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GreatLeapForward
FromWikipedia,thefreeencyclopedia

TheGreatLeapForward(Chinese:pinyin:D
yujn)ofthePeople'sRepublicofChina(PRC)wasan
economicandsocialcampaignbytheCommunistParty
ofChina(CPC)from1958to1961.Thecampaignwas
ledbyMaoZedongandaimedtorapidlytransformthe
countryfromanagrarianeconomyintoasocialistsociety
throughrapidindustrializationandcollectivization.
However,itiswidelyconsideredtohavecausedthe
GreatChineseFamine.
ChiefchangesinthelivesofruralChineseincludedthe
incrementalintroductionofmandatoryagricultural
collectivization.Privatefarmingwasprohibited,and
thoseengagedinitwerepersecutedandlabeledcounter
revolutionaries.Restrictionsonruralpeoplewere
enforcedthroughpublicstrugglesessionsandsocial
pressure,althoughpeoplealsoexperiencedforced
labor.[1]Ruralindustrialization,officiallyapriorityofthe
campaign,saw"itsdevelopment...abortedbythe
mistakesoftheGreatLeapForward."[2]

GreatLeapForward
TraditionalChinese

SimplifiedChinese

Literalmeaning

"GreatLeapForward"

Transcriptions
StandardMandarin
HanyuPinyin

Dyujn

WadeGiles

Ta4yeh4chin4

IPA

[ty
tn]
Yue:Cantonese

Jyutping

Daai6joek3zeon3

YaleRomanization

Daaihyeukjeun

SouthernMin
Til

Tuio
ktsn

TheGreatLeapendedincatastrophe,resultingintensof
millionsofdeaths,[3]estimatedfrom18millionto32.5[4]or45million.[5]HistorianFrankDiktterasserts
that"coercion,terror,andsystematicviolencewerethefoundationoftheGreatLeapForward"andit
"motivatedoneofthemostdeadlymasskillingsofhumanhistory".[6]
TheyearsoftheGreatLeapForwardactuallysaweconomicregression,with1958through1962beingthe
onlyperiodbetween1953and1985inwhichChina'seconomyshrank.PoliticaleconomistDwightPerkins
argues,"enormousamountsofinvestmentproducedonlymodestincreasesinproductionornoneatall....In
short,theGreatLeapwasaveryexpensivedisaster."[7]
InsubsequentconferencesinMarch1960andMay1962,thenegativeeffectsoftheGreatLeapForward
werestudiedbytheCPC,andMaowascriticizedinthepartyconferences.ModeratePartymemberslike
LiuShaoqiandDengXiaopingrosetopower,andMaowasmarginalizedwithintheparty,leadinghimto
initiatetheCulturalRevolutionin1966.
ProcommunistsourcesdisputethenumberofdeathsintheGreatChineseFamineanddenythatitwas
causedbytheGreatLeapForward,[8]sayingthecampaignwassuccessfulinitsaimtoacceleratestate
industrialisation.

Contents
1 Background

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1 Background
1.1 Agriculturalcollectivesandothersocialchanges
1.2 HundredFlowersCampaignandAntiRightistCampaign
1.3 SurpasstheUKandUS
2 Organizationalandoperationalfactors
2.1 People'scommunes
2.2 Industrialization
2.3 Backyardfurnaces
2.4 Irrigation
2.5 Cropexperiments
2.6 Treatmentofvillagers
2.7 LushanConference
3 Consequences
3.1 Famine
3.1.1 Faminedeaths
3.1.1.1 Methodsofestimatingthedeathtollandsourcesoferror
3.1.2 Causesofthefamineandresponsibility
3.2 Deathsbyviolence
3.3 Impactoneconomy
3.4 Modesofresistance
3.5 Impactonthegovernment
4 Seealso
5 References
6 Bibliographyandfurtherreading
7 Externallinks

Background
InOctober1949afterthedefeatoftheKuomintang(ChineseNationalistParty),theChineseCommunist
PartyproclaimedtheestablishmentofthePeople'sRepublicofChina.Immediately,landlordsandwealthier
peasantshadtheirlandholdingsforciblyredistributedtopoorerpeasants.Intheagriculturalsectors,crops
deemedbythePartytobe"fullofevil",suchasopium,weredestroyedandreplacedwithcropssuchas
rice.
WithintheParty,therewasmajordebateaboutredistribution.Amoderatefactionwithinthepartyand
PolitburomemberLiuShaoqiarguedthatchangeshouldbegradualandanycollectivizationofthe
peasantryshouldwaituntilindustrialization,whichcouldprovidetheagriculturalmachineryfor
mechanizedfarming.AmoreradicalfactionledbyMaoZedongarguedthatthebestwaytofinance
industrializationwasforthegovernmenttotakecontrolofagriculture,therebyestablishingamonopoly
overgraindistributionandsupply.Thiswouldallowthestatetobuyatalowpriceandsellmuchhigher,
thusraisingthecapitalnecessaryfortheindustrializationofthecountry.

Agriculturalcollectivesandothersocialchanges
Before1949,peasantshadfarmedtheirownsmallpocketsofland,andobservedtraditionalpractices
festivals,banquets,andpayinghomagetoancestors.[1]ItwasrealizedthatMao'spolicyofusingastate
monopolyonagriculturetofinanceindustrializationwouldbeunpopularwiththepeasants.Therefore,it
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wasproposedthatthepeasantsshouldbebroughtunder
Partycontrolbytheestablishmentofagricultural
collectiveswhichwouldalsofacilitatethesharingof
toolsanddraftanimals.[1]
Thispolicywasgraduallypushedthroughbetween
1949and1958inresponsetoimmediatepolicyneeds,
firstbyestablishing"mutualaidteams"of515
households,thenin1953"elementaryagricultural
cooperatives"of2040households,thenfrom1956in
"highercooperatives"of100300families.From1954
onwardpeasantswereencouragedtoformandjoin
collectivefarmingassociations,whichwould
supposedlyincreasetheirefficiencywithoutrobbing
themoftheirownlandorrestrictingtheirlivelihoods.[1]

Sendinggovernmentofficialstoworkinthe
countryside,1957.

