptive of a reed-flute ensemble
which she saw there,
Reed-pipes.
" Pipes consisting of a reed open at one end are played by being held against the tongue
and blown into. They are of different lengths and are placed singly or in a group. One pipe
is called naka, which is the name for a reed pipe of any length. A bag of pipes is called motaba,
and this consists of reeds of all the " voices," The tsusi, the leading pipe, is the " middle voice."
There are three moroto or sente pipes which are highest in pitch; then come the pekudi, the
dadeleli followed by the tsusi, and the bass pipes are called mempo. There appear also to be
some nameless pipes in this " band," but I did not have an opportunity to go fully into this
matter. The bass pipes are about two and a half feet long, while some are only six inches long."
" Flutes and drums are combined for dancing, and the women may nwkulukwane (utter
a shrill sound by moving the tongue)." " No leader of the flutes and drums, but the leader of
the dance is the moletsi, whose movements are imitated by the rest. The reed-pipe he plays is
called the tsusi, and it is always the first pipe to be blown."
" Reed-pipes are played by boys and men."
Drums.
" Koma (ngoma), hemispherical drum with a small opening of diameter less than half inch
at the other end. Skin is pegged on, and cannot be tightened or slackened at will, but is
smeared with wild ochre and put in the sun. Played by being beaten with one stick. Used
with three tudumetjedrums. No definite tuning, but they may be put in the sun and smeared
with ochre."
" Tudumetje, a drum, not quite conical, with skin pegged on; cannot be tightened or
slackened, but is sometimes smeared with ochre and put in the sun. Beaten with two hands.
Used in pairs and in groups together with koma drum."
Stayt, 1931.
The next published account of the Bavenda reed ensemble is that of Stayt,' who gives
many details. I shall summarize his infornation as I shall shortly describe my own experiences
among those people.
Ensembles of drums, pipes and horns, he says, are used primarily for the benefit of the
community, and not merely for the personal enjoyment of the musician. The reed-flutes,
dzinnaga, are simple lengths of reed tuned to different notes and played in bands of ten or more.
They are made from a special bamboo, called musononi, obtained from a sacred forest at
Tshaula in Paswane's location. All the Bavenda chiefs and even Basotho send thither for the
1
Stayt, The Bavenda,OxfordUniversity Press, 1931.
354
PERCIVAL
R.
KIRBY.-The
bamboo, twelve flutes costing five shillings or a small goat. The history of this forest is
unknown.'
The two most significant tribal dances in which reed-flutes are used are the tshikona and
the mathangwa. The formneris almost sacred in character, being performed at the command
of chiefs. Men are the principal performers, and they undergo a long and tedious training.
The dances are supervisedby the malugwani, who must be obeyed imnplicitly; each chief has his
own mcalugwani. A set of dancers is called muthavha,and is made up of at least ten flautists,
generally twelve or more. Ten flutes are named individually, while all sizes, larger and smaller
than the original ten, are named collectively maziko and mitwilo respectively. The flutes are
tuned in semi-tones. Stayt then gives the names of the flutes, but affirms that they have
different names for them in the two dances, tshikona and mathangwa. I cannot agree that this
is so.2 Nor can I subscribe to the transcription which he gives of the " melody " of the
tshikona.
Stayt next describes how, when the tshikona is necessary, the chief sends a messenger to
the kraals to summon the dancers. Each group, led by its mulagwani, hastens to the chief's
khoro or meeting-place, and one mulagwani is chosen as leader. He begins the dance, and the
flutes join in, the drums following. As the drumbeat changes so does the theme of the dance.
The step is curious, something between a foxtrot and a waltz. If the makhadzi (princess) of
the village is present she may join in the dance, while other women may do her honour by holding
over her an ostrich feather. The dancers are men, women only acting as drummers. When
the mcakhadzidances the men squat and blow their flutes.
The tshikona dance is national, being associated with ancestors; it is performed on
ceremonial occasions, such as when rain is required. It is a means of united self-expression,
and it is danced with solemnity and concentration. The sound of the flutes close at hand is
shrill and discordant, but heard far away it is like the chiming of distant church bells.
Finally Stayt notes that the term u dzidzi means to drum the initial beats of the tshikona
dance.
Kirby, 1931.
In February, 1931, I toured Bechuanaland, and, at Kanye, had an opportunity of seeing
and hearing a reed-flute ensemble. Such a performance had not been given in that place for
many years and it was due to the influence of the Resident Magistrate, Mr. A. L. Cuzen, that
the chief was persuaded to revive it for me.
The notes which I have made should be read in conjunction with those of Burchell and
Sch6nland in particular.
The reed-flutes are called dithlaka. Ten are the mninimumthat may be used. They vary
in size from about six inches to three feet six inches in length. They are made from river-reed,
the obstructions at the knots being pushed out by a stick, and plugs of goatskin inserted at
the lower end. These plugs may be moved by a tuning-stick and the flute thus tuned. The
I
Stayt, op. cit., p. 317.
Stayt, op. cit., p. 321.
PERCIVAL
R. KIRPBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
355
short reeds are called mepenyaneand the long ones meporo. They are all kept in a leather bag
of goatskin, called kuana, together with the tuning-sticks. The teacher of the ensemble is called
mothlabi,who has charge of the bag of reed-flutes. He also makes the tunes. The leading player
is called motenyane. He plays the leading flute.
The dance was performed by a number of old men, since the young ones did not know it.
Most of the dancers were over fifty years of age. They were, for the most part, too old to
dance the steps, and shuffled round, counter-clockwise, in a huddled circle. I witnessed the
dance on two occasions. The first was in the evening, and when the pipes had been tuned I
noted down the pitches of all, afterwards attempting to transcribe the ensemble during the
dance. This was practically impossible, since the dancing group was surrounded by more
than four hundred natives, men, women and children, who, excited by the revival of an ancient
practice, continued to give vent to their feelings in no uncertain manner. On the second
occasion I took the entire reed band down to the Court-house, and, with the magistrate's permission, had the flutes sounded and the dance executed indoors. This enabled me to secure
good phonographic records, which I have succeeded in transcribing.
There were twenty-three reed blowers in the ensemble. Many were provided with flutes
of actual reed, but several, particularly those who played the deepest notes, had obtained
ietal tubing and had constructed their flutes from that material.
The tuning of the flutes was at first very erratic, owing, no doubt, to the fact that these
performances had been in abeyance for so long a time. But as the dances went on, the old
men corrected the tuning of their flutes, until at length the general scheme of the music became
apparent.
The scale of the flutes in the order in which the men stood in the ring, was as follows, the
transcription being taken from the phonographic record.
1t6aLrJI
1
L
60-S I- +bWrt4
lOWrWr+L
6
10 11 12 13
14 15
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23
Arranged in descending order, and with flutes No. 17, 23, 3, 21, 18 and 14 " corrected" to
the nearest note (since in performance the music of the dance conformed to the scale of the
remaining flutes which were tuned with accuracy, and so appeared on the records) the entire
scale, including duplicated notes, was as follows
2 16
17 23 20 22 3
19 21 5
18 7
10 11 12 13 14 15
The leader played No. 5, which was the principal note. The scheme of the music is shown
in the following scores, in which only the parts of the principal flutes are indicated, the parts
of the remaining instruments corresponding in general with t.hose of the mnain set to which
356
they are octaves. The later transcriptions of Bechuana reed-dance music show, I think, that
my "correction" of the " scale " of these flutes, undertaken in the light of the dance records,
was right.
Reed-dance No. 1. Maomosaga bo a butswa.
Flute in
Bb
_
:______________
Flute9
in A
Flute in FS
in
F lute in
Madumedi ba sentse rnotseka Sontaga.
__
_
_
_
_
_
______Il)_____t_v_=
in
Eb
_l
___
AW
F lute in F_
Flute in
__
Bb
________h
IL
Reed-dance No. 2.
Flute
a__:__b____|_______
t34*e1bR
1|
In the second example I have tried to indicate the overlapping which occurs betweenL
flute and flute, which enriches the harmonic scheme, but adds to the difficulty of transcriptionL.
One can readily understand why Burchell did not attempt to note down the music of the
Bechuana reed-flutes.
These two reed-dances have words associated with them, but the melodies, which were
sung antiphonally by the women amid vociferous ululations, were not clear. The words themselves are, however, of considerable historical importance.
In the first song, some of the women chant:
"'Maomosa, you are still a raw regiment;
And the rest reply:
"Although
the regiment of a chief's son."
we have not been to the circumcisioll school, we wear what shows that
we have been to a circumcision school."

