Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
LAND Partnerships
in the Philippines
Revised for the 2nd Regional Policy Dialogue on Agrarian Reform and Rural
Development: The case of the Philippines, of the Centre on Integrated Rural
Development for Asia and the Pacific (CIRDAP)
(Derived from a Discussion Paper prepared for a project of the Asian NGO Coalition for
Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ANGOC), the Department of Agrarian Reform
(DAR) and the International Land Coalition (ILC)
ANGOC
1
DAR
DENR
FPIC
GO
HLURB
HUDCC
ILC
IP
IPRA
ISF
KSA
LAMP
LARA
LGC
LGU
NAPC
NEDA
NGO
NHA
NHMFC
NIPAS
PAMB
PARC
PARCCOM
PCSD
PHILDHRRA
RA
TriPARRD
TWG
UDHA
WSSD
DISCUSSION PAPER:
Bridging Issues on Access to Land through
Land Partnerships in the Philippines*
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Land partnerships is a general term coined by the International Land Coalition (ILC) to
refer to a wide range of forms of collaboration between state, civil society, and bilateral and
international stakeholders to address issues of access to land. Depending on the particular
need addressed, and based on negotiations among different stakeholders and interest groups,
such partnerships may take on different forms i.e., alliances, forums, joint commissions, or
joint field programs. Land partnerships are multi-stakeholder mechanisms established for the
purpose of debating, negotiating and/or implementing a range of policy, program and service
delivery systems in order to create the enabling conditions to improve access to land by the
rural poor.
This study examines the feasibility, challenges, and potentials for establishing land
partnerships in the Philippines. It is largely exploratory, and delves into three main topics: (i)
an overview of Philippine policies and programs on access to land; (ii) a review and
assessment of joint GO-CSO mechanisms (past and present) that were established to address
land-related policy and implementation issues; and (iii) a discussion of future options for
establishing new (or to strengthen existing) land partnership mechanisms in the Philippines.
This discussion paper has been commissioned by the Asian NGO Coalition (ANGOC) under a
project with the International Land Coalition. It is meant to provide input to a National
Workshop on Land Partnerships for discussing the feasibility of adapting a multi-stakeholder
approach for pursuing the issue of access to land.
Part 1 of this paper discusses the broad, enabling policy environment in which GO-CSO
cooperation and partnership has taken place on issues of access to land. It provides a
sweeping view of the land-related policy reforms that have been instituted ever since February
1986, starting with the mandates under the Philippine Constitution of 1987, and subsequently
implemented through a series of enabling legislations and sector-focused programs. It
summarizes the salient features of the three major reform programs, namely the
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL, 1987), the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act
(IPRA, 1997), and the Urban Development and Housing Act (UDHA, 1992). This section
also identifies other legislations that have affected land administration and land use
classification, such as the Local Government Code (LGC, 1991), as well as other recent
legislations that have had major impact on access by the poor to lands under the public
domain primarily the National Integrated Protected Areas Law (NIPAS, 1992) and the
*
Paper prepared by Tony Quizon, Roy Mendoza & Dodgie Quitangon with the assistance of Maricel
Almojuela. Paper commissioned by the Asian NGO Coalition (ANGOC). Views expressed are those of the
authors and do not necessarily reflect those of ANGOC or the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR).
Philippine Mining Act (1995). The study points out how the numerous legislations have often
brought about policy conflicts, questions about land use classification, overlapping functions
of government agencies, and competing interests among the various sectors affected.
Part 2, which constitutes the major section of this paper, then reviews the various forums and
institutional mechanisms of engagement that have been instituted between government and
CSOs on land-related issues over the past 16 years. It particularly examines those joint GOCSO mechanisms that have focused on land issues affecting three basic sectors: the
farmers/agrarian sector, the urban poor, and indigenous peoples. A total of 24 such joint
mechanisms are discussed, and trends/ observations are then presented based on key
informant interviews, as well as from secondary sources.
In Part 3, the authors examine the various options for establishing and/or strengthening multistakeholder partnerships on land issues, as identified through an assessment of current gaps, a
review of related studies, as well as interviews and discussions conducted with representatives
of NGOs, farmer organizations and government agencies. This section highlights some of the
emerging issues and challenges on land-related reform policies and programs, and categorizes
these into five (5) broad thematic areas that will require multi-stakeholder consultation,
consensus-building and joint action. The paper suggests that any of these themes/ sub-themes
could well constitute the focus of a potential land partnership. These are:
(i)
Regular mechanisms that monitor and ensure the inclusion of access to land,
especially Agrarian Reform, in the national development agenda/ programs
(ii)
The implementation of existing land redistribution/ reform programs (CARL,
IPRA, UDHA) by addressing program requirements, resolving policy bottlenecks
and by improving field-level complementation between government and CSOs;
(iii) The convening of inter-sectoral & multi-stakeholder discussions and negotiations
to resolve policy conflicts and overlapping institutional mandates related to land
reforms and land administration policies;
(iv)
Undertaking consensus-building and pro-active advocacy for new legislation (e.g.,
towards enactment of a comprehensive land use policy); and
(v)
Convening policy forums on pending bills & programs that threaten to reverse the
gains made under land-related reforms (e.g., Farmland as Collateral bill, Mining
Act and Charter Change).
Part 3 raises several questions as to what would be the most appropriate mechanism(s) for
pursuing GO-NGO dialogue, negotiation and cooperation on land issues, based on the
selected theme(s). The intention of this section is not to provide specific recommendations,
but rather, to provide a discussion guide to Workshop participants for assessing the potentials
of a possible land partnership.