By1958privateownershipwasentirelyabolishedand
householdsalloverChinawereforcedintostateoperatedcommunes.Maoinsistedthatthecommunesmust
producemoregrainforthecitiesandearnforeignexchangefromexports.[1]Thesereforms(sometimesnow
referredtoasTheGreatLeapForward)weregenerallyunpopularwiththepeasantsandusually
implementedbysummoningthemtomeetingsandmakingthemstaytherefordaysandsometimesweeks
untilthey"voluntarily"agreedtojointhecollective.
Apartfromprogressivetaxationoneachhousehold'sharvest,thestateintroducedasystemofcompulsory
statepurchasesofgrainatfixedpricestobuildupstockpilesforfaminereliefandmeetthetermsofits
tradeagreementswiththeSovietUnion.Together,taxationandcompulsorypurchasesaccountedfor30%
oftheharvestby1957,leavingverylittlesurplus.Rationingwasalsointroducedinthecitiestocurb
'wastefulconsumption'andencouragesavings(whichweredepositedinstateownedbanksandthus
becameavailableforinvestment),andalthoughfoodcouldbepurchasedfromstateownedretailersthe
marketpricewashigherthanthatforwhichithadbeenpurchased.Thistoowasdoneinthenameof
discouragingexcessiveconsumption.
BesidestheseeconomicchangesthePartyimplementedmajorsocialchangesinthecountrysideincluding
thebanishingofallreligiousandmysticinstitutionsandceremoniesandreplacingthemwithpolitical
meetingsandpropagandasessions.Attemptsweremadetoenhanceruraleducationandthestatusof
women(allowingthemtoinitiatedivorceiftheydesired)andendingfootbinding,childmarriageand
opiumaddiction.Theoldsystemofinternalpassports(thehukou)wereintroducedin1956,preventing
intercountytravelwithoutappropriateauthorization.Highestprioritywasgiventotheurbanproletariatfor
whomawelfarestatewascreated.
Thefirstphasecollectivizationresultedinonlymodestimprovementsinoutput.Faminealongthemid
Yangziwasavertedin1956throughthetimelyallocationoffoodaid,butin1957theParty'sresponsewas
toincreasetheproportionoftheharvestcollectedbythestatetoensureagainstfurtherdisasters.Moderates
withintheParty,includingZhouEnlai,arguedforareversalofcollectivizationonthegroundsthatthe
claimingthebulkoftheharvestforthestatehadmadethepeople'sfoodsecuritydependentuponthe
constant,efficient,andtransparentfunctioningofthegovernment.

HundredFlowersCampaignandAntiRightistCampaign
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In1957MaorespondedtothetensionsinthePartybypromotingfreespeechandcriticismunderthe
HundredFlowersCampaign.Inretrospect,somehavecometoarguethatthiswasaploytoallowcriticsof
theregime,primarilyintellectualsbutalsolowrankingmembersofthepartycriticaloftheagricultural
policies,toidentifythemselves.[9]SomeclaimthatMaosimplyswungtothesideofthehardlinersoncehis
policiesgainedstrongopposition.Oncehehaddoneso,atleasthalfamillionwerepurgedundertheAnti
Rightistcampaign,whicheffectivelysilencedanyoppositionfromwithinthePartyorfromagricultural
expertstothechangeswhichwouldbeimplementedundertheGreatLeapForward.
Bythecompletionofthefirst5YearEconomicPlanin1957,Maohadcometodoubtthatthepathto
socialismthathadbeentakenbytheSovietUnionwasappropriateforChina.Hewascriticalof
Khrushchev'sreversalofStalinistpoliciesandalarmedbytheuprisingsthathadtakenplaceinEast
Germany,PolandandHungary,andtheperceptionthattheUSSRwasseeking"peacefulcoexistence"with
theWesternpowers.MaohadbecomeconvincedthatChinashouldfollowitsownpathtocommunism.
AccordingtoJonathanMirsky,ahistorianandjournalistspecializinginChineseaffairs,China'sisolation
frommostoftherestoftheworld,alongwiththeKoreanWar,hadacceleratedMao'sattacksonhis
perceiveddomesticenemies.Itledhimtoacceleratehisdesignstodevelopaneconomywheretheregime
wouldgetmaximumbenefitfromruraltaxation.[1]

SurpasstheUKandUS
InNovember1957,tocelebratethe40thanniversaryoftheOctoberRevolution,partyleadersofthe
communistcountriesgatheredinMoscow.ThefirstSecretaryoftheCentralCommitteeKhrushchev
proposedagoaltonotonlycatchupwithbutexceedtheUnitedStatesinindustrialoutputinthenext15
yearsthroughpeacefulcompetition.MaoZedongwassoinspiredbythesloganthatChinaputforwardits
ownobjective:tocatchupwithandsurpasstheUKin15years.
"ComradeKhrushchevhastoldus,theSovietUnion15yearslaterwillsurpasstheUnited
StatesofAmerica.Icanalsosay,15yearslater,wemaycatchupwithorexceedtheUK."[10]

Organizationalandoperationalfactors
TheGreatLeapForwardcampaignbeganduringtheperiodoftheSecondFiveYearPlanwhichwas
scheduledtorunfrom1958to1963,thoughthecampaignitselfwasdiscontinuedby1961.[11][12]Mao
unveiledtheGreatLeapForwardatameetinginJanuary1958inNanjing.
ThecentralideabehindtheGreatLeapwasthatrapiddevelopmentofChina'sagriculturalandindustrial
sectorsshouldtakeplaceinparallel.Thehopewastoindustrializebymakinguseofthemassivesupplyof
cheaplabourandavoidhavingtoimportheavymachinery.Thegovernmentalsosoughttoavoidbothsocial
stratificationandtechnicalbottlenecksinvolvedintheSovietmodelofdevelopment,butsoughtpolitical
ratherthantechnicalsolutionstodoso.Distrustingtechnicalexperts,[13]Maoandthepartysoughtto
replicatethestrategiesusedinits1930sregroupinginYan'anfollowingtheLongMarch:"mass
mobilization,socialleveling,attacksonbureaucratism,[and]disdainformaterialobstacles."[14]Mao
advocatedthatafurtherroundofcollectivizationmodeledontheUSSR's"ThirdPeriod"wasnecessaryin
thecountrysidewheretheexistingcollectiveswouldbemergedintohugePeople'sCommunes.
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People'scommunes
AnexperimentalcommunewasestablishedatChayashanin
HenaninApril1958.Hereforthefirsttimeprivateplotswere
entirelyabolishedandcommunalkitchenswereintroduced.At
thePolitburomeetingsinAugust1958,itwasdecidedthat
thesepeople'scommuneswouldbecomethenewformof
economicandpoliticalorganizationthroughoutruralChina.By
theendoftheyearapproximately25,000communeshadbeen
setup,withanaverageof5,000householdseach.The
communeswererelativelyselfsufficientcooperativeswhere
wagesandmoneywerereplacedbyworkpoints.
Basedonhisfieldwork,RalphA.ThaxtonJr.describesthe
people'scommunesasaformof"apartheidsystem"forChinese
farmhouseholds.Thecommunesystemwasaimedat
maximizingproductionforprovisioningthecitiesand
Inthebeginning,communememberswere
constructingoffices,factories,schools,andsocialinsurance
abletoeatforfreeatthecommune
systemsforurbandwellingworkers,cadresandofficials.
canteens.Thischangedwhenfood
Citizensinruralareaswhocriticizedthesystemwerelabeled
productionslowedtoahalt.
"dangerous."Escapewasalsodifficultorimpossible,andthose
whoattemptedweresubjectedto"partyorchestratedpublic
struggle,"whichfurtherjeopardizedtheirsurvival.[15]Besidesagriculture,communesalsoincorporated
somelightindustryandconstructionprojects.

