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LANGDON WINNER
about
In controversies
and
technology
society,
there
is no
idea more
pro
vocative
than the notion that technical things have political qualities. At issue is
the claim that the machines,
structures, and systems of modern material culture
can be
not
of efficiency and pro
accurately
judged
only for their contributions
side effects,
ductivity, not merely for their positive and negative environmental
can
but also for the ways
in which
of
forms
power and
they
embody specific
a
of
Since
this
kind
have
and
in
ideas
presence
authority.
persistent
troubling
about the meaning
of technology,
discussions
deserve
attention.1
explicit
they
in Technology and Culture almost two decades ago, Lewis Mumford
Writing
gave
classic
to one
statement
version
of
the
theme,
arguing
that
"from
late
neo
lithic times in the Near East, right down to our own day, two technologies have
one authoritarian,
the other democratic,
the
recurrently existed side by side:
first system-centered,
but
the
other
unstable,
immensely powerful,
inherently
but resourceful
and durable."2 This
thesis
man-centered,
relatively weak,
stands at the heart of Mumford's
studies of the city, architecture,
and the his
and mirrors concerns voiced earlier in the works of Peter
tory of technics,
Kropotkin,
ism. More
America
William
Morris,
recently,
have
adopted
antinuclear
a
similar
and
prosolar
as
notion
century
critics of industrial
movements
energy
a
centerpiece
in
in
their
Europe
and
arguments.
Thus environmentalist
Denis Hayes
"The increased deployment
of
concludes,
nuclear power facilities must lead society toward authoritarianism.
Indeed, safe
reliance upon nuclear power as the principal source of energy may be possible
only in a totalitarian state." Echoing the views of many proponents of appropri
ate
and the soft energy path, Hayes contends that "dispersed solar
technology
sources are more compatible
than centralized
technologies with social equity,
freedom and cultural pluralism."3
An eagerness to interpret technical artifacts in political
language is by no
means the exclusive property of critics of
systems.
large-scale high-technology
A long lineage of boosters have insisted that the
"biggest and best" that science
and industry made available were the best guarantees of
freedom,
democracy,
and social justice. The factory system, automobile,
radio, television,
telephone,
the space program, and of course nuclear power itself have all at one time or
another been described as democratizing,
in
liberating forces. David Lilienthal,
T.V.A.: Democracy on theMarch, for example, found this promise
in the phos
121
122
LANGDON
WINNER
to rural
that technical progress was bringing
In a recent essay, The Republic of Technology,
television for "its power to disband armies, to cashier
Boorstin
extolled
to create
presidents,
a whole
new
democratic
world?democratic
in ways
comes
never
along that
have
not
gotten
very
far.
social
determination
of,
say,
welfare
policy
or
taxation.
on a special
are, however,
good reasons technology has of late taken
and
scien
in its own right for historians,
fascination
philosophers,
political
so
reasons
in ac
of
far
models
social
science
the
standard
tists; good
only go
most
the
and
troublesome
about
for
is
what
subject. In
interesting
counting
social and political
another place I have tried to show why so much of modern
statements of what can be called a theory of tech
thought contains recurring
There
DO
ARTIFACTS
HAVE
POLITICS?
123
an odd
of notions often crossbred with orthodox
nological politics,
mongrel
The theory of technological
and
socialist
liberal, conservative,
philosophies.6
to the momentum
of
draws
attention
systems,
large-scale sociotechnical
politics
to the response of modern
societies to certain technological
imperatives, and to
In
the all too common signs of the adaptation of human ends to technical means.
so
a novel framework of interpretation and explanation for some
offers
it
doing
of the more puzzling patterns that have taken shape in and around the growth of
culture. One strength of this point of view is that it takes
modern material
technical artifacts seriously. Rather than insist that we immediately
reduce
to the interplay of social forces, it suggests that we pay attention to
everything
the characteristics
of technical objects and the meaning of those characteristics.
A necessary complement
to, rather than a replacement for, theories of the social
as
this perspective
determination
of technology,
identifies certain technologies
own
us
to
in
It
borrow
Edmund
their
back,
phenomena
points
political
right.