Finally, Part 4 relates the outcome of a project that resulted from this study on finding
common ground to address concrete land conflicts between Indigenous Peoples and Farmers.
Two areas in the provinces of Bukidnon and Oriental Mindoro were looked into, each having
an unresolved case wherein an IP group and farmers laid claim to the same landholding. The
IPs based their ancestral domain claim on the IPRA while the farmers alleged ownership of
the land as identified beneficiaries under CARP.
At present, there is no active mechanism ironing out the issues of these two very poor sectors
contending for their legal rights over the land. The project attempted to revive the dialogue
process among major stakeholders, namely the IPs, farmers, NGOs and concerned
government agencies such as the Department of Agrarian Reform, the National Council for
Indigenous Peoples, and the National Anti-Poverty Commission. A major breakthrough was
achieved at the end of the project with President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo ordering the
reactivation of the defunct Task Force 63 that addressed issues of IPs on their ancestral
domain claims and expanding it to include IP-farmer land conflicts. #
Working notes:
The authors note that in much of development literature, the terms multi-sectoral and multistakeholder are often used interchangeably.
For purposes of this paper, the term multi-sectoral is used to refer mainly to different
occupational/interest groups or economic sections of society. Furthermore, the related term basic sectors
is used here to refer to the poor and disadvantaged groups i.e., farmers, indigenous peoples, fisherfolk,
urban poor, and women. In the Philippines, the term multi-sectoral has taken on a deeper socio-political
connotation, as it has evolved within the context of political organizing among social movements.
On the other hand, the term multi-stakeholder has a much broader scope and meaning. When discussing
the concept of partnerships at national level, however, the three major groupings of stakeholders referred
to here are the state/government, the private sector, and civil society including funding institutions.
I. INTRODUCTION
1. Background and working context of the Study
Objectives of this study
1. This study examines the feasibility, challenges, and potentials for establishing land
partnerships in the Philippines. It has three overall objectives:
i. To provide an overview of the policy context, as well as a general status of the
partnership mechanisms formed by key stakeholders in support of land-related
reforms and policies (CARP and others) vis--vis programs, projects and policy
advocacy (e.g., by government, NGOs/POs, donors, and the private sector);
ii. To provide a brief assessment about the working context, issues and
accomplishments of these mechanisms, their factors for success and insights
gained from their experiences; and
iii. To assess how these mechanisms can be improved or whether there is a need for a
new mechanism(s), i.e., the feasibility of a land partnership in the Philippines.
Meaning of land partnerships
2. The term land partnerships was coined by the International Land Coalition (ILC) to
refer to a wide range of mechanisms for collaboration between state, civil society, and
bilateral and international stakeholders to address issues of access to land. Depending
on the particular need addressed, and based on negotiations among different stakeholders
and interest groups, such partnerships may take on different forms i.e., alliances,
forums, joint commissions, or joint field programs. Land partnerships are multistakeholder mechanisms established for the purpose of debating, negotiating and/or
implementing a range of policy, program and service delivery systems in order to break
through the constraints impeding improvement in the resource rights of poor rural
households.
The origins & context of this initiative
3. The global programme on land partnerships (i.e., Land Alliances for National
Development) was initially launched by the International Land Coalition/ILC (formerly,
the Popular Coalition to Eradicate Hunger and Poverty)1 during the 2002 World Summit
on Sustainable Development (WSSD) held in Johannesburg, South Africa, where
participating governments had affirmed the importance of secure access to land under the
Plan of Implementation for Agenda 21.
This global programme was initiated by the ILC in order to strengthen the implementation of
Agenda 21 through country-level partnerships for land. The stated aim is to nurture arenas,
fora, events, committees and land alliances or other mechanisms at country level, where
1
The International Land Coalition, with headquarters in Rome, initially grew out of an international
conference convened in Brussels in 1995 by the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD).
Currently, it is a global alliance of inter-governmental and civil society organizations working on issues of
access to land and resources. It was formerly known as the Popular Coalition to Combat Hunger and
Poverty.
diverse vested interests in land can find a common basis for progress.2 It is noted that while
stated commitments to the resource rights of the poor is not new, this programme itself
reflects a growing global consensus on the cross-cutting contribution of resource rights
towards eradicating poverty, achieving food security, resolving conflicts and implementing
sustainable practices for natural resource management.
What has been done so far
4. At the 2002 WSSD conference, the Philippine government, as represented by the
Philippine Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD)3, initially expressed its desire to
endorse the Land Partnerships as one of its selected type II partnerships.4 The PCSD
also noted then that access to land remains critical for both its social justice aspect as well
as for peace and development.
5.
In 2003, follow-up discussions were then held between ILC-Rome and its regional
partner, ANGOC, towards initiating land partnership discussions in the Philippines.
ANGOC involved the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) which agreed to act as coconvenor of this initiative. ANGOC also consulted various institutions that might be
willing to collaborate on land-related issues NGOs, farmer organizations, and
government agencies. The various stakeholders agreed to a proposal for a mapping
study, noting that the last thing the project should do was to create another bureaucracy,
and to reinvent the wheel.
6.