Maonosa was the name of an old regiment. The people used to sing about the men of
that regiment lot having gone to the circumcision school. During the reign of Chief Makaba,
PERCIVAL
357
all regiments had to go to a circumcision school, but the Maomosa regiment had not completed
the ceremony. They had left the school because food was scarce. The old men accordingly
said, " We cannot take you now since you left before time." No one was ever permitted to
enter a school for a second time.
In the second song the women bewail the loss of their beloved customs in the words:
"The Christians have said that nothing must be done on Sunday, and by so saying,
they have interfered with our tribal customs. They stopped us from doing work
on Sunday and have therefore spoiled our city on Sunday."
The explanation of this is that when Christianity first came to Kanye, the Christian
teachers said to the chief of thb Bangwaketse, whose name was Makaba, that nothing should
be done on Sundays. Yielding to persuasion, Makaba made a new law which prohibited work
on that day; accordingly the people, though obeying the law, made up this song and have
ever since complained.
These people told me that " the missionary " forbade them to dance the reed-dance.
After considerable investigation I discovered that the missionary in question was Moffat,
whose attitude is enshrined in the second of these songs.
An old man of the Mongwaketse tribe named Tiro, who was living at Kanye, and who
is reputed to be a hundred and ten years old, told me that the people of the tribe to which
he belonged had no reed-flute playing until they went to the Taungs district and got the idea
from the people there. Now the people of the Taungs area were Batlapin and all the most
recent research goes to show that the Batlapin and the Korana Hottentots were very closely
connected. The link between the Hottentot and Bechuana reed-flute ensembles is therefore
evident on this ground alone.
Kirby, 1931.
In July, 1931, I visited Bavendaland, in the Northern Transvaal. The Bavenda country
extends roughly from Louis Trichardt in the west to the Portuguese frontier on the east, and
from the Rhodesian border in the north to Pietersburg in the south. Within this area one
may still hear reed-flute ensembles of a high degree of organization, the music of which is
umadulterated by that of the European, particularly in the less accessible parts of the land.
I heard the music of the reeds in mnanykraals, and carefully examined and recorded it. I
also secured a number of sets of reeds as well as drums, for the Bavenda employ both classes
of instrument in their enseifbles, as noted by Stayt. At the kraal of Induna Netshiaba, the
guardian of the sacred Lake Funduzi, I witnessed, and took part in, a reed-dance in which
twenty-three flutes were used. Five of these were duplicates of others, there being eighteen
different sounds used in all, but I was informed that one player was missing, for there should
have been nineteen. The nineteen notes should embrace two octaves and a fifth, the flutes
being tuned diatonically, and not chromatically as affirmed by Stayt. The highest pitched
flute at Netshiaba's was
and the lowest
______
Since the entire
358
PERCIVAL R.
KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
series was identical with those at the kraal of the chief Sibasa, which I am about to
describe, there is no necessity to give the tuning of the remaining flutes here. These
reed-flutes are called nanga, and a set of them is known as motaba, and it must include matilo
or high pitched reeds. Below the lowest pipes of the usual set are frequently added still lower
pitched ones, descending even to the octave below the E flat indicated. These are all called
mnazika.
At the kraal of Sibasa I had exceptional opportunities of studying the reed-flutes and
reed-dances since I lived in the kraal for some time. Further, the chief, who is building a new
kraal on the mountain side, had summoned hundreds of his subjects in order that, according
to custom, they might provide the labour necessary for cutting poles and thatching-grass,
quarrying stone, building walls and hut frames, and so on. The men from each kraal brought
their reed-flutes, but not their drums, since, although in these dances the sets of flutes may
be auplicated, it is not usual to duplicate sets of drums.
The national dance, which is known as the tshikona, I saw and heard mnanytimes, and also
took part in it. The maximum number of flute-players which I counted dancing at one time
was three hundred and six, there being at least fifteen full sets of flutes, as well as the particularly deep-toned ones belonging to Sibasa's own kraal.
I tested the various sets of reed-flutes belonging to the heads of the different kraals whose
reed bands had been summoned by Sibasa, and found that, although here and there there
were deviations from what was evidently the normal tuning, the general system was quite
clear. For although a single pipe in any one set might have been wrongly selected by a
performer, since there were at least fifteen sets being used at once the remainder of the men
who had to play the same note obliterated the wrong one, and, from a little distance, one was
conscious only of a unison. The following general scale shows the notes actually used in this
enormous ensemble, each note, except those in the lowest octave, being duplicated many
times over.
tf ibb I
if
1
i,111,,e
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 121314
ii
151617181920212223242526
The principal flute is that nuimibered15, and it is called pala. The note above it is named
takula. The octaves of these two notes are called palana and takulana respectively All
the reed blowers whom I have interrogated are quite definite about these names, but invariably
indulged in argument when asked the names of the other flutes. After repeated questionings
and comparisons I have at length succeeded in discovering the names of most of the flutes,
and shall give them later.
Each reed-band is in charge of a mnolugwane,
or leader, who normally plays the flute called
pala. He is responsible to the indutna of his kraal for the technical care of the instruments,
which are kept in a bag called mokwamawa nanga,' made of goatskin or cowhide, and housed
1 But see p. 366.
PERCIVAL
359
in a special hut, the tshifambomo,where the drums and horns are also kept. This is the hut
in which indabas, or council meetings, are held. The induna himself is actually responsible
for the set of instruments belonging to his kraal.
The Bavenda flutes are normally made from a length of reed, the particular reed used
being called musonono. The embouchure is cut transversely below a knot, and the reed
again cut transversely beneath the knot below the first, this second knot forming a natural
plug. The reed is therefore a true stopped pipe. The set of nineteen pipes thus made is free
from intermediate knots in the tubes, as a rule; but where these occur, and also in the extra
and longer tubes, the intermediate knots are burned out of the tubes. Some of the longest
tubes are up to four feet in length. As the knot is of fixed position, no tuning is possible,
except by cutting down the tube at the embouchure end. Before performance the molugwane
empties his sack of reeds on the ground, and starting from the top selects a set of tubes,
comparing them in pairs from above downwards. He then distributes them to the players.
Occasionally the pipes are ornamented in various ways so that the regular player of any
particular pipe may readily distinguish his own instrument. The usual ornament consists
of one or more rings of buck or goatskin, with the hair outside, shrunk on to the outside of
the tube; or the tube itself may be crudely engraved. A third device is to attach, by the
skin, the foot of a buck to the tube. Some of the principal sets which I saw were elaborately
ornamented in this way (see Fig. 2, P1. XXVI).
Each player holds his reed securely gripped by the second, third, and fourth fingers of
either hand, the first finger and thumb resting against the cheeks to steady the instrument,
the embouchure lying, inside the mouth, against the hollowed tongue. Thus no " ictus " can
be produced by the tongue, as is the case with European flutes. The hand not employed in
holding the tube to the mouth is sometimes used to steady the instrument at its lower end,
and sometimes held with the forefinger against the ear and the thumb below the chin. I
cannot find any special reason for the latter practice; but it has been noted in connection
with other native musical instruments.'
The use of the reeds in the dance is as follows, assuming that one set only is being
used. The nyoma or large kettle-drum is sounded by the player after the manner of a
signal.
Hearing this the reed-players gather together in front of the drums. The latter consist
of the nyorna played by a man or woman with one stick held in the right hand, and the
murumnbuor conical drum, played by a woman who holds it between her legs and beats
it with her hands. The thungwa is beaten throughout with a very powerful stroke, and as
it is exhausting for the women, relays are present. At Sibasa's as many as nineteen women
calls out
were in attendance for this purpose though only seven played. The mnolugwane
the word u?mkosi,and then utters a curious hooting signal to the sound ee, and immediately
the pala player, together with the players who sound the octaves above his pipe and those
below, and also the fifth below his pipe, together with its octaves above and below, commence
1 But see -Mrs.Hoernle's description of the Nama ensemble.
360
PERCIVAL
blowing, followed by the takula player, accompanied by the players of the notes an octave
or double octave above and below him, and those of the fifth below him, together with its
octaves above and below. These sounds are given at the speed at which the thungwa,
which controls the tem-po, will sound. These two " beats " having been given, the ensemble
of pipes, together with the drums, begins. The scheme is very simple, though the result
to the ear is apparently complex. The strain consists of a measure of four beats in length,
repeated indefinitely. During this measure each reed-player sounds his pipe twice only, as
will be seen in the score printed below. The ngoma player beats a rhythmic counterpoint
to the " canto fermo " of the thungwa. So also does the murumbu player. When
the reeds have got fairly started the molugwane gives a second signal, and the reed-players
break away from the drums, moving counter-clockwise round them, and sorting themselves
out into a circle, the piper with the lowest note leading, and the others following in the order of
the scale. (Figs. 1 and 2, P1. XXI.) When the circle is complete the performersbegin to regulate
their steps, and a definite and clear-cut dance-rhythm is begun by them. This will be considered later. At Sibasa's kraal, owing to the shape of the koro or meeting-place, the dancers
moved in an ellipse, and since there were so many performers, the ellipse was double. Its
axes were roughly 75 and 50 yards respectively.
The following score shows what each player in the ensemble has to contribute musically
as well as the scale to which the reeds are tuned. Tuning appears at times to be far from
exact, but the presence of such a large number of players enabled me to arrive at the real
tuning, for a " musical average " was struck by each set of pipes which normally yielded the
same note. The mode is the Hypomixolydian of the ancient Greeks. It will be seen that,
starting with pala (No. 8), each pipe is heard successively in the descending order of the
scale, but as the fifths below, and the fourths above, together with their octaves below and
above are also sounded, each note is blown twice during each repetition of the descending
scale. The principal result of this procedure is a progression which consists of parallel fifths
reduplicated in octaves-a twentieth century survival of the practice familiar to European
musicians as the organum of mediaevaldays.
Now, were the reed-players to remain stationary throughout their performance, the
repetitions would all sound exactly alike; but since they dance round in a circle, the ear is
deluded, and hears melodic (and harmonic) sequences of notes that are apparently varied.
The general effect is somewhat similar to the pealing of bells, although the changing positions
of the players appear to the ear to alter the melodic line from time to time, the effect being
analogous to the famous old chequered optical illusion.
The tone of the reeds, when heard at a little distance, is not unlike that of a number of
clarinets, the strong method of blowing coupled with the powerful vibration of the reed lending
that colour to the instiument. The effect of the whole is, as I have said, similar to the chiming
of church bells, and at Sibasa's the re-echoing of the sounds from the lofty krantz behind the
kraal enhances this effect. Heard from the courtyard of the chief's hut, under the moonlight,
the sound is entrancing, and almost hypnotic. The beat of the thungwais constant throughout; the part of the ngoma is varied. These variations in beating are guided by the steps
Score of the "TSHIKONA"

