Augustine

For the Hebrew Bible to the Septuagint
XV I I
AU G U S T I N E O F H I P P O 3 5 4 4 3 0
A comparative latecomer in the history of patristic exegesis, Augustine surpasses most of the ancient Christian interpreters of scripture by the intensity
of his personal appropriation of the biblical text, and by the originality and
the profundity of his interpretations. He would not have been consistent
with his own life-long spiritual quest had he not struggled over long years
to give himself a properly Augustinian expertise in the art of interpreting
sacred scripture. However first he set out to learn the rules and principles
of interpretation from his predecessors, considering it his duty to conform
to their hermeneutical standards, and in no way to impose a new exegetical
method of his own invention. Augustines creative contribution consisted
in a deliberate synthesis of late antique rhetorical culture with the biblical
hermeneutics already elaborated over several centuries inside the church
community. Whereas in the works of other Christian interpreters, rhetorical culture and familiarity with scripture fused in a largely unreflected approach to scripture, for Augustine, these two streams, in their distinctive
resources as well as in the complexity of their interactions, became a matter
of fascinating inquiry.
Thus while Augustine never tired of discovering new aspects of the
biblical message, it was in exploring scripture that he explored himself as
well. His exegesis became an original contribution to biblical exegesis not
so much by the imposition of a new theoretical frame as by the freshness
and intensity of his inner inquiry. Scripture allowed him to interpret himself,
even more than he interpreted scripture. The focal importance of the self in
Augustinian exegesis is a key factor in the enduring relevance of Augustines
hermeneutics right into modern times.
The present survey of Augustinian writings calls for a chronological outline of the hermeneutical experience through which Augustine
slowly reached his maturity as an interpreter of scripture. Hence the divisions of this very short presentation of his exegesis: (I) A Hermeneutical
Apprenticeship; (II) A Theoretical Foundation: De doctrina christiana; (III)
A Practical Exercise in Biblical Hermeneutics: Confessions; (IV) The Truth
of Scripture: De trinitate IIV; (V) Exploring the Literal Sense: De Genesi ad
Litteram IIX; (VI) The Biblical Scholar; (VII) Augustines Ministry of the
Word, (VIII) The City of God.
h-Century Latin Christian Literature
I. A HERMENEUTICAL APPRENTICESHIP
For the years , while Augustine lived in turn in Cassiciacum, Rome
and Thagaste, before being ordained priest in Hippo, only those writings
are considered which are of some significance for his future career as an
interpreter of scripture.
In Contra Academicos (Cassiciacum, in the Fall of ), where Cicero
and Neoplatonists are omnipresent, one finds only one anonymous allusion
to scripture: Nam mihi credite, vel potius illi credite, qui ait: quaerite et invenieti, for believe me or rather believe him who said: Search and you will
find, Mt :) (II iii, ), a distinctly insignificant reminder on a Bible whose
very functioning, at this point, seems to be quiescent in the lively arena of
Augustines philosophical debate.
Again in De beata vita (November at Cassiciacum), a charming
conversation between Augustine, his mother Monica, his son Adeodatus,
his brother Navigius, two cousins, two students and the friend Alypius, only
one biblical citation surfaces: For this also is said: I am the truth (Jn :)
(IV, ), among a striking display of references to literary and philosophical sources. The more personal turn of the staged conversation does not yet
convey Augustines immersing himself into the sacred text.
De ordine (Cassiciacum, also November ) is a more ambitious discussion of a philosophical nature (disputatio) in two Books between Augustine
and friends. Numerous allusions and quotations exemplifying Augustines
past education or current intellectual concerns (Virgil and Ovid, Tacitus
and Terence, Cicero and Plotinus . . .) are mentioned at random in the vivid
exchange of views, mainly in Book I, in which one notes only one very vague
scriptural allusion on Col : (philosophos huius mundi evitandos), joined to
an explicit quotation of Jn :, satis ipse Christus significavit, qui non dicit:
regnum meum non est de mundo, sed regnum meum non est de hoc mundo
(I xi, ). While the Pauline allusion, if real, and the Johannine quotation,
have no impact whatsoever on Augustines thought, they do add a distinctive mark to the specific point of argument. It is worth observing that they
intervene at the conclusion of De ordine which has been built up around
an answer given by Augustine to the unexpectedly feminist request of his
mother: numquidnam in illis quos legitis libris etiam feminas umquam audivi
in hoc genus disputationis inductas?, Did I ever hear women introduced
in that kind of discussion in those books of your reading? (I: xi, ). This
isolated NT echo has the mark of a tribute paid by the son to the religious
devotion of the mother, and suggests that, right up to the time of his baptism,
Augustine of Hippo
Augustine still grounded his biblical allegiance in the maternal religiosity

which had pervaded the years of his childhood.
Soliloquiorum libri duo (Cassiciacum, late / early ), Augustines
inaugural prayer (I, ) is emphatic and lyrical, written in a poetic prose
which dispenses from any scriptural allusion. Augustine reaches a substantial definition of what he means by God, namely the objective response to
all the wishes and requests of his longing for absolute transcendency. His
philosophical mindset is self-sucient as he shifts from prayer to the strictly
conceptual analysis by which the Soliloquium becomes a dialogue between
himself and reason. In Augustines understanding, Soli is conversational
in nature: the loquium of the self confirms its own inalienable consistency
through its dialogue with reason. Therefore in the return to prayer in VI, ,
Deus, pater noster (a prayer which has less to do with the biblical invocation
Our Father than with the vibrancy of Augustines own innate mysticism)
Augustines words may meet biblical metaphors, exaudi me palpitantem in
his tenebris et mihi dexteram porrige, hear me as I struggle in that darkness
and stretch out to me your right hand, but they do not result in any explicit
reference. While he quotes Cicero several times, or refers to Quintilian (XVI,
), or alludes to Plato and the Neoplatonists, and gives an explicit citation
otherwise unknown of Cornelius Celsus (XII, ), Augustines tacit reminiscences of scriptural phrases remain hardly identifiable (I: i, ; vi, ), or at
most very sporadic. They are generally located in the immediate context of
prayer (I: i, : Deus, per quem mors absorbetur in victoriam, cf. Cor :,
followed by other short allusions of the same sort to Jn, Mt and Gal; I: i, =
Gn :; I: i, , cf Mt :, Cor :; xiii:). In these instances, scripture
gives a language to the personal emotion generated by the intellectual debate.
It does not yet play a role in the definition of the self as capable of divine
transcendency, which is what is at the heart of the whole debate.
De immortalitate animae was written in Milan in . This short essay
On the Immortality of the Soul seems to have been included by accident in
Augustines works: The contortion of its arguments is so short and obscure
(Retractationes, , , ), that it tired even Augustine himself near the end of
his life. Amazingly enough the exposition lacks any reference to scripture
as well as any reference to secular literature.
Only in the last eight of capitula of De quantitate animae, a long
philosophical dissertation (tam longum sermonem xxxvi, ), composed in
Rome , are found, highly significantly for Augustine, the first explicit
quotations from scripture introduced as such in one of his early treatises:
Cor mundum, . . . Ps :; then a barely recognizable echo of Pauline phrases
in xxviii, , followed by an implicit quotation of Eccl : in xxxiii, , and

an explicit reference to Paul with a paraphrase of Cor :: apostolus Paulus
parvulis se totum dedisse praedicavit (xxxiii, ), followed by a proper citation
of Mt :: Dominum Deum tuum adorabis et illi soli servies. The biblical references of this treatise, tenuous as they are, sound close to Augustines recent
experience of baptism: they witness to the fervor of the neophyte, already
testifying to his improving familiarity with the Pauline letters.
Of a completely dierent order is Augustines use of scripture in the
polemical essay De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et moribus Manichaeorum
libri duo, also written in Rome . Now the controversy itself imposes a systematic quotation from the NT against Manichean interpretations. The same
practice would carry more weight in Augustines other two anti-Manichean
essays of the next years, On Free Choice, started in Rome in , and completed in Africa, possibly in Hippo as late as , and On Genesis Against the
Manichees, written in Thagaste in . For the task (totally new for him) of
defending scripture against heretical abuse, Augustine starts by taking shelter
under the umbrella of episcopos vel presbyteros vel cuiuscemodi ecclesiae catholicae antistites et ministros (De moribus, I, ; J. B. Bauer, CSEL , ) and by
invoking the apostolica disciplina (I, ). His use of scripture in these polemical
treatises would not be determined by the rich background of his rhetorical
culture, but it would conform to his recent entry into the institutional frame
of the church. Therefore after an introductory set of considerations determined by reason, Augustine shifts into a form of discourse entirely regulated
by the authority of divine revelation, communicated by the election of the
patriarchs, the covenant of the Law, the predictions of prophets, the mystery
of Gods becoming man, the testimony of the apostles, the blood of martyrs,
and the conversion of the nations (I, , ). One proposition after another
contributes its share of biblical allusions, quotations, or paraphrases. The
author palpably enjoys taking advantage of his personal familiarity with
Pauline letters, the very letters which his Manichean adversaries claimed to
know so well. He refers to many OT passages also used by them, though in
a way now thoroughly reprehensible to the recent convert.
In De moribus ecclesiae catholicae I, mainly composed in Rome, whose
biblical richness reveals the authors readings through its references, one
finds in particular the first quotations from Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Qohelet,
Proverbs, which were books recommended to the attention of the catechumens (La Bonnardire , ). Some basic principles of interpretation
take on a distinctive Augustinian tone, for instance that Determination as
much as piety is required; we may by the first progress in learning, by the
other, understand what we have learned, Et diligentia igitur et pietas adhi-
Augustine of Hippo
benda est; altero fiet ut scientes inveniamus, altero ut scire mereamur (I, ).
Another traditional principle emphasized by main church apologists since
the second century There is only one God in both Testaments utriusque
testamenti deus unus est (I, xvii, ), leads Augustine to root the harmony of
both Testaments testamenti utriusque concordiam (I, xviii, ), in true love
caritas. Further on he concludes: The two voices of the one God, registered
in both Testaments attest to the sanctification of the soul in a common
declaration, so that is happens sometimes that the same data is taken over
from the old into the new scriptures, Quae duae voces unius dei in duobus
testamentis signatae sanctificationem animae concordi attestatione declarant,
ut fiat aliquando illud quod item in novam scripturam de veteri assumptum
est. Without the explicit invoking of the technical term, the typological interpretation of scripture is well secured.
The dialogue On Free Choice, De libero arbitrio, in three Books, argues
against the teaching of the Manichees that evil results only from peoples
free choice. The very first biblical reference in Book I, Is : (the only one
in that Book), is introduced as a prophetic proscription praescriptum enim
per prophetam (I, ii, , ). In Book II and III, added seven years later when
Augustine was a presbyter in Hippo, biblical quotations occur more frequently in a somewhat homiletic style referring to Wisdom literature and
the Prophets as much as to the Gospels and to Paul.
In De Genesi contra Manichaeos, dating from , the scriptural focus
of Augustines polemic against his former fellow Manichees for the first time
calls on allegorical exegesis, as learned from Ambrose. Augustines concern
to present a hermeneutically structured argument determines the whole
essay (Weber , ). In addition to Ambrose, a direct dependence on
Origens Homilies on Leviticus and On Genesis is claimed by Weber, following
Altaner () and Teske ().
A new stage in Augustines apprenticeship in biblical hermeneutics was
firmly announced shortly after his acceptance of the presbyterate in , in
another anti-Manichean writing De utilitate credendi, which was addressed
to his friend Honoratus, still a member of the sect. Here he carefully explains how to distinguish four possible senses of scripture: historical (what
happened), aetiological (why it happened; aetia: cause); analogical (in
OT and NT), and allegorical (not literal, but figurative). This teaching was
communicated just as he received it, in phrases with Greek terms, secundum
historiam, secundum aetiologiam, secundum analogiam, secundum allegoriam.
Immediately Augustine explains the foreign terms, for instance: According to
allegory, when one explains that something written should not be taken literally, but be understood figuratively non ad litteram esse accipienda quaedam,
quae scripta sunt, sed figurate intellegenda (, ). Augustines comments on the