To further crystallize the concept of Land Partnerships and the outline for this mapping
study, a series of roundtable discussions and separate meetings with government
agencies, donors, NGOs and farmer organizations were held in conjunction with the ILC
country mission to the Philippines on 20-25 October 2003. The roundtable discussions
enabled DAR, ILC and ANGOC to present the first step of the Land Partnership with this
Land Study. The participants agreed to pursue the study to ascertain the problems that
need to be acted on with the agrarian reform program. The discussion also called upon
ILC to expand Land Partnership to the donor community and perhaps open up the
existing Donor Forum on Agrarian Reform to civil society and other government
agencies aside from the DAR. The civil society groups expressed the need for the study
to be broader than agrarian reform policies and examine legal frameworks, environment
and conservation issues, indigenous peoples, among others. The need to institutionalize
International Land Coalition, LAND Programme Description and Guidelines for Establishing Land
Partnerships, 2003.
The Philippine Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD) was established in July 1992 through Executive
Order 15, to ensure implementation of the countrys commitments to sustainable development principles in
UNCED. The PCSD structure has an NGO-PO counterpart with a multi-sectoral representation, and operates
through a National Secretariat based in NEDA. In 1996, PCSD formulated Philippine Agenda 21, an action
agenda for advancing the goals of sustainable development.
Based on diplomatic protocol, Type II partnerships to people to people exchanges, in contrast to type I,
which is official or government to government.
Land Partnership to ensure sustainability even with the changes in leadership was
highlighted.5
7.
On 7 November 2003, the LAND Partnership Protocol was signed between DAR, ILC
and ANGOC in Rome that formalized the agreement and identified lead roles for DAR
(for government agencies) and ANGOC (for CSOs) in encouraging participation in the
Land Study and subsequent activities for LAND Partnership in the Philippines. 6
LAND Partnerships Progress Report, January 2003-May 2004, International Land Coalition, p.18.
Contract signed between DAR Secretary Roberto Pagdanganan, ILC Coordinator Bruce Moore and ANGOC
Executive Director Nathaniel Don Marquez, November 7, 2003, Rome, Italy.
mechanisms (past and present) that were established to address land-related policy and
implementation issues. Part 3 initiates a discussion of future options for establishing new
(or to strengthen existing) land partnership mechanisms in the Philippines.
16. Earlier policy efforts to broaden access to public land consisted mainly of opening up
new areas for application of land patents, reforms in land titling and administration
systems, and the introduction of systems for recognizing occupancy rights. (See Annex A
for a listing of selected Philippine laws related to lands of the public domain and
ancestral land, 1902-1985). The Homestead Act of the 1960s encouraged the creation of
new settlements in Mindanao, by providing 24 hectares to migrant families. In terms of
private agriculture lands, land reform policy was introduced as early as 1963 through the
Agricultural Tenancy Act, which sought to improve tenancy systems in agriculture. Two
decades later, in 1972, a policy of compulsory land acquisition and redistribution, limited
to all rice and corn lands nationwide, was introduced by then President Marcos through
Presidential Decree 27, for the emancipation of tenants from their bondage to the soil.
However, many saw this as more of as a counter-insurgency measure intended to quell
agrarian unrest in heavily tenanted areas, rather than as a sincere effort at instituting
broader access to land. Large plantations remained untouched; and corporate farming was
even encouraged in rice, for up to 500 hectares. Under Martial Law, poor communities
were displaced as lands were taken over by government corporations, large-scale
development projects and logging & mining concessions; squatting was decreed as a
criminal act under Presidential Decree 772.
Social and land-related reforms under the 1987 Constitution
17. The Peoples Power Revolution that ousted the Marcos regime in February 1986, and
restored democratic processes in government signaled a period of widespread reforms.
The 1987 Philippine Constitution was heavily reform-oriented, nationalistic and detailed
in emphasizing human and social rights, and the limitations of State powers.
18. General provisions related to social justice and participation provide for, i.e.:
a. Filipino rights to ownership and control of the countrys resources and industries.
b.
Social justice and human rights (in addition to the Bill of Rights) to safeguard the
rights of marginalized sectors farmers, fisherfolk, indigenous peoples, urban
poor.
c. Social Justice in all phases of national development (Art. 2, Sec. 10); a
comprehensive rural development and agrarian reform as well as the rights of
indigenous cultural communities. (Art.2, Sec.21 and 22)
d.
The right of all people to human dignity; reduce social economic and political
inequalities and remove cultural inequities by equitably diffusing wealth and
political power for the common good. (Art. 13, Sec.1)
e. The right of the people and their organizations to participation at all levels of
social, political, and economic decision-making; the State is required to facilitate
adequate consultation mechanisms. (Art. 13, Sec.15)
19. The 1987 Constitution also had specific provisions on access to land, among them:
10
a.
b.
c.
Agrarian Reform: The State shall undertake just distribution of all agricultural
lands to landless farmers and farmworkers based on their rights over the lands they
till. Retention limits are to be set by Congress and subject to just compensation.
Farmers and landowners should participate in the planning, organization, and
management of the program. The principles of agrarian reform are to be applied in
natural resources and lands of public domain under lease or concession suitable to
agriculture, subject to prior rights, homestead rights of small settlers, and the rights
of indigenous communities to their ancestral lands. (Art. 13, Sec. 4-6)
d.
e.
A continuing program on Urban Land Reform and Housing (Art. 13, Sec. 9)
between the state and the private sector which will make available and affordable,
decent housing and basic services to under-privileged and homeless citizens.
Urban or rural poor dwellers should not be evicted nor their dwellings demolished
illegally without adequate consultation with communities where they are to be
relocated.
f.
g.
Only Philippine citizens, corporations or associations organized under Philippine laws are granted with
franchise, certificate, or any other form of authorization for the operation of a public utility. These should
not be exclusive in character or for a longer period of 50 years.