Flute N9 I
AA
A
_,2
.5)
&T A
f|b
ten.
t
J,H
_?
e-
ten.
Apt~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~tn
_ -
-^e)
:2
A
,T, 4
Xten.
b
ten
ten.
ten.
teten.
.~~~~~~~~~~~
18
14
1:&
_42b$
O~~tn
ten.
ten.
19
19 tob6
$
ten.
|;1,
ten
6a6
M urumbu
._____
< <
____
1
____
____
Ngoma~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r
m
W
f
Thungwa
Ngoma
____________
_: 2-
362
PERCIVAL
of a " solo " dancer in the centre of the ring. This may be either the molugwane,or the
chief, if he is present; or any performer may step out of the ring into the centre and execute
solo steps. The ngoma player can sense from the movements of the solo dancer what his
steps are to be, and can vary his rhythm to suit them. The rhythms used for this purpose
involve at times elaborate syncopation. A few characteristic ones are as follows.
.J)
2WI
I:\s)I
I2-r
W'4
4 (24
%7sI `7
I7
67J
6;JJll
1I
1
m4ji $*
L,:i4
1:8;;
6 t:4
2 47
W'4
D2
.FnJI
j
r~:~J)~
l
n S,,
The dance ends at the conclusion of one complete repetition of the strain. Towardsthe end
of the dance, however, the dancers frequently, though not invariably, gather together before
the drums, as at the start, and finish the music without movement. The chief (Sibasa) plays
a matilo pipe; in this case the highest B flat. Each team of reed-players is in charge of
its own induna, who is responsible for all the men being present. If his team is incomplete,
he will have to give an adequate reason for the non-attendance of the absentees. The chief's
molugwane(tonona molugwane),and his chief i,nduna,when present, regulate the proceedings;
or the chief himself if he is there in person. The tonona molugwane in this instance played
takula.
The tshikona dance is used for general merry-makings. At Sibasa's kraal the men
had attended at the command of the chief, and he utilized them for work in connection with
the construction of the new royal kraal, such as the cutting of stakes and thatching grass,
the hewing of stone and the building of walls.
The men awoke early, and, shortly after, the first tshikona dance of the day began.
Breakfast came next, followed by more repetitions of the tshikona, and at about 9 a.m., the
men set out for different localities in which to carry out their various tasks. Not all of the
men went to work, however, and those left at the kraal would perform the tshikona from
time to time throughout the day. At about 5 p.m., the workers returned to the kraal,
bearing with them the stakes and bales of thatching-grass which they had cut, and deposited
them in orderly piles near the site of the new buildings, and in about a quarter of an hour's time
the ngoma would give the signal for the complete body of men to execute the dance. The
final performance of the day took place about ten o'clock, after which the men went to bed,
sleeping on the ground round camp-fires which they had lit in the koro. The tshikona
dance is executed at Induna Netshiaba's kraal, Lake Funduzi, on the day following the annual
ceremony of the propitiation of the Lake spirits which takes place at the time of the first full
363
moon in June or July. At Netshiaba's a number of women " ululated " (mfuhlulu) with
the tongue at intervals during the dance.
The steps of this dance are involved. So far I can only suggest the steps of the opening
repetitions of the theme, as I analysed them.
Maintfigure of " Tshikona " dance.
K2
+4
1f
nw
Feet (advancing) L
Leap to
(halt)
-77
hopto
IlJIS 4m.L1 JI
L
LR
R hopto L
R (halt)
D. C.
The young boys try to imitate the regular tshikona dancers, practising with nanga
made from ordinary river reeds cut and roughly tuned by themselves. One enacts the part
of the molugwane. Now and then one or more, on becoming proficient enough, will be
given a place in the team of this kraal, for, as I have already noted, some of the pipes are
occasionally duplicated, a " half-set " being frequently added to the completed motaba.
I have also seen very tiny boys aping the movements of the dancers, using sticks to
represent the reed-flutes.
The Bavenda have words which they sometimes sing to the tshikona dance. The words
are as follows:
5n- OWb. 1:
na - nga
go
v.e
la
m dji-gi-
dja
ne
As I had been informed by many Bavenda that all their reed-flutes were made at a place
called Tshaula,1 I returned in September, 1931, and visited Paswene's location in the northeast corner of the Transvaal, where the village of the petty chief Bowhane is situated. This
village is the centre of the reed-flute manufacture, and about a mile distant is the reed-forest
of Tshaula. The country is very wild, the village itself being perched high up a mountain,
and reached by a stony foot-path, for there are no roads. The so-called forest has been visited
by only one or two white men, among whom the Bavenda mention a man who came in a wagon,
many years ago, and who asked the chief of that day if he might take away some of the famous
reed-plants to grow elsewhere. He was told that they would die, but nevertheless he took
some in a pot filled with sand. The plants, however, died.
The " forest " itself is merely a circular clump of bush containing the reed growths, and
it is only some three hundred feet in diameter. It is situated on dry ground on a hillside,
and from a neighbouring hill one can see it as a whole. It is wrapped up in a mass of legend
1 Mentioned by Stayt. Also mentioned by Harries, The Sacred Baboonsof Lomondo. The latter, however, does not refer to the reed-flutes.
364
PERCIVAL
and superstition, and to the ordinary Bavenda native it is taboo. Only the Tshaula men
may enter it, for they say that it is inhabited by midzi'ma,or spirits of departed chiefs. If
any ordinary native dares to enter the clump, these " black spirits " will harm him, for it is
their duty to guard the reeds. I was told that if I were to go into this bush, the induna of
the village might enter and bring me safely out, but otherwise I should die. The spirits which
inhabit the forest are the former chiefs of the village of Bowhane. These chiefs are women.
One of them died this year (1931) and is buried in her hut in the kraal. Her spirit now haunts
the reed-forest. Formerly, they say, the kraal was near the forest, and there appears to be
evidence that both kraal and forest were very much more extensive than they are to-day.
In olden times lions lived in the bush where the reeds are found, and these used to kill the cattle.
The Bavenda believe that their cattle will not enter the sacred clump, and they actually
seem to avoid it, but this is probably due to the fact that the vegetation is very dense. Long
ago, the people say, the district was all impenetrable bush full of lions, and they felt that it
was necessary to cut away some of this bush in order to preserve their cattle. Accordingly
the old people cleared away much of the bush and established the tungulu custom, which is
kept up to-day by their descendants. One native, however, told me that the reason why the
reed clump was made sacred was that otherwise all the people would have come to cut the
reeds themselves, and none would have been left. A monopoly of manufacture was thus
started, which may explain why the Bavenda say that these reeds grow nowhere else in the
land. The tungulu ceremony is celebrated when the mealies are in flower, about January
or February. The people of the village come with mpambo, or unfermented native beer, in
a tungu or double calabash kept for the purpose. They bring with them six miniature assegais
with iron heads, each about two feet long, together with two miniature adzes or hoes of a
similar size. The assegais and adzes are kept carefully in a hut in the village, and nothing
will persuade the people to part with them, for each assegai represents a departed chief of
the village. The assegais are stuck in the ground in the middle of the forest, holes are made
in the ground by means of the adzes or hoes, and into these holes the beer is poured. This
libation serves to propitiate the spirits of the ancestors, and the whole ceremony is analogous
with that which takes place annually at the sacred Lake Funduzi. The chief of the village
is always a woman, but she does not actually become chief until she marries. If she has a
brother, he acts as her induna. This chieftainess takes the name Bowhane when she marries
and her husband may either stay with her at her village, or live in his own kraal visiting her
periodically. Her eldest daughter will succeed to the chieftainship. No one knows who
appointed the Tshaula indunas to be custodians of the reeds; they have been such ever since
there were Bavenda there. At present (1931) there is no chief, since Bowhane has recently
died, but her eldest daughter (for she left three), named Nyamuliwane, will eventually succeed
her on her marriage.
The Bavenda of Tshaula reiterated that all the reed-flutes used in the great dances of
their country are grown in the sacred forest, and that the particular type of reed found there
is found nowhere else. They call it musinono, whereas the usual variety, apparently of the
same class, is called musinongo.
PERCIVAL
365
In the council hut of the village there may be seen the usual ngoma, or large drum, slung
on a frame of wood, the smaller thungwa, and a murumbu, all three of considerable age. The
customary palapala, or signal trumpet of sable antelope horn, is stuck in the raftering, while
on the wall hangs a cowskin bag containing some sixty reed-flutes, together with a number of
specially large ones. The bag contains about three sets of flutes. I asked to see the chief
reed-maker and he came to me in the council hut. His name is Nemaluma Makaleni,and he
is recognized as the chief reed-making expert in Bavendaland. He appears to be about eighty
years of age. He said that he was old when the Swazis came to fight the Bavenda. He,
however, did not fight; he was a reed-maker. At my request, he showed me how a set of
flutes was made up. He emptied the bag of reeds on the floor, and, starting from the shortest,
tuned to B flat, arranged fifteen of them panpipe-wise on the ground, comparing each with
the one above and the one below. The scale or mode was consistent for the first octave or
so, but afterwards he seemed to find difficulty in selecting the right pipes. He accordingly
began to select a second and a third set, but I could see that he was not perfectly satisfied.
I therefore told him that the lower notes were not correct, whereupon he excused himself and
left the hut, returning after some minutes with a set of fifteen flutes joined togetherpanpipewise by means of a couple of strips of bark twisted between them. He then proceeded to
compare the sets on the ground with the new set, with the help of another man. The new
set was consistent from the highest note, B flat, down to the twelfth note, E flat, but below
this it was somewhat erratic, and the old man seemed rather nonplussed. It was, however, very
interesting to see that, while comparing the new set with the old sets laid out on the ground,
the old man detached five pipes at a time and blew them successively, from the highest to
the lowest. Indeed, at one time he played a little extempore tune on the five highest,
as one might play on panpipes. He called the set of fifteen joined pipes wopa, and I
purchased them from him, together with a set of six longer pipes which he made to match
them, the price being one large goat. Nemaluma is seen holding these pipes in Fig. 4, P1.
XXII.
I saw Nemaluma in his workshop-an open hut with a fire burning in the centre, and a
supply of reeds ready to be fashioned into flutes. To remove the centre of the knots for the
longer pipes, he heated a length of iron tubing about 3-inch diameter, and burnt them out.
Afterwardshe cut down the tubes, testing their pitch and fashioning the embouchures at the
same time, using an old table-knife for the purpose. I asked Nemaluma to name the various
pipes and found that although he was perfectly certain of some of them, he found difficulty
in naming others, and indulged in considerable argument with two other men. The net result
of this enquiry was as follows, and I believe that these names are correct,' with the possible
1 I have checked this list of names with lists supplied to me by the molugwanesof five other kraals, as
well as with the names of the notes of the mbila, or Bavenda marimba,which is tuned to the same series of
sounds. Three expert makers and players of this instrument gave me the names independently. My final
conclusionsare based upon the common factors in the different lists, with Nemaluma's list as the final
check.
VOL. LXIII.
2 B
366
PERCIVAL
exception of Nos. 2, 3, 4 and 5, which are doubtful. The numbers correspond with those below
the scale given in musical notation on p. 358.
1. Bi
natilo.
2. A,
tezani.
12. E i ndjinge.
13. D, tshiarabi.
3. G
takulambidzi.
14. C
takula.
4. F
mbidzi.
15. B
pala.
5. E,
tshiarabi.
16. A,
tangwe.
6. D
rmbidze.
17. G
kolomo.
7. C
takulana.
18. F
vevera.
8. BL palana.
19. Ei
zika.
9. A~ impindje.
20. D1 zika.
10. G
pepera.
11. F
veve.
21. C
zika.
Such a set is called a motaba. (Fig. 5, P1. XXVI.)