Industrialization
Maosawgrainandsteelproductionasthekeypillarsof
economicdevelopment.Heforecastthatwithin15
yearsofthestartoftheGreatLeap,China'ssteel
productionwouldsurpassthatoftheUK.IntheAugust
1958Politburomeetings,itwasdecidedthatsteel
productionwouldbesettodoublewithintheyear,most
oftheincreasecomingthroughbackyardsteel
furnaces.[16]Majorinvestmentsinlargerstate
enterprisesweremadein195860:1,587,1,361,and
1,815mediumandlargescalestateprojectswere
startedin1958,1959,and1960respectively,morein
eachyearthaninthefirstFiveYearPlan.[17]
MillionsofChinesebecamestateworkersasa
Peopleinthecountrysideworkingatnightto
consequenceofthisindustrialinvestment:in1958,21
producesteel.
millionwereaddedtononagriculturalstatepayrolls,
andtotalstateemploymentreachedapeakof50.44
millionin1960,morethandoublingthe1957leveltheurbanpopulationswelledby31.24million
people.[18]ThesenewworkersplacedmajorstressonChina'sfoodrationingsystem,whichledtoincreased
andunsustainabledemandsonruralfoodproduction.[18]
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Duringthisrapidexpansion,coordinationsufferedandmaterialshortageswerefrequent,resultingin"a
hugeriseinthewagebill,largelyforconstructionworkers,butnocorrespondingincreaseinmanufactured
goods."[19]Facingamassivedeficit,thegovernmentcutindustrialinvestmentfrom38.9to7.1billionyuan
from1960to1962(an82%decreasethe1957levelwas14.4billion).[19]

Backyardfurnaces
Withnopersonalknowledgeofmetallurgy,Maoencouraged
theestablishmentofsmallbackyardsteelfurnacesinevery
communeandineachurbanneighborhood.Maowasshownan
exampleofabackyardfurnaceinHefei,AnhuiinSeptember
1958byprovincialfirstsecretaryZengXisheng.[20]Theunit
wasclaimedtobemanufacturinghighqualitysteel.[20]
Hugeeffortsonthepartofpeasantsandotherworkerswere
madetoproducesteeloutofscrapmetal.Tofuelthefurnaces
thelocalenvironmentwasdenudedoftreesandwoodtaken
fromthedoorsandfurnitureofpeasants'houses.Pots,pans,
andothermetalartifactswererequisitionedtosupplythe
"scrap"forthefurnacessothatthewildlyoptimisticproduction
targetscouldbemet.Manyofthemaleagriculturalworkers
weredivertedfromtheharvesttohelptheironproductionas
weretheworkersatmanyfactories,schoolsandevenhospitals.
Althoughtheoutputconsistedoflowqualitylumpsofpigiron
whichwasofnegligibleeconomicworth,Maohadadeep
distrustofintellectualswhocouldhavepointedthisout,and
placedhisfaithinthepowerofthemassmobilizationofthe
peasants.

BackyardfurnacesinChinaduringthe
GreatLeapForwardera.

Moreover,theexperienceoftheintellectualclassesfollowing
theHundredFlowersCampaignsilencedthoseawareofthefollyofsuchaplan.Accordingtohisprivate
doctor,LiZhisui,MaoandhisentouragevisitedtraditionalsteelworksinManchuriainJanuary1959
wherehefoundoutthathighqualitysteelcouldonlybeproducedinlargescalefactoriesusingreliablefuel
suchascoal.However,hedecidednottoorderahalttothebackyardsteelfurnacessoasnottodampenthe
revolutionaryenthusiasmofthemasses.Theprogramwasonlyquietlyabandonedmuchlaterinthatyear.

Irrigation
SubstantialeffortwasexpendedduringtheGreatLeapForwardonlargescale,butoftenpoorlyplanned
capitalconstructionprojects,suchasirrigationworksoftenbuiltwithoutinputfromtrainedengineers.Mao
waswellawareofthehumancostofthesewaterconservancycampaigns.Inearly1958,whilelisteningtoa
reportonirrigationinJiangsu,hementionedthat:
"WuZhipuclaimshecanmove30billioncubicmetresIthink30,000peoplewilldie.Zeng
Xishenghassaidthathewillmove20billioncubicmetres,andIthinkthat20,000peoplewill
die.Weiqingonlypromises600millioncubicmetres,maybenobodywilldie."[21][22]
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ThoughMao"criticizedtheexcessiveuseofcorveforlargescalewaterconservancyprojects"inlate
1958,[23]massmobilizationonirrigationworkscontinuedunabatedforthenextseveralyears,andclaimed
thelivesofhundredsofthousandsofexhausted,starvingvillagers.[21]TheinhabitantsofQingshuiand
Gansureferredtotheseprojectsasthe"killingfields."[21]

Cropexperiments
Onthecommunes,anumberofradicalandcontroversialagriculturalinnovationswerepromotedatthe
behestofMao.ManyofthesewerebasedontheideasofnowdiscreditedSovietagronomistTrofim
Lysenkoandhisfollowers.Thepoliciesincludedclosecropping,wherebyseedsweresownfarmore
denselythannormalontheincorrectassumptionthatseedsofthesameclasswouldnotcompetewitheach
other.[24]Deepplowing(upto2mdeep)wasencouragedonthemistakenbeliefthatthiswouldyieldplants
withextralargerootsystems.Moderatelyproductivelandwasleftunplantedwiththebeliefthat
concentratingmanureandeffortonthemostfertilelandwouldleadtolargeperacreproductivitygains.
Altogether,theseuntestedinnovationsgenerallyledtodecreasesingrainproductionratherthan
increases.[25]
Meanwhile,localleaderswerepressuredintofalselyreportingeverhighergrainproductionfigurestotheir
politicalsuperiors.Participantsatpoliticalmeetingsrememberedproductionfiguresbeinginflatedupto10
timesactualproductionamountsastheracetopleasesuperiorsandwinplauditslikethechancetomeet
Maohimselfintensified.Thestatewaslaterabletoforcemanyproductiongroupstosellmoregrainthan
theycouldsparebasedonthesefalseproductionfigures.[26]

Treatmentofvillagers
Thebanonprivateholdingsruined
peasantlifeatitsmostbasiclevel,
accordingtoMirsky.Villagerswere
unabletosecureenoughfoodtogoon
living,becausetheyweredeprivedby
thecommunesystemoftheirtraditional
meansofbeingabletorent,sell,oruse
theirlandascollateralforloans.[1]In
onevillage,oncethecommunewas
operationalthePartybossandhis
colleagues"swungintomanicaction,
Communemembersworkingfieldsatnightusinglamps.
herdingvillagersintothefieldstosleep
andtoworkintolerablehours,and
forcingthemtowalk,starving,todistantadditionalprojects."[1]
EdwardFriedman,apoliticalscientistattheUniversityofWisconsin,PaulPickowicz,ahistorianatthe
UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiego,andMarkSelden,asociologistatBinghamtonUniversity,wroteabout
thedynamicofinteractionbetweenthePartyandvillagers:

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Beyondattack,beyondquestion,wasthesystemicandstructureddynamicofthesocialiststate
thatintimidatedandimpoverishedmillionsofpatrioticandloyalvillagers.[27]
TheauthorspresentasimilarpicturetoThaxtonindepictingtheCommunistParty'sdestructionofthe
traditionsofChinesevillagers.Traditionallyprizedlocalcustomsweredeemedsignsof"feudalism"tobe
extinguished,accordingtoMirsky."Amongthemwerefunerals,weddings,localmarkets,andfestivals.The
Partythusdestroyed"muchthatgavemeaningtoChineselives.Theseprivatebondsweresocialglue.To
mournandtocelebrateistobehuman.Tosharejoy,grief,andpainishumanizing."[28]Failureto
participateintheCPC'spoliticalcampaignsthoughtheaimsofsuchcampaignswereoftenconflicting
"couldresultindetention,torture,death,andthesufferingofentirefamilies."[28]
Publiccriticismsessionswereoftenusedtointimidatethepeasantsintoobeyinglocalcadresthey
increasedthedeathrateofthefamineinseveralways,accordingtoThaxton."Inthefirstcase,blowstothe
bodycausedinternalinjuriesthat,incombinationwithphysicalemaciationandacutehunger,couldinduce
death."Inonecase,afterapeasantstoletwocabbagesfromthecommonfields,thethiefwaspublicly
criticizedforhalfaday.Hecollapsed,fellill,andneverrecovered.Othersweresenttolaborcamps.[29]
FrankDiktterwritesthatbeatingswithstickswasthemostcommonmethodusedbylocalcadresand
roughlyhalfofallcadresregularlypummeledorcanedpeople.Othercadresdevisedharshermeansto
humiliateandtorturethosewhofailedtokeepup.Asmassstarvationsetin,evergreaterviolencehadtobe
inflictedinordertocoercemalnourishedpeopletolaborinthefields.Victimswereburiedalive,thrown
boundintoponds,strippednakedandforcedtolaborinthemiddleofwinter,dousedinboilingwater,
forcedtoingestexcrementandurine,andsubjectedtomutilation(hairrippedout,nosesandearslopped
off).InGuangdong,somecadresinjectedsaltwaterintotheirvictimswithneedlesnormallyreservedfor
cattle.[30]Around6to8percentofthosewhodiedduringtheGreatLeapForwardweretorturedtodeathor
summarilykilled.[31]
BenjaminValentinonotesthat"communistofficialssometimestorturedandkilledthoseaccusedoffailing
tomeettheirgrainquota."[32]
However,J.G.Mahoney,ProfessorofLiberalStudiesandEastAsianStudiesatGrandValleyState
University,hassaidthat"thereistoomuchdiversityanddynamisminthecountryforoneworktocapture
...ruralChinaasifitwereoneplace."MahoneydescribesanelderlymaninruralShanxiwhorecallsMao
fondly,saying"BeforeMaowesometimesateleaves,afterliberationwedidnot."Regardless,Mahoney
pointsoutthatDaFovillagersrecalltheGreatLeapasaperiodoffamineanddeath,andamongthosewho
survivedinDaFowerepreciselythosewhocoulddigestleaves.[33]

LushanConference
TheinitialimpactoftheGreatLeapForwardwasdiscussedattheLushanConferenceinJuly/August1959.
Althoughmanyofthemoremoderateleadershadreservationsaboutthenewpolicy,theonlyseniorleader
tospeakoutopenlywasMarshalPengDehuai.MaorespondedtoPeng'scriticismoftheGreatLeapby
dismissingPengfromhispostasDefenceMinister,denouncingPeng(whocamefromapoorpeasant

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family)andhissupportersas"bourgeois,"andlaunchinganationwidecampaignagainst"rightist
opportunism."PengwasreplacedbyLinBiao,whobeganasystematicpurgeofPeng'ssupportersfromthe
military.

Consequences
Thefailureofagricultural
policies,themovementof
farmersfromagriculturalto
industrialwork,andweather
conditionsledtomillionsof
deathsfromseverefamine.
Manyalsodiedfromquota
basedexecutionsinstitutedby
governmentofficials.The
economy,whichhadimproved
sincetheendofthecivilwar,
wasdevastated.Inresponseto
thesevereconditions,therewas
resistanceamongthepopulace.
China'sbirthanddeathrate.

Theeffectsontheupperlevels
ofgovernmentinresponsetothe
disasterwerecomplex,withMaopurgingtheMinisterofNationalDefensePengDehuaiin1959,the
temporarypromotionofLinBiao,LiuShaoqi,andDengXiaoping,andMaolosingsomepowerand
prestigefollowingtheGreatLeapForward,whichledhimtolaunchtheCulturalRevolutionin1966.

Famine
Despitetheharmfulagriculturalinnovations,theweatherin1958wasveryfavorableandtheharvest
promisedtobegood.Unfortunately,theamountoflabourdivertedtosteelproductionandconstruction
projectsmeantthatmuchoftheharvestwaslefttorotuncollectedinsomeareas.Thisproblemwas
exacerbatedbyadevastatinglocustswarm,whichwascausedwhentheirnaturalpredatorswerekilledas
partoftheGreatSparrowCampaign.
Althoughactualharvestswerereduced,localofficials,undertremendouspressurefromcentralauthorities
toreportrecordharvestsinresponsetotheinnovations,competedwitheachothertoannounceincreasingly
exaggeratedresults.ThesewereusedasabasisfordeterminingtheamountofgraintobetakenbytheState
tosupplythetownsandcities,andtoexport.Thisleftbarelyenoughforthepeasants,andinsomeareas,
starvationsetin.A1959droughtandfloodingfromtheYellowRiverinthesameyearalsocontributedto
famine.
During19581960Chinacontinuedtobeasubstantialnetexporterofgrain,despitethewidespreadfamine
experiencedinthecountryside,asMaosoughttomaintainfaceandconvincetheoutsideworldofthe
successofhisplans.Foreignaidwasrefused.WhentheJapaneseforeignministertoldhisChinese
counterpartChenYiofanofferof100,000tonnesofwheattobeshippedoutofpublicview,hewas

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rebuffed.JohnF.Kennedywasalsoawarethatthe
ChinesewereexportingfoodtoAfricaandCubaduring
thefamineandsaid"we'vehadnoindicationfromthe
ChineseCommuniststhattheywouldwelcomeany
offeroffood."[34]
Withdramaticallyreducedyields,evenurbanareas
sufferedmuchreducedrationshowever,mass
starvationwaslargelyconfinedtothecountryside,
where,asaresultofdrasticallyinflatedproduction
statistics,verylittlegrainwasleftforthepeasantsto
eat.Foodshortageswerebadthroughoutthecountry
however,theprovinceswhichhadadoptedMao's
reformswiththemostvigor,suchasAnhui,Gansuand
TheEurasiantreesparrowwasthemostnotable
Henan,tendedtosufferdisproportionately.Sichuan,
targetoftheFourPestsCampaign.
oneofChina'smostpopulousprovinces,knownin
Chinaas"Heaven'sGranary"becauseofitsfertility,is
thoughttohavesufferedthegreatestabsolutenumbersofdeathsfromstarvationduetothevigorwith
whichprovincialleaderLiJinquanundertookMao'sreforms.DuringtheGreatLeapForward,casesof
cannibalismalsooccurredinthepartsofChinathatwereseverelyaffectedbyfamine.[35][36]
TheagriculturalpoliciesoftheGreatLeapForwardandtheassociatedfaminecontinueduntilJanuary
1961,when,attheNinthPlenumoftheEighthCentralCommittee,therestorationofagricultural
productionthroughareversaloftheGreatLeappolicieswasstarted.Grainexportswerestopped,and
importsfromCanadaandAustraliahelpedtoreducetheimpactofthefoodshortages,atleastinthecoastal
cities.
Faminedeaths
Theexactnumberoffaminedeathsisdifficulttodetermine,andestimatesrangefrom18[4]toupwardsof
42millionpeople.[5]BecauseoftheuncertaintiesinvolvedinestimatingfaminedeathscausedbytheGreat
LeapForwardoranyfamine,itisdifficulttocomparetheseverityofdifferentfamines.However,ifamid
estimateof30milliondeathsisaccepted,theGreatLeapForwardwasthedeadliestfamineinthehistoryof
Chinaandinthehistoryoftheworld.[39][47]ThiswasinpartduetoChinaslargepopulationintheGreat
IrishFamine,approximately1million[48]ofapopulationof8millionpeopledied,or12.5%.IntheGreat
ChineseFamineapproximately30millionofapopulationof600millionpeopledied,or5%.
TheGreatLeapForwardreversedthedownwardtrendinmortalitythathadoccurredsince1950,[38]though
evenduringtheLeap,mortalitymaynothavereachedpre1949levels.[49]Faminedeathsandthereduction
innumberofbirthscausedthepopulationofChinatodropin1960and1961.[50]Thiswasonlythethird
timein600yearsthatthepopulationofChinahaddecreased.[51]AftertheGreatLeapForward,mortality
ratesdecreasedtobelowpreLeaplevelsandthedownwardtrendbegunin1950continued.[38]
Theseverityofthefaminevariedfromregiontoregion.Bycorrelatingtheincreaseindeathratesof
differentprovinces,PengXizhefoundthatGansu,Sichuan,Guizhou,Hunan,Guangxi,andAnhuiwerethe
worsthitregions,whileHeilongjiang,InnerMongolia,Xinjiang,Tianjin,andShanghaihadthelowest
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increaseindeathrateduringtheGreatLeapForward
(therewasnodataforTibet).[52]Pengalsonotedthatthe
increaseindeathrateinurbanareaswasabouthalfthe
increaseinruralareas.[52]Fuyang,aregioninAnhuiwith
apopulationof8millionin1958,hadadeathratethat
rivaledCambodiaundertheKhmerRouge[53]morethan
2.4millionpeopleperishedthereoverthreeyears.[54]In
GaoVillageinJiangxiProvincetherewasafamine,but
nooneactuallydiedofstarvation.[55]
Methodsofestimatingthedeathtollandsourcesoferror