11
forestry areas (ISF) to 3.9 million landless tenant farmers and farmworkers over an initial
10-year period (1987-1997). It provides for different tenurial instruments based on land
classification: tenurial security for forestry areas, and tenancy reforms and land
redistribution for private and alienable lands. Land redistribution is complemented by the
delivery of support services such as extension, credit, infrastructure facilities and
assistance in livelihood projects. The law imposes a five-hectare retention limit for the
landowner and provides three hectares for each heir who is actually tilling the land. It
exempts from distribution ancestral lands inhabited by indigenous cultural communities,
lands with a slope above 18 degrees, reserved lands like national parks, forest reserves,
fish sanctuaries and watersheds, lands for national defense and education and
experimental farms, churches and mosques, cemeteries, etc. Overall, the Comprehensive
Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) is managed by the Department of Agrarian Reform,
while the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) takes the lead role
in providing tenurial security in forestlands, under the Integrated Social Forestry (ISF)
program of CARP. As of March 2004, about 76% of the total physical target has been
reported as accomplished by both agencies. However, the program began the more
difficult part of reforming private lands (60% accomplishment in physical target) only in
1997. The timetable for completion of CARP has been extended to 2008.
22. Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA). Passed in 1997, R.A. 8371 or the Indigenous
Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) seeks to recognize, promote and protect the rights of
Indigenous Cultural Communities/Indigenous Peoples (ICCs/IPs). These include the right
to ancestral domain and lands, self-governance, and the right to cultural integrity. In a
reversal of the Regalian doctrine, IPRA recognizes the prior rights, including the preconquest rights of indigenous peoples, thus superseding other land and resource rights.
ICCs/IPs comprise an estimated 13% of the population (10 million people). It is projected
that between 5 million to 7 million hectares will be covered under ancestral domain titles
or claims.
23. Under the principle of self-determination, ICCs/IPs shall formulate their own sustainable
development and management plans (ADSDPs) for the land and natural resources within
their ancestral domains based on their indigenous knowledge systems and practices.
Contracts, licenses, concessions, leases and permits within the ancestral domains shall not
be renewed or allowed without the Free and Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) of the IP
community i.e., consensus of all members of the IPs/ICCs to be determined in
accordance with their respective customary laws and practices, free from any external
manipulation, interference or coercion. (Chap 2, Sec.3g, IPRA)
24. Urban Development and Housing Act (UDHA). Passed in 1992, Republic Act.7279
aims to address the housing shortage of the country,8 laying down the groundwork for a
comprehensive and continuing urban development and housing program by prioritizing
8
The Philippines has one of the highest annual rates of urban growth among developing countries averaging
5.1% from 1960-1995. The estimated housing shortage from 1993 to 1998 was placed at 3.72 million
housing units. (Also see Annex B, Notes on Urbanization and Housing Issues in the Philippines)
12
the provision of decent shelter to the poorest of the poor; providing the framework for the
development and use of urban lands; encouraging people and community involvements
and initiatives in urban development and shelter construction; improving and maximizing
LGU participation especially in socialized housing; and, tap private sector resources for
socialized housing.
25. The law entitles squatters to due process before eviction and demolition can be
undertaken. Resettlement and relocation can be carried out only under a court order and
only when preliminary conditions, i.e. relocation site, fair compensation to the squatters,
availability of basic public utilities at the relocation site, etc. have been satisfied. The
UDHA specifically tasks local government units (LGUs) for the implementation of its
provisions. Among these are:
Prepare a comprehensive land use plan (Sec. 6, 39)
Inventory all lands (Sec. 7)
Identify lands for socialized housing and resettlement (Sec. 8)
List all qualified socialized housing beneficiaries (Sec. 17)
Provide facilities and basic social services in resettlement and socialized housing
projects (Sec. 21); and,
Provide opportunities for housing beneficiaries to participate in decision making
processes.
26. Ten years after the UDHA implementation was devolved to the LGUs in 1993, the results
appear far from satisfactory. Many LGUs foot-dragged on its implementation as UDHA
collided with another social reform legislation, the Local Government Code (LGC). In
contrast to UDHA that requires LGUs to implement its provisions under the law, the
1991 LGC empowers the LGUs to determine and enforce its rules on the issue of land
access. Under the LGC, the LGUs were given the prerogative and power to reclassify
lands to other uses. Many LGUs soon converted prime agricultural lands into other uses
such as (top and mid level) residential and commercial as the taxes generated from these
proved to be a far more stable source for LGUs. (See section below)
Decentralization context in land administration
27. The Local Government Code (LGC, 1991) (R.A. 7160) empowered local government
units and promoted peoples participation in all stages of local development work from
planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation. The Local Government Code
included specific provisions i.e., Section 2 (a) LGUs are encouraged to be self reliant
and to continue exercising the powers and discharge the duties and functions as are
necessary, appropriate, or incidental to efficient and effective provision of basic services
and facilities; and Section 17 (a) Empathically, the responsibility to develop low cost
housing and mass dwelling projects were given to provinces and cities.
28. While the creation of Local Housing Boards was particularly mentioned in a later reform
legislation, the Comprehensive and Integrated Shelter Finance Act (CISFA, or R.A.
7835), its legal foundations rests on Title 6, Sec. 107, 108 and 109 of the LGC. It pertains
to the Nature, Composition and Functions of the Local Development Councils,
13
respectively. A function/power given to LGUs under this Act is that of land conversion.