I find that the long pipes, or mazika, were also used in the old days. The cowskin bag is
called by Chief Takulani(Takulani's kraal)tevu ya nanga, the bag for the nanga (Fig. 6, P1.XXVI).
The players of the larger reeds hold them to the mouth with the left hand, while with the right
they keep the lower end of the reed away from the body, using the angle between the first finger
and thumb as a " fork." Old men, when playing the long reeds, actually employ a forked
stick held in the right hand for this purpose. The object of this is to keep the reed free of the
legs, so that the dancing steps may be readily executed.
The same scale of reed-flutes is used in both the tshikona and matangwa dances, as well
as in the giba and visa dances. The natives were emphatic upon this point, and also insisted
that the names of the notes correspond with those of the mbila. I believe that the actual
standard of pitch for the reed-flutes is a very old carved mbila,l or rather the wooden slabs
of a mbila, which is carefully preserved in Bowhane's village.
An additional check on the true nature of the reed-flute ensemble was afforded me by the
fact that Bavenda musicians actually imitate it upon other instruments. I have heard the
general effect of the tshikona imitated upon the deze (iron tongued " piano " of the Valhemba),
the tshigwana (musical bow with the string tied back near the centre, and the mouth used as
a resonator), and the mbila. In each case a definite attempt was made to suggest the characteristic polyphony of the reeds in the tshikona, as well as the powerful drum rhythm. The first
1 The mbila of the Bavenda is a large resonated Xylophone. About twenty-two wooden slabs, thinned
at their centres, are slung from a long wooden frame by means of riems. Below each slab is a carefully tuned
resonator of calabash, fitted with a vibrating membrane of spider's web. This resonator reinforces the tone
of the slab, which is beaten with rubber-headedbeaters. The mbilkis played upon by two performers, one
of whom uses two beaters, and the other three.
367
of these transcriptions was perhaps the least successful. The following sounds were produced
by the performerin imitation of the dance.
z 88
The tshigwana player, notwithstanding the rather unpromising nature of his instrument,
succeeded in suggesting the scale of the flutes remarkably well, and, tuning the two portions
of his string to two notes a major-third apart, used these to indicate the harmonic substructure
as well as the persistent throb of the thunywa drum.' But the mbila players gave the most
elaborate imitation. They called to their help tWo others, making four performers in all, a>nd
upon their twenty-one note instrument they played the following:
4xi
Player
- -I
E64
1I
4 bf
laAn
$1gy
OI
1l
The first and second players imitated the sound of the reed-flutes while the third and
fourth suggested the beating of the thungwa and ngomsarespectively. The mbila players also
imitated the matentwa ensemble of reed-futes, mry thtngwa,
bu and
thus:
Players
Player 3
bM
I
btA
b|
1 For an account of the method of playing upon this instrument see my " The Recognition and Practical
use of the Harmonics of Stretched Strings by the Bantu of South Africa " in Bantu Studiea, vol. vi, No. 1,
March, 1932.
2 B 2