GreatLeapForwardfaminedeath
estimates
Deaths
Author(s)
Year
(millions)
23

Peng[37]

1987

27

Coale[38]

1984

30

Ashton,etal.[39]

1984

30

Banister[40]

1987

30

Becker[41]

1996

32.5

Cao[42]

2005

ThenumberoffaminedeathsduringGreatLeapForward
36
2008
Yang[43]
hasbeenestimatedbydifferentmethods.Banister,Coale,
andAshtonetal.compareagecohortsfromthe1953,
38
ChangandHalliday[44] 2005
1964,and1982censuses,yearlybirthanddeathrecords,
38
2008
Rummel[45]
andresultsofthe19821:1000fertilitysurvey.From
42minimum Diktter[5]
2010
thesetheycalculateexcessdeathsaboveadeathrate
interpolatedbetweenpreandpostLeapdeathrates.All
43to46
1980
Chen[46]
involvecorrectionsforperceivederrorsinherentinthe
differentdatasets.[56][57][58]Pengusesreporteddeaths
fromthevitalstatisticsof14provinces,adjusts10%forunderreporting,andexpandstheresulttocoverall
ofChinaassumingsimilarmortalityratesintheotherprovinces.Heuses1956/57deathratesasthe
baselinedeathrateratherthananinterpolationbetweenpreandpostGLFdeathrates.[59]
Caousesinformationfrom"localannals"todetermineforeachlocalitytheexpectedpopulationincrease
fromnormalbirthsanddeaths,thepopulationincreaseduetomigration,andthelossofpopulationbetween
1958and1961.Hethenaddsthethreefigurestodeterminethenumberofexcessdeathsduringtheperiod
19591961.[60]ChangandHallidayusedeathratesdeterminedby"Chinesedemographers"fortheyears
19571963,subtracttheaverageofthepreandpostLeapdeathrates(1957,1962,and1963)fromthe
deathratesofeachoftheyears19581961,andmultiplyeachyearlyexcessdeathratebytheyear's
populationtodetermineexcessdeaths.[61]
ChenwaspartofalargeinvestigationbytheSystemReformInstitutethinktank(Tigaisuo)which"visited
everyprovinceandexaminedinternalPartydocumentsandrecords."[62]
Becker,Rummel,Diktter,andYangeachcompareseveralearlierestimates.BeckerconsidersBanister's
estimateof30millionexcessdeathstobe"themostreliableestimatewehave".[41]Rummelinitiallytook
Coale's27millionasa"mostlikelyfigure",[63]thenacceptedthelaterestimateof38millionbyChangand
Hallidayafteritwaspublished.[64]DiktterjudgedChen'sestimateof43to46milliontobe"inall
likelihoodareliableestimate."[65]YangtakesCao's,WangWeizhi's,andJinHui'sestimatesrangingfrom
32.5to35millionexcessdeathsfortheperiod19591961,addshisownestimatesfor1958(0.42million)
and1962(2.23million)"basedonofficialfiguresreportedbytheprovinces"toget35to37million,and
chooses36millionasanumberthat"approachestherealitybutisstilltoolow."[43]
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Estimatescontainseveralsourcesoferror.Nationalcensusdatawasnotaccurateandeventhetotal
populationofChinaatthetimewasnotknowntowithin50millionto100millionpeople.[66]Thestatistical
reportingsystemhadbeentakenoverbypartycadrefromstatisticiansin1957,[67]makingpolitical
considerationsmoreimportantthanaccuracyandresultinginacompletebreakdowninthestatistical
reportingsystem.[67][68][69][70][71]Populationfigureswereroutinelyinflatedatthelocallevel,ofteninorder
toobtainincreasedrationsofgoods.[65]DuringtheCulturalRevolution,agreatdealofthematerialinthe
StateStatisticalBureauwasburned.[67]
Underreportingofdeathswasalsoaproblem.Thedeathregistrationsystem,whichwasinadequatebefore
thefamine,[72]wascompletelyoverwhelmedbythelargenumberofdeathsduringthefamine.[72][73][74]In
addition,manydeathswentunreportedsothatfamilymembersofthedeceasedcouldcontinuetodrawthe
deceased'sfoodration.Countingthenumberofchildrenwhobothwerebornanddiedbetweenthe1953
and1964censusesisproblematic.[73]However,Ashton,etal.believethatbecausethereportednumberof
birthsduringtheGLFseemsaccurate,thereportednumberofdeathsshouldbeaccurateaswell.[75]
Massiveinternalmigrationmadebothpopulationcountsandregisteringdeathsproblematic,[73]though
Yangbelievesthedegreeofunofficialinternalmigrationwassmall[76]andCao'sestimatetakesinternal
migrationintoaccount.[60]
Coale's,Banister's,Ashtonetal.'s,andPeng'sfiguresallincludeadjustmentsfordemographicreporting
errors,thoughDiktterbelievesthattheirresults,aswellasChangandHalliday's,Yang's,andCao's,are
stillunderestimates.[77]TheSystemReformInstitute's(Chen's)estimatehasnotbeenpublishedand
thereforeitcannotbeverified.[60]
Causesofthefamineandresponsibility
ThepoliciesoftheGreatLeapForward,thefailureofthegovernmenttorespondquicklyandeffectivelyto
famineconditions,aswellasMao'sinsistenceonmaintaininghighgrainexportquotasinthefaceofclear
evidenceofpoorcropoutputwereresponsibleforthefamine.Thereisdisagreementoverhowmuch,ifat
all,weatherconditionscontributedtothefamine.Alsothereisconsiderableevidencethefaminewas
intentionalorduetowillfulnegligence.
YangJisheng,alongtimecommunistpartymemberandareporterfortheofficialChinesenewsagency
Xinhua,putstheblamesquarelyonMaoistpoliciesandthepoliticalsystemoftotalitarianism,[36]suchas
divertingagriculturalworkerstosteelproductioninsteadofgrowingcrops,andexportinggrainatthesame
time.[78][79]Duringthecourseofhisresearch,Yanguncoveredthatsome22milliontonsofgrainwasheld
inpublicgranariesattheheightofthefamine,reportsofthestarvationwentupthebureaucracyonlytobe
ignoredbytopofficials,andtheauthoritiesorderedthatstatisticsbedestroyedinregionswherepopulation
declinebecameevident.[80]
EconomistStevenRosefieldearguesthatYang'saccount"showsthatMao'sslaughterwascausedin
considerablepartbyterrorstarvationthatis,voluntarymanslaughter(andperhapsmurder)ratherthan
innocuousfamine."[81]Yangnotesthatlocalpartyofficialswereindifferenttothelargenumberofpeople
dyingaroundthem,astheirprimaryconcernwasthedeliveryofgrain,whichMaowantedtousetopay