four senses of scripture extend until the end of , with insistent quotations
of Corinthians, Galatians and Corinthians (littera occidit, spiritus autem
vivificat Cor :), specially when expanding on allegory. However the
recourse to scripture stops there in the treatise and the hermeneutical teaching remains without much of an application. Indeed another interpretive
approach seems to be practised in the contemporary De utilitate credendi,
a Neoplatonic one: Augustins antimanichische Schriften sind in ihrem
Gehalt erheblisch neuplatonisch geprgt, Augustines anti-Manichean writings are distinctively marked in their content by Neoplatonism (Schublin
, ).
De Genesi ad litteram inperfectus liber starts as an attempt at a continuous
explanation of Genesis by repeating word for word the statement about the
four scriptural senses (modi) already made in De utilitate credendi, though in
the more appealing order, historia-allegoria-analogia-aetiologia (Schublin
, ). Once more, the hermeneutical statement remains an abstraction,
having no relevance for the subsequent exposition. The author multiplies
reference to the religious cosmology of other Christian commentators of
Genesis; he intersperses these observations with insights of his own which
much later, he would elaborate in his definitive De Genesi ad litteram, but
at this stage he does not engage into any hermeneutic of the literal sense
as such. That may be the main reason why his first attempt at a continuous
commentary ends as early as with Gn :. A theoretical foundation was
needed, thought out by Augustine himself before he could resume such a
task. It would be his treatise On Christian Doctrine.
II. A THEORETICAL FOUNDATION: DE DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA (DDC)
It is probably a distinctive mark of gifted intellectual leaders in the Christian
movement to engage their creativity simultaneously on a more practical and
a properly theoretical level, when deciding to make a valuable contribution
to biblical hermemeutics. Origen wrote his treatise On First Principles simultaneously with his Commentary on John, completed at a later date. Tyconius,
the first Latin theoretician of biblical hermeneutics wrote his Commentary on
the Apocalypse at the time when he focused on his Liber Regularum. Augustine
does the same in starting De doctrina christiana a few months before launching the redaction of his Confessions. Karl Barth would do the same in writing
and rewriting his Commentary on Romans, and at the same time building up
the theoretical construct of his so-called dialectic theology.
Augustine of Hippo
The project of DDC must have been on its authors mind from the day
that he had to face the pastoral duty of preaching the word of God. Even
without this clerical charge, Augustines daily reading of scripture kept him
well aware of the needed procedures for its interpretation. Just to know
how to select quotations to contradict the scriptural claims of adversaries
was not enough for ministering to the community. How would he answer
the questions of the faithful puzzled by readings of the liturgy if he had not
clarified for himself the main rules appropriate for understanding biblical
texts? While the DDC directly addresses the pastoral requirements of that
exegetical task, it was in a way more significant for its authors idiosyncratic
interests than of the social and ecclesiastic context in Hippo around . In
his early forties Augustine certainly would not have been true to himself had
he not anchored his new project in a fresh reassessment of his inner self. On
a theoretical level his hermeneutic of sacred scripture would mirror the vital
trajectory of his own journey toward a spiritual goal. The first Book of DDC,
linear and unified in its composition, firm and clear in its distinctions, with
the intensity of its statements and its condensed aspirations, describes in
forty short capitula the deepest personal motivation of the author even more
than any exegetical theory: haec summa est, ut intellegatur legis et omnium
divinarum scripturarum plenitudo et finis esse dilectio, The chief purpose . . . is
to make it understood that the fulfillment and end of the law and all the
divine scriptures is to love (I, xxxv, ; R. P. H. Green, ).
Book I recapitulates Augustines quest during the past ten years. It rests
on his inner vision achieved at the end of that decade since baptism. It
takes advantage of the literary creativity generated by Augustines spiritual
journey during that recent past. At once, it summarizes past experiences and
already announces Confessions, the next dramatic initiative bursting forth
from the bishops religious genius. For lack of evidence, all direct datings are
blurred, but enough is said by Augustine himself to allow us to locate the
composition of the first nine Books of Confessions in the two years of interval between Book I and Book II of DDC. Indeed the contemporanity of the
two major projects of DDC and Confessions highlights structural anities. A
circular flow of creative motivation relativizes their chronological sequence,
like two complementary expressions of a same authorial urge to express a
self-awareness. Like the double face of a same coin, Augustines fascination
with scripture marks the author of the DDC who starts by contemplating
scripture at the very core of the spiritual journey before expanding into the
detail of hermeneutical and rhetorical rulings; whereas, in the reverse order,
Confessions starts with a long review of detailed incidents and life experiences
before ending with the most amazing self-description, in biblical terms, of the
authors spiritual identity in a commentary on Gn : in Books XIXIII.

DDC Is essential purpose is to explain what a Christian theory of biblical hermeneutics is all about. It is about knowing the right way to approach
the divine realities which give Christian faith its foundation and original
profile. Scripture is par excellence the primary source for such knowledge. It
speaks to us as the central revelatory agency made available in the church
by God himself mediating through its written message all that God wants
us to know for our salvation, therefore it must be studied in the most thorough way possible. Its consistent and accurate interpretation implies a total
dedication of its readers faith, hope and love, in other words, the actual
accomplishment of the Law.
According to M. Moreaus recent and illuminating proposal, Book I is
divided into two parts: IThe res, objects of frui or uti (, , ), and
IIThe res, subjects of frui and uti (, , ); the two parts are preceded by six preliminary distinctions: modus inveniendi/modus proferendi;
res/signum; frui/uti (, , ); and followed by a conclusion (, , ).
In the first part of Book I the res are the eternal realities, objects of sheer
enjoyment, grounded in Trinitarian faith, as well as the temporal realities
useful to faith in Gods salvific action, exemplified in Christ and church
(Thus the first part evokes the two central armations of the Creed, by which
God is acclaimed as universal Creator, then professed as active in the history
of salvation). The second part of Book I submits the subjective experience
of frui and uti to an analysis of the purpose of scripture, its telos, in Mt :
: Diliges Dominum Deum tuum . . . tota lex pendet et prophetaeLove
your Lord God . . . on which the whole Law and the Prophets depend.
The richness and density of both parts draws together the main strands
of Augustines earlier creativity at work in his mind from Cassiciacum to
Thagaste and is now placed at the service of the new bishop as he commences the writing of DDC. From the Soliloquies derives the inspirational
Platonic love, a notion which Augustine would rethink at the core of DDC
I, and keep in mind throughout the composition of DDC. From De magistro,
dictated in at Thagaste, he borrows the crucial notion of signs only to
amplify and deepen it before using it to structure the next two Books of DDC.
In DDC, he would revive from De quantitate animae, written in Rome two
years before De magistro, the basic idea of the human soul passing through
several stages of levels of being, from a vegetal level to the very vision
and contemplation of truth where one reaches in reality, a home at which
one arrives via those levels (II, ; cp. I, as a journey or voyage
home). The same idea had already resurfaced in De vera religione, with the
theme of the seven stages in the spiritual journey from the old to the new
Augustine of Hippo
man. More such thematic anities between DDC and earlier writings of
Augustine may be identifiable, but it is not only a set of philosophical and
religious commonplaces which one finds resonating. Rather, in a Christian
context, DDC is a replication of secular rhetorics calling on centuries old
learning, not at all as a challenge or a supplement to that learning, but, more
candidly, for exploiting its sophisticated resources in order to teach how to
interpret scripture.
Book II deals with basic data which the Bible has in common with any
other important writing: the very fact of the Bibles being a work of literature
and taking into consideration the peculiar style in which it is written leads
Augustine in Book III to discuss the biblical style as seen from the outside,
from a non-biblical culture. The cultural dierence between the biblical world
and the world of its reader creates special diculties, for instance, when
figurative phrases are wrongly taken as proper expressions to be understood
literally, or when several figurative meanings are equally possible. At that point
at the end of III, xxv, , with a quotation of Lk :, Augustine interrupted
the redaction of DDC. It took him thirty years to resume its composition.
Augustines theoretical foundation of biblical hermeneutics was shaken, if not
compromised, by such an abrupt ending, a unique case in the bishops prolific
experience as a writer. Certainly, short interruptions happened elsewhere. We
even noted one between DDC I and DDC II. Major works like De trinitate,
or De civitate dei, would need to be reactivated several times after periods of
busy distractions, but there is nothing comparable to Augustines apparent
failure to complete DDC in . Even more without parallel is the fact
that in , the old bishop felt obliged to complete that opus inperfectum,
while other writings indeed remained unfinished.
Augustinian critics frequently tend to minimize, if not ignore, the three
decades of interruption, insisting that the authors outline and motivation
for DDC remained unchanged, or that the interruption was purely circumstantial, and in the end, insignificant. Various fortuitous reasons for that
interruption are postulated: A. Pincherle (), calculating that the initial
work on Confessions had anticipated the composition of DDC IIII, xxv, ,
thought that the interruption was due to Augustines eagerness to continue his
writing on Confessions. Hill () suggested that a request of Bishop Aurelius
diverted Augustines attention to another assignment. Strauss () argued
on the basis of DDC III, xxv, that the puzzling analysis of signa ambigua
locked the author in a dead end. More recently, G. Lettieri () concluded
that Augustine interrupted DDC when he realized that what he had written
on revelatio in Ad Simplicianum , was inconsistent with the hermeneutical
and soteriological structure of DDC in . In all cases these hypotheses more
or less tend to overlook the controversial citation of Tyconius introduced by

Augustine at the second start of his writing on DDC in , thus trivializing
the extended commentary on the Tyconian rules carefully elaborated until
the final line of DDC III (see chapter , XVI: Tyconius). Recent publications have succeeded in opening a new debate on that issue, still a matter
of controversy (Bright , , , ; Dulaey, Kannengiesser,
, , Pollmann , Vercruysse ).
DDC IV presents the modus proferendi, after Books IIII had exposed
the modus inveniendi. In other words, it deals with the art of communicating the biblical truth found and critically established by applying the precepts inculcated in Books II and III. Communication, in DDC IV, makes
sense exclusively within the parameters of the rhetorical culture familiar to
Augustine. The author opens Book IV with a loud and clear warning for
readers expecting him to outline the precepts of rhetorics which I learned
and taught in secular schools, qui forte me putant rhetorica daturum esse
praecepta, quae in scholis saecularibus et didici et docui (IV, i, ). However the
warning sounds paradoxical since the whole of Book IV will be filled with
rhetorical prescriptions, in the same way that the rejection of Tyconius as a
Donatist and a heretic (donatista hereticus III, , ) sounded paradoxical
given the exceptional importance which Augustine allows to Tyconiuss Book
of Rules. In both cases, the aged bishop reacts with strictly pastoral concerns,
much more constraining at the end of his life than they were in the earlier
writing of DDC in . In fact, Book IV oers a very substantial lesson on
() the Bible itself as teacher of sacred eloquence, () on Christian eloquence,
() on the ethics of sacred eloquence: a final tribute paid to Cicero by the
most eloquent and the most sophisticated of all of Ciceros disciples in the
episcopal oce during the patristic age.
III. A PRACTICAL EXERCISE IN BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS:
CONFESSIONS
After months of studious leisure at Cassiciacum, and almost three years of
a contemplative retreat at Thagaste where he probably spent much of his
time in reading scripture, Augustine had accepted in the presbyteral
ordination, not without requesting instantly from the local bishop a leave
of absence with the specific purpose of improving his knowledge of sacred
scripture. Entering the public service of the church, a church expressly calling
on his intellectual leadership, he had conformed to a personal agenda which
had biblical studies as its first priority. Through all these years, Augustine
Augustine of Hippo
had kept alive the vivid memory of his rhetorical and professional past by
which he surpassed most of his educated contemporaries in Roman Africa.
However his new life-commitment as a Catholic on the provincial scene
of a church divided by the Donatist schism firmly urged him to submit his
skills to the divine authority of scripture. That appeared to him to be his
only responsible option in face of the troubled situation of the community
of believers to which he would be dedicated for the rest of his life. His public
rejection of the Manichean sect had already entailed a few substantial essays.
His real challenge now was to gain a grasp on scripture no longer limited to
the kind of polemics conditioned by his unfortunate nine years in the sect of
Mani, but henceforth oriented towards a fruitful assimilation of biblical and
spiritual values inside the new institutional frame of his life. To be a member
of the church could only mean for Augustine the presbyter, to exercise the
same degree of literacy in ecclesiastical culture which he had so brilliantly
displayed in his secular past. Therefore scripture was for him the challenge to
face. In order to face it, not only did he beg for help among church authorities
like Aurelius of Carthage, his hierarchical superior (Letter ), but he also
mobilized the many resources of his rhetorical expertise.
The passion of his recent conversion fused with his newly acquired
biblical knowledge drew Augustine to conceive a project highly significant
of his introspective creativity, the Confessions. Psalmic lyrics and Pauline affirmations would help him to project an image of his past journey, capable
of opposing sectarian claims of Donatists and Manichees alike, in showing
how a true sinner could eloquently also claim to be a true member of the
church.
Augustines hermeneutical approach to the Bible in Confessions was of a
practical nature, not aimed like in DDC at teaching others how to use scripture, but primarily self-serving. The author, already invested for six years with
the sacramental dignity of the presbyterate and since April sole bishop
of Hippo after the death of Valerius, was now deprived of the spiritual support of Ambrose, his distant, but still inspiring model of Milan (Ambrose
died April , ). With the genius of his own sensibility, Augustine needed
to redefine his whole person in the sacred terms of divine scripture, the only
form of language appropriate in the church, as he had learned from Ambrose.
Eager to acknowledge such a fundamental need, Augustine responded to it
with the literary inventiveness which he had so much enjoyed at Thagaste,
illustrated in particular by De magistro, the dialogues with his son, Adeodatus.
A restless intellectual, determined to assume his new pastoral dimension,
he conceived a literary project for which the Christian tradition did not
provide any precedent, namely a story of his life illustrating the spiritual
values by which he was re-defining himself through his scripture readings

and through his service to the church.
Some modern editor has counted up to seventeen hundred biblical
references in Confessions, implicit quotations and allusions included. But
the picture of a massive use of scripture should not mislead. Book I, for instance, starts just like another Soliquium with here and there prayerful lyrics
mingling with the familiar voices of the Psalms, Paul and Job, of Jeremiah,
even with some allusive Gospel wordings, but the biblical strata always remains slightly below the surface of the text and never becomes explicit as a
citation. In Book II, the autobiographical purpose gains some momentum,
but it does not entail any biblical quotation. Not a single direct quotation of
that sort imposes itself on the author of Confessions in the next five Books.
On the other hand, Augustines purpose to confess himself in retracing
the convoluted itinerary of his spiritual journey out of his childhood and
adolescence by no means repudiates his growing familiarity with scripture.
In Book III he turns to the Bible after his reading of Ciceros Hortensius. He
obviously continues to be inspired by scripture in his autobiographical narration. His anti-Manichean outbursts occasionally confirm his submission
to the divine authority of scripture in Book IV, V, and VII. Although in Book
VI, he celebrates the merits of Ambroses distinction between letter and
Spirit in the exegesis of the Bible, one must wait until near the end of Book
VIII (after Book VII had explained precisely what the books of the Platonists
ignored in matters of spiritual humility) for encountering in Confessions the
first explicit biblical quotation: vade, vende omnia quae habes, da pauperibus et
habebis thesaurum in caelis; et veni, sequere me, Go, sell your possessions and
give to the poor, and then you will have riches in heaven; and come, follow
me (Mt :). Even this locus classicus of the evangelical call to conversion,
far from being addressed to the author, is only a memory, but a crucial one,
crossing his mind at the climax of his own religious crisis: For I had heard of
Antony (the Hermit), that by hearing of the Gospel which he once chanced
to come in upon . . . (Loeb , ). In reaction to the philosophical pride of
the Platonists and in deep admiration for Victorinuss humility, by which
this famous rhetor converted from philosophy to the message of scripture,
Augustine himself at long last reached to the needed humility for opening
the Apostles book. . . . I opened it, and in silence I read: . . .Not in rioting and
drunkenness, not in chambering and in wantonness . . . (Rm :). Helped
by Alypius he also read: Him that is weak in faith, receive (Rm :).
Having established himself in the attitude of humble faith, the author
of Confessions can now successfully appropriate the sacred text. In Book IX,
for the first time in his life, Augustine dares to punctuate the whole chapter
Augustine of Hippo
with comments on dierent verses cited in their natural order of Psalm