PERCIVAL
368
It will be noticed in this instance that the third player performs both drum parts, and is careful
to imitate both the low and high sounds which the murumbu produces. The lowest note in
this case is of course intended to suggest the thungwa. Another set of mbila players gave the
following as their version of the reed-flutes in the matangwa dance.
AK
--9F
1~
~~.
~~~~~~
m.
L.
do
%.'M
Berger, 1932.
Carl Berger wrote to me from Haruchas,' South-West Africa, after supplying me with
four sets of reed-flutes (two of four pipes each and two of six pipes). He gave me the following
information.
The Hottentots, #gowab, and also the Bushmen of the Kalahari living between the
Hottentots, the lawa gowab san or Red-Dunes-Bushmen along the Auob River, play the reedflutes, and also the Hereros.2 The reed-flute is called ?a, a reed, which is the same name as
that of the arrow, which is made from reed also. This name is used by Bushmen and Hottentots
for the reed-flute. The ilerero name Mr. Berger cannot find out. In a set of large pipes four
are used, and in a set of small pipes, six. The names of the pipes, from the highest to the
lowest, are1. ejas.
1. eias.
2. a!gjs.
2. a!geis
3. I/huis.
3. / Ihuis.
4. kharinas.
4. gomas.
5. 'kho!gcJOkaris.
6. //eis!gas.
The stick for moving the plugs is called $oa which is the equivalent of the Dutch, rosyntjehout,
when the sticks are made from this wood. The Herero name is onjandero.
I sounded all the sets of reed-flutes on receiving them, and found them to be tuned as
follows. (Mr. Berger had had them fastened together in sets and most carefully packed.
Set I
9 rv
rSet
8 gva
8va
Set III
SetlV
Jm
Two such sets are shown on Figs. 3 and 4, P1. XXVI.

1
2
In February, 1932.
CompareStow, p. 262, on the Ovahereroor Damara. " Their chief amusement was dancing to music
from a reed . . ."
(Cf. Barnabas Shaw. already quoted.)
369
Van Warnelo, 1932.

Dr. van Warmelo, Government Ethnologist to the Union of South Africa, obtained for
me two sets of reed-flutes as used by certain of the Transvaal Basotho. They were made by
the son of a native doctor, of Molepo's location, Pietersburg. Dr. van Warmelo also sent me'
the following information concerning these flutes.
" They are of course the same as those used for blowing matangwa among the Venda.
Their names are, lowest tone first,
1.
2.
3.
4.
lebo'xa.
theme.
phal6la.
5. ktba.
6. moraxoxakiba.
7. moro'thwana.
tytetdi.
First of all phalola is cut, the rest being attuned to that, but only in direct order of succession;
no greater intervals than between two nearest tones are checked; phalola is also the one
blown first to commence a tune. The correct tone of phalola is selected by ear. By way of
experiment I now took No. 5 of set 1, and asked for another set to be made, in which this was
to be phalola. The boy cut another to match the tone, and you will find that No. 5 of set 1
and No. 3 of set 2 have the same tone. He says, however, that set 2 would not be accepted
as correct, being too high. It satisfies him as a theoretical proposition only, so to speak.
" These dinaka are blown in the same way as the Venda2 matangwa reeds, girls beating the
long drums meropa3(no others, though Venda of course, also have thungwa), and the blowers
stand in a circle, or march round, and dance. The leader is called rnolokwana(Venda malogwane),
and has a phalafala horn. My informant knows of three tunes only, which he considers
everybody ought to know, viz. lexowa, k,ba and mokxari. Other tunes are, however, composed
now and then, and, after due practice, performed in public, often in competition with another
orchestra. These tunes have no words, of course, but are easily recognized by all who know
them.
" The dinaka blowers are not used for the various purposes they are made to serve among
the Venda, neither collecting debts nor being sent by chiefs to one another. Tradition is still
quite clear that they were introduced from the Venda."
The sounds of the two sets of reeds sent to me were as follows:
Set I
Set II
f
.5
1 In a letter dated 4th March, 1932.

2
See my descriptions of Bavenda reed-flutes, supra.

The ordinaryconical drum of the Basotho, beaten with the hanids.
370
It will be readily seen that the scale of set 1 corresponds almost exactly to that used by
the Venda'; and also-that in making the set 2, the native was upset by the unusual request,
and consequently did not succeed in making his scale relatively correct.
In a further communication Dr. van Warmelo added:
" Molepo's people are Basotho. The occasions on which dinaka is played are only those
on which people assemble to enjoy themselves, such as a wedding (xo beka, when the bride is
brought in) or a beer party. The blowers are summoned by the host to come and perform,
usually for one afternoon, but if more, they go home and return next day. They do not go
about on their own account on begging expeditions, as the Venda do with their bepha. The
dinaka are not blown during mourning; on the death of a chief or of their leader this is tabu
(xo ilelwa) at least for a month. The dinaka are kept at the same place as the meropa drums,
usually the chief's kraal. They are kept by molokwane,usually in a bag or sack (modern).
Seven is a complete set, which may be augmented by one much higher toned, and one or more
much deeper ones, which have no particular names. Of course, there may be several sets,
as many as five phalo6la." A set of these flutes is shown on Fig. 1, P1. XXVI.
Kirby, 1932.
In February, 1932, I accompanied my colleague, Professor L. F. Maingard, to Bloemhof,
in the South-western Transvaal, where remnants of the Links tribe of the Korana Hottentots,
are still to be found. From the account of my mus'ical experiences among them I extract the
following description of their reed-flutes.2
" The reed-flute ensemble called $ adi, was formerly by far the most important musical
feature of the Korana, since it was not only an organized ensemble of many performers, but
was really a part of the social life of the people. Although it has in the past been frequently
noted among the Nama and also the Bechuana, there are but few references in the work
of travellers and others to its existence among the Korana.3
" My informants were the oldest men, since the reed-dance has been completely stamped
out by the missionaries, some of whom have recorded their pleasure at succeeding in eradicating
it. One old man, named Matiti, undertook to make several reed-flutes for me. The proper
material was, they said, river reed, but as the only available supplies in the Vaal River were
either distant or in deep water, they only procured one stem as a sample. This type of reed
is thin, being not more than half an inch in diameter. It is regarded as suitable for the manufacture of reed-flutes because of the comparative uniformity of the bore and because the
trifling nodal obstructions inside the reed are easily removed, leaving a clear-bore tube. Matiti
cut off a length of this reed measuring about 15k-inches, and cleared the bore with a length of
wire, since a suitable straight stick was not available. One of the women had in the meantime
obtained a handful of ordinary rushes, and she now chewed these, throwing away the pith
3 Vide supra, p. 358.
44The Music and Musical Instruments of the Korana," in Bantu Studies, June, 1932.
3 These are Wikar, Archbell, Wuras, Stow, Engelbrecht, and Meinhof.
2
371
and leaving the tough fibre, which she straightened out and handed to the old man. Matiti
took some of this fibre and rolled it into a ball, which he proceeded to chew. When it was more
or less compressed, he took it between his finger and thumb, and pushed it into the wider
end of the pipe, forcing it down by means of the wire plunger. I may mention that at first
he tried to push it into the narrow end, his sight not being too good, but the others pointed
out his error, and set him right. He then tried to sound the flute but, since the plug of rush
fibre was not airtight, no clear note could be produced. Upon this, a woman fetched some
water, which Matiti poured into the tube and kept there for some minutes until the plug had
swollen, after which he emptied it out and tested the flute as before. This time the tone was
clear and ringing. The reed-flute was held in the left hand, the orifice being laid above the
hollowed tongue, and not against the lips as is the case with the tube of a panpipe. No
'ictus ' could be obtained. The fingers steadied the tube against the chin. (Figs. 2 and 3,
P1. XXII.)
" I then endeavoured to have a set constructed, and for this purpose several reeds were
obtained from gardens in the neighbourhood of Bloemhof. From these reeds Matiti and
another old man, Tebeb, prepared six reed-flutes, but were not very well satisfied with them.
They seemed to find difficulty in remembering how they should be tuned, and suggested that
their oldest living friend, named Daob, who had his home at some little distance, should be
sent for, since he was a musician, and knew all about these things. We were, however, only
able to get hold of Daob on the day before our return from Bloemhof, but he proved to be a
particularly interesting personality. Daob was completely blind, and consequently our
investigation was much hampered. But his vitality and good humour were amazing, and when
the set of reeds was put into his hands, he felt them all over, tried to blow one, and finding
difficulty, tested all the reeds at both ends by suction, to see whether the plugging was efficient.
Apparently he was annoyed, for he burst into Bushman, and then told the ancient Korana
that they knew nothing about the reeds, and if they got the proper materials for him, he would
show them (he called them boys) how flutes should be made."
The reeds were kept by one man who acted as the leader in the reed-dance. A case made
of a piece of a tree trunk hollowed out by a curved iron tool was used for keeping the reeds in.
This hollow wooden case was suspended by a riem from the branch of a tree so that the flutes
might be kept in the shade. They were not kept inside a hut since the heat of the fire
would tend to dry up the plugs and tubes. But whenever the reeds got too dry for use,
they would be thoroughly soaked in water. Should a reed split, it could often be made
usable, if not too far gone, by being " whipped " with wet rushes, which, when dry, drew the
edges of the crack close together. In place of the wooden flute-case a bag of cowskin was
often used.
Women never played the reed-flutes (this directly contradicts Stow); only grown men
might perform upon them. Immediately after they had passed through the doro or initiation
ceremony, the boys would be taught the steps of the reed-dance, and how to play upon the
flute. The leader who was called !khona !kausab, was the teacher. The men, having been
provided with their reed-flutes by the leader, would stand in a circle, and would move round,
372
dancing, counter-clockwise. The men's dance steps involved a leaping movement. The
women formed a wider circle outside that of the men, and moved in the opposite direction.
Occasionally, however, they would roll their buttocks about in characteristic manner. The
flutes were sounded in succession, beginning with the highest in pitch which was played by the
leader. The women clapped their hands in time to the music of the flutes. Owing to the fact
that a proper set of flutes was not obtainable, I was unable to arrive at the pitch of the various
pipes, but a curious point arises in this connection of which I shall speak when describing the
songs of the Korana. The names given to the first four flutes were as follows
1.
kko:
2. !namis
ko: s
3. geiy# a: s
4. tuxana
The meaning of the third of these names is " the big reed," which particular flute appears to
function as a kind of " tonic," since from it the others are tuned. I could obtain no names for
any other flutes; the Korana said that they merely " followed on."
In December, 1931, Professor Maingard obtained a description of the reed-flute dance, his
informant being Saul van Eck, an old Kora who also supplied me with information. The 0 adi,
he said, were played by men moving in a circle (ina na:e $nammi). In the middle of the
circle was a man with a stick who beat the time. The minimum number of reed-flutes was three,
which had the same names as the first three on my list above. But there were often as many as
twelve, or even fourteen or more players. The whole kraal would join in the dance, even if
they were not playing. The women stamped round in an outer circle, clapping their hands
(ina//am) and shaking their buttocks (!hare khwedi). Four o'clock in the afternoon (hakca
kororo: p) was the right time to begin the dance which lasted until morning (//kwa: ba). Oxen
were killed for the dancers.
After considerable questioning we succeeded in eliciting the information that occasionally
there was a kind of " competition " between kraals, in which the reed-dance played a very
important part. There can be little doubt that it was this aspect of the dance that roused the
missionaries against it, although unquestionably their practice has always been to eradicate all
forms of music peculiar to the peoples they wish to convert, and in its place to impose that to
which they themselves have been accustomed. For the inhabitants of one crowd would visit
those of another, who met the visitors halfway, the women of each kraal accompanying their
men. Oxen would be slaughtered by the hosts for the entertainment of the visitors, and the
reed-dance would begin, the women of the one kraal dancing with the men of the other. The
dance developed into an orgy, the women abandoning themselves to the men. As my informant
put it " they mixed."
Four songs performed by an old Korana, named Daob, appeared to be closely connected
with the reed-flutes. They were sung to me by him when I asked him to sing for me the sounds
of the flutes when correctly tuned. The actual connection I was unable to trace, but the tunes
seemed to me to serve as a series of mnemonics whereby the skilled musicians of the Korana
people might tune their flutes, in the absence of permanent pitch standards, which do not exist
in a nomadic race of this sort.
PERCIVAL R. KIRBY.-The
373
A close examination of the four songs' yielded some very significant information. In the
first tune ta-ti-na-ti, the note which was heard most frequently was B flat, and it was also
consistently emphasized; in the next, !ui mare !harab!na tao, the note 0 was similarly prominent; while in the third tune ti-ra ti-ra ti-ra, the outstanding note was D. Finally, in the
fourth tune, Tuxana,/ uib tse !nora sintskoko, the most important note appeared to be G.
Assuming that these notes represented the sounds of the principal reed-flutes, we arrive at the
following fragmentary scale, which may be compared with the scale quoted by Schultze, where
a similar sequence will be found, although it does not, as in this case, commence with the principal
reed-flute, ai.as.
gez2
ta
s !namts $ko +tos
tuxana
But it will be noted that the notes of one of the sets of Bushman reed-flutes sent to me by Carl
Berger correspondswith this series of sounds.2
Kirby, 1932.
In July, 1932, I toured through Southern Bechuanaland again, having been informed by the
Resident Magistrate at Gaberones that the reed-flutes were to be found in their original purity
at the stad named Ramoutsa, in the Bamalete reserve. I took with me both electrical and
acoustic recordingmachines, and was fortunate in securing fairly complete information regarding
the manufacture of, and methods of performance upon, the reed-flutes in that area, as well as a
series of photographs of the players.
The chief, Seboko, took great trouble to have the most accurate information put before
me, actually calling his council together, and instructing them to give me the history of the
flutes, so far as they knew it, as well as all other details.
The Bamalete, they said, got the idea of the flutes from the Hottentots; the first to get
them being Selaotswe, about seventy-five years ago. So far as they remembered the earliest
Bechuana tribes in their area to get them were the Bamalete, under Chief Mokgosi II, and the
Bahurutsi, under Chief Mangope. I asked them for the name of the district occupied by the
Hottentots from whom they obtained the reeds, and they mentioned Mamusa. If this was
so, the Hottentots were therefore Korana. All the other Bechuana tribes got their knowledge
of the reed-flutes from the Bamalete. Other people from the Griqua area also came and imparted
this knowledge, but Selaotswe was the first to acquire it. I then pointed out to them that I
knew for a fact that the Batlapin had reed-flutes at a much earlier date, quoting Burchell's
description. They said that that was quite possible, since the Batlapin were in much closer
contact with the Korana; nevertheless, they did not gain their knowledge from the Batlapin,
but direct from the Hottentots.
1
2
Videmy article The Music and Musical Instrumentsof the Korana.

Vide supra, p. 358.
374
PERCIVAL
R. KIRBY.-Th3 Ree-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
Among the Bamalete the reed-flutes, which are called dithlaka, are made from a reed called!
mmafe, whic}hgrows at the junction of the Moloewe and Taungs rivers in the Bamalete reserve,
near Ramoutsa. The reeds grow, in the water, up to a height of six or even eight feet. They
are cut in winter, after the 25th of August, or thereabouts, as they are then sufficiently dry and
can be made at once into flutes. Any player may cut them, since each man customarily cuts.
his own reed, there being no specialist manufacturer. But only one person is entrusted with
the tuning. He is the teacher of the ensemble, and is called mothlabi. He has a very
keen ear, and is elected to his position by reason of his skill. He selects and nominates his.
successor, who is then elected mothlabiin his place. The mothlabi composes new tunes, and.
teaches them to the people; but others may also compose tunes which the mothlabi will
teac h.
If a man is inspired by the good deeds or successes of the tribe, he may make up a praise
song, or something disgraceful to the tribe may be recorded in song. The song-maker makes,
his song for the voice in the first place, and sings it to his fellows, usually the reed-blowers.
These join in with their voices, and if the song is found to be suitable for the reed band, it is,
put into practice and learned. The harmonies are fitted as the song is learned, according to the
harmonic principles that may be deduced from the examples given below.
The mothlabi himself may play any reed, although at Ramoutsa he played that of then
highest pitch, which led off the tuning of the band. The old men, in council, gave me a vocal
demonstration of the matsao, or method of testing the tuning of the reeds, and in this I participated to their great delight. As the method will be shown in detail shortly, I shall not
outline it at this stage.
The dithlaka ensemble is the prerogative of royalty. The chief alone has the right to have
the flutes played, but a headman with one or two hundred men under him may have a set.
Nevertheless, if he wishes for a performance he must have the permission of the chief. The
chief can summon all the teams or players in his area if he likes, and order them to play, but in
practice Seboko usually summons four sets; as there are thirteen in a set, fifty-two performers.
take part at once. This limitation in numbers is due merely to the size of the kghotlaor courtyard of the chief's house, where the performance takes place. Oxen are killed for the per-formers, and general merry-making is indulged in. It is therefore in time of plenty that the
chief is accustomed to summon his dithlaka players.
The instruments themselves are kept in the rafters of a hut. They are not kept byindividuals, but are bound together in a set and given into the charge of a specially appointed
curator. When the chief wishes to have them played, he orders the mothlabi,who is an official
of the stad, to obtain them from the curator.
The shorter flutes consist of varying lengths of reed, practically cylindrical in bore, without
knots. The longer flutes are built up from two or more such knotless lengths of reed, jointed
in a peculiar way. The lower end of one piece has its edge thinned down, and the upper end of
a second piece is carefully split. The thinned end of the one is then forced into the split end of
the other, and the joint firmly bound with special fibre from the mimosa tree. This fibre is.
that which is found next to the wood of the tree itself, and is called lelodi.
PERCIVAL
375
As many as five pieces of reed are jointed together in this manner to make the deep-toned
flutes. Nowadays the younger men try to obtain jointless lengths of iron, brass, or copper
tubing from which to make these bass pipes, because they are lasting and easy to blow; but
the old men prefer the tone of the original reeds. Before a performance the reeds are thoroughly
wetted in order that air-leaks may be eradicated.
The flutes are tuned by means of movable plugs of chewed lslodi. The plug is pushed into
the mouth end of the tube by means of a rammer of wood called mmbana, about five feet long,
and thinner than the bore of the tube. The plug itself is called tudi. Sometimes the plugs are
rammed down with one mmbana, while they are kept in position by another mmbanaheld in the
tube from below. Only the mothlabi is provided with these rammers, and he frequently uses
one of them as a conductor uses his baton, to quicken the time of the music, or the movements
of the dancers' legs.
The reeds are divided into four groups, four in each of the firsb three groups, and one in
the last; thirteen in all. But often the first group is duplicated. The groups, with their tunings
and names are as follows. (See Figs. 1 and 2, Pl. XXIII, and Figs. 1 and 3, PI. XXIV.)
motenyane
dinokwana
madumedi
meporo
who has the bundle

The reed-blowers, who are always men, gather round the n%othlabi,
of reeds in his arms, together with his tuning-sticks and a pot of water with which to wet the
tubes. Often the smaller reeds are carried in the pot. He distributes the reeds to the appropriate,players, who arrange themselves in order of pitch, the highest note first. When all are
in line, the mothlabiroughly checks the tuning by going from man to man and adjusting the
pitch with his tuning-sticks. He has by this time formed the players into a circle, which has
no special name. The circle of players, however, moves round counter-clockwise, and this movement is called kgosekela,which means, to go round in a circle. (Figs. 1 and 2, P1. XXV.) The
women form themselves into a ring outside that of the men, and sing the tune of the reed-dance,
clapping their hands and occasionally ululating (mogolokwane)to encourage the players.
Sometimes they sing a melody along with the reeds, but this is not invariably the
case.
A dance is begun in the following manner. The circle of blowers having been formed,
the mothlab'igives the signal for tuning by calling out the word tsang, which means play the
tune or chord. The flutes then enter successively with the tuning formula called matsao, the
mothlabistanding apart to hear whether all are in tune or not, and calling on any player whose
flute is faulty and setting his instrument right before allowing him to take his place again in
the circle. Sometimes a player will detect an inaccuracy himself, and will come straight to the
376
PERCIVAL
R. KRIBY.-TIe Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
mothlabito have his flute retuned. I have here put the tuning formula into short score to save
space, but it will be understood that each sound represents an individual player.
1
~~~~~~~~~~~~~re
Dug
mf
\~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
p
s
s
l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
t 1- M
I,
4 I,m,
Duringthe matsaothe circleof playersstands still. I quote two reed-flutetunes in score.