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backdebtstotheUSSRtotaling1.973billionyuan.InXinyang,peoplediedofstarvationatthedoorsof
grainwarehouses.[82]Maorefusedtoopenthestategranariesashedismissedreportsoffoodshortagesand
accusedthepeasantsofhidinggrain.[83]
Fromhisresearchintorecordsandtalkswithexpertsatthemeteorologicalbureau,Yangconcludesthatthe
weatherduringtheGreatLeapForwardwasnotunusualcomparedtootherperiodsandwasnotafactor.[84]
YangalsobelievesthattheSinoSovietsplitwasnotafactorbecauseitdidnothappenuntil1960,whenthe
faminewaswellunderway.[84]
ChangandHallidayarguethat"Maohadactuallyallowedformanymoredeaths.Althoughslaughterwas
nothispurposewiththeLeap,hewasmorethanreadyformyriaddeathstoresult,andhadhintedtohistop
echelonthattheyshouldnotbetooshockediftheyhappened."[85]DemocidehistorianR.J.Rummelhad
originallyclassifiedthefaminedeathsasunintentional.[86]InlightofevidenceprovidedinChangand
Hallidaysbook,henowbelievesthatthemassdyingsassociatedwithGreatLeapForwardconstitute
democide(murder).[87]
AccordingtoFrankDiktter,MaoandtheCommunistPartyknewthatsomeoftheirpolicieswere
contributingtothestarvation.[88]ForeignministerChenYisaidofsomeoftheearlyhumanlossesin
November1958:[89]
"Casualtieshaveindeedappearedamongworkers,butitisnotenoughtostopusinourtracks.
Thisisthepricewehavetopay,it'snothingtobeafraidof.Whoknowshowmanypeoplehave
beensacrificedonthebattlefieldsandintheprisons[fortherevolutionarycause]?Nowwe
haveafewcasesofillnessanddeath:it'snothing!"
DuringasecretmeetinginShanghaiin1959,Maodemandedthestateprocurementofonethirdofallgrain
tofeedthecitiesandsatisfyforeignclients,andnotedthat"Ifyoudon'tgoaboveathird,peoplewon't
rebel."Healsostatedatthesamemeeting:[90]
"Whenthereisnotenoughtoeatpeoplestarvetodeath.Itisbettertolethalfofthepeopledie
sothattheotherhalfcaneattheirfill."
BenjaminValentinowritesthatlikeintheUSSRduringthefamineof193233,peasantswereconfinedto
theirstarvingvillagesbyasystemofhouseholdregistration,[91]andtheworsteffectsofthefaminewere
directedagainstenemiesoftheregime.[32]Thoselabeledas"blackelements"(religiousleaders,rightists,
richpeasants,etc.)inanypreviouscampaignweregiventhelowestpriorityintheallocationoffood,and
thereforediedinthegreatestnumbers.[32]AccordingtogenocidescholarAdamJones,"nogroupsuffered
morethantheTibetans",withperhapsoneinfivedyingfrom1959to1962.[92]
Ashton,etal.writethatpoliciesleadingtofoodshortages,naturaldisasters,andaslowresponsetoinitial
indicationsoffoodshortagesweretoblameforthefamine.[93]Policiesleadingtofoodshortagesincluded
theimplementationofthecommunesystemandanemphasisonnonagriculturalactivitiessuchasbackyard
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steelproduction.[93]Naturaldisastersincludeddrought,flood,typhoon,plantdisease,andinsectpest.[94]
Theslowresponsewasinpartduetoalackofobjectivereportingontheagriculturalsituation,[95]including
a"nearlycompletebreakdownintheagriculturalreportingsystem".[69]
Thiswaspartlycausedbystrongincentivesforofficialstooverreportcropyields.[96]Theunwillingnessof
theCentralGovernmenttoseekinternationalaidwasamajorfactorChina'snetgrainexportsin1959and
1960wouldhavebeenenoughtofeed16millionpeople2000caloriesperday.[94]Ashton,etal.conclude
that"Itwouldnotbeinaccuratetosaythat30millionpeoplediedprematurelyasaresultoferrorsof
internalpolicyandflawedinternationalrelations."[95]
MoboGaosuggestedthattheGreatLeapForwardsterribleeffectscamenotfrommalignintentonthepart
oftheChineseleadershipatthetime,butinsteadrelatetothestructuralnatureofitsrule,andthevastness
ofChinaasacountry.Gaosays"theterriblelessonlearntisthatChinaissohugeandwhenitisuniformly
ruled,folliesorwrongpolicieswillhavegraveimplicationsoftremendousmagnitude".[55]
ThePRCgovernment'sofficialwebportalplacestheresponsibilityforthe"seriouslosses"to"countryand
people"of19591961(withoutmentioningfamine)mainlyontheGreatLeapForwardandtheantirightist
struggle,andlistsweatherandcancellationofcontractsbytheSovietUnionascontributingfactors.[97]

Deathsbyviolence
NotalldeathsduringtheGreatLeapwerefromstarvation.FrankDiktterestimatesthatatleast2.5million
peoplewerebeatenortorturedtodeathand1to3millioncommittedsuicide.[98]Heprovidessome
illustrativeexamples.InXinyang,whereoveramilliondiedin1960,67percent(around67,000)ofthese
werebeatentodeathbythemilitias.InDaoxiancounty,10percentofthosewhodiedhadbeen"buried
alive,clubbedtodeathorotherwisekilledbypartymembersandtheirmilitia."InShimencounty,around
13,500diedin1960,ofthese12%were"beatenordriventotheirdeaths."[99]Inaccountsdocumentedby
YangJisheng,[36][43]peoplewerebeatenorkilledforreportingtherealharvestnumbers,forsounding
alarm,forrefusingtohandoverwhatlittlefoodtheyhadleft,fortryingtofleethefaminearea,forbegging
foodoraslittleasstealingscrapsorangeringofficials.