. His transition on memory in Book X ends with a hardly perceptible
echoing of Cor :, but for the last three Books XIXIII, Augustine adopts
an inquisitive style and multiplies the admissions of his ignorance in such
an intense discussion of Gn :, that the biblical commentary in itself
becomes his confession, or vice-versa (see the following contribution of
P. Bright). For the modern reader, over the abyss of a millennium and a half
of Western history, these last Books of Confessions already announce the
much more deliberate hermeneutical experimentation to which Augustine
would submit himself in De Genesi ad litteram.
A last observation on these last three books of Confessions. In Book XI,
the literal enunciation of Gn:, In the beginning, induces Augustine to
wonder about the nature of time. His reaction is comparable to the crossing of an ocean of cultural legacies: the full cycle of scholarly disciplines is
invested in his attempt to determine the nature of time, given the fact of the
original creation of all things. Divine scripture challenged the dedicated self
of the interpreter by imposing on him to place all his past learning at the
service of the biblical littera, for that littera makes sense only, in Augustines
view, by enabling him to succeed in a coherent retrieving of his own cultural
heritage. It is noticeable that Augustines conceptual clarification about the
nature of time does not require one single quotation from scripture that
would count for his argument (only a historical circumstance is recalled by
quoting Mt : in XI:). Implicit paraphrases, mainly of psalms, abound
with a few more of Matthew, John and Paul.
In Book XII, the same verse of Gn : turns Augustines attention towards space, or absence of space (a turn similar to the one which would be
imposed much later on Immanuel Kant by transcendental subjectivism).
The notion of heaven of heavens helps Augustine to emphasize divine
transcendency, with only one direct, though adapted, reference to Cor :
in XII, . Using the figure of Moses as author of the Book of Genesis for a
literary inclusion of much significance (XII, ), he discusses the diverse
exegetical opinions on the matter in presuming that multiple interpretations of scripture are to be treated as a set of philosophical opinions whose
diversity is, in the final analysis, of no importance given the transcendent
nature of divine truth in scripture.
In Book XIII the powerful image of the firmament of your book introduces and concludes, firmamentum libri tui (XIII, )firmamento scripturae
tuae (XIII, ), a celebration of the works of creation prolonged until the
end of the Confessions.

Pellegrino, M., Le Confessioni di Sant Agostino. Studio Introduttivo. Rome, .
Les Confessions de Saint Augustin. Paris, (lments drivs: influence de
la Bible, ).
For Augustines use of scripture in Confessions XIXIII, see:

Bright, P. Conversing with God and Others: Scripture in a Community of
Discourse (Confessions Books XXIII): P. Allen, al., eds., Prayer and Spirituality
in the Early Church, I. Everton Park, Queensland, , .
ORourke Boyle, M., The Prudential Augustine: The Virtuous Structure and Sense
of His Confessions: RechAug XXII () .
Kienzler, K., Der Aufbau der Confessiones des Augustinus im Spiegel der Bibelzitate: RechAug XXIV () .
IV. THE TRUTH OF SCRIPTURE: DE TRINITATE, IIV

In a strong shift from the inventive fervor of the last books of Confessions into
the rigorous demands of composing the De Trinitate, the bishop of Hippo
reverted to the teaching stance in which he had already composed the first
three books of De doctrina christiana. As in De doctrina christiana, he introduced Book I of De Trinitate by denouncing three categories of potential
adversaries, the third being the most unacceptable: They would seem both to
know what they do not, and cannot, know (I, ). The first four books of De
Trinitate are an elaboration of biblical sources of Trinitarian thought. They
have many features in common with the last three books of Confessions, but
they are very dierent in their use of scripture. From the authors very first
observation in De Trinitate on holy scripture which suits itself to babes (I,
) an explicit and consistent biblical quotation enhances Augustines biblical arguments. The dogmatic aim of the work obviously entails its proper
hermeneutics, which belong now to a demonstrative genre warranted by
canonical rules, and no longer to the narrative genre of Confessions for which
Augustine had fixed his own rules.
Thinking over the sheer possibility, as well as the content, of trinitarian faith was for the bishop in itself a noble enterprise, first, however, we
must demonstrate according to the authority of the holy scripture, whether
the faith be so (, ). Another basic requirement was to conform with the
interpretive tradition of the church: All those catholic expounders of the
divine scriptures both Old and New whom I have been able to read, who
have written before me concerning the Trinity who is God, have purposed
Augustine of Hippo
to teach this doctrine according to the scriptures . . . (, ) summarized by

the Creed and supported by numerous proof texts. In these and like testimonies of the divine scriptures by the free use of which, as I have said, our
predecessors expounded such sophistries or errors of heretics, the unity and
equality of the Trinity are intimated to our faith (, ). Thus the dogmatic
discourse rests on a judicious choice of scriptural quotations already debated
at length by (mainly Greek) predecessors of past centuries. It becomes the
more intriguing to observe Augustines own contribution to the history of
biblical interpretation in his application of biblical hermeneutics throughout
De Trinitate.
Before ending Book I, Augustine emphasizes a first rule for such hermeneutics: Wherefore, having mastered this rule for interpreting the scriptures,
ista regula intellegendarum scripturarum, concerning the Son of God, that we
are to distinguish in them what relates to the form of God, in which he is
equal to the Father and what to the form of a servant which he took in which
he is less than the Father, we shall not be disquieted by apparently contrary
and mutually repugnant sayings of the sacred books (, ). If Augustine
was aware or not of here coming close to specific statements made by his
predecessors we do not need to decide, but the fact is that this rule for
interpreting scripture leads him first to discuss the Gospels, introducing
Jesus in the form of a servant before engaging into any consideration of the
divinity of Christ, thus reversing the order, for instance, of the Athanasian
Contra Arianos where the discussion of the Logos Incarnate as a servant
always follows extensive debates on the nature of his divinity.
At the start of Book II, the Preface announces a strong resolve to face the
challenges of contemplating divine Trinity: I will not be slow to search out
the substance of God, whether through his scripture or through the creature,
for both of these are set forth for our contemplation to this end, that he may
himself be sought. The rule already enunciated in the Preface is repeated
at the top of the main exposition: We hold most firmly, concerning Our
Lord Jesus Christ, what may be called the canonical rule, as it is both disseminated through the scriptures, and has been demonstrated by learned
and catholic handlers of the same scriptures, per scripturas disseminatam et a
doctis catholicis earundum scripturarum tractatoribus demonstratam tanquam
canonicam regulam (, ) about the two natures of Christ; yet there are some
things in the sacred texts so put as to leave it ambiguous (ut ambiguum sit)
to which rule they are rather to be referred; whether to that by which we
understand the Son as less, in that he has taken upon him the creature, or to
that by which we understand that the Son is not indeed less than, but equal
to, the Father, but yet that he is from him, God of God, Light of Light.
Firmly leaning on the dogmatic conclusions of his unnamed predecessors, and remembering the recommendation of De doctrina christiana in
the case of scriptural ambiguities (cf DDC II , ) before the end of Book
II, Augustine hastens towards the familiar territory of biblical symbolism
much needed for his forthcoming demonstration: Nor again, as we call the
Son a rock (for it is written, And that rock was Christ, Cor :), can we
so call the Spirit a dove or fire. For that rock was a thing already created,
and after the mode of its action was called by the name of Christ, whom it
signified; like the stone placed under Jacobs head, and also anointed, which
he took in order to signify the Lord; or as Isaac was Christ, when he carried
the wood for the sacrifice of himself. A particular significative action was
added to those already existing things; they did not, as that dove (Mt :)
and fire (Acts :), suddenly come into being in order simply to signify (,
). Without using technical terms Augustine refers to the kind of typology already practised inside scripture before it was further elaborated by
his predecessors in the art of commenting on scripture. In the Preface of
Book III, he repeats with an unusual insistence the debt of learning which
he owes those former commentators with regard to the scriptural foundation of Trinitarian faith, not discounting the merits of his own research: I
myself confess that I have by writing learned many things which I did not
know . . . supported, then, very greatly and aided by the writings we have
already read of others on this subject. . . .
The purpose of Book III is to state the absolute transcendency of God
before discussing OT theophanies. Those divine apparitions to Abraham,
Moses and others, do not imply any visible essence of God, nor any changes
in that essence. The book focuses on that issue. It is noticeable that in the
Preface of Book IV, still close to DDC I, Augustine recovers the lyrical accents of prayer in his Confessions. His humble self-depreciation is balanced
by a firm armation of thy truth, veritas tua: And this truth, changeable
though I am, I so far drink in, as far as in it I see nothing changeable . . . for
the essence of God, whereby he is, has altogether nothing changeable, neither
in eternity, not in truth, nor in will. Without further technicality the author
expresses once more his central conviction: interpreting scripture means accounting for divine truth as such. What is read in scripture refers always to
that truth personified in Christ. Because therefore the Word of God is one,
by which all things were made which is the unchangeable truth, all things are
simultaneously therein, potentially and unchangeably; not only those things
which are now in the whole creation, but also those which have been and
those which shall be. The whole interpretation of Genesis I which Augustine
Augustine of Hippo
would develop later on in De Genesi ad litteram is announced here, based