Occasionally slight variants were introduced, especially in the upper parts; but not infrequently a single player would " drop " a note or two, either because his instrument had slipped
or in order to save a little breathing space, since the tunes, being long continued and coupled
with the dance, are exhausting to play. The ensemble, however, is substantially as follows,
the scores having been written down on the spot, and subsequently checked from the records
taken during the performance.
While I was at Ramoutsa, the reed-players began to perform at sundown, and continued
playing far into the night. There was bright moonlight on these occasions.
CONCLUSIONS.
A careful analysis of the foregoing references and the varied information contained in
them has led me to arrive at a number of interesting and important conclusions.
1.-Historical and Geographical.
Reed-flute ensembles have been observed by many travellers, from the fifteenth century
to the present time, among certain South African peoples inhabiting definite areas. The
older writers have shown that the ensemble existed among the Nama Hottentots, the Korana
PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-Tle Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.
377
Hottentots, The Bushmen, the Bechuana and possibly also among the Gonaqua Hottentots;
while more recent authors have noted its occurrence among the Bavenda, the Transvaal
Basotho and the Ndebele, The former peoples inhabited South-West Africa, the Western
TUNE I
76
(
Flute in G
LI
n)
.A_
___
C
C
2 .*1 JJ
P\-
_____
_w
IN_
xT11
DC
2___________i1|--
>)-
0 Rw
w
*
__-______8
do__________
Province of the Cape, the South-Western corner of the Transvaal and the Southern portion of
Bechuanaland; the latter live in the Northern Transvaal. There is no evidence whatever
to show that reed-flute ensembles were ever found among those peoples who inhabited Natal,
Basutoland, the Eastern Province of the Cape or the Kalahari desert. In fact, in the last-
378
PERCIVAL
named area there is little suitablematerialavailablefrom which flutes might be constructed;

this in itself wouldrule out the bulk of the Bushmen. As will be seen, the methodsof manufacturingand of playingupon the instrumentsindicatethat the reed-fluteplayersfall into two
TUNE II
760
Flutet in G
7J
__|
:||
_____
____
C)
.'~'
g
'-
of3 =
'_
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- ----
....
_7_
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EW
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_ __
_IL
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If
distinct groups, the first being that of the -lottentot-Bushmen-Bechuana,

and the second
that of the Bavenda-TransvaalBasotho-Ndebele,although in all probability both groups
originallyder'ivedthe instrumentsfrom a commonsource. To emphasiizemy argument,it
will sufficeat this stage to point out again that the Bamalete (Bechuana)stated that they
PERCIVAL
R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa.
379
had acquired the use of the reeds from the Korana, and that the Transvaal Basotho tradition
-acknowledgesthat their flutes were originally borrowed from the Bavenda.
II.-Ethnological.
Among the Nama Hottentots, according to the earliest observers, the playing of the reed-lutes, with the accompanying dance, was indulged in on special occasions, such as when
-a chief wished to compliment or honour some distinguished guest. Van Meerhoff (1661),
-van der Stel (1685), Alexander (1836-7) and Schinz (1884) all emphasize this point. The
dance witnessed by van der Stel was actually given in honour of his birthday, and he provided
-the ox which was slaughtered for the dancers.
From the beginning of the eighteenth century occasional mention is made of the association
,of the reed-dance with moon worship. Bogaert (1711) hints at this, but as he is merely a
compiler, his suggestions are untrustworthy. Roos and Marais (1782) state that a song was
sung to the new moon, and Hahn (1881) reiterates the point. Other writers, including Valentyn
(1726), Paterson (1778), Shaw (1841), Schinz (1884) and von Fran9ois (1894), although they
do not associate the dance with worship, emphasize the fact that it usually takes place in the
evening, and frequently lasts all night, especially if the moon is bright. But a moment's
reflection will convince one that the evening is the native's usual recreation time, since the
work of the day must be done between sunrise and sunset, and in any case the heat of the day
is very great, and consequently those forms of organized recreation which must take place
in the open are generally indulged in on bright moonlight nights.
Among the Korana Hottentots I can find no trace of any connection between the reeddances and moon worship. Like the Nama, the Korana generally began their performances
about sunset, and frequently continued them throughout the night, the dancers being likewise
rewarded by the slaughter of a beast.
The "love-play " hinted at in several of the descriptions of Nama reed-dances was,
among the Korana, actual " sex-play." It is mentioned by Wikar (1778-9), and described
in the passage quoted from the Berliner Missions Bericht (1885), where the men and women
are shown to have decorated themselves for the occasion by painting their faces. For, although
the writer does not specifically say so, there is no doubt from the nature of the attack made
apon the Korana by the missionary, and by the Biblical references that he quoted, that
it was the !hous, in which the men of one kraal deliberately visited the women of another,
that he observed. Stow (1880) has also described this practice, but he was wrong in stating
,that the women played upon the flutes. I myself (1932) heard of the " ceremony " direct
from the Korana people, who pointed out that only grown men might play upon the flutes,
-and that no boy was even taught how to play until he had been through the doro or puberty
,ceremony. The significance of this limitation is obvious.
The Bushman reed-dances appear to me to have been derived from the Hottentots, in
,ipite of Stow's assertion to the contrary. Similar methods of manufacture and of tuning
are employed by both peoples, and what is even more important, the nomenclature of the
380
PERCIVAL
flutes, if one may make such a deduction from the single piece of evidence given by IBerger
(1932) is practically the same, and is essentially Hottentot.
The Bechuana, like the Hottentots, also appear to have performed their reed-dances on
special occasions, to celebrate the successful issue of some event (Burchell, 1812), to express.
joy at the coming of rain, a vital necessity in that area (Campbell,1820), to welcome a visitor
(Anderson, 1887), or to commemorate tribal history (Kirby, 1931-2). As in the case of the
peoples previously mentioned, the dances are usually performed in the evening, preferably
in the moonlight (Livingstone, 1857, Anderson, 1887, and Kirby, 1932). They are always
danced at the command of the chief, for the instruments are the special prerogative of royalty,
and he rewards the dancers by slaying an ox.
The reed-dances of the Bavenda are, like those of the other races, an important feature
of their social life, being in fact national dances, and associated with the ancestors of the tribe
(Stayt, 1931). They are used for welcoming distinguished visitors (Trigardt, 1837), or for
general merry-making, at the command of a chief (Kirby, 1931); they may be used as an
adjunct to debt-collecting, or one chief may send his reed band to entertain another (van
Warmelo, 1932). Oxen are slain for the dancers. Late afternoon and early evening are the
usual times of performance, although I have witnessed reed-dances in the early morning. On
the death of a chief the dance may not be performed, and the reed-flutes are silent. Occasionally
a reed band may go about the country on a begging expedition on its own account (van Warmelo,
1932), though I expect that it first obtains the consent of the chief.
The Transvaal Basotho and the Ndebele, who, according to their own traditions, acquired
the flutes from the Bavenda, likewise use the reeds for general rejoicings such as weddings.
or beer-drinks,the dancers being rewarded by the slaying of an ox (Kirby, 1932). The reeds.
may not be blown for at least a month after the death of a chief, or of the leader of the reed
band, but they are not used in connection with debt collecting, nor sent by one chief to another,
as in the case of the Bavenda (van Warmelo, 1932).
III.-Nomenclature.
The agreement between the nomenclature of the reed-flutes of the Nama and the
Korana Hottentots is, of course, to be expected, but the fact that the Bushmen use
similar names to the Hottentot (Berger, 1932) is significant. The Bechuana apparently
do not give names to individual flutes (or sounds), but use group names instead;
nevertheless, the fact remains that the Bechuana admittedly derived the use of the reeds
from the Korana, and the similarity in methods of manufacture and tuning decides the
point.
Among the Bavenda, individual names are given to almost all the flutes (or sounds);
this is likewise the case with the Basotho and Ndebele, although the names do not correspond
with those of the Bavenda, in spite of the fact that similarity in methods of manufacture and
of performance, as well as Basotho tradition, shows the connection between the ensemble of
the two races.
PERCIVAL
381
R. KIRBY.-The Reed-FluteEnsemblesof SouthAfrica.