Section 20 of the LGC states that through an ordinance passed by the Sanggunian, a city
or municipality may reclassify agricultural lands when: (1) the land ceases to be
economically feasible; and (2) where the land shall have greater economic value.
Other legislations with major impact on access to commons by the poor
29. The National Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS, 1992) provides for the use
and enjoyment of protected areas consistent with the principles of biological diversity and
sustainable development. The NIPAS provides for the establishment and management of
protected areas as a key strategy for conservation of the country's biodiversity. This
legislation introduced the concept of local participation in protected area management at
a time when the common practice of most governments in the Asian region was a strict
protection zone (conservationist) policy. The NIPAS Act enabled local communities to
take part in deciding on how best to manage the forests that has been the source of their
livelihood.9
30. Philippine Mining Act (1995). R.A. 7942, or the Mining Act states that, "all mineral
resources in public or private lands, including timber or forestlands... shall be open to
mineral agreements or financial or technical assistance agreement applications." Due to
this provision, critics contend that the law has virtually opened up the entire country to
mining operations. The law declares areas covered by existing mining claims or that are
deemed ecologically crucial as closed to mining operations, such as old growth forests,
watershed forest reserves, mangrove and mossy forests, national parks, bird sanctuaries
and marine reserves, among others. But upon the consent of the government or other
concerned parties, areas barred from mining operations can still be mined. These areas
include military reservations, areas covered by small-scale mining and ancestral lands.
The Mining Act allows three major kinds of mining rights that would govern access to
mineral resources and for which an interested investor may apply. These are the
Exploration Permit (EP), the mineral agreement and the Financial or Technical
Assistance Agreement (FTAA).10
Impact of land reform policies
31. Impact studies have so far been completed only for the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform
Program (CARP), as the other land reform programs (i.e., IPRA, UDHA) are still
relatively new.
32. The Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) seems to have been successful in promoting
social equity through the transfer of lands to landless or tiller farmers. Studies show that
distributional reform has had a positive impact on yield, specifically of rice, and impact
has been highest where technical change, e.g., adoption of HYVs, has occurred. Recent
studies have also shown that agrarian reform has had a positive impact on poverty
alleviation. In particular, there has been a decline in the incidence of poverty among
9
10
14
agrarian reform households from 47.6% in 1990 to 45.2% in 2000. In contrast, the
proportion of non-AR beneficiaries has increased from 55.1% in 1990 to 56.4% in
2000.11
33. Land tenure security has also improved reforestation and environmental protection in
forest lands. In 1988, the government under the Integrated Social Forestry (ISF)
programme shifted to a policy of contract reforestation in lieu of issuance of licenses to
cut down timber. Massive contract reforestation efforts undertaken between 1989 and
1993 revealed a significant improvement in survival rate (76%) in contrast to the 26%
rate of government reforestation efforts. In 1995, government also shifted from
government-managed forestry to community-led forest management. About 4.9 million
hectares of forest lands have been under community management since 1998 compared to
only 32,000 hectares in 1982.12 The longer tenure given to local communities has
provided an incentive towards conservation and sustainable management of the
remaining forests. The effectiveness of such efforts is likely to improve with the issuance
of certificates on ancestral domain claim (CADC) areas.
34. CARP implementation, however, has been slower than originally targeted. Factors that
have contributed to the slow redistribution, especially of private lands include:13
12
13
G.M. Llanto and M.M. Ballesteros, Land issues in poverty reduction strategies and the development agenda:
the Philippines. Philippine Institute of Development Studies. Land Reform, 2003/3, special edition. pp 208209.
Ibid, p 214.
Ibid, pp 209-210.
15
36. State lands and resources. Lands with slopes above 18 degrees are classified as
forestlands. However, the actual delineation of forestlands remains unclear. Moreover,
the land categories do not reflect actual land use. Protected areas, for instance are
designated as common property, i.e. owned by the state, but private individuals and
groups through arrangements such as leasehold can enjoy usufruct rights. The
Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) which recognizes, protects and promotes
ancestral domain rights has also raised some property rights issues, for instance, with
regards to mines and minerals. The Philippine Constitution under the principle of Jura
Regalia (Regalian Doctrine) provides that all natural resources, particularly minerals, are
owned by the state. On the other hand, under IPRA, ancestral domains include mineral
lands. Some sectors have interpreted the indigenous peoples rights as superior over
other rights, e.g., concession rights granted by the government. Meanwhile, there have
been overlapping areas (e.g. in the CARAGA Region) between ancestral domain claims
and actual mining and timber concession areas granted by the government.
37. There have been overlaps in land related reforms as well. In some areas, tenurial rights
have been granted to upland dwellers under the Integrated Social Forestry (ISF) program,
or land certificates (CLOAs) given to lowland farmers under CARP covering lands
under pending ancestral domain claims. While Philippine laws clearly indicate that
indigenous peoples rights as superior over other rights, land access questions do arise,
such as how to treat equally poor non-IP settlers within CADC or CADT lands.
Furthermore, there is need to educate programme implementers away from the common
notion that ancestral domains are limited only to the uplands and forestlands.14
38. Questions of land use. A major weakness of Philippine land policy is the failure to
clearly identify societys preferences regarding land use. Hence, significant problems
often arise in the use and allocation of land, e.g., the continuing tension behind the
conversion of agrarian reform lands to non-agricultural uses. Moreover, various laws
have been enacted for the classification or re-classification of lands, such as for tourism
development (RA 7357; RA 7668), for economic zones (RA 7916), or with provisions
that define the utilization of mangroves (RA 8850, or the Fisheries Code). Land laws
need to be reviewed for consistency and social acceptability. Meanwhile, the need to
legislate a Land Use Act has been endorsed by civil society groups as early as 1996 under
Agenda 21 of the Philippine Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD), yet a draft
bill has been languishing in Congress. Moreover, while local governments have been
given major responsibility for land use planning, only 10% of municipalities had updated
town plans as of 2001.