Impactoneconomy
DuringtheGreatLeap,theChineseeconomyinitiallygrew.Ironproductionincreased45%in1958anda
combined30%overthenexttwoyears,butplummetedin1961,anddidnotreachtheprevious1958level
until1964.
TheGreatLeapalsoledtothegreatestdestructionofrealestateinhumanhistory,outstrippinganyofthe
bombingcampaignsfromWorldWarII.[100]Approximately30to40percentofallhouseswereturnedto
rubble.[101]FrankDiktterstatesthat"homeswerepulleddowntomakefertilizer,tobuildcanteens,to
relocatevillagers,tostraightenroads,tomakeplaceforabetterfuturebeckoningaheadorsimplytopunish
theirowners.[100]

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Inagrarianpolicy,thefailuresoffoodsupplyduringtheGreatLeapweremetbyagradualde
collectivizationinthe1960sthatforeshadowedfurtherdecollectivizationunderDengXiaoping.Political
scientistMeredithJungEnWooargues:"Unquestionablytheregimefailedtorespondintimetosavethe
livesofmillionsofpeasants,butwhenitdidrespond,itultimatelytransformedthelivelihoodsofseveral
hundredmillionpeasants(modestlyintheearly1960s,butpermanentlyafterDengXiaoping'sreforms
subsequentto1978.)"[102]
Despitetheriskstotheircareers,someCommunistPartymembersopenlylaidblameforthedisasteratthe
feetofthePartyleadershipandtookitasproofthatChinamustrelymoreoneducation,acquiringtechnical
expertiseandapplyingbourgeoismethodsindevelopingtheeconomy.LiuShaoqimadeaspeechin1962at
SevenThousandCadresConferencecriticizingthat"Theeconomicdisasterwas30%faultofnature,70%
humanerror."[103]

Modesofresistance
TherewerevariousformsofresistancetotheGreatLeapForward.Severalprovincessawarmed
rebellion,[104][105]thoughtheserebellionsneverposedaseriousthreattotheCentralGovernment.[104]
RebellionsaredocumentedtohaveoccurredinHenan,Shandong,Qinghai,Gansu,Sichuan,Fujian,and
YunnanprovincesandintheTibetanAutonomousRegion.[106][107]InHonan,Shandong,Qinghai,Gansu,
andSichuan,theserebellionslastedmorethanayear.[107]Asidefromrebellions,therewasalsooccasional
violenceagainstcadremembers.[105][108]Raidsongranaries,[105][108]arsonandothervandalism,train
robberies,andraidsonneighboringvillagesandcountieswerecommon.[108]
Accordingtoover20yearsofresearchbyRalphThaxton,professorofpoliticsatBrandeisUniversity,
villagersturnedagainsttheCPCduringandaftertheGreatLeap,seeingitasautocratic,brutal,corrupt,and
meanspirited.[1]TheCPC'spolicies,whichincludedplunder,forcedlabor,andstarvation,accordingto
Thaxton,ledvillagers"tothinkabouttheirrelationshipwiththeCommunistPartyinwaysthatdonotbode
wellforthecontinuityofsocialistrule."[1]
Often,villagerscomposeddoggereltoshowtheirdefiancetotheregime,and"perhaps,toremainsane."
DuringtheGreatLeap,onejingleran:"Flattershamelesslyeatdelicacies....Don'tflatterstarvetodeath
forsure."[28]

Impactonthegovernment
Manylocalofficialsweretriedandpubliclyexecutedforgivingoutmisinformation.[109]
MaosteppeddownasStateChairmanofthePRCin1959,thoughhedidretainhispositionasChairmanof
theCCP.LiuShaoqi(thenewPRCChairman)andreformistDengXiaoping(CPCGeneralSecretary)were
leftinchargetochangepolicytobringabouteconomicrecovery.Mao'sGreatLeapForwardpolicycame
underopencriticismattheLushanpartyconference.TheattackwasledbyMinisterofNationalDefense
PengDehuai,who,initiallytroubledbythepotentiallyadverseeffectoftheGreatLeapForwardonthe
modernizationofthearmedforces,alsoadmonishedunnamedpartymembersfortryingto"jumpinto
communisminonestep."AftertheLushanshowdown,MaodefensivelyreplacedPengwithLinBiao.

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However,by1962,itwasclearthatthegeneralorientationofthepartyhadchangedtobecomemoreopenly
criticaloftheextremistideologythatledtotheGreatLeapForward.Throughout1962,thepartyhelda
numberofpartyconferencesandrehabilitatedthemajorityofthedeposedcomradeswhohadcriticized
MaointheaftermathoftheGreatLeapForward.Theeventwasagaindiscussed,withmuchselfcriticism,
withthecontemporarygovernmentcallingita"serious[loss]toourcountryandpeople"andblamingthe
cultofpersonalityofMao.
Inparticular,attheSevenThousandCadresConferenceinJanuaryFebruary1962,Maomadeaself
criticismandreaffirmedhiscommitmenttodemocraticcentralism.Intheyearsthatfollowed,Maomostly
abstainedfromtheoperationsofgovernment,makingpolicylargelythedomainofLiuShaoqiandDeng
Xiaoping.MaoistideologyconsequentlytookabackseatintheCommunistParty,andonlyregainedits
footholdafterMaolaunchedtheCulturalRevolutionin1966,whichmarkedMao'spoliticalcomeback.

Seealso
Ryazanmiracle
TheBlackBookofCommunism
VirginLandsCampaign,contemporaryprogramintheSovietUnion