IV.-Materials and Methods of Manufacture.
The Hottentots manufactured their reed-flutes from relatively fragile and narrow-bored
reeds, or, in very dry areas, from tubes of bark rendered air-tight by being bound round with
strips of thin bark, and by being kept moist with milk and water. The Bechuana also used
and still use thin reeds, making up their longer tubes by jointing together several sections of
uniform bore, the joints being rendered air-tight by being bound with strips of fibre, and by
being kept moist with water. Both races are nowadays glad to secure metal tubes, if of
suitable bore, from which to make their deep-sounding flutes, since they are easily sounded
and unbreakable. Such Bushmen reed-flutes as I have examined, both in my own collection
and in the museums at Pietermaritzburg and Durban, are made from very short lengths of
reed. Hottentots, Bechuana and Bushmen all tune their flutes by means of movable plugfs
which are adjusted by tuning-sticks.
I have found hints of specialist makers, or rather, of specially skilled makers of reedflutes among these peoples, but generally it would appear that any player may make the
flutes, although to one selected individual is delegated the responsibility of tuning them.
The Bavenda, on the other hand, make their flutes from a stout and wide-bored bamboo.
The tubes, being naturally air-tight, do not require special binding to render them so, but,
should a tube split or leak, it may be repaired by being covered with a length of intestine
which is drawn over it, tied in position, and allowed to dry. I have already suggested that
such a procedure may explain a curious statement in the account of the Nama dance by
Tachart (1686), so that it is possible that formerly the Hottentot also recognized this method
of repair. Bavenda reed-flutes normally consist of a length of bamboo open at one end and
closed at the other by a natural node, the length and diameter depending upon the pitch of
the note required. In the case of the deep-sounding flutes, a length of bamboo embodying
several inter-nodal sections is used, but all the nodal obstructions in the tube, except the
lowest, are burned out by means of a hot iron rod. Tuning is achieved by cutting down the
tube at the open end, thus reducing its length and hence raising its pitch, which cannot afterwards be lowered.
The flutes are made in a special area, which is protected by special sacred ceremonies and
taboos, by a specialist maker, and their sale is a monopoly. They are constructed in sets,
and are always placed in charge of a selected individual. Various devices are utilized whereby
a player may readily recognize his flute, since normally, a given player always plays the same
flute (and therefore the same sound), such as a rude design scratched on the reed, or one or
two rings of buckskin, with the hair on, shrunk on to the tube, or the hoof of a buck fitted
on to the lower end of the pipe.
The Basotho and Ndebele also use similar materials and methods of manufacture, as
well as the same system of tuning, and, like the Bavenda, occasionally ornament the flutes.
They too, like to make their flutes from metal tubes when they can get them, (as I noted in
the case of the Hottentots and Bechuana), and that in spite of the fact that they do not tune
their flutes by means of movable plugs.
VOL. LXIII.
2c
382
V.-Musical.
The reed-dances of all the people who perform them have several points in common.
They are executed in a circular formation, generally in the late afternoon or evening, they are
a royal institution, and performances are usually given at the command of a chief. From
a purely musical point of view, there are still other points in common. Apart from the case
of the Bushmen, concerning which there is neither sufficiently extensive nor detailed information
available, the reed-flutes are always, and seem to have been always, played in harmonoy,the
nature of such harmony varying to some extent with the different races.
The tuning of the reed-flutes, however, would appear to indicate distinct differences
between the various peoples who play them, but since my conclusions on this point are based
upon information which is all relatively recent, I cannot regard them as final.
The original tuning of the Nama flutes, as indicated by what Mrs. Hoernle stated to be
the six original pipes was, as we have seen
and if these are rearrangedin the manner of a descending scale, with the higher notes preceding
the lower, it will be seen that the method of tuning is the same as that adopted by the Bechuana.
C)
I believe that the systems of tuning of these two races were originally identical, but that the
Nama have altered the tuning of many of their flutes through European contacts. In modern
times, therefore, the Nama reed-flute ensembles do not reflect to any real extent the practice
of olden days, save in the tuning of the six original pipes. Schultze's notation of the tuning
of the Nama reeds (1907) cannot, in my opinion, be regarded as authoritative, since it was
written down, on his own admission, just after the reeds had been freshly tuned, and, as will
be readily seen, there is little logic apparent in the arrangement of the sounds, even if one
allows for the arbitrary notation employed. But it will be remembered that such preliminary
tuning is by no means final; usually the leader stands aside and corrects wrongly tuned pipes
at the commencement of the actual dance (Hoernle, 1911). I myself have noted the same
procedure among the Bechuana (Kirby, 1932), and I took care to make phonographic records
of the flutes both before and after the final adjustment was achieved, the difference between
the two being sometimes remarkable. It would therefore have been better if Schultze had
noted down the pitch of the sounds of the various Nama flutes after the players had performed
the dance, as well as before they began it.
It would seem that the Hottentot and Bechuana flutes were originally tuned in the same
way, the latter people having derived the practice from the former. The principle upon which
the tuning is based appears to me to be quite clear; it consists in the utilization of the second,
PERCIVAL R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa.
383
third and fourth partials derived from two fundamental sounds a whole tone apart. In the
case of the Nama, the six original pipes are so tuned, as will be seen at once if they are rearranged thus:
A moment's reflection will show that the tuning of the Bechuana reeds is based upon the same
fundamental principle. In this connection it is worth mentioning that the Bechuana of to-day
use a stringed musical instrument known as nokukwane, derived like the reed-flutes from the
Korana Hottentot, who called it khas, the technique of which is built upon just such partials
of two fundamental notes a whole tone apart. I have discussed it at some length in my paper,
The Recognition and Practical Use of the Harmonics of StretchedStrings by the Bantu of South
Africa.
These arguments would, of course, stultify the suggestions which I made when discussing
the reed-flutesoftheKorana (videpages 372 and 373), but as I did not actually witness a Korana
reed-dance or even hear an authentically tuned set of Korana flutes, I am quite prepared to
sacrifice them in favour of the much more rational explanation put forward here.
The tuning of the Bavenda reed-flutes introduces entirely new features. With that
people a very definite heptatonic scale is in use, which, as I have already indicated, points to
Northern influence.
wsv-
_'i
ib;;
Now, the regular songs of the Bavenda people, so far as I have been able to observe
them, do not employ such a scale, particularly in the case of the older ones, such as those
connected with initiation ceremonies and the like. These are generally of a pentatonic or
hexatonic nature, as for example, the following:
Moreover, except in the case of the song in which the Bavenda imitate the tune of their reeddance, I have never heard them sing a complete scale, or even a considerable portion of one,
unless they have been taught European tunes by teachers or clergymen.
I have said that such a heptatonic scale as that used by the Bavenda in tuning their
reed-flute points to Northern influence. I may add that the Bavenda drums called ngoma
and thungwa also suggest such an influence. The four so-called handles round the hemispherical resonators of these drums suggest to me traces of what originally must have been
interlaced ropes which, at some former time and place, were used for straining the drum-skin
in position, or perhaps even for slinging the instruments upon a horse, mule or camel. Other
2c 2
384
Bavenda practices also suggest Northern influence, such as the rite of circumcision and execution
by strangulation; and not only have many Bavenda definitely Semitic features, but Bavenda
tradition itself points to the North.
The Transvaal Basotho, together with the Ndebele, have, in adopting the reed-flutes,
from the Bavenda, taken over their practice of associating drums with the flutes. But whereas,
the Bavenda employ the Northern hemispherical drums beaten with sticks together with the
Basotho conical hand-beaten instruments, the Basotho use only their own moropa, one of
which, however, is beaten with a stick. They have also retained their own scale system, which
is obviously pentatonic, when they are sufficiently far removed from direct contact with the
Bavenda. The Basotho flutes sent to me by Dr. van Warmelo show that some at least of the
Basotho know and use the Bavenda reed-flute scale. My own observations lead me to conclude
that when not directly influenced by the Bavenda, the Basotho flutes are tuned to a scale
which is based upon the partials derived from a single fundamental tone.
The significance of the South African reed-flute ensemble, from the point of view of the
musical historian, is considerable. It represents a stage in the development of the instruments
of the flute species anterior to the syrinx, or panpipe of classical days. The true panpipe,
in which several tubes, yielding notes of different pitches, are joined together, is found all over
the globe, even in Africa. But in South Africa the stage at which the pipes are joined together
and manipulated by a single individual has apparently never been reached. I have remarked
that the old Bavenda specialist reed-maker at Tshaula actually did join fifteen pipes, but
only to keep them together, and not for playing; and in the case where a Nama musician,
as noted by Schultze and Hoernle, occasionally played upon several pipes held in his hands,
such pipes were never joined together. The Nama, too, frankly attribute this innovation
to European influence.
The derivation of the method of tuning the flutes from the harmonic series, is also very
significant, even though the present-day method of actually tuning the pipes is rather haphazard.
One seldom or never hears a " musical director " comparing two pipes an octave or a fifth
apart; he usually contents himself with building up his scale from the top downwards, by
comparing adjacent notes. In the case of the Bavenda-Basotho-Ndebele group, this results
in a mere approximation to the true scale aimed at, which, however, becomes clear when large
numbers of players perform together and are heard from a distance; in the case of the HottentotBushman-Bechuana group, the first rough tuning can be, and is, corrected by the musical
director after the dance has begun. Apparently both groups brought or inherited their reedflute ensemble from the North, though clearly at different times. The Western, or Hottentot
group, had the reed-flutes as far back as 1497. The Bavenda, on the other hand, from whom
the Basotho borrowed their reed-dance, came into the Transvaal at a relatively recent date
(end of sixteenth and beginning of seventeenth centuries). Whence were these ensembles
derived ? Dr. Alexander Aiken, of Johannesburg, has drawn my attention to a reference which
concerns their use in the North. The passage occurs in Torday's On the Trail of the Bushongo,
where the author says-" Luba songs are very pleasant to our ears, and the execution of their
orchestras is splendid; no chief would be without one. The 'leader' plays the marimba,
PERCIVAL
385
a xylophone consisting of a board of keys made of hard wood and tuned in the pentatonic
scale; under each key a calabash is attached which acts as a resonator. The 'leader' plays
the melody with some ornamentations common to instruments played with hammers. Next
in importance to him are the flautists; there must be at least five, but generally there are
many more. Each note of the scale is represented by one or more flutes, and each fiute can
play but one note; the success of the performance depends on each musician playing his
instrument at the right moment. We have here an organ, every pipe of which is sounded
by a different organist. The ensemble is generally perfect. The rhythm is accentuated. by
drums, gongs and rattles."
The association of marimba (mbila), reed-flutes, drums and rattles seems to me to be very
significant in view of the fact that all these instruments are made and played by the Bavenda
of the Transvaal, the last three actually being employed at the same time in the tshikona, and
the first, in my opinion, being the real fixed standard by which the flutes are tuned.
Karl Weule (1906)1 also noted a reed-flute ensemble of a similar nature at Newala, in East
Africa. In the photograph which illustrates his account there are eight flute-players. An
ensemble of an analogous type has also been observed by Paul Schebesta2 among the pygmies
and negroes of the Coongo. The instruments, however, though they were stopped pipes, had
crescent-shaped embouchures; they were made from either reed or bamboo. Schebesta
has told me that the negroes were the better performers; this would suggest, in the light of
my own investigations, that the pygmies borrowed the reed-flutes from the negroes.
VI.-An
Hypothesis.
But a singularly important consideration appears to me to arise out of this examination