on his dogmatic concept of divine truth in scripture.
V. EXPLORING THE LITERAL SENSE:
DE GENESI AD LITTERAM IIX
The first nine books of De Genesi ad litteram were composed in and
. Books XXII, like the last three books of Confessions, were progressively
added to the unfinished work up to .
In Augustines many-faceted literary output, De Genesis ad litteram would
remain a unique attempt to write a proper commentary of scripture. After
his earlier refutation of Manichean ideas about the creation of the world,
and his theoretical outline on biblical hermeneutics in DDC, Augustine had
attempted to exercise a consistent use of scripture in the dierent literary
genres to which belong Confessions and the dogmatic treatise De Trinitate.
He did not consider the last three books of Confessions as a proper commentary on Genesis I because they were more aimed at retrieving his inner
journey in the light of Genesis than at focusing on the biblical text for itself.
In truth he had never before faced the task at expounding for itself the biblical littera in its immediate enunciation and its natural order. Augustines
candor in turning to the risky challenge of a proper commentary is a mark
of his genius.
He mentions no specific adversaries whose thought would bother him at
the start of the work, nor does he feel the need to call again on the canonical
authority of predecessors or church institutions as he did in venturing into
the composition of De Trinitate. His only adversary in this case would have
been his own lack of a formulated understanding of Genesis IIII. He would
fight his own deficient rationale about Genesis from one biblical word to
another. The only sacred authority to which he would submit the composition of his commentary would be the divine littera itself. There is something
paradoxical, even puzzling, in the apparently innocent reception of the littera
by Augustine. At once he qualified the littera as figurative, No Christian
will dare say that the narrative must not be taken in a figurative sense (I, ,
); and goes on to wonder: What meaning other than the allegorical have
the words in the beginning God created heaven and earth (Gn :) (I, , ),
only to argue page after page until the end of Book I about all the possible
meanings of each biblical word taken at face value.
For in the bishops approach, the littera happens to be a formidable screen,
at once showing and hiding the meaning of Gods written message; a screen on
which the interpreter would unremittingly project his questions and reactions,
not without observing how irrelevant his behavior might be: Perhaps this is
an absurdly material way of thinking and speculating on the matter (I, , ).
Taken one word after another, line after line, the text of scripture constantly
imposes itself on the interpreter, and reinforces its categorical requirements
as the objective and definitive expression of divine truths, by definition, unchangeable. Therefore, for Augustine, interpretation would mean allowing
ones own thought to be consonant with the littera. Thus in front of the literal
screen of scripture a drama develops in the interpreters mind, keeping the
littera itself untouched and undisputed, but plunging Augustine into a decisive crisis of a hermeneutical nature. Through a consistent questioning of
the biblical text (and of himself) about light, water, darkness, heaven and
earth, and the Spirit stirring above the waters, this commentator of Gn :
would conclude in recognizing his apparent failure. He had kept true to
his initial purpose, to discuss sacred scripture according to the plain meaning
of the historical facts, not according to future events which they foreshadow
(I. . ), but he would wisely conclude: God does not work under the
limits of time by motions of body and soul, as do men and angels, but by the
eternal, unchangeable and fixed exemplars of his co-eternal Word, . . . hence
we must not think of the matter in a human way, as if the utterances of God
were subject to time throughout the various days of Gods works. The littera
itself, being utterances of God, transcends human thinking. A true interpreter
verifies that transcendency in exposing to the mystic evidence of the littera
all his thinking, rational yet deficient as it may be.
Book II, on Gn : or on Ps :, can with good reason be understood
figuratively, or better allegorically, as speaking about spiritual and carnal
persons in the church (II, , ), but that is not Augustines present purpose.
Though other commentators start interfering in his exegetical exercise, such
as people who engage in learned discussions about the weights of the elements, a certain commentator (who is Basil of Caesarea; II, , ); or again
certain writers (II, , ), certain commentators (II, , ), nobody distracts
him from multiplying his own questions and common-sense observations.
He is confident that the authority of scripture in this matter is greater than
all human ingenuity (II, , ), and that the narrative of the inspired writer
brings the matter down to the capacity of children (II, , ). Only once
does the author refer to an interpretation that would deviate from the plain
sense of the text under scrutiny, in recalling the beautiful image of the
scripture-firmament in his former work: My allegorical interpretation of
Augustine of Hippo
this passage (Ps :, who stretches out heaven like a skin) can be found
in the thirteenth book of my Confessions (II, , ).
Book III, about The works of the fifth and the sixth days, proceeds in
the same brilliant yet somehow pedestrian way as Book I and II, by bringing
the littera close to daily sense experience, a procedure which occasionally
gives the author some satisfaction: Considerable light is now thrown on this
text [Gn I:] which seemed obscure at first (II, , ). Several questions
are postponed: Concerning this question there may be an occasion later on,
God willing, for a more thorough discussion (III, , ); Later on there will
be ample opportunity to treat more thoroughly the nature of man (III, ,
); This theory [about a possible baby boom without the Fall] can be proposed, although how it could all be explained is another matter (III, , );
and As I have already indicated, we shall later investigate more thoroughly
the rest of the biblical account of the creation of man (III, , ).
Book IV recapitulates the consideration of the six days in the former
books and ponders the biblical phrase of Gods rest. In that recapitulation
one finds a new emphasis on what would become a distinctively Augustinian
mark in the present commentary: The author introduces the Book by pointing out very precisely: It is a laborious and dicult task for the powers of
our human understanding to see clearly the meaning of the sacred writer in
the matter of these six days (IV, , ). After a brilliant summary of mystical
numerology about the six days, flanked with the severe caveat: We must
first drive from our minds all anthropomorphic concepts that men might
have (IV, , ), Augustine stresses the radical transcendency of God about
the rest of the seventh day, only to conclude: But now, in view of what
we have seen about the seventh day, it is easier to admit our ignorance of a
thing that is beyond our experience. . . . It is easier to confess our ignorance
of these matters than to go against the obvious meaning of the words of holy
scripture by saying that the seventh day is something else than the seventh
recurrence of the day that God made (IV, , ). Thus the confession of
ignorance generates the idea of seven recurrences of the same primordial
day. That idea, immediately examined through more reasoning, allows
Augustine to dig out from the evidence of scripture other arguments in
favor of the transcendent meaning of day: Otherwise we might be forced
to say, against the evidence of scripture that beyond the works of the six
days a creature was made on the seventh day, or that the seventh day itself
was not a creature (IV, , ). That transcendent meaning, he insists, has
nothing to do with some figurative and allegorical way of interpreting
day, evening, or morning; it must be understood not in a prophetic or
figurative sense, but literally (IV, , ), which, he significantly observes,

does not exclude a variety of interpretations.
Here one reaches the ground of the interpreters intimate conviction:
by divine inspiration the true nature of the biblical littera conveys enough
of Gods own transcendency for enabling its interpreters to formulate such
paradoxical notions as the one to which Augustine now turns, the notion of
the simultaneous creation of all things: For this scripture text that narrates
the works of God according to the days mentioned above, and that scripture
text that says God created all things together, are both true. And the two are
one, because sacred scripture was written under the inspiration of the one
Spirit of truth (IV, , ). In the following books of De Genesi ad litteram,
it is through the experience of sacred literalism that Augustine deepened
his distinctive attitude as an interpreter of scripture: You must understand
that this day (Gn :) was seven times repeated to make up the seven days. . . .
Holy scripture indeed, speaks in such a way as to mock proud readers with
its heights, terrify the attentive with its depths, feed great souls with its truths,
and nourish little ones with sweetness (V, , ).
The humble confession of ignorance by the great soul claiming here
to perceive the truth of scripture will become more and more, the central
element in the completion of De Genesi ad litteram, as it was already the case
in Confessions. As in V, , about Gn :, the commentary would often take
on the shape of accumulated questions begging their answers. Ignorance
will be repeatedly linked with interpretation: In our ignorance (nescientis)
we conjecture about possible events which the writer omitted knowingly. In
our eorts according to our limited ability we try with Gods help to see that
no absurdity or contradiction have be thought to be present in sacred scripture to oend the mind of the reader (V, , ). In this whole wide universe
created by God there are many things we do not know (V, , ). Scripture
does not permit us to understand that in this manner the man and woman
were made on the sixth day, and yet it does not allow us to assume that they
were not made on the sixth day at all (VI, , ). Within the limits of our
human intelligence we can know the nature of a being we have observed
by experience in so far as past time is concerned, but with regards to the
future, we are ignorant (VI, , ). If the foregoing conclusion is valid we
are attempting in vain to find a literal meaning (VI, , ). Nevertheless,
as I weigh these considerations, I do not want to make any hasty declarations but rather to wait and see whether the text of scripture elsewhere is
not against my interpretation (VI, , ). Whether in the present study,
I shall find some certain and final answer (about the problem of the soul),
I know not (VI, , ),the final statement of Book VI.
Augustine of Hippo
From Book VII De Genesi ad litteram engages into a changed mode of

composition. Each Book focuses now on given issues whose philosophical
discussion is occasioned by the biblical text. In VII, it is the origin and nature
of the human soul referred to in Gn : which is at stake. In VIII, it is the
garden of Eden of Gn :; in IX, the creation of woman (Gen :); in X,
again, the origin of the human soul, and finally in XI, the sin of Adam and
Eve (Book XII, on the third heaven is a later addition, as noted by Augustine
himself, Retract II, xxiv, duodecimum addidi). In that sequence of Books
Augustine finds several occasions to admit the limits of his understanding
(VII, ,:, ; VIII, , ; X, , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; XI, , ; , ;,
); he also repeatedly expresses (at least until XI, !) his firm determination to avoid allegorizing the text of Genesis (VIII, , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; IX, , ; , ; XI, , ), but the focus of his attention
has become more distant from the biblical littera, more self-contained in
philosophical arguments. Therefore the dramatic confession of ignorance
bound with the hermeneutical inquiries about the literal meaning of Genesis
in the former Books of De Trinitate no longer occurs. It clearly shows that
Augustines interpretive experience in De Genesi ad litteram, determined as
he was to give a full account of the very littera of Genesis and of the littera
alone, confirmed him in the highly inspiring attitude of intellectual humility which he had already increasingly emphasized in his Confesssions. The
interpretation of scripture understood as pervaded by docta ignorantia, as
Augustine called it as Letter written in , when he was in the midst of
writing De Genesi ad litteram (completed in ), would thereby receive its
proper Augustinian mark. In Retractationes II, xxiv the aged bishop consistently noted about De Genesi ad litteram: In this work their are more questions raised than answers found, and of the answers found, not many have
been established for certain. Those that are not certain have been proposed
for further study (transl. J. H. Taylor , I, ), In hoc opere plura quaesita
quam inventa sunt, et eorum quae inventa sunt pauciora firmata, cetera vero
ita posita, velut adhuc requirenda sunt (CSEL xxxvi. ed. P. Knll, : II, L,
f.; CCSL LVII, ed A. Mutzenbecher, : II, xxiv, f.).
VI. THE BIBLICAL SCHOLAR
The two early polemical essays of an exegetical nature, De Genesi contra
Manichaeos, De Genesi ad litteram imperfectus liber, with the much more
important theoretical work De doctrina christiana and the personal inventiveness in De Genesi ad litteram, have already received notice. Under
the present rubric are collected literary products of Augustines scholarly

practice: a set of answers to specific quaestiones raised by the brothers of
his monastic group during their common reading of scripture, or by people
like the Milanese priest Simplicianus. Added are a Commentary on Matthew
, some marginal notes on Job, two letters to Jerome, and a late scholarly
exercise on the Heptateuch. All these written traces of Augustines life-long
dedication to studying scripture, fill up the three decades of his presbyteral
and episcopal ministry. Most helpful precisions on these scholarly papers
are given by G. Madec, Introduction aux Rvisions et la lecture des oeuvres
de saint Augustin, Paris, . Also: M.-J. Lagrange (). For Augustine as
reviseur de la Bible, De Bruyne, , , remains indispensable.
De diversis quaestionibus octoginta tribus
The Quaestiones are indeed extremely diverse, as expressly stated
by Augustine himself in Retract I, . Collected on free sheets of paper by
brothers, such as Alypius, Severus, Profuturus, and Possidius, in Augustines
improvised community of Thagaste (Fall mid May/August ), they
reflect a shift in favor of biblical studies after Augustines priestly ordination in (Epist , ). From lively discussions during the five or six years
preceding Augustines episcopate (/) derived essays like De Genesi ad
litteram imperfectus liber, De sermone domini in monte, Expositio quarundam
propositionum ex epistola ad Romanos, Epistolae ad Galatas expositio, Epistolae
ad Romanos inchoata expositio. The Quaestiones (casually assembled and
edited by the brothers but numbered by Augustine himself) start with a
set of fifty, dating from , and are mainly philosophical. A second set
consists of groups of quaestiones determined by biblical texts under scrutiny, and close to Augustines biblical works of the time: Qu on OT,
on John, on Matthew, , again on John, on Romans,
on Corinthians, on Galatians, on Titus, on Philippians,
on Colossians, again on Romans, on James, (like Qu edited
with pseudo Augustinian elements) in Exodus, on Hebrews (some non
exegetical Quaestiones are inserted here and there: Qu , , , , ). As
a whole the second set of essentially biblical diverse questions dates from
the leave of absence for bible study granted to Augustine when ordained
priest in Both sets of De diversis quaestionibus testify to Augustines
spiritual journey during the period starting when the biographical report
of Confessions ends (Mutzenbecher, , xliii).
Augustine of Hippo
Qu
Gn :
:
Ex :; :; :
Ps :, strictly philosopical on body, soul, God.
Sg :
Jn :, numerology.
:, numerology.
Mt : etc.; John the Baptist.
:, ten virgins.
:, doomsday.
Jn :.
:.
:, Logos = ratio or verbum.
:, with a general rule: in omnibus scripturis summa
vigilantia custodiri oportet et secundum fidem sit sacramenti divini expositio (, f.).
Jn :.
Rom ::.
:.
:.
Cor :.
:.
Gal :.
Tit :.
Phil :.
Col :.
Heb :.
Jas :.
(, : non exegetical)
Ex , on the miracles performed by Pharaohs

magicians.
Adv Apollinaristas
De quadragesima et quinquagesima
Heb :.
De coniugio (Mt :; Cor :).
In the first set of fifty quaestiones a very first allusion to scripture occurs in
Qu , the first quotation of scripture in Qu . Only from Qu on biblical references multiply. In Qu , , , , and still in Qu , Augustines
arguments are aiming towards the biblical quotations given at the end of
the quaestio, whereas in the second set (Qu ) the biblical text is center
stage in each quaestio. After Qu , specially in the second half of Qu , full
developments in Augustines exposition oer mainly a sequence of biblical
quotations.
Expositio quarundam propositionem ex epistola ad Romanos
In Retract I, , , Augustine explains that the short essay consists in
answers given to brothers in . Without much editing we hear echoes of
discussions entertained by Augustine and his friends during the happy years
of their spiritual incubation at Thagaste. As a bishop, Augustine would never
use it. The first to mention it in a much later time would be Cassiodorus, Inst
div , , . (See O. Bardenhewer, Misc Agost , , ).
Epistolae ad Galatas expositionis liber unus (Retract I, )
Of the same nature as the Expositio above, attempted after the return
to Hippo.
Epistolae ad Romanos inchoata expositio (Retract I, )
Another attempt quickly interrupted when found too dicult.
De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum (Winter : Perler Mard
)
The work has been composed according to the genre of Quaestiones et
Responsiones inaugurated by Philo on Genesis and Exodus, and acclimated
to Christian literature by Ambrosiaster ca. .
Qu. , on Rom :, opposes the Manichean exegesis of two Laws,
one good, the other for death. Augustine proceeds by exploring the passage verse after verse in a continuous exegesis which actually exceeds the
limits of the genre.
Qu. , on Rom , a passage ignored by Marcion, but used by Origen
in defense of free will and divine justice. A similar use was already noticeable
in Ambrosiaster, and in Augustine, in Rom and (in /).
Qu. , is about Kgs : and :: is the literal meaning contradictory?
Qu. , treats Kgs :. Marcion had also wondered how God could
repent and he had concluded that there was a dierent God in OT and
NT. The same question was raised by Manichees, hence Augustines answer
defends the OT.
Qu. , is about Kgs :. In line with a tradition marked by
Augustine of Hippo
Origen, Eustathius, Ambrosiaster and Philaster, Augustine explains that the