Husserl's
injunction, to the things themselves.
philosophical
In what follows I shall offer outlines and illustrations of two ways in which
artifacts can contain political properties. First are instances in which the inven
tion, design, or arrangement of a specific technical device or system becomes a
Seen in the proper light,
way of settling an issue in a particular community.
are
of
this
kind
and
Second
examples
fairly straightforward
easily understood.
are cases of what can be called inherently political
man-made
sys
technologies,
tems that appear to require, or to be
strongly compatible with, particular kinds
of political relationships.
about cases of this kind are much more
Arguments
troublesome and closer to the heart of the matter. By "politics," Imean arrange
ments of power and authority in human associations as well as the activities that
take place within
those arrangements.
For my purposes,
here is
"technology"
to mean all of modern
to
understood
I
avoid
but
confusion
practical artifice,7
to
or
or
of
smaller
of
hardware
speak
systems
prefer
technology,
larger pieces
of a specific kind. My intention is not to settle any of the issues here once and for
and significance.
all, but to indicate their general dimensions
Technical Arrangements
as Forms
of Order
Anyone who has traveled the highways of America and has become used to
a little odd about some
the normal height of overpasses may well find
something
of the bridges over the parkways on
New
York. Many
of the
Long Island,
are
as
as
at the
little
nine
feet
of
clearance
low, having
overpasses
extraordinarily
curb. Even those who happened to notice this structural peculiarity would not
to it. In our accustomed way of look
be inclined to attach any special meaning
at
we
see
like
roads
and
the details of form as innocuous, and
ing
things
bridges
seldom give them a second thought.
It turns out, however,
that the two hundred or so
low-hanging overpasses
on
were
Island
Long
deliberately
designed to achieve a particular social effect.
Robert Moses,
the master builder of roads, parks, bridges, and other public
works from the 1920s to the 1970s in New York, had these overpasses built to
that would discourage
the presence of buses on his parkways.
specifications
to
evidence
According
provided by Robert A. Caro in his biography of Moses,
the reasons reflect Moses's
social-class bias and racial prejudice. Automobile
124
LANGDON
WINNER
as he called them,
owning whites of "upper" and "comfortable middle" classes,
would be free to use the parkways for recreation and commuting.
Poor people
and blacks, who normally used public transit, were kept off the roads because
One con
the twelve-foot
tall buses could not get through the overpasses.
was
access
to
limit
of
minorities
and
racial
low-income
sequence
groups to Jones
acclaimed public park. Moses made doubly sure of this
Beach, Moses's widely
to Jones
result by vetoing a proposed
extension of the Long Island Railroad
Beach.8
visit
any
number
of
grotesque
concrete
buildings
and
huge
plazas
constructed
on American
campuses during the late 1960s and early 1970s to de
university
and instruments
Studies of industrial machines
fuse student demonstrations.
also turn up interesting political stories, including some that violate our normal
innovations are made in the first place. If
about why technological
expectations
are introduced to achieve increased efficien
we suppose that new
technologies
shows that we will sometimes be disappointed.
cy, the history of technology
a
not the least of
change expresses
panoply of human motives,
Technological
over
even
some
to
have
dominion
which
is the desire of
others,
though it may
some
to
an occasional
and
violence
the norm of
sacrifice of cost-cutting
require
more from less.
getting
illustration can be found in the history of nineteenth
One poignant
century
At Cyrus McCormick's
industrial mechanization.
reaper manufacturing
plant in
a new and largely
in the middle
1880s, pneumatic molding machines,
Chicago
cost of
at an estimated
were
added to the foundry
untested
innovation,
we would
of
such
In the standard economic
$500,000.
things,
interpretation
the plant and achieve the kind of
expect that this step was taken to modernize
efficiencies that mechanization
brings. But historian Robert Ozanne has shown
must be seen in a broader context. At the time, Cyrus
the
why
development
II was engaged in a battle with the National Union of Iron Mold
McCormick
as a way to "weed out the bad
ers. He saw the addition of the new machines
DO
ARTIFACTS
HAVE
125
POLITICS?
and
structures
of
common
long-standing
neglect
than
from
use?buses,
sidewalks,
buildings,
active
intention.