of the reed-flutes of South Africa. I have shown how such ensembles fall into two groups,
of which the earlier is that introduced by the Hottentots. Now these people were responsible
in my opinion, for the introduction of that unique wind-stringed instrument, the gora, which
has been fully dealt with by Balfour3 and by myself.4 But the earliest writers, in describing
the Hottentots as they saw them, noticed the reed-flutes but did not mention the gora. Further,
as Maingard points out,5 the early Hottentots were armed with assegais, but not with bows
and arrows; they therefore lacked the weapon which has so universally provided the prototype
of rudimentary stringed musical instruments. Later writers, beginning with Graevenbroeck
(1680), describe the gora as a Hottentot instrument, and de Beaulieu (1620)6 states that the
Hottentots are armed with bows and arrows. Maingardconcludes that the iottentots borrowed
- Weule, Native Life in East Africa. London, 1909, pp. 215 and 291, and photograph facing p. 210.
Schebesta, Bambuti; die Zwergevom Kongo. Leipzig, 1932, photograph facing p. 225. Details from
a private letter to the writer dated May, 1932.
3 Balfour, The Goura,a Wind-stringedInstrumentof the Bushmenand Hottentots. London, 1902.
4 Kirby, " The Goraand its Bantu Successors,"in Bantu Studies, vol. v, No. 2, p. 89.
5 Maingard, " The History and Distribution of the Bow and Arrow in South Africa," South African
Journal of Science,vol. xxix.
6 Maingard,Ibid.
2
386
PERCIVAL R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa.
them from the Bushmen. I would suggest that the Hottentots, faced with a new foe, the
Cape Bushman, whose bows and poisoned arrows enabled him to fight at a distance,
were forced to adopt the weapon of the enemy in order to meet him on an equal
footing. From about the end of the seventeenth century then, the Hlottentots, a race
of flute-players, were in a position to evolve stringed musical instruments from the adopted
bow, and apparently they not only developed the regular mouth-resonated type and that
form in which the sound of the string is reinforced by a special resonator, but they actually
evolved a type in which the string was vibrated by air, their national gora. It would appear
then that the gora, which is only found in South Africa, was probably evolved by the Ilottentots
during the seventeenth century in the Cape, and that it was passed on by them to those Bush
and Bantu peoples with whom they came in contact.' One curious fact remains; although
the Amaxosa and the Amazulu acquired the gora from the Hottentots, together with its name
(for they call it ugwali or ugwala), they did not adopt the bow as a weapon, but only as a toy.
If my suggestion as to the probable time and place of the evolution of the gora is correct,
it seems possible definitely to trace the migration of the Hottentot peoples by comparing the
distribution of their reed-flutes with that of the gora, careful note being made of the dates of
the various observations. Such a comparison will show that the Hottentots came down the
western sea-coast, and by the fifteenth century were at the Cape, as noted by Vasco da Gama
(1497). They were armed with assegais and played upon their national reed-flutes. The
western coast belt has been inhabited by Nama HIottentots throughout the succeeding years
up to the present time, and observer after observer has noted their use of the reed-flutes, but
until the nineteenth century, no hint of the gora is found in the Nama area. But the evolution
of the latter instrument in what is now called the Cape Province in the seventeenth century, or
thereabouts, enables us to trace the further movements of the Hottentots, more especially of
the Korana. Driven from their haunts by the encroachments of the white men, they trekked
north to the Orange River, taking with them their reed-flutes and the new gora, and following
the course of the great river, settled in what is now the Western Transvaal and the Orange
Free State. They were observed on the Orange River and described by Wikar (1778-9), by
Schmidt on the Vaal River in 1852 and by Wuras at Bethany before 1858, and thence they
passed on their instrumental practices to the Bechuana, first to the Batlapin (Burchell, 1812),
and to the Bamalete (Kirby, 1932).
Professor Maingard has supplied me with two additional references which strongly support
this suggestion.
Ensign Beutler, who was sent by Plettenberg to observe the customs of the Amaxosa,
wrote in 1752 :1
"Musical instruments they have none, or use none: if they want to hold a wedding ceremony
or to make merry among themselves, they sing, or rather growl " (brommen), " and, dancing
in a circle, they stamp hard with their feet, and create a dreadful noise, such as a pack of English
dogs would make."
1
God6e-Molsbergen,Reizen in Zuid Africa, vol. iii, p. 310.
PERCIVAL
387
And Lodovyk Alberti, the frontier Governor stationed at Fort Frederick between 1800
and 1804, described the music of the Amaxosa thus :1
" Musical instruments of their own invention are not found among the Gaffers. The only
one that I found is a thin stick, very like the simple bow of a violin, spanned by a string of
intestine. At one end of the intestine string a half-split quill is made fast by being stuck through
two openings that have been made " (in the wood). " It is held before the closed teeth, and
from it is produced, by means of a more or less powerful expiration and inspiration, several
tones of the so-called Hunting-horn, although duller and less audible " (than on the latter
instrument). " Seldom, however, did I come across this instrument among the Caffers, and
even then it was played by the Gonaqua. Now, since these, owing to the expanse of colonization, have for a number of years ceased to constitute a separate nation, and are mostly
scattered among the Caffers, their neighbours, it is probable that this instrument has become
known as the latter from that people."
One strange fact remains. No reference to the use of reed-flutes by the Gonaqua has
hitherto come to light.2 One might conceivably conjecture that the Gonaqua people arrived
in South Africa at a different time from the other Hottentots, and possibly by a different route.
ADDENDUM.
Since this study was written, I have come across a further reference to the Venda reedensemble which is of historical importance, since it bridges the gap of a century which
separates the account of Louis Trigardt3 and those of Stayt and myself.4 The observer was
Wangemann,5 Inspector of German Missions, who saw the dances in Bavendaland in 1884 at
Sibasa's Kraal. He described in considerable detail6 the circle of dancers, adorned
fantastically with feathers and all manner of girdle ornaments, together with ankle-rattles
(thuzo); each with his "shepherd's pipe" or an antelope horn (phalaphala), which yielded
but one sound, though all were tuned to a certain scale. In the centre were the drums, the
" big wooden kettle-drum " (ngoma) being belaboured by a woman with a mighty beater,
while two maidens played on pointed drums (murumbu) on which they " rode." Wangemann
stated that the drums were tuned to C C G, and were beaten in dactylic rhythm. After the
instruments had been distributed and tuned, the phalaphala player gave the signal for the dance
to begin. Out of the confusion of tones and drumming " a kind of melody resolved itself "
which " heard at a distance, sounded quite melodious, but always in a minor mode"
Alberti, De Caffersaan de Zuidkeustvan Afrika. Amsterdam, 1810, p. 166.
Unless one accepts the referenceon page 315 as definitely descriptive of flutes.
3 Vide, p. 331, supra.
4 Vide, p. 353, supra, et seq.
5Wangemann, D. Ein ZweitesReisejahrin Siid-Afrika, Berlin, 1886.
6 [bid., p. 161.
1
388
PERCIVAL
R. KIRBY.-The
(molltonen). At times a solo dancer would spring into the centre of the circle, and execute
all manner of fantastic movements, and the women would applaud his efforts by ululating;
occasionally too, one of the men danced towards Wangemann himself, in order to pay him
homage.]
I
Two other referencesto the reed-flutes occur in Wangemann, on pp. 140 and 173.
Journalof the RoyalAnthropological

lwtitute, Vol.LXIII, 1933,1'lateX VIII.
FIG.
1.-DETAIL
FROM A MAP
OF
THE
SOUTH
AFRICA
COLLECTION
IN
THE
COVERS
THE
GORDON
PERIOD
COLLECTION
OF
PRINTS
IN
1777-1790.
C,~~~~~~~~~~It
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2.
DANSENDE
INBOORTLINGEN."
From Reizen in Zuid-Afrika, by Godie-Mol8bergen,1916.
Plate facing p. 36, vol. i.
AMSTERDAM.
Jourmlof th Boyd An
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Vol.LXIII. 1933, Plat XIX.
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JIG.
1.-SET
OF IBAMALETE REED-FLUTES,
WITH TUNING-STICK$.
FIG.
2.-NAMAQUA
HOTTETTRE
In8titute, Vol. LXIII, 1933, Plate XXI.

Journal of the Royal Anta&ropological
_~~~~~
FI
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Journalof theRoyalAnthropological
In8titute,Vol.LXIII, 1933, Plate XXII.
.....
l:s
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X
:,l17E-s!
.......
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FIG.
FIGI2
'..ya~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~....
. ..,
R-EPAIRING A REEMD-FL-UTE.
1.-VENDA
MATVTIDA
KRAN,PLUGGINGS
REED-FLUTE.
FIG-L
FIG.
NEAL.lG
..._...hbP.RK.
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T
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Journal of thc Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. LXJII. 1933, Platc XXIII.
j_
FIG.
I.-BAMALETE
REED-FLUTES;
FIRST
GROUP,
motenyane
(SEE
P. 375).
bP.
.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~htgah
IFIG.2.-
BAMALETE REED-FLUTES;SEONFIRSTOUP
TH REDFLTEENEMLE
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(SEE P. 375).
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Vol.LXIII, 1933,Piat XIVI.
(SEE P'.
35)
375).
Journal of at Royal AnthropoZogicallnstilute, Vol. LXIII, 1933, Plate XXV.
FIG. ].
_,
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.... ..
.....................................
.s~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
E~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
FIG. 2
[Photoraphs by P B Asrby
03
1 SET OF TRANSVAAL BASOTHO BEED-FLUTES (XX

FLUTES (XX);
SET OF VENDA
2. VENDA REED-FLUTES ORNAMENTED FOR IDENTIFICATIO

REED-FLUTES (X *), 6. VENDA REED-FLUTES IN COW SKIN

The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa A Study in South African Native Music

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The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa: A Study in South African Native Music

Author(s): Percival R. Kirby

THE REED-FLUTE ENSEMBLES OF SOUTH AFRICA: A STUDY IN

M.A., D.Litt., F.R.C.M.,Professorof Music,University of the

"Strange ditties singing in a language strange,

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Morelet, Journal du Voyagede Vascoda Gama. Lyons. 1864, p. 8.

PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa.

Crewof the S. Joao Baptista, 1622.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Esembles of South Afrca.

Peter van Meerhoff, 1661.

Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Ogilby, Africa, London, 1670.

Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Burchell, Travels in the Interior of SouthernAfrica. London, 1822-1824, vol. i, p. 459.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

"Zincke " in Kolbe.

"Pfeiffen " in Kolbe.

PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Der so viel als Cantor oder Music-Rector " in Kolbe.

3 Kolbe quotes, in translation, this part of the description.

'accords." Perhaps "intonation."

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Bogaert, ReizendoorAsia, Amsterdam, 1711, p. 113.

R. KiRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Hottentot Music quoted by Kolbe on p. 528 (a).

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-FluteEnsemblesof South Africa.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

God6e-Molsbergen,vol. ii, p. 131.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-FluteEnsemblesof South Africa.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Burchell, vol. ii, pp. 437-8.

PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Burchell, vol. ii, pp. 598-9.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemrbesof South Africa.

" Their favourite amusement is dancing to the music of a reed."

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Alexander, vol. ii, p. 162.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Chapman,Tra,velsin theInteriorof South Africa. London, 1868, vol. i, p. 271.

KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Reed-Flute Ensembles of South Africa.

Stow, The Native Races of South Africa.

Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

'Ka- 'ka-'ka- 'koo- 'ka

'Ka- "ka-"ki- 'koo 'ka

With the sanction of the Trustees of the National Library, Capetown.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-FluteEnsemblesof South Africa.

Stow, op. cit., p. 109.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-FluteEnsemblesof South Africa.

It would be interesting to discover Stow's authority for this statement.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

PERCIVALR. KIRpBY.-TheReed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Schinz, op. cit., p. 95.

6 Anderson, vol. i, p. 139.

PERCIVALR. KIRBY.-Tlhe Reed-Flute Ensemblesof South Africa.

Anderson, vol. i, p. 176.

R. KIRBY.-The Reed-FluteEnsemblesof South Africa.

In a personalletter to me dated 23rd March, 1932.

KIRBY.-The Reed-Flute Ensemblesof uouthAfrica.

The flutes have the following names according to Schultze.