pytonissa does not mean that evil power can exercise its dominion over
virtuous souls.
Qu. , treats Kgs :. Augustine peacefully clarifi es the literal
meaning.
Qu. , treats Kgs :. It is also free from polemics and Augustines
answer remains purely exegetical. In an eloquent paraphrase (Ita ergo dictum
est, ac si diceret, It is expressed as to say . . . and by calling on the broader
scriptural context (Multa sunt autem in scripturis quae, Much is said in
scripture which) Augustine clarifies the somewhat obscure, (obscuram)
sentence in Eliajahs badly transmitted statement, non servata pronuntiatio.
So much for the exegetical elements in De diversis quaestionibus, the rest
belonging to heresiology.
De sermone domini
The essay was composed between late August and late as a
continuous commentary on the literal meaning of Mt , with as central
theme the progressive acquisition of Christian perfection in seven stages,
determined by the seven Beatitudes of Matthew (the eighth transcending the
series is a symbol of eternity. Augustine links the beatitudes with the seven
gifts of the Spirit according to Isaiah :, but he contemplates them in
their reverse order and in the light of the seven (not six!) requests of the
prayer, Our Father.
Book I, commenting on Beatitudes , focuses on Mt . Book II, discussing Beatitudes and , deals with Mt . Indeed the first five Beatitudes
direct people towards bona opera, the last two turn their attention toward
contemplatio summi boni. In De consensu evangelistarum (, , ), dating from
, Augustine would use that same division for commenting on vita activa
and vita contemplativa.
Ten years before Augustine, Ambrose had written on the same topic in
his Commentary on Luke, V, not without discreetly referring to his source,
Gregory of Nyssas eight Homilies on the Beatitudes delivered during Lent
. That Augustines exegesis, though without being servile, directly depends
on Ambrose is certain; that he knew also Gregorys Homilies seems probable,
but needs further verification.
Adnotationes in Job
They date from . They are marginal notes added by Augustine to
a codex, collected and edited by disciples. In Augustines own observation,
they are the more dicult to understand as in many of them the biblical
phrases interpreted have not been noted, and the very text of the biblical
book was severely questionable (Retract II, ). The same must be said of the
Expositio . . . epistolae Iacobi (Retract II, ). They are not proper books, but only
valuable witnesses to Augustines study of the Bible. (G. Madec, Introduction
aux Rvisions et la lecture des oeuvres de Saint Augustin, Paris, , ).
De consenu evangelistarum (/)
Expositio epistolae Iacobi ad duodecim tribus (before , lost).
Ad Hieronymum presbyterum libri duo
These libri are, in fact, two letters given to Orosius in for being delivered to Jerome. They were published only after Jeromes death ().
Locutiones/Quaestiones in Heptateuchum (Retract II, )
The work was composed at the time when Augustine was writing Books
XVXVI of the City of God probably in / . It consists of a minute exercise of literal exegesis on the first seven books of OT by which idiomata and
proprietates, words and particularities of the Greek and Hebrew language
taken over without explanation into Vetus Latina translations of the Bible
are clarified. Occasionally Augustine compares the Latin text with the LXX
Greek, but hastily tamquam a festinantibus (Prooemium). For the Questions
on Genesis, see Cavallera ().
Quaestiones in evangelium
Quaestiones XVI in Matthaeum
VII. THE MINISTRY OF THE WORD

Enarrationes in Psalmos
The great biblical discovery of Augustine during his stay at Cassiciacum
was the Davidic Psalms (La Bonnardire , ), a discovery which he
would reiterate and deepen throughout his pastoral activity until the day
when psalmic verses copied in large characters would be posted on the walls
were he was dying in .
As noted by the editors of St. Augustine on the Psalms in ACW.,
(), the Enarrationes (a title in use only since Erasmus) fall into four
Augustine of Hippo
classes, in which the written commentaries often dier considerably from

those delivered orally: (a) brief exegetical notes (Ps ); (b) more detailed commentaries (Ps ); (c) dictated expositions in sermon form,
possibly read aloud in church by his priests; (d) proper sermons. Certain
psalms demanded more than one commentary: there are two on many of
them; three on Ps , and ; four on Ps and ; and no fewer than
thirty-two on Ps !
The dating of the Enarrationes was subjected to much scrutiny since
W.W.II: Zarb, . The major results of that research are that Enn on Ps
were composed as early as , whereas the commentary on Ps ,
Augustines last Enn, dates from . A chronological list of the Ennarationes
is printed in ACW , ; another one in CCSL XXXVIII, pp. xvxviii
add La Bonnardire, Recherches, ; Le Landais, M., Deux annes ().
Some of the sermons on the psalms were preached at Hippo or Carthage
(De Bruyne, ), seven others at Thagaste, and one at Utica. They have the
freedom, the forcefulness and the penetrating simplicity of the spoken word,
added to the inexorable realism which characterizes all Augustines sermons
to the people. One gathers the impression, from many of these lively homilies
that they are addresses of a pastor of souls to a flock whom he loves and
knows intimately. Their homely metaphors and flashes of wit, their wordplay,
assonance, and rhythms must have sent many a listener home chuckling with
appreciation. The imaginative perception of Augustines preaching style by
Dame Scholastica Hebgin and Dame Felicitas Corrigan (ACW , , )
is representative of the unanimous chorus of praise magnified by modern
critics. The thematic richness of Augustines sermons on the psalms adds to
the thrill of their lively style.
The Enarrationes, similar to the City of God, depict a spiritual history
of humankind (Pontet , ): Jesus Christ is the celestial Lord of the
earthly church extended to the limits of the human species according to
the basic principle of ecclesiology systematized by Tyconius. By focusing
on the Lord, Augustine explains all ups and downs of individual believers
and of the whole body of Christianity, as a universal and ongoing drama
in which God operates universal salvation. The preachers rhetorical skills,
joined with a religious imagination in constant alertness, let him detect
endless possibilities for allegorical applications. Psalmic verses are clarified when necessary in their literal meaning, with the help of grammatical
devices, by referring to common experiences or to historical information.
More constantly their spiritual meaning allows one or more allegories, always
inspired by Augustines vision of biblical salvation history. In particular the
Book of Genesis and the Pauline Letters remain permanently in the back
of the interpreters mind. One psalm calls on another. They are best understood in the light of the Gospels which themselves call on the whole Bible.
In the blinding light of the divine incarnation as he perceives it Augustine
dispenses from any investigation of the literal meaning of psalmic verses,
but he never fails to anchor his Christian dream-time exegesis in scriptural
evidence: His rule was to interpret scriptural obscurities only in the light
of other very clear passages. Hence, though reading in given verses things
that were not in them, it practically never happens that he reads in them a
truth that would not be in the Bible. A strictly located error does not aect
the general truth and if philologists disagree, theologians cannot protest.
(Pontet , ).
STUDIES
Pontet, M., Lexgse de S. Augustin prdicateur, Paris .
Zarb, S., Chronologia Enarrationum S. Augustini in Psalmos, Malta .
Rondet, H., Notes dexgse augustinienne, in: RSR (/) .
Le Landais, M., Deux annes de prdication de S. Augustin. in: tudes Augustiniennes, Paris .
Van der Meer, F., Augustine the Bishop. Church and Society at the Dawn of the
Middle Ages. New York and Evanston, .
. Other Sermons
A comprehensive survey of Augustines sermons by M. Pellegrino forms
the General Introduction to Edmund Hills superb translation: The Works
of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the st Century. Part III/ Sermons
() on the Old Testament (Brooklyn NY ); III/ Sermons ()
on the Old Testament (); III/ Sermons () on the New Testament
(); III/ Sermons (AA) on the New Testament ().
In III/, , the General Introduction, first published in Italian in
, starts by raising the most obvious questions: What is to be understood by the Sermons? (), given the variety of Latin terms used for them;
How have the Sermons come down to us? (), given their number:
, counted by P. P. Verbraken (), of which only half are available in
satisfactory editions, ten or fourteen times more of them being lost; When
and where did Augustine preach? (), namely at least twice a week,
daily during Easter week and on many special occasions, with sermons
preached at Hippo, at Carthage, a dozen at various cities; there is no
clues at all for ().
Augustine of Hippo
Chapter deals with The Use of the Bible in the Sermons ().
The biblical readings in the liturgical assembly, joined with the singing of
psalms entailed as many preached commentaries adapted to audiences and
circumstances. With these sermons it is possible to reconstruct the lectionary of Hippo for the seasons of Christmas, Easter and Pentecost, and to give
some information for a skeleton plan of the lessons of the Sanctorale (Willis
, ). The bishops homiletic comments on scripture, far from avoiding
dicult passages emphasize for the common believer what Augustine used
to call biblical mysteries, passages rather dicult to understand or whose
full explanation was impossible to provide in a short sermon. (Serm , ,
). Many things have been read that are important and necessary. In fact
every thing is important and necessary, but some things in the scriptures
are hidden in darkness and call for study while others are within easy reach,
being proposed with clarity so as to cure whoever wants to be cured (Serm
, ). In front of the challenging text of scripture, Augustines interpretive
humility was for his listeners an excellent invitation to become humble in
their turn.
More than once, the preacher interrupted his comments in turning to
prayer, begging for the needed intelligence of the sacred text. Or he gave
his interpretation reluctantly uneasy with his own thoughts. Not only textual obscurities, but also apparent contradictions between one passage and
another, or between one gospel and another, hampered the progress of his
expositions, to the point that he occasionally asked his congregation to rescue
him from his perplexity through prayer and moral support (Serm , ). Just
as in the written text of De Genesi ad litteram, when Augustine spoke from
the cathedra, he would not hesitate to multiply questions about the biblical
text which he would leave without answers.
His obvious focus in the Bible was in the NT, the OT being only considered
by him in regard to the NT. Thus the spiritual sense of the OT equaled for
him the OTs christological messianism. Indeed many valuable interpretations
could compete about a given episode in the OT if only all of them showed
fitting with the christocentric perspective of the interpreter. Augustine never
misses the occasion to denounce heretical interpretations, such as those of
Manichees or Donatists, but polemics never prevail in his sermons over the
pastoral care for the education of the faithful. Sometimes the learned rhetor
did not refrain from showing a preference for numeral symbolism (Serm , ;
, ; , ; /C, ; /B, ); or he could refer to the authority
of learned predecessors or colleagues (Serm /C, ); he could claim direct
knowledge of biblical manuscripts (Serm , ; , ; , ); but in the final
end it is always the pastoral leader whose voice one hears in the sermons, a
leader capable of addressing directly the faith experience of his listeners out
of his own inner conversion, and a cultural consensus inside the church for
which the Bible was the exclusive mode of religious communication.
Some Easter sermons of Augustine probably dating from or ,Serm
, , , Guelf III, Guelf V, , , , , , , , , and
have been studied and edited by S. Poque, Augustin dHippone. Sermons
pour la Pque, SC ().
For the Tractatus in epistolam Ioannis ad Parthos, preached during the
Easter week , and shortly after, see P. Agasse, SC ().
Also:
T. C. Lawler, St. Augustine. Sermons for Christmas and Epiphany, ACW , .
Augustinus. Sermones IL de vetere Testamento, ed. C. Lambot, CCSL XLI ().
Augustinus. in Iohannis Evangelium Tractatus CXXIV, ed. R. Williams, CCSL
XXXVI (): Sermons preached at Hippo in ; sermons ,
dictated probably .
In F. Dolbeau identified about twenty unknown sermons in a fifteenth

century collection kept at Mainz (Stadtbibliothek I ): Sermons indits de
S. Augustin dans un manuscrit de Mayence (Stadtbibliothek I ), REAug ,
, . On the folios of the collections, one reads three groups of
authentic sermons, corresponding to two ancient collections of Augustinian
tractatus. The first and the third group (f. and v) transmit a
series close to a lost collection of which only the titles have been preserved
in a ninth century inventory of the Benedictine Abbey of Lorsch. . . . That
first group, conveniently called the series Mainz-Lorsch, has been published
by Dolbeau in AnBoll () , and in RBen () ;
() , ; () ; () .
The second group of sermons (f. v), called Carthusian, is apparent, but with a more complete content of another collection, a Carthusian one,
known through a twelfth century edition. Amazingly, that second group of
Mainz transmits a series of sermons included by Possidius in their liturgical
order in his Indiculum, chapter X, f. That second series was preached by
Augustine from May to August in basilicas of the region of Carthage,
the discovery of Mainz confirming earlier datings by D. De Bruyne, RBen
, , ; and C. Lambot, RBen , , ; , , .
Dolbeau concludes: This manuscript of the second half of the th century
transmits a collection of sermons not only African, but already established in
Augustine of Hippo
Augustines lifetime (). In , Dolbeau identified more precisely in the

homiliary of Mainz nineteen unknown sermons and parts of seven others
by Augustine, with thirteen of fifty fragments whose immediate context can
now be located (REAug , , f.).
A provisional publication of the second group has also been secured by
F. R. Dolbeau: Nouveaux sermons de saint Augustin pour la conversion des
paens et des donatistes, REAug () , ; () ;
() , ; () .
The sensational finding of these sermons first announced in is
only comparable with J. Divjaks identification, in Marseilles and Paris two
decades earlier, of a whole set of Letters written by the bishop of Hippo, or
sent to him, but never noticed by the many French specialists of Augustine.
A revised critical edition of the newly discovered sermons should soon
become available. Contrary to the new Letters, the new sermons oer a rich
addition to the writings of Augustine witnessing to his pastoral use of scripture; for instance, Mainz oers a christological interpretation of Psalm
(F. Dolbeau, Nouveaux sermons, REAug () ).
STUDIES
Dolbeau, F., ed. and transl., Augustin dHippone. Vingt-six sermons au peuple
dAfrique. Paris .
Lfstedt, B., Textkritisches und sprachliches zu den neugefundenen Augustinpredigten: Augustin dHippone, Vingt-six sermons au peuple dAfrique. Paris
, .
VIII. THE CITY OF GOD