But
now
that
126
vanee
to
receive
favor
certain
a better
hand
social
LANGDON
WINNER
interests,
and
that
some
were
people
to
bound
than others.
tomato harvester,
a remarkable device
re
The mechanical
perfected
by
searchers at the University
of California
from the late 1940s to the present,
offers an illustrative tale. The machine
is able to harvest tomatoes in a single
a
the
from
the ground, shaking the fruit loose,
row, cutting
pass through
plants
and in the newest models
into large plastic
sorting the tomatoes electronically
tons of produce headed for
gondolas that hold up to twenty-five
canning. To
accommodate
the rough motion
of these "factories in the field," agricultural
researchers
have
bred
new
varieties
of
tomatoes
that
are
hardier,
sturdier,
and
duced.
The
of California's
University
research
ful
of
private
interests
to
the
detriment
and
development
on
agricultural
ma
farmworkers,
small
farmers,
con
sumers, and rural California generally, and asks for a court injunction to stop the
has denied
these charges,
practice. The University
arguing that to accept
them "would require elimination
of all research with any potential practical
application."14
of the tomato
far as I know, no one has argued that the development
was the result of a plot. Two
students of the controversy, William
Friedland and Amy Barton, specifically exonerate both the original developers
of the machine
and the hard tomato from any desire to facilitate economic con
As
harvester
in that
DO
are made
harvester
to
seem
ARTIFACTS
HAVE
or
"antitechnology"
127
POLITICS?
For
"antiprogress."
the
harves
ter is not merely the symbol of a social order that rewards some while punishing
of that order.
others; it is in a true sense an embodiment
Within a given category of technological
change there are, roughly speaking,
two kinds of choices that can affect the relative distribution of power, authority,
and privilege in a community.
Often the crucial decision is a simple "yes or no"
or not? In recent years
we going to develop and adopt the
choice?are
thing
international
about
and
national,
local,
many
disputes
technology have centered
on "yes or no" judgments about such things as food additives, pesticides,
the
nuclear reactors, and dam projects. The fundamental
building of highways,
or not the
to join
choice about an ABM or an SST is whether
thing is going
are
a
as
fre
of
its
Reasons
for
and
against
society
piece
operating equipment.
as important as those concerning the adoption of an important new law.
quently
A second range of choices, equally critical inmany instances, has to do with
or arrangement
of a technical system after the
specific features in the design
decision to go ahead with it has already been made. Even after a utility company
can
to build a large electric power line, important controversies
wins permission
remain with respect to the placement of its route and the design of its towers;
con
even after an organization
has decided to institute a system of computers,
to
can
the
kinds
of
arise
with
still
troversies
programs,
components,
regard
modes of access, and other specific features the system will include. Once the
tomato harvester had been developed
in its basic form, design altera
mechanical
addition of electronic
tion of critical social significance?the
sorters, for ex
on
effects
the balance of wealth
the character of the machine's
ample?changed
and power in California
Some of the most interesting research on
agriculture.
in a
and politics at present focuses on the attempt to demonstrate
technology
concrete fashion how seemingly
innocuous design features in mass
detailed,
transit systems, water projects,
and other technologies
industrial machinery,
David Noble
is
of
mask
choices
Historian
social
actually
profound significance.
now
two
have
kinds
automated
machine
tool
that
different
of
systems
studying
and labor in the industries
implications for the relative power of management
that might employ them. He is able to show that, although the basic electronic
of the record/playback
and mechanical
and numerical control sys
components
are
tems
in the
element
choice
the
similar,
of one
design
over
another
has
crucial
consequences
story.17
The
From such examples I would offer the following general conclusions.
we call
our world. Many
are ways of
in
order
things
"technologies"
building
for
technical devices and systems important in everyday life contain possibilities
or not, deliber
many different ways of ordering human activity. Consciously
or inadvertently,
societies choose structures for technologies
that influence
ately
how
people
are
going
to work,
communicate,
travel,
consume,
and
so forth
over
a very
are made,
structuring decisions
long time. In the processes by which
situated and possess unequal degrees of power as
different people are differently
well as unequal levels of awareness. By far the greatest latitude of choice exists
the very first time a particular instrument,
is introduced.