39. Questions of land administration. Land administration, including the information
system, is poor, and has been a major cause of fraudulent land titling. The Land
Administration and Management Project (LAMP) under the DENR has identified several
major issues in the land administration system in the Philippines, including:
Overlapping and fragmented responsibilities among 19 land agencies;
14
In fact, CADCs include even ancestral waters, as in the case of the Calamien waters of the Tagbanwa
community in Coron, Palawan.
16
Conflicting and/or outdated land administration laws, which often go through the
courts;
Poor management of land records (some incomplete, destroyed or altered);
Incomplete cadastral information; non-matching cadastral maps held by different
agencies
40. CSO concerns over emerging shifts in land policies. Meanwhile, from interviews
conducted, CSOs have expressed concern over an emerging policy shift towards more
market-oriented land reforms. Two major concerns cited were the Farmland as
Collateral Bill now pending in Congress, and proposals to amend the 1987 Constitution,
particularly the current restrictions concerning foreign ownership of land.
41. Meanwhile, there has been wide appreciation of the importance of the ongoing Land
Administration and Management Project (LAMP). The continuing success of this longterm project will depend on continued political support from successive administrations
and the public. Currently, the seven basic sectors represented at the National AntiPoverty Commission (NAPC) are engaged in LAMP consultations. (See Annex C,
Stakeholder Perspectives on Land Issues). Similar to LAMP, land administration
projects have been initiated by the World Bank and other donors in several Asian
countries (e.g., Indonesia, Cambodia). However, as CSOs have pointed out, good land
administration may indeed ensure the efficiency of the land titling system, but land
administration is not land reform itself. The Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan
(2001-2004) highlights the need for better access and secure land tenure for the poor, as a
major strategy towards poverty reduction, and at the same time notes the need for more
efficient land-use management for sustainable economic growth. The MTPDP
recognizes the need to simultaneously address four land-critical issues: (a) expand access
and secure tenure; (b) promote sustainable management; (c) accelerate infrastructure
development; and (d) improve land administration and management.
The overall policy environment for participation
42. After the EDSA People Power of 1986, NGOs and POs actively engaged government in
pushing for basic social reforms, especially towards institutionalizing mechanisms for
popular participation. The Philippine Constitution of 1987 is perhaps the only
Constitution in the world that makes an explicit reference to NGOs. Article 2, Section 3,
asserts that the State shall encourage NGOs, community-based or sectoral organizations
that promote the welfare of the nation.
43. It was NEDA Board Resolution No. 2, Series of 1989 that initially defined the overall
policy framework for GO-NGO relations, following a series of NEDA-NGO
consultations at local and national level. The Resolution specifically stipulates that GONGO coordinating mechanisms at various levels of government will be set-up, and the
respective government departments/line agencies/units will be given the authority to
collaborate and negotiate with the NGOs. The Social Development Committee (SDC) of
the NEDA Board will take the oversight function for GO-NGO relations at national level.
NGOs also should be informed of and consulted on all major policy and program
17
decisions, accreditation policies and proposed legislative programs/ agenda that concern
them.15
44. Recognizing that land reform issues are likely to be volatile and problematic, the various
reform policies after 1987 contained specific provisions for the establishment of
consultative and monitoring mechanisms involving civil society at national, provincial
and community level.
15
18
48. The study identifies some of the key mechanisms that tackle issues on access to land by
basic sectors such as the farmers/farmworkers, urban poor and indigenous peoples. These
mechanisms involve at least two parties government agencies and civil society
organizations (CSOs). Some mechanisms engage donors indirectly through their funding
support.
49. Twenty-four (24) joint GO-CSO mechanisms that deal with issues on the implementation
of agrarian reform, indigenous peoples rights, urban poor housing, land administration,
conservation and protection of natural resources were scanned. These mechanisms are
then classified under six major areas on access to land including CARP (existing
mechanisms and special concerns), IPRA, UDHA, Land Administration, Environment
and Natural Resources (ENR), and CSO-led initiatives. The table in Annex D presents
these mechanisms dealing with issues on access to land. (See Annex D, Summary Table
of Mechanisms)
50. These mechanisms are categorized into seven main thematic blocks, namely:
1
2
3
6
7
51. Table 1 below presents a summary assessment of the 24 GO-CSO mechanisms (listed in
Annex D), as drawn from interviews and discussions, secondary sources, and researchers
assessment:
Table 1. Assessment of joint GO-CSO mechanisms
Themes
1. Overall focus
2. Structure/
Composition
Majority of the mechanisms have a highly sectoral focus (e.g., farmers/ agrarian
reform, indigenous peoples, etc)
On the other hand, there are few GO-CSO mechanisms that deal with crosssectoral land issues such as land conversion; or bring together different sectors
to dialogue
Mechanisms that discuss cross-sectoral land issues are mainly limited to
government agencies. These include the DAR-NCIP Composite Policy Review
& Formulation Group, the TWG on the Harmonization of IPRA, etc. These deal
mainly with harmonizing policies, administrative procedures and agency
responsibilities. Civil society is not involved.