The City of God consists of twenty-two Books of which Books IIII were
composed in , when the author was in his late fifties. A separate publication of these first three Books was well received. In , Augustine
wrote Books IVX. Another publication of Books IX again drew encouraging responses, followed without further delay by the composition of Books
XIXIII in , and Books XIVXVII in . Possibly a third partial
publication of Books XXIV happened in the meantime. In , Augustine
added Book XVIII and in , Books XIXXXII. When he started the
City of God he was fifty-eight years old; in the process of composing the work,
he secured the division of each Book into numbered chapters; he completed
the work at the age of seventy-four, three years before his death.
In I, xi, , Augustine declares that the very notion of civitas dei was given
to him by scripture (see also v, ; xiv, ; xv, ). Indeed the city of God is
mentioned in Heb :, ; :; :, and in Rv :, :, ;
see also the strong suggestions of Gal : and Phil :. Before
Augustine, this biblical motif had attracted the attention of Tyconius, and
Ambrose, In Ps , , (PL , c). Before embarking on De civitate
dei, Augustine himself touched on this theme in a number of works: De
vera religione , (ca. ); Confessiones , , (in the late s); De
catechizandis rudibus (ca. ); Enarrationes in Ps. , in ; and in Ps.
, probably before De civitate dei Book VI, in or . Interesting
enough, in Retractationes II, , where Augustine gives information about the
circumstances which engaged him into composing De civitate dei, he restricts
his critical remarks only to biblical data, as in Books X and XVII.
In Book XIII, xxi, the Paradise of the origins (Genesis ), interpreted
allegorically, for the most part, by predecessors, must be seen as real, as
narrated in the Bible: dum tamne et illis historiae veritas fidelissima rerum
gestarum narratione commendata credaturIf only one also believes in the
truth of that story as most accurately recorded in the narration of what happened. The apostle Paul is the main authority for speaking about the bodily
mortallity resulting from the Fall. Before discussing at length the origin and
the nature of concupiscence, Augustine very deliberately states in Book
XIV, i, v that he found in scripture the notion of the two cities, the carnal
one and the spiritual one: quas civitates duas secundum scripturas nostras
merito appellari possemus(two forms of human society) which we could
rightly call two cities in accordance with our scriptures. In that discussion
(XIV, iix), Pauline quotations again prevail massively over Johannine and
OT references.
In line with traditional church apologetics, Book XV paraphrases Genesis,
aiming both to answer questions coming from non-Christians, and to teach
the biblical story to the community of believers. Quotations from Genesis
and the Pauline corpus, together with other scriptural passages punctuate
Augustines text, witnessing the constant proximity of the author to the sacred
sources. The paraphrase amplifies and interprets the biblical narrative on
the literal level, as an historical report whose veracity is beyond question.
From Book to Book of De civitate dei, Augustines interpretive rewriting of
scripture actualizes the biblical story without changing it in any way but in
stressing its enduring relevance.
A massive quotation of prophets occupies chapt. of Book XVIII,
called for by the mention of Cyrus and the return of the Jewish deportees
from exile.
Augustine of Hippo
Each Book starts with a reformulation of the general theme of the two
cities, the overarching focus of Augustines paraphrase of the Bible. Book XX,
vii, ix, , gives the author an opportunity to express in full detail his view
on the thousand year reign of Jesus at the end of time (Rv :). Rather
than refuting in detail the materialistic projections of the Millennarists,
Augustine decides to discuss directly the scriptural passage. He concludes
that the thousand years mean symbolically the present time of his (Christs)
first comingisto iam tempore prioris adventus (XX, ix, ), following in
particular Tyconiuss teaching in this regard. An extended quotation of
Thes in xix, , helps to investigate the mystery of iniquity linked with
Antichrist, of which Augustine concedes: I must confess that I totally ignore
what he (Paul, in Thes :) wanted to sayEgo prorsus quid dixerit me
fateor ignorare (xix, ), a candid admission of ignorance immediately followed by a short summary of human conjectures, and a broad survey of
OT prophecies about the final resurrection (xx, xxx, ).
The last two Books, XXI and XXII of De civitate dei deal with Hell and
Heaven, the final destinations of all humans. The aged Augustine excells in
treating the topic with a realistic and systematic application of his familiar
hermeneutics: his literal reading of biblical data calls again and again for
investigations in philosophical and scientific matters; his spiritual reading of
scriptural statements gives him a final opportunity in this immense work
(ingentis huius operis xxx, ) to celebrate the fulfillment of Gods salvific
work on earth.
In his seventies now, Augustine receives from scripture an over-streaming
inspiration for depicting afterlife; he gives back to scripture a commentary
enriched with nonbiblical wisdom and logic, but exclusively intended to let
scripture speak for itself. The vivid sensibility of the author fills each line of
the text with the same fire of eloquence that burned in the writings of his
youth, but the substance of thought consumed in the last chapters of the
City of God is more self-aware and communicative. The dedicated pastor,
the sharp critic of society, the passionate believer and the scholar eager to
transcend his own limited knowledge, all in one, express Augustines final
message to the world in the last part of his masterwork.
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* * *
Augustine of Hippo
AUGUSTINE: THE HERMENEUTICS OF CONVERSION

A SPECIAL CONTRIBUTION
by Pamela Bright
I. THE LOWLY ACCESS TO MYSTERY
The first decade of Augustines episcopacy was marked by a new phase of
his activity as biblical commentator, a phase that was to produce three significantly new initiatives: De doctrina christiana, Confessiones, and De genesi
ad litteram. These works, very dierent in genre and purpose, are all infused
with a new sense of mastery. The biblical apprentice of Milan, the journeyman of Rome, Thagaste, and then Hippo Regius, was now, ten years after his
baptism, to embark upon a series of projects which, in significantly dierent
ways, would define his contribution to biblical hermeneutics. It is in these
three works that Augustine elaborates his maturing grasp of hermeneutical
principles with a pointedness and a sweep of vision that is remarkable.
In De doctrina christiana (De doctr. chr.), Augustine faces squarely the
complexity of the hermeneutical problems posed to the biblical interpreter
precisely as minister of the Word (in spite of a thirty-year hiatus in the
completion of the writing). After at least three earlier attempts at interpretation, De genesi ad litteram is characterized by his newfound confidence in
tackling the notoriously dicult text of Genesis. Although the importance
of the Confessions (Conf.) for the development of Augustine as a biblical
exegete is not immediately obvious, it is in this extraordinarily concentrated
and mulivalent work that Augustine devotes precise attention to hermeneutical issues. The Confessions is an important witness to this new phase of
Augustines maturing as a biblical interpreter, with the last four books marking a significant moment of the crystallization of his thought. It is in these
books that Augustine forges strong links between an anthropological and a
christological basis of biblical interpretation. Whether as the self in search
of God, or as the interpreter of the Word of God, the Christian is plunged
into an abyss of mystery, the kenosis of the Incarnation, where the poverty
and frailty of being and of understanding are paradoxically transfigured.
At this phase of his activity as biblical interpreter, Augustine writes not
only as a master practitioner but also as an insightful theorist of biblical
. Charles Kannengiesser, The Interrupted De Doctrina Christiana, in De Doctrina Christiana: A Classic of Western Culture (ed. Duane W. H. Arnold and Pamela
Bright; Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, ), .
interpretation. To speak of Augustine as theorist, I do not mean only the

theory and principles of hermeneutics, but also as a theorist of the underlying
suppositions of the ministry of the Word. In the early years of his episcopal
career, Augustine records his reflections on the need for the interpreter to be
aware of the proper scope of scripture to build up love (finem praecepti esse
caritatem, De doctr. chr. .; cf. Conf. XII .), and of the proper characteristics of scripture in being conformed to the human condition (humana
condicio), as Augustine argues in the prooemium to De doctrina christiana:
All those matters could have been done by angels but the human condition
would have been degraded if God would not seem to want to minister his
own words to human beings through human beings (prooemium ).
While both the Confessions and the De doctrina christiana share similar
perspectives about the scope and character of the scriptures, what is peculiar to the Confessions is that these principles are examined in the context
of the process of conversion. The title of this study, The Hermeneutics of
Conversion, is not intended to signify an analysis of the process of conversion. Rather it announces a focus on Augustines reflection on the intersection
of a theology of the needy and wounded self in the process of re-formation,
on the one hand, and a theory of biblical hermeneutics founded on a kind
of existential espistemology, on the other: All too frequently the poverty
of human intelligence has plenty to say, for inquiry employs more words
than the discovery of the solution (Conf. XII .) The fractured self seeking wholeness and the multi-worded search for truth are themes that are
intertwined throughout the final books of the Confessions: In my needy life
[in hac inopia vitae meae], my heart is much exercised by the words of your
holy scripture (Conf. XII .).
The program announced in the Soliloquies, as early as his catechumenate
days, To know myself, to know you (noverim me, noverim te, Sol. .) is
followed assiduously in the Confessions: May I know you who know me.
May I know as I also am known (cognoscam te, cognitor meus, cognoscam
sicut et cognitus sum, Conf. X .), but what Augustine emphasizes in the
. R. P. H. Green, De Doctrina Christiana (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
), .
. Henry Chadwick, St. Augustine Confessions (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
; repr. ), . The translations of the Confessions in this essay are taken
from Chadwick.
. Lucas Verheijen, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina XXVII, Sancti Augustini
Opera. Confessionum Libri XIII (Turnhout: Brepols, ). See also James
J. ODonnell, Augustine, Confessions ( vols.; Oxford: Clarendon, ).
Augustine of Hippo
Confessions is that the seeking of this vital knowledge must be undertaken