system, or technique
Because
choices
tend to become
strongly fixed
inmaterial
equipment,
economic
128
WINNER
LANGDON
same
the
reason,
one
attention
careful
would
to
give
the
rules,
roles,
and
rela
to such
as the
tionships of politics must also be given
things
building of high
and
the
of
television
the
creation
networks,
ways,
tailoring of seemingly
on new machines. The issues that divide or unite
features
people in
insignificant
are
not
in
and
of
the
institutions
settled
practices
society
politics proper,
only
but also,
wires
and
nuts
transistors,
Inherently
in tangible
less obviously,
and
Political
and
arrangements
bolts.
Technologies
None of the arguments and examples considered thus far address a stronger,
more
and society?the
troubling claim often made in writings about technology
are by their very nature political in a specific way.
belief that some technologies
to this view, the adoption of a given technical system unavoidably
According
that have a distinctive political
it conditions for human relationships
with
brings
cast?for
or
centralized
example,
decentralized,
egalitarian
or
re
inegalitarian,
idea we
The
now
must
examine
and
evaluate
is that
certain
kinds
cotton-spinning
finished
becoming
tions at different
tasks,
from
running
another. Because
work
and
railways,
ships
at sea. He
observes
thread,
through
locations in the factory. The workers
the
steam
engine
to
that,
on
its way
to
a number
cotton moves
carrying
the
of different opera
perform a wide variety of
products
and because
be coordinated,
of the steam," laborers must
from
one
room
to
DO
HAVE
ARTIFACTS
129
POLITICS?
to
at regular hours and
Engels, work
according
rigid discipline. They must,
to
to
wills
the
their
individual
subordinate
persons in charge of factory
agree
to
that produc
do
the
If
risk
fail
so,
they
horrifying possibility
operations.
they
"The automatic
tion will come to a grinding halt. Engels pulls no punches.
"is much more despotic than the small
of a big factory," he writes,
machinery
who
capitalists
ever
workers
employ
have
been."19
are adduced in
Engels's analysis of the necessary operating
of
for railways and ships at sea. Both require the subordination
conditions
workers to an "imperious authority" that sees to it that things run according to
an idiosyncracy of capitalist social organ
plan. Engels finds that, far from being
of all
arise "independently
and
subordination
of
ization, relationships
authority
us
are
condi
with
the
material
social organization,
[and]
together
imposed upon
tions under which we produce and make products circulate." Again, he intends
this to be stern advice to the anarchists who, according to Engels,
thought it
at a single
to
and
subordination
eradicate
superordination
simply
possible
Similar
lessons
All
stroke.
such
are
schemes
nonsense.
roots
The
of
unavoidable
author
same
the
nized
technical
that
conditions
activity
require
create
this
also
central
need
rule
in
and
decisive
action
in orga
government.
that,
manufacturing.
"Modern
Industry,"
he
writes,
"...
sweeps
away
by
living
appendage
of
the machine.
. . ."21 In Marx's
view,
the
conditions
130
WINNER
LANGDON
that will eventually dissolve the capitalist division of labor and facilitate prole
tarian revolution are conditions
latent in industrial technology
itself. The dif
in Capital and Engels's
in his essay raise an
ferences between Marx's position
after all, does modern
important question for socialism: What,
technology make
in political life? The theoretical tension we see here mir
possible or necessary
rors many troubles in the practice of freedom and authority that have muddied
the tracks of socialist revolution.
are in some sense
to the effect that
inherently politi
Arguments
technologies
cal have
been
In my
here.
in a wide
advanced
of
reading
such
of
variety
notions,
far
contexts,
too
are
there
however,
to summarize
many
two
basic
of
ways
nuclear
accept
power
also
you
plants,
a techno-scientific-industrial
accept
vironments
in
structured
be
in much
way
particular
same
the
sense
that
an automobile
in order to run. The thing could not exist as an
requires wheels
certain social as well as material
effective operating
unless
conditions
entity
were met. The meaning of "required" here is that of practical (rather than logi
cal) necessity. Thus, Plato thought it a practical necessity that a ship at sea have
one captain and an
obedient crew.