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45.Rummel,R.J.(20081124).ReevaluatingChinasDemocideto73,000,000
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46.Becker(1996)pp.271272.FromaninterviewwithChenYizi.
47.Yang,Jisheng(2010)"TheFatalPoliticsofthePRC'sGreatLeapFamine:ThePrefacetoTombstone"
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Issue66.pp.755776.Retrieved3Sep2011.YangexcerptsSen,Amartya(1999).Democracyasauniversal
value.JournalofDemocracy10(3),,pp.317whocallsit"thelargestrecordedfamineinworldhistory:nearly
30millionpeopledied".
48.Wright,JohnW.(gened)(1992).TheUniversalAlmanac.TheBantaCompany.Harrisonburg,Va.P.411.
49.Li,Minqi(2009).TheRiseofChinaandtheDemiseoftheCapitalistWorldEconomy.MonthlyReviewPress.
p.41ISBN9781583671825.Licomparesofficialcrudedeathratesfortheyears19591962(11.98,14.59,
25.43,and14.24perthousand,respectively)withthe"nationwidecrudedeathratereportedbytheNationalist
governmentfortheyears1936and1938(27.6and28.2perthousand,respectively).
50.Ashton(1984)p.615,Banister(1987)p.42,bothgettheirdatafromStatisticalYearbookofChina1983published
bytheStateStatisticalBureau.
51.Banister,Judith(1987).ChinasChangingPopulation.StanfordUniversityPress.Stanford.p.3.
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57.Coale(1984)pp.1,7.
58.Ashton,etal.(1984)pp.613,616619.
59.Peng(1987)pp.645,648649.PengusedthepreLeapdeathrateasabaselineundertheassumptionthatthe
decreaseaftertheGreatLeaptobelowpreLeaplevelswascausedbyDarwinianselectionduringthemassive
deathsofthefamine.Hewritesthatifthisdropwasinsteadacontinuationofthedecreasingmortalityintheyears
priortotheGreatLeap,hisestimatewouldbeanunderestimate.
60.YangJisheng(2012).Tombstone:TheGreatChineseFamine,19581962(Kindleedition).Farrar,Strausand
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61.ChangandHalliday(2005)p.438
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63.Rummel(1991)p.248.
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66.Rummel(1991).p.235.
67.Banister(1987)p.13.
68.Peng(1987)p.656.
69.Ashton,etal.(1984)p.630.
70.Diktter(2010)p.132.
71.Becker(1996)p.267.
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72.Banister(1987)p.85.
73.Becker(1996)pp.268269.
74.Diktter(2010)p.327.
75.Ashtonetal.(1984)p.617.
76.Yang(2012)p.430.
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78.Yu,Verna(2008)."Chineseauthorofbookonfaminebravesriskstoinformnewgenerations
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79.Applebaum,Anne(2008)."WhenChinaStarved(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp
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80.Link,Perry(2010)."China:FromFaminetoOslo"(http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2011/jan/13/china
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81.Rosefielde,Steven(2009).RedHolocaust.Routledge.p.114.ISBN0415777577.
82.O'Neill,Mark(2008).Ahungerforthetruth:Anewbook,bannedonthemainland,isbecomingthedefinitive
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85.ChangangHalliday(2005).p.457.
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88.Diktter,Frank.MaosGreatFamine,KeyArguments(http://web.mac.com/dikotter/Dikotter/Famine_2.html).
89.Diktter(2010).p.70.
90.Diktter(2010).p.88.
91.Valentino,BenjaminA.(2004).FinalSolutions:MassKillingandGenocideintheTwentiethCentury
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oviet%20union%20mao%20system%20of%20household%20registration&f=false).CornellUniversityPress.p.
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92.Jones,Adam(2010).Genocide:AComprehensiveIntroduction.Routledge,2ndedition(August1,2010).p.96.
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93.Ashton,etal.(1984)p.624,625.
94.Ashton,etal.(1984)p.629.
95.Ashton,etal.(1984)p.634.
96.Ashton,etal.(1984)p.626.
97.ChineseGovernment'sOfficialWebPortal(English).China:acountrywith5,000yearlongcivilization
(http://english.gov.cn/200508/06/content_20912.htm).retrieved3Sep2011."Itwasmainlyduetotheerrorsof
thegreatleapforwardandofthestruggleagainst"Rightopportunism"togetherwithasuccessionofnatural
calamitiesandtheperfidiousscrappingofcontractsbytheSovietGovernmentthatoureconomyencountered
seriousdifficultiesbetween1959and1961,whichcausedseriouslossestoourcountryandpeople."
98.Diktter(2010).pp.298&304.
99.Diktter(2010).pp.294&297.
100.Diktter(2010).pp.xi&xii.
101.Diktter(2010).p.169.
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102.WooCummings,Meredith(http://www.lsa.umich.edu/orgstudies/people_detail.asp?id=422)(2002).ThePolitical
EcologyofFamine:TheNorthKoreanCatastropheandItsLessons
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103.TwentiethCenturyChina:ThirdVolume.Beijing,1994.p.430.
104.Diktter(2010)p.226228.
105.Rummel(1991)p.247251.
106.Diktter(2010)p.226228(Qinghai,Tibet,Yunnan).
107.Rummel(1991)p.247251(Honan,Shantung,Qinghai(Chinghai),Gansu(Kansu),Szechuan(Schechuan),
Fujian),p.240(TAR).
108.Diktter(2010)p.224226.
109.Friedman,EdwardPickowicz,PaulG.Selden,MarkandJohnson,KayAnn(1993).ChineseVillage,Socialist
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vid=ISBN0300054289&id=GN2cXHxg_6oC&pg=PA243&lpg=PA243&dq=wu+zhipu+henan+xinyang&sig=N8jp
vDEZe3NvS64YO0qa492A32k).

ThisarticleincorporatespublicdomaintextfromtheUnitedStatesLibraryofCongressCountry
Studies.China(http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cntoc.html)

Bibliographyandfurtherreading
Ashton,Hill,Piazza,andZeitz(1984).FamineinChina,195861.PopulationandDevelopment
Review,Vol.10,No.4(Dec.,1984),pp.613645.
Bachman,David(1991).Bureaucracy,Economy,andLeadershipinChina:TheInstitutionalOrigins
oftheGreatLeapForward.NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress.
[Bao]SansanandBetteBaoLord(1964),EighthMoon:TheTrueStoryofaYoungGirl'sLifein
CommunistChina,NewYork:Harper&Row.
Becker,Jasper(1998).HungryGhosts:Mao'sSecretFamine(https://books.google.com/books?
id=iC4g0gXBmIkC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Hungry+Ghosts:+Mao%27s+Secret+Famine#v=one
page&q=&f=false).HoltPaperbacks.ISBN0805056688
JungChangandJonHalliday.(2005)Mao:TheUnknownStory,Knopf.ISBN0679422714
Diktter,Frank(2010).Mao'sGreatFamine:TheHistoryofChina'sMostDevastatingCatastrophe,
195862.Walker&Company.ISBN0802777686
Li,WeiTaoYang,Dennis(2005)."TheGreatLeapForward:AnatomyofaCentralPlanning
Disaster".JournalofPoliticalEconomy113(4):840877.doi:10.1086/430804.
Li,Zhisui(1996).ThePrivateLifeofChairmanMao.ArrowBooksLtd.
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Press.
Short,Philip(2001).Mao:ALife(https://books.google.com/books?
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66381
TaoYang,Dennis.(2008)"China'sAgriculturalCrisisandFamineof19591961:ASurveyand
ComparisontoSovietFamines."(http://www.palgrave
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Studies50,pp.129.
Thaxton.RalphA.Jr(2008).CatastropheandContentioninRuralChina:Mao'sGreatLeap
ForwardFamineandtheOriginsofRighteousResistanceinDaFoVillage
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Wertheim,WimF(1995).ThirdWorldwhenceandwhither?ProtectiveStateversusAggressive
Market.Amsterdam:HetSpinhuis.211pp.ISBN9055890820
E.LWheelwright,BruceMcFarlane,andJoanRobinson(Foreword),TheChineseRoadto
Socialism:EconomicsoftheCulturalRevolution.
Yang,Dali(1996).CalamityandReforminChina:State,RuralSociety,andInstitutionalChange
sincetheGreatLeapFamine.StanfordUniversityPress.
Yang,Jisheng(2008).Tombstone(MuBeiZhongGuoLiuShiNianDaiDaJiHuangJiShi).
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Tombstone".JournalofContemporaryChina19(66):755776.doi:10.1080/10670564.2010.485408.
Gao.Mobo(2007).GaoVillage:RurallifeinmodernChina.UniversityofHawaiiPress.ISBN978
0824831929
Gao.Mobo(2008).TheBattleforChina'sPast.PlutoPress.ISBN9780745327808
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Ball,Joseph.DidMaoReallyKillMillionsintheGreatLeap
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Retrievedfrom"https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Great_Leap_Forward&oldid=713408867"
Categories: CampaignsoftheCommunistPartyofChina DisastersinChina Economicdisasters
EconomichistoryofthePeople'sRepublicofChina FaminesinChina Incidentsofcannibalism
HistoryofthePeople'sRepublicofChina Maoistterminology 1950sinChina 1960sinChina
1958inChina 1959inChina 1960inChina Politicides
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