in the pilgrim mode of humble seeking:
I therefore decided to give attention to the holy scriptures and to find
out what they were like. And this is what met me: something neither
open to the proud nor laid bare to mere children; a text lowly to the
beginner but, on further reading, of mountainous diculty and enveloped in mysteries (excelsam et velatam mysteriis). (Conf. III .)
In this sense, the interpreter, as interpreter, is called to conversion. The proud,
solitary interpreter holding to a singleness of truth is revealed as an empty
and boastful liar: When it is mine alone, it is a lie, for your truth does not
belong to me nor to anyone else but to us all whom you call share it as a
public possession (quoniam veritas tua nec mea est nec illius aut illius, sed
omnium nostrum, Conf. XII .).
The proper scope of scripture to build up charity, should rule hermeneutical discourse, just as the acknowledgement of the poverty of human
intelligence should temper the tenacity with which opinions are clung to
in such discourse.
See now how stupid it is, among so large a mass of entirely correct interpretations which can be elicited from those words, rashly to assert
that a particular one has the best claim to be Moses view, and by destructive disputes to oend against charity itself, which is the principle
of everything he said in the texts we are attempting to expounding.
(Conf. XII .)
Augustine is always aware of the paradox of humility and sublimity in the
exercise of the ministry of the Word. The access may be lowly, but the sublimity of the divine mystery is celebrated throughout the Confessions:
For we have not come across any other books so destructive of pride,
so destructive of the enemy and the defender who resists your reconciliation by defending his sins. I have not known, Lord, I have not
meet with other utterances so pure, which so persuasively move me
to confession, make my neck bow to your yoke, and bring me to a free
worship. (Conf. XIII .)
It is hardly surprising that Augustine, the self-in-conversion, and Augustine,
the biblical interpreter, come to discover that the entry into the sublimity of
mystery, both for the self and for the biblical interpreter, has the same lowly
. Thomas Finan, St. Augustine on the mira profunditas of Scripture, in Scriptural Interpretation in the Fathers: Letter and Spirit (ed. Thomas Finan and Vincent
Twomey; Dublin: Four Corners Press, ), . See n. , the recurring motif of
scriptures combination of altitudo and humilitas.
access. This is the special insight that marks the character of the hermeneutical principles adumbrated in the final books of the Confessions.
II. THE SELF, UN-FORMED AND RE-FORMED
(CONFESSIONS XXIII)
The neediness and incompleteness of the human condition is a central theme
in the final books of the Confessions. It is this neediness that draws the Divine
Physician to us (Book X), while the not-yetness of the self in the web of
time (Book XI) and the incompleteness of the unformed earth/self (Book
XII) are revealed, paradoxically, as the real source of our thanksgivingthe
confession of praise for our re-formation in the image of the Triune God
(Book XIII):
Proceed with your confession, my faith. Say to the Lord your God:
Holy, holy, holy Lord my God, (Is :; Rv :). In your name we are
baptized, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (Matt :); in your name we
baptize, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Among us also in his Christ God
has made a heaven and an earth, meaning the spiritual and carnal
members of his church. Moreover, before our earth received form,
imparted by doctrine, it was invisible and unorganized (Gn :), and
we were covered by the darkness (Ps :) of ignorance. For you corrected man for his iniquity, and your judgements are like the great
abyss (Ps :; :). But because your Spirit was borne above the
waters, your mercy did not abandon our misery, and you said: Let
there be light (Gen :). Do penitence, for the kingdom of heaven
has drawn near (Mt :; :). . . . Our darkness displeased us. We were
converted to you (Ps :), light was created, and suddenly we who
were once darkness are now light in the Lord (Eph :). (Conf. XII
.)
Book X: The Wounded Self
Book X begins with a careful enunciation of the purpose of the Confessions:
to encourage his readers, shareres of my joy, conjoined with me in mortality,
my fellow citizens and pilgrims (X .) to take heart through his double
confession of praise and lamentpraise to God for what Augustine him. M.-A. Vannier, Creatio, conversio, formatio chez S. Augustin, coll. Paradosis
(Fribourg, ; repr. ), , n. .
Augustine of Hippo
self had become by Gods grace, and his lament over his past sinfulness. He
embarks with this crowd of witnesses on the inner journey into the fields
and vast palaces of memory (et venio in campos et lata praetoria memoriae,
X .) housing three great storehousesfirst that laid down by the senses
(X .), then that acquired by a lifetime of learning through the liberal arts (de doctrinis liberalis, X .) and the principles of numbers and
dimensions (X .), and finally that laid up by the recollections of affectionsthe four perturbations of the mind, cupidity, gladness, fear and
sadness (X .). The seeking for God through the inner depths of self
leads to Augustines reflection on the basic human drive for happiness (X
..), and culminates in the cry: That is the authentic happy life, to
set ones joy on you, grounded in you, and causede by you. This is the real
thing, and there is no other (X .). See how widely I have ranged, Lord,
searching for you in my memory (X .). The famous cry, Late have I
loved you, beauty so old and so new: late have I loved you, encapsulates
the wrong-headed seeking for happiness of his former life: See you were
within and I was in the external world. . . . You were with me, and I was not
with you. This leads to the final acknowledgement:
When I have adhered (Ps :) to you with the whole of myself, I
shall never have pain and toil (Ps :), and my entire life will be
full of you. You lift up the person whom you fill. But for the present,
because I am not full of you, I am a burden to myself. . . . See I do not
hide my wounds. You are the physician, I am the patient. (X .)
This confession sets the stage for the second half of Book X, an analysis of
the depth of the woundedness of the human condition, in the frame of John
:, the concupiscences of the flesh (cf. Book VI), of the eyes (cf. Book
VII) and of the pride of life (cf. Book VIII). But this painful introspection
in terms of woundedness has been well prepared for in the earlier reflection
on the inner self, within the rooms of the palace of memory. The continuing
unruliness of sense images (of the flesh), the diculty of curbing the appetite for curiositas (of the eyes), and the hydra-headed manifestations
of pride and ambition (the pride of life), are the distorted mirror images
. See also Conf. XIII ., . The haughtiness of pride, the pleasures of lust, and
the poison of curiosity are the passions of a dead soul. . . . Be not conformed to the
world, Rm :.
. See Pierre Courcelle, Recherches sur les Confessions de Saint Augustin (Paris:
E. de Boccard, ), . Courcelle suggests that the Soliloquies refer to the barrle
against the temptations of the flesh while the De Ordine focuses on intellectual
diculties.
of the positive faculties of memory: the storehouse of sense perception (X

.), of knowing (X ..), and of the range of human emotions
(X .). As Book X draws to its end, Augustine turns to Christ, the divine
physician: So under three forms of lust I have considered the sickness of
my sins, and I have invoked your right hand to save me (ideoque considervai
languores peccatorum meorum in cupiditate triplici, et dexteram tuam invocavi
ad salutem meam, X .).
Book XI: The Self-in-Time
Having established the human condition (existentially) as one of needa
neediness which impells a reaching out to Christ, the MediatorAugustine
begins Book XI with a reflection on the ministry of the Word, the ministry
which he confirmed as his vocation in the closing section of Book X. In the
very face of the vulnerability of fallen human nature, he takes up the burden
and privilege of ministry (XI .; X .). As the Word, through the words
of scripture, resounds in his ears in the narrative of the creation of heaven
and earth, Augustine launches into justly famous reflection on time, culminating in his meditation on the self-in-time, the self (XI .), distended
between past, present, and future.
This emphasis on tension or distraction (distentio animi), this near fracturing of self, reinforces the notion of neediness and vulnerability of the
human condition established in Book X. However, in the closing sections
of Book XI it is not so much the abjection of neediness that is emphasized.
Rather, like the shift in tone between chapters and of Pauls Epistle to
the Romans, for Augustine the pain of this existential awareness of being
distended between past and future is transformed, under grace, into an
extension towards the Mediator (XI .). Augustine draws together the
multistranded discourse of Book XI:
Because your mercy is more than lives (Ps :), see how my life
is a distention in several directions. Your right hand upheld me
(Ps :; :) in my Lord, the Son of man who is mediator between
you the One and us the many, who live in a multiplicity of distractions by many things, so that I might apprehend him in whom I am
apprehended (Phil :), and leaving behind the old days I might
be gathered to follow the One, forgetting the past and moving not towards those future things which are transitory bu to the things which
. Scholars refer to diastasis in Enneads III ,, . See the survey of scholarship in
James J. ODonnell, Confessions III, .
Augustine of Hippo
are before me, not stretched out in distraction but extended in reach,
not by being pulled apart but by concentration. . . . The storms of incoherent things events tear to pieces my thoughts, the inmost entrails
of my soul, until that day when, purified and molten by the fire of
your love, I flow together to merge into you. (X . )
Book XII: The Two Abysses: the Self and the Scriptures
While time and eternity dominate Book XI, heaven and earth are the focus
of Book XII. Just as the self-in-time, rather than the question of eternity, became the center of inquiry in Book XI, so too, for all the wonderful passages
devoted to the contemplation of the heaven of heavens, that no experience
of time can ever touch, it is the unformed earth, next to nothing (prope
nihil . . . quam fecisti de nulla re paene nullam rem, XII .) that becomes the
preoccupation of Book XII. Indeed, it is the potential for conversion of the
almost formless earth that captures Augustines attention:
It is ture, Lord, that you made heaven and earth. . . . It is true that
everything mutable implies for us the notion of a kind of formlessness,
which allows it to receive form and to undergo change and modification. It is true that no experience of time can ever touch what has so
close and adherence to immutable form that, though mutable, it undergoes no changes. It is true that formlessness which is next to nothing
(prope nihil) cannot suer temporal successiveness. . . . It is true that
of all things with form nothing is closer to formless than earth and
the abyss. It is true that you made not only whatever is created and
endowed with form but also whatever is capable of being created and
receiving form. It is true that every being that is formed out of that
without form is itself first unformed and then formed. (XII .)
In what seems at first glance a digression from his contemplation of the two
creatures, the heaven of heavens and the earth and the abyss, Augustine
a major part of Book XII to the problem of the diversity of scriptural interpretations. However, it is questionable that his attention to the problems of
the truthful diversity (XII .) of scriptural interpretation is a digression. In contemplating the abyss of the first day of creation, Augustine is
. Marie-Anne Vannier discusses Augustines treatment of mutability as a source
of hope in her study of one of the newly discovered sermons of Augustine (Dolbeau ), Lapport des nouveaux sermons la christologie, Augustin Prdicateur
() (Collection des ditions Augustiniennes , S. Madec; Paris: Institut
dtudes Augustiniennes Press, ), .
logically drawn to the contemplation of another abyss, the profound depths

of scripture: What wonderful profundity [mira profunditas] there is in your
utterances! The surface meaning lies open before us and charms beginners.
Yet the depth is amazing, my God, the depth is amazing. To concentrate
on it is to experience awethe awe of adoration before its transcendence
and the trembling of love (Conf. XII .). The presence of the abyss is
palpable throughout the Confessions. The two abyssesare intertwined. On
the one hand, there is the abyss of neediness and vulnerability of the human
condition: To the lower abyss he calls in the words: Be not conformed to
this world, but be reformed in the newness of your mind (Rm :; Conf.
XIII .). On the other, the abyss of the scriptures, with all its diversity
and multiplicity, while carefully orchestrated through the last books of the
Confessions, is the special focus of Book XII.
The depth of the scriptures has the practical result of aecting the very
mode of scriptural discourse:
I see that two types of disagreements can arise when something is
recorded by truthful reporters using signs. The first concerns the
truth of the matter in question. The second concerns the intention of
the writer. It is one thing to inquire into the truth about the origin of
creation. It is another to ask what understanding of the words on the
part of the readere and hearer was intended by Moses, a distinguished
servant of your faith. (XII .)
Augustine argues that the fullness of meaning intended by Moses cannot be
grasped in its singleness by later interpreters. In fact the complexity of the
truth revealed by Moses requires an unfolding in multiple interpretations:
A spring confined in a small space rises with more power and distributes its flow through more channels over a wider expanse than a
single stream rising from the same spring even if it flows down over
many places. So also the account given your minister (Moses), which
was to benefit many expositions, uses a small measure of words to
pour out a spate of clear truth. From this each commentator, to the
best of his ability in these things may draw what is true, one this way,
another that, using longer and more complex channels of discourse.
(XII .)
The point is that truth cannot be grasped or possessed in a single unfaltering
glance (at least in the human condition); neither can it be possessed by the
individual interpreter. Speaking of those interpreters who refuse anothers
(in this case Augustines!) interpretation he comments:
. Thomas Finan, .
Augustine of Hippo
They do not say this to me because they possess second sight and have
seen in the heart of your servant (Moses) the meaning which they
assert, but because they are proud. They have no knowledge of Moses
opinion at all, but love their own opinion, not because it is true, but
because it is their own. Otherwise they equally respect another true
interpretation as valid, just as I respect what they say when their
armation is true, not because it is theirs, but because it is true.
(XII .)
It is significant that Augustine has set this careful reflection about hermeneutical theory and exegetical practice in the context of a complex meditation
on the Six Days of Creation, ranging from the almost nothingness of the
earth on Day One to the re-formation of the human being in the image and
likeness of God in Day Six. This earth which is us (as he claims)is called
from almost nothingness in Book XII to fruitful multiplicity in Book XIII
(XIII .). In a similar inversion (or conversion), the very privation of
the words of Genesis (parvo sermonis modulo, Conf. XII .) necessitates a
multiplicity of true interpretations, so that the word of scripture can nourish
both the simple and the sophisicated, or can be adjusted to the needs of the
community as a whole, or to the individual at dierent stages of life. In other
words: The surface meaning lies open before us and charms beginners. Yet
the depth is amazing. (XII .)
Book XIII: The Human Condition as a Pilgrim State
Book XIII begins with a prayer of thanksgiving: Before I existed, you were,
and I had no being to which you could grant existence. Nevertheless here I
am as a result of your goodness, which goes before all that you made me to
be, and all out of which you made me (XIII .). The tone of thanksgiving
is maintained as Augustine reflects on the Trinity: Behold, the Trinity, my
God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, creator of all creation (XIII .). This
prayer continues in the contemplation of the Spirit: By your gift we are sest
on fire and carried upwards: we grown red hot and ascent. We climb the
ascents in our heart (Ps :), and sing the song of steps (Ps :). Lit by
your fire, your good fire, we grow red-hot and ascent, as we move upwards
to the peace of Jerusalem (Ps :; Conf. XIII .).
There is a constant imagery of our life as pilgrimage:
In the morning I will stand up and contemplate you. I will see the
salvation of my face (Ps :), my God, who shall vivify even our
mortal bodies through the Spirit who dwells in us (Rm :). For in
his mercy he was borne above the dark and fluid state, which was our
inward condition. From him during this wandering pilgrimage, we