unquestioningly
A second, somewhat weaker,
version of the argument holds that a given
kind of technology
is strongly compatible with, but does not strictly require,
of a particular stripe. Many
social and political relationships
advocates of solar
are
now
more
that
hold
that
of
energy
variety
compatible with a
technologies
democratic,
clear
power;
energy
society
egalitarian
same
at the
time
requires
than
they
case
Their
democracy.
energy
do not
systems
based
maintain
that
that
is, briefly,
on
coal,
oil,
anything
solar
nu
and
about
solar
is decentral
energy
are
compatible
society
In contrast,
question.
removed
with
from
democracy
the
the
solar
pertains
organization
advocate's
belief
to the way
of
those
that
solar
technologies
they complement
technologies
as
aspects of
such.
are, then, several different directions that arguments of this kind can
follow. Are the social conditions predicated
said to be required by, or strongly
There
DO
HAVE
ARTIFACTS
131
POLITICS?
compatible with, the workings of a given technical system? Are those conditions
internal to that system or external to it (or both)? Although writings that address
such questions are often unclear about what is being asserted, arguments in this
an important presence
in modern political discourse.
general category do have
enter
to
into
how
many attempts
They
explain
changes in social life take place
in the wake of technological
innovation. More
they are often used
importantly,
to buttress attempts to justify or criticize proposed courses of action
involving
new
or
technology. By offering distinctly political reasons for
against the adop
tion of a particular technology,
arguments of this kind stand apart from more
more
commonly employed,
easily quantifiable claims about economic costs and
benefits, environmental
impacts, and possible risks to public health and safety
that technical systems may involve. The issue here does not concern how many
jobs will be created, how much income generated, how many pollutants added,
or how many cancers
produced. Rather, the issue has to do with ways in which
choices about technology have important consequences
for the form and quality
of
human
associations.
If we
its rulers.
states
democratic
Indeed,
structures
social
and
must
that
mentality
to find
try
the
characterize
to ensure
ways
that
of
management
the
nuclear
weapons do not "spin off' or "spill over" into the polity as a whole.
The bomb is, of course, a special case. The reasons very rigid relationships
of
are
authority
in its
necessary
immediate
should
presence
be
clear
to
anyone.
we
that
tion,
the
transportation,
centuries
tralized,
Typical
construction
require
the
and
and
day-to-day
of
development
hierarchical
organization
of Chandler's
reasoning
made
possible
Technology
liable movement
of goods
and repair
of locomotives,
particular
is his analysis
stock,
systems
in the nineteenth
administered
fast, all-weather
and passengers,
rolling
of many
operation
communication
social
form?a
of
produc
twentieth
large-scale
cen
skilled managers.
by highly
of the growth of the railroads.
transportation;
as the
as well
and
and
track,
but
safe,
regular,
maintenance
continuing
stations,
roadbed,
round
re
132
LANGDON
WINNER
of a sizable
the creation
administrative
equipment,
required
to
It meant
of a set of managers
the employment
these
supervise
organization.
over an extensive
activities
functional
of an
area; and the appointment
geographical
to monitor,
administrative
command
and
of middle
and top executives
evaluate,
and
houses,
other
the work
coordinate
of managers
for
responsible
the day-to-day
operations.
Throughout
production
trial goods
realistic, very
within modern
nologies?oil
little
latitude
sociotechnical
pipelines
impressive
whelmingly
systems are to work effectively,
efficiently, quickly, and safely, certain require
ments of internal social organization
have to be fulfilled; the material possi
available
could not be exploited
bilities
make
that modern
technologies
as
one
institu
that
otherwise. Chandler
compares sociotechnical
acknowledges
tions of different nations, one sees "ways in which cultural attitudes, values,
be
that
of
capable
other
of
those
of
arrangements
worker
democratic
conceivable
decentralized,
factories,
administering
refineries,
in
and
Yugoslavia
other
countries
is often
for
authority,
could
self-management,
communications
and
power
systems,
describes.