Three (3) of the GO-CSO mechanisms, namely PCSD, NAPC and LAMP are
constituted by representatives from different sectors, as they deal with crosscutting and related themes sustainable development/ environment, poverty
eradication, and land administration, respectively. It is noted that NAPC and
LAMP relate with the same basic sector constituencies.
However, while the compositions of these bodies are multi-sectoral, discussions
on access to land still tend to remain largely sectoral (e.g., PCSD discussed
access to land per ecosystem e.g., lowland /agriculture, urban ecosystem,
uplands and IPs, etc.)
A major concern has been how to translate resolutions/ action agendas
formulated at the national level to the local level, as these are seldom adopted
by local government units unless funding or additional resources are made
available (e.g., efforts by PCSD to localize Agenda 21, or to develop local
sustainable development plans.) LGUs prefer to do investment plans in
order to capture external resources or to generate local revenues.
GO-initiated mechanisms tend to be dominated by government agencies
In all GO-CSO joint mechanisms, there are have been few representatives from
the private sector
Sometimes, there is confusion in distinguishing between NGOs and the private
sector (e.g., business foundations)
CSO representatives, mostly from the NGO/PO sector, either voluntarily became
involved, were selected by the sector itself, or even appointed by government (in
the case of GO-initiated mechanisms)
CSOs often demand a process of self-selection of their own representatives.
However, representation from CSOs is often difficult to determine/ select due to
the lack of established processes. Constituencies are often the basis for
selecting representatives.
Previous assessments on joint GO-NGO Mechanisms say that more effective
mechanisms often come in the form of special projects, task forces and
20
Themes
3. Function/ Mandate
4. Accomplishments
5. Funding/
Resources
6. Partnership
21
22
23
Sub-themes
1. Regular mechanisms that monitor and ensure the inclusion of access to land, especially Agrarian Reform, in the national development agenda/
programs
Agrarian Reform
Addressing CARP program
CARP budget (congressional
requirements
allocations, recovery of ill-gotten wealth,
debt swaps)
Access to land, particularly Agrarian
Reform, are often least prioritized in the
countrys development agenda. In
President Arroyos 10-point agenda,
there was no specific mention of
agrarian reform or the protection of
indigenous rights although housing was
included.
NAPC, PCSD
2. Implementation and/or completion of existing land-focused reform programs CARP, IPRA and UDHA
2.1 CARP implementation
16
24
Sub-themes
GO-CSO complementation of efforts at
field-level
Negotiation, formulation of
implementing guidelines for IPRA
Complementation of efforts at field-level
Houses as habitat and not collateral
in the land market
Livability must factor in other
commons such as water, air, other
physical arrangement attributes
Secure tenure
3. Inter-sectoral discussions and negotiations to resolve inter-policy conflicts and to harmonize overlapping institutional mandates under different
land-related legislations
3.1 CARP vs LGC
None.
25
Sub-themes
26
Sub-themes
Addressing the reform of land
administration system in terms of
administrative institutions, laws, taxes &
fees, and land valuation
5. Broad-based policy discussions, consensus-building & joint advocacy vis--vis pending bills & policies that threaten to reverse the gains of landrelated reforms
5.1 Planned & pending
amendments to existing
reform legislations
27
Sub-themes
28
17
ANGOC, GO/NGO/PO Levels of Partnership Development Framework, Project Formulation for Peoples
Participation in Rural Development Activities Workshop Report, November 1990, p.11.
29
At what level? Policy-directed forums are best established at national level. Nationallevel policy discussions are said to operate best if participants are informed through
case studies or documentations of field-based pilot initiatives and issues. Meanwhile,
partnerships for field implementation are best established at the level of a province or
a cluster of municipalities. Resolving specific land issues such as disputes in agrarian
reform should also be tackled more on the local than at the national level.
57. Possible options for next steps. At the Roundtable Discussion held on 13 July, the
researchers were requested to prepared and present concrete ideas on next steps for a
land partnership. As a later addition to this discussion paper, Table 3 below provides
some options on how such land partnership mechanism(s) could potentially be structured.
30
Table 3.
Mechanism
1. Coordination/
Umbrella
Framework
NAPC/PCSD
Description
Key examples of this type are NAPC
and PCSD, which bring together a wide
range of sectors and broad
constituencies under common themes/
shared agendas of poverty eradication
and sustainable development,
respectively. Such multi-sectoral
structure is best for formulating/
negotiating policies and programs, and
for monitoring progress and issues in
national programs.
A land partnership could be established
as a special thematic group within an
existing mechanism such as PCSD or
NAPC initially ad hoc, with the
possibility later of having a more
institutionalized presence with a
facilitating/ monitoring role.
2.
Special
Thematic
Forums
CARP
(farmers)
UDHA
(urban poor)
IPRA
(indigenous
peoples)
31
3.
Mechanism
Legislative
Campaigns
Framework
Govt.
CSO
4.
Field
Implementat
ion within
Sectors
CSO
Legislative
Line
Agency
LGU
Description
CSOs naturally take the lead role in
such campaigns, and the selection of a
facilitating agency or committee will
depend on the specific legislation being
addressed. Existing forums could be
enlarged and made more inclusive
e.g., NAPC discussions on the LARA
bill, and follow-up of PCSD on the bill
for a Comprehensive Land Use Act. In
the agrarian reform sector, a major
legislation is the pending Farmland as
Collateral bill, which, to agrarian reform
advocates appears as a threat to the
reform program itself. Discussions and
negotiations could be established with
selected legislators under a Joint
Forum.