have received an assurance that we are already light (Eph :). (Conf.
XIII .)
In Book XIII the human condition, or as Augustine phrases it, the weak who
are on a lower level, is contrasted with the fullness of the apprehension of
truth of the happy citizens of the heaven of heavens, the City of God:
There are, I believe, other waters above this firmament, immortal and
kept from corruption. Let them praise your name (Ps :). Let the
peoples above the heavens, your angels, praise you. They have no need
to look up to this firmament and to read so as to know your word.
They ever see your face (Mt :) and there, without syllables requiring time to pronounce, they read what your eternal will intends. They
read, they choose, they love. They ever read and what they read never
passes away. By choosing and loving they read the immutability of
your design. Their codex is never closed, nor is their book ever folded
shut. For you yourself are a book to them and you are for eternity
(Ps :). You have set them in order above this firmament which
you established to be above the weak who are on a lower level (super
infirmitatem inferiorum populorum) so that they could look up and
know your mercy, announcing in time what you had made in time.
(Conf. XIII .)
However, just as In Books X, XI, and XII, so too in the final book of the
Confessions there is a transfiguration of a privation into a blessing. It is this
very weakness, this incapacity to attain to the whole of truth in a single
angelic glance, that is transposed into blessing. Multiplicity is announced as
a mark of the goodness of creation. Everywhere creation is filled with Gods
multitudes, abundance and increase with the voices of your messengers
(ministers of the Word) flying above the earth in the open firmament of your
book . . . their words sounding to the ends of the earth (Conf. XIII .).
The process of conversion as a life-long pilgrimage to the Sabbath rest of
the Holy City. I will enter my chamber (Mt :) and I will sing you songs
of love, groaning with inexpressible groanings (Rm :) on my wanderers
path, and remembering Jerusalem my mother. . . . I will not turn away until
in that peace of this dearest mother, where are the first-fruits of my spirit
(Rm :) and the source of my certainties, you gather all that I am from my
dispersed and distorted state to reshape and strengthen me forever, my God
my mercy (XII .). So too is the process of interpretation an ongoing
ecclesial colloquy: both the self and the biblical interpretation share the
same pilgrim status. They are both marked by a fragility, an incompleteness
which is the human condition. In a paradox that Augustine would appreciate,
Augustine of Hippo
the phase of his ministry that is most marked by his newfound mastery of
biblical interpretation is also the phase where he fully assumes the limitations
of hermeneutics. But there is a very real distinction between a limitation
and a negation. An awareness of a limitation is an awareness of a need,
and it is the awareness of neediness and vulnerability that is foundational
in the process of conversion. In theological terms, it is the lowly access to
salvation modelled and incarnated by the Word of God:
I sought a way to obtain strength enough to enjoy you; but I did not
find it until I embraced the mediator between God and man, the man
Christ Jesus ( Tim :), who is above all things, God blessed forever
(Rm :). He called and said, I am the way, and the truth, and the life
(John :). The food which I was too weak to accept he mingled with
flesh, in that the Word was made flesh (John :) so that our infant
condition might come to suck milk from your wisdom by which you
created all things. To possess my God, the humble Jesus, I was not
yet humble enough. I did not know what his weakness was meant
to teach. Your Word, eternal truth, higher than the superior parts of
your creation, raises those submissive to him to himself. In the inferior parts he built for himself a humble house of our clay. By this he
detaches from themselves those who are to be made his subjects and
carries them across to himself, healing their swelling and nourishing
their love. They are no longer to place confidence in themselves, but
rather to become weak. They see at their feet divinity become weak by
his sharing in our coats of skin (Gn :). In their weakness they fall
prostrate before this divine weakness which rises and lifts them up.
(VII .)
Augustine tells us clearly that in his own journey towards conversion he had
discovered that self-suciency is the antithesis of conversion. I sought a way
to obtain strength enough to enjoy you, but did not find it until I embraced
the mediator between God and man. Conversion is the turning of the self
towards God, and in the very turning from self-suciency is the discovery
that the multiple, fractured self is transfigured in the image and likeness of
the Godhead whom one sees at ones feet.
The restless angst of the human condition (Conf. I .) is the precious
first gift of the Creator to the almost formless earth through which the selfin-time strains forward towards the Self-Same the Immutable One:
To know you as you are in an absolute sense is for you alone. You are
immutably, you know immutably, you will immutably. . . . In your sight
it does not seem right that the kind of self-knowledge possessed by
unchangeable light should also be possessed by changeable existence
which receives light. And so my soul is like waterless land before you
(Ps :), just as it has no power to illuminate itself. For with your
is the fountain of life, and so also it is in your light that we shall see
light. (Conf. XIII .)
The self that is not self-sucient is the self that is oriented in a turning,
or rather a re-turning to the Father, like the Prodigal Son, whose presence
haunts every stage of the narrative of the Confessions.
III. THE WORD MADE FLESH:
THE CHRISTOLOGICAL FRAME OF HERMENEUTICS
It is hardly surprising that the principles that govern the interpretation of
scripture elaborated in the Confessions are informed by Augustines central
Christological insight of the humility of the Word made Flesh. Just as the
Word in scripture is adapted to the human condition, so too the Incarnate
Word assumes the limitations of the human condition.
Augustine is not the first to draw together hermeneutics and anthropology. In the fourth book of the Peri Archon, Origen of Alexandria links
the threefold anthrology of body, soul, and spirit with the three senses of
scripture:
The individual ought then to portray the ideas of holy scripture in a
threefold manner upon his own soul; in order that the simple man
may be edified by the flesh as it were of the scripture, for so we
name the obvious sense; while he who has ascended a certain way
may be edified by the soul as it were of scripture. The perfect man,
again . . . (may receive edification) from the spiritual law. For just as
man consists of body and soul and spirit, so in the same way does
scripture which has been arranged to be given by God for the salvation of men (IV ).
However, though Augustine also links anthropology and hermeneutics in the
last books of the Confessions, he makes no attempt to elaborate a hermeneutical discussion of the senses of scripture in an anthropological frame. These
technical questions had received masterly attention in the second and third
books of De doctrina christiana, but in the Confessions Augustines focus is
. Albert Verwilghen, Jesus Christ: Source of Christian Humility, Augustine and

the Bible (ed. P. Bright; The Bible Through the Ages, ; Notre Dame, Ind.: University
of Notre Dame Press, ), .
Augustine of Hippo
not on textual ambiguity as an exegetical question, but on the ambiguity of

the human condition itself. It is the fragility, the partial knowing, the notyetness of the full understanding of scripture that captures his attention.
Now your word appears to us in the enigmatic obscurity of clouds and
through the mirror of heaven ( Cor :; Conf. XXX .).
This reflection on the partialness of our knowing is in the context of
the establishment of the firmament on the second day of creation. Typically,
Augustine proposes a paradox. The firmament, this firm overarching structure marking the limits between the waters above and the waters below,
is an analogy for the firmness of the authority of scripture, stretched over
our lives. Yet the firmness of this authority does not imply something material to be grasped or possessed. It is neither an objective knowledge to be
wielded as a weapon, nor is it some secret knowledge to be wrested from a
hiding place. It has to be approached humbly, and in full recognition that
the scriptures themselves share the mutability of the human condition. The
words of scripture are adjusted to the human condition in the same way that
the Eternal Word looked out through the lattice of the flesh:
For although we are beloved by your Son, It does not yet appear what
we shall be ( John :). He looked through the lattice of our flesh
and caressed us and set us on fire; and we run after his perfume
(Cant :; :, ). But when he appears, we shall be like him as he is
( John :). As he is Lord will be ours to see, but it is not yet given to
us. (Conf. XIII .)
IV. COMMUNITY, SELF, AND THE SCRIPTURES
Just as a new awareness of self in modern thought has given rise to a new
hermeneutical awareness, so too at the end of the fourth century, Augustines
genius left its imprint both on the understanding of the self and on that Selfto-self disclosure that is Word of God in human words. The new horizons
of hermeneutics of our times have focused attention on the self and selfdisclosure in language and in community. Robert Detweiler refers to an
essay written by Martin Heidegger in , Hlderlin and the Essence of
Poetry. Heidegger quotes from an unfinished poem of Hlderlin:
. James J. ODonnell, Augustines Confessions I. See the discussion on being and

discourse, xvii.
. Robert Detweiler, Story, Sign and Self (Philadelphia: Fortress, ), .
Much has man learnt,

Many of the heavenly ones has he named,
Since we have been a conversation
And have been able to hear from one another.
The poets armation of the self in community, since we have been a
conversation, is a beautiful echo of Augustines own understanding of the
insuciency of the self. This armation of the insuciency of the self is
far from just another grim tally sheet of what is miserable about the human
condition. Rather it is an armation of the limiting conditions that call us
to acknowledge that the human condition is, as base, societalsince we
have been a conversation. Community demands communication, which in
turn requires the constant exercise of interpretation.
The hermeneutical principles developed by Augustine, particularly but
not exclusively in the last books of the Confessions of a multiplicity of true
interpretations, this diversity of true views (Conf. XII .), call for a
dialogic mode of hermeneutics so that contradictores (Conf. XII .), those
who disagree, can become con-loquitors, those who are in conversation with
each other, and finally to recognize their common ministry as laudatores,
giving praise together (even through diering interpretations) in the community of the church:
May all of us who, as I allow, perceive and arm that these texts contain various truths, show love to one another, and equally may we love
you our God, fount of truthif truth is what we are thirsting after
and not vanity. . . . So when one person has said Moses thought what
I say and another No, what I say, I think it more religious in spirit
to say Why not rather say both, if both are true? And if anyone sees
a third or fourth and a further truth in these words, why not believe
that Moses discerned all these things? For through him the one God
has tempered the sacred books to the interpretatoins of the many,
who could come to see a diversity of truths. Certainly, to make a bold
declaration from my heart, if I myself were to be writing something
at this supreme level of authority I would choose to write so that my
words would sound out with whatever diverse truth in these matters
each reader was able to grasp, rather than give a quite explicit statement of a single true view of this question in such a way as to exclude
. Ecce autem alii non reprehensores, sed laudatores libri Geneseos.
Augustine of Hippo
other viewsprovided there was no false doctrine to oend me.

(Conf. XII ..).
From such a perspective, hermeneutics in the ecclesial community is to be
governed by the scope of scripturewhich is to build up the community in love
(not to divide by hubris), and to welcome diversity of opinion as a richness.
At the same time, this dialogic mode would subject the interpretive process
to an austere critical reflection. It is a balanced process acknowledging a
diversity of gifts and encouraging a generous responsiveness to the demands
of ministry of the Word and at the same time exercising an uncompromising
passion for the truth of scripture.
The ministry of the Word, like scripture itself, is a double-edged sword
(Ps :, Conf. XII .) in not only calling the community to conversion,
but in calling the interpreter of scripture to a conversion in the very exercise
of hermeneutics. It is a very special call to humility in a deep awareness
of the frailty and limitations, the not-yetness of human knowledge and
understanding. However, it is the nature of interpretation, diverse and yet
true that establishes the proper mode of exegetical discourse as ecclesial
and dialogic. The properly partial and refracted mode of knowing in our
human condition is what draws us together and therefore establishes our
need for each other in both church and human society.
The interpretation of scripture is inextricably linked with the human
condition. The self is not self-sucient; the scriptures call for a community
of interpreters. The self is mutable; the truth of scriptures is not to be apprehended in a single, immutable moment of understanding. To stand in
the presence of oneself, or better, to enter into the inner recesses of self, is to
approach mystery, known, partly known, beyond full knowledge; the abyss
of scriptures is a constant image in the Confessions. What Augustine says
of the power of memorythe inmost recesses of selfin Book X can be
transposed to describe the scriptures: an awe-inspiring mystery, my God, a
power of profound and infinite multiplicity. It is characterized by diversity, by
life of many forms, utterly immeasurable (Conf. X .). Deep still calls
to deep (Ps :; Conf. XIII .). Both the self, as self-in-time, and the
scriptures, measured in the syllables of time, stand at the brink of mystery
which can be accessed only in the company of the lowly Word-made-flesh,
both assuming and transforming the human condition.
* * *

Augustine

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For the Hebrew Bible to the Septuagint

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

Augustine still grounded his biblical allegiance in the maternal religiosity

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

in xxviii, , followed by an implicit quotation of Eccl : in xxxiii, , and

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quae scripta sunt, sed figurate intellegenda (, ). Augustines comments on the

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authors spiritual identity in a commentary on Gn : in Books XIXIII.

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or less tend to overlook the controversial citation of Tyconius introduced by

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values by which he was re-defining himself through his scripture readings

with comments on dierent verses cited in their natural order of Psalm

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

For Augustines use of scripture in Confessions XIXIII, see:

IV. THE TRUTH OF SCRIPTURE: DE TRINITATE, IIV

to teach this doctrine according to the scriptures . . . (, ) summarized by

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

would develop later on in De Genesi ad litteram is announced here, based

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

figurative sense, but literally (IV, , ), which, he significantly observes,

From Book VII De Genesi ad litteram engages into a changed mode of

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the present rubric are collected literary products of Augustines scholarly

Ex , on the miracles performed by Pharaohs

De coniugio (Mt :; Cor :).

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Origen, Eustathius, Ambrosiaster and Philaster, Augustine explains that the

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VII. THE MINISTRY OF THE WORD

classes, in which the written commentaries often dier considerably from

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

In F. Dolbeau identified about twenty unknown sermons in a fifteenth

Augustines lifetime (). In , Dolbeau identified more precisely in the

VIII. THE CITY OF GOD

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h-Century Latin Christian Literature

Arteaga Natividad, R. La creacon en los comentarios de san Augustn al Gnesis.

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

Berrouard, M. F. Lenseignement de S. Augustin sur le mariage dans le Tract. , in

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Cantalamessa, R. Ratio paschae. La controversia sul significato della Pasqua

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

by M. Van Uytfanghe and R. Demeulenaere. Instr. Patr. . Steenbrugge: La

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

Gilbride, T. V. St. Augustines Interpretation of the Pauline Antithesis between the

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Hamman, A. G. Saint Augustin, la Bible et la thologie spirituelle. Aug(L)

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. Pages in Preaching in the Patristic Age. Edited by D. G. Hunter.

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

h-Century Latin Christian Literature

McCallin, J. A. The Christological Unity of Saint Augustines De Civitate Dei. In

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Pagels, E. The politics of Paradise; Augustines exegesis of Genesis versus that

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und Untersuchung des geistesgeschichtlichen Hintergrunds. Cassiciacum . W.:

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