Chandler
and worker-managed
to
presented
these
salvage
pos
any
of
requirement
such
systems,
if
what,
such
anything,
measures
require
of
the
is not
that
question
an
solely
about what
empiri
steps,
kinds of technology
structure
of human
if any,
and
associations.
Was Plato right in saying that a ship at sea needs steering by a decisive hand and
an obedient crew?
that this could only be accomplished
by a single captain and
Is Chandler correct in saying that the properties of large-scale systems require
control?
hierarchical managerial
centralized,
To
moral
answer
such
questions,
claims of practical
we
necessity
w7ould
(including
have
to
examine
those advocated
in
some
detail
in the doctrines
the
of
DO
HAVE
ARTIFACTS
133
POLITICS?
economics) and weigh them against moral claims of other sorts, for example, the
in the command of a ship or that
notion that it is good for sailors to participate
in a
workers have a right to be involved in making and administering
decisions
on
It
of
based
is
characteristic
societies
factory.
large, complex technological
that
however,
systems,
reasons
moral
other
than
those
of
necessity
practical
claims one
"idealistic," and irrelevant. Whatever
appear increasingly obsolete,
or
on
can
to
wish
make
behalf
of
be
may
immediately
liberty, justice,
equality
neutralized when confronted with arguments to the effect: "Fine, but that's no
way
to run
a railroad"
(or
steel
or
mill,
or
airline,
communications
and
system,
impatient
such
democratic
as
scruples
"one
one
man,
vote."
If
democracy
for the firm, the most critical institution in all of society, American
of a
ask, how well can it be expected to work for the government
doesn't work
executives
when
nation?particularly
that
to
attempts
government
with
interfere
the
achievements
of the firm? The authors of the report observe that patterns of
that
in the corporation become for businessmen
work
"the
authority
effectively
desirable model against which to compare political and economic relationships
in the rest of society."27 While
such findings are far from conclusive,
they do
common
reflect a sentiment
in
the
land:
what
dilemmas
like the
increasingly
of wealth or broader public partici
energy crisis require is not a redistribution
pation
but,
rather,
stronger,
centralized
public
Board
Carter's
management?President
cores.
ceptable
gers
these
Well-known
economic
in regard
concerns,
ards?those
objections
its risks
of
costs,
to the
international
however,
that involve
stands
to
plutonium
environmental
proliferation
another
less
focus
recycling
contamination,
of nuclear
widely
weapons.
appreciated
liberties. The
on
and
its unac
its dan
Beyond
set
widespread
of
haz
use of
134
WINNER
LANGDON
and
informers,
even
emergency
measures
under
martial
law?all
Nevertheless,
once
a course
of
action
is
underway,
once
artifacts
like
DO
ARTIFACTS
HAVE
135
POLITICS?
seems to me
stances.
a
of
system
or
communication
for
transportation,
aspects
example?some
may
in their possibilities
for society, while other aspects may be (for
be flexible
I
intractable. The two varieties of interpretation
better or worse) completely
have
examined
here
can
and
overlap
at
intersect
many
points.
some
issues on which people can disagree. Thus,
are, of course,
now
resources
at
from
renewable
believe
of
have
last
proponents
energy
they
a set of
communitarian
tech
discovered
intrinsically democratic,
egalitarian,
the social consequences
In my best estimation,
of build
however,
nologies.
on
will
the specific configurations
ing renewable energy systems
surely depend
of both hardware and the social institutions created to bring that energy to us. It
may be that we will find ways to turn this silk purse into a sow's ear. By com
of nuclear power seem to believe
parison, advocates of the further development
that they are working on a rather flexible technology whose adverse social ef
fects can be fixed by changing the design parameters of reactors and nuclear
waste disposal systems. For reasons indicated above, I believe them to be dead
wrong in that faith. Yes, we may be able to manage some of the "risks" to public
health and safety that nuclear power brings. But as society adapts to the more
These
a clearer
view
of
these
matters
than
has
been
our
habit
so
far.
References
ll would
T. V.A.:
Democracy
on theMarch
and Brothers,
1944), pp.
5Daniel J. Boorstin,
The Republic of
& Row,
1978), p. 7.