This involves working on a more local
area-based approach, based on
tripartite working arrangements among
CSOs, line agency and LGU. Task
forces and pilot-testing initiatives could
be undertaken to address particular
bottlenecks in current land-related
reform programs. Under IPRA, some
local initiatives are underway for
harmonizing local LGU land-use and
development plans with the ancestral
domain plans of IP communities
covered by CADCs or CADTs. Still,
other field approaches may have
potential for scaling-up, thus, a further
need for forums among field
implementing agencies and
practitioners.
32
33
within the Ancestral Domain of the Buhid Mangyan in Bongabong, Mindoro Oriental under
the CARP. The same area is covered by CADC No. 130 issued by the NCIP.
Apparently, this is not an isolated case. NCIP Commissioner Lagtum Pasag says the
Commission has been receiving complaints filed by different IP groups for the same reason -- that the DAR is likewise processing or issuing CLOAs from their ancestral domains, either
with CADCs already or with pending applications in NCIP.
The DAR cites Proclamation No.2282 for covering these ancestral domains. This presidential
ruling issued in 1983 potentially covers 1.5 million hectares of public lands declared as
agricultural nationwide. On the other hand, there has been no NCIP counter-argument to this
claim.
Meanwhile, in Bukidnon, conflict between farmers and IPs of Don Carlos Estate in the
municipality of Valencia already resulted in several deaths from both groups. A Manobo tribe
applied for a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim (CADC) covering the 2,000 hectareestate, formerly owned by Danding Cojuangco. Although a Presidential Task Force was
already organized in 2003 to resolve the issue (Task Force 63 headed by then NAPC Lead
Convenor Ging Deles and Presidential Security Adviser Renato de Villa), there is still no final
resolution to the case.
On the other hand, some of the farmers in the estate, who were former tenants of the San
Miguel Corporation, claimed that some parts of the estate were already titled with a CLOA
before the passage of IPRA in 1997. Hence, they felt that these titles should be respected as
stated in Section 56 of the IPRA, which states that IPRA will respect pre-existing titles prior
to its passage in 1997.
Three deaths have preceded the intervention of Task Force 63 in Bukidnon. Hence,
antagonism has been high between the two sectors.
But both IPs and farmers articulated in the local consultation organized through this Project
that they want the process of arriving at a common and amenable resolution to continue. Tired
and poor, these sectors merely want government to clarify their rights over the land in
question so they can reap the fruits of the land.
Root of the Conflict
It became evident that the root causes of land conflicts could be attributed to the following: a)
lack of understanding on the cultures of the two sectors, b) conflicting policies and their
interpretation on laws relating to access to land, and c) poor implementation of the laws (i.e.,
CARL and IPRA).
Henceforth, the IPs and farmers agreed to:
o Increase awareness and understanding on their cultures as well as legal rights
o Initiate mechanisms for dialogue to discuss, mitigate and resolve conflicts
o Capacitate themselves and organizations
o Establish formal coordination between the farmer and IP sectoral representatives in the
National Anti-Poverty Commission
34
In relation to DAR, NCIP, DENR, NAPC, Congress, Local Government Units, the following
actions have been demanded:
o Better implementation and coordination among agencies, particularly in delineating lands
under CARP, IPRA and other policies related to access to land
o Involve farmers and IPs in terms of implementing their respective programs, particularly
in identifying the beneficiary groups
o Harmonize existing laws related to land
o Create a database of cases (potential and ongoing) of land conflicts
o Conduct information and education campaigns on CARP and IPRA
o Create task forces at local and national levels to mitigate/resolve land conflicts, with the
National Anti-Poverty Commission taking the lead
o Train respective NGO staff as well as farmers and IP groups themselves to be sensitive
of each others cultures
Creating a Mechanism to handle IP-farmer land conflicts
The Project was able to facilitate the discussion on the revival and expansion of a special Task
Force (TF 63) to address emergency situations adversely affecting the IPs and/or Farmers
sectors in the absence of a mechanism to resolve these issues. The NAPC Basic Sectors were
able to present the urgency of the issue before President Gloria Arroyo during the last En
Banc session of NAPC. It was then that the President already expressed support for reviving
the said Task Force.
Responsible agencies for this issue (i.e., the DAR, NCIP, NAPC, DENR, DOJ, DOJCOSLAP and the Office of the President) together with some CSO representatives then began
the process of drafting a Memorandum Order (MO) to revive the defunct Task Force 63 and
pursue the quest for a lasting solution of these intersectoral conflicts on land. NAPC has taken
the helm in re-establishing this mechanism by calling for Interagency meetings to finalize the
M.O. for submission to the Office of the President.
B. Insights from the Project
1. The need for common understanding between indigenous peoples and farmers over their
claims to land is crucial for a peaceful and lasting solution to land conflicts. There is no
conflict per se between the two groups. However, there are cultural differences on how land
ownership is viewed by each sector which may not be easy to accept. There has been little
effort even among organized farmers and IP groups to establish a collective analysis of their
issues and corresponding solutions they might work on together. Even NGOs, the DAR and
the NCIP need to do cross-sectoral analysis to arrive at a consensus on how to support these
POs to prevent or resolve further land conflicts.
2. A notion arose that DAR may be covering ancestral domains to plug their unaccomplished
targets since the former seem easier to acquire than the more difficult Private Agricultural
Lands (PALs) which are among the original CARP targets. These are vast tracts of hectarage
usually owned by powerful and even political families and comprise the most contentious
lands for distribution under CARP.
35
Agrarian reform NGO and PO groups fear that should the DAR mainstream the