Technology (New York: Harper
as a Theme in Political
Autonomous Technology: Technics-out-of-Control
6Langdon Winner,
Thought
1977).
Press,
(Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T.
7The meaning
of
I
not
in
some
this
does
of the broader
essay
encompass
"technology"
employ
definitions
ofthat
found in contemporary
for example,
the notion of "technique"
literature,
concept
136
LANGDON WINNER
in the writings
of Jacques Ellul. My purposes
here are more
limited. For a discussion
of the diffi
to define
see Ref. 6, pp. 8-12.
that arise in attempts
"technology,"
8Robert A. Caro, The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York (New York: Random
1974), pp. 318, 481, 514, 546, 951-958.
House,
9Ibid., p. 952.
10Robert Ozanne,
A Century of Labor-Management
Relations atMcCormick
and International Harvest
er (Madison, Wis.:
of Wisconsin
Press,
1967), p. 20.
University
11
The
of the tomato harvester
is told in Wayne
D. Rasmussen,
"Advances
in
early history
as a Case
American
The Mechanical
Tomato Harvester
Agriculture:
Study," Technology and Culture,
531-543.
9(1968):
12Andrew Schmitz
and David
"Mechanized
and Social Welfare:
The Case
Seckler,
Agriculture
of the Tomato
American Journal of Agricultural
52 (1970): 569-577.
Harvester,"
Economics,
13William H. Friedland
and Amy Barton,
"Tomato Technology,"
13:6 (September/Oc
Society,
tober 1976). See also William
H. Friedland,
Social Sleepwalkers: Scientific and
Technological Research in
of California,
of Applied
Behavioral
Davis, Department
Sciences,
California Agriculture,
University
No.
Research Monograph
13, 1974.
1, 1979.
14University of California Clip Sheet, 54:36, May
15Friedland and Barton,
"Tomato Technology."
16A history
and critical analysis
of agricultural
research
in the land-grant
is given
in
colleges
Hard Tomatoes, Hard Times (Cambridge, Mass.:
Schenkman,
1978).
James Hightower,
culties
17David Noble,
inMachine
"Social Choice
The Case of Automatically
Controlled
Design:
in Case Studies in the Labor Process (New York: Monthly
chine Tools,"
Review
Press, forthcoming).
18Friedrich Engels,
"On Authority"
in The Marx-Engels
Reader, 2nd ed., Robert Tucker
(New York: W. W. Norton,
1978), p. 731.
Ma
(ed.)
"Ibid.
20Ibid., pp. 732, 731.
21Karl Marx,
vol. 1, 3rd ed., Samuel Moore
and Edward Aveling
(trans.) (New York:
Capital,
The Modern
1906), p. 530.
Library,
Four Arguments for the Elimination
(New York: William
Morrow,
of Television
22Jerry Mander,
1978), p. 44.
The Sun Builders: A
Barbara Emanuel,
and Stephen Graham,
23See, for example, Robert Argue,
to Solar, Wind and Wood Energy
in Canada (Toronto: Renewable
in Canada,
People's Guide
Energy
is an implicit component
of renewable
this implies the
1978). "We think decentralization
energy;
decentralization
of energy systems,
communities
and of power. Renewable
energy doesn't
require
sources of
Our cities and towns, which
mammoth
transmission
corridors.
disruptive
generation
on
some
to
achieve
have been dependent
centralized
energy supplies, may be able
degree of auton
their own energy needs"
and administering
omy, thereby controlling
(p. 16).
in American Business (Cam
Revolution
24Alfred D. Chandler,
Jr., The Visible Hand: The Managerial
Press,
1977), p. 244.
Belknap, Harvard
University
bridge, Mass.:
2sIbid.
26Ibid., p. 500.
Ethics and Profits: The Crisis of Confidence in American Business
27Leonard Silk and David Vogel,
and Schuster,
(New York: Simon
1976), p. 191.
The Civil Liberties
28Russel W. Ayres,
Fallout," Harvard Civil Rights-Civil
"Policing Plutonium:
374.
10 (1975):443,
Liberties Law Review,
413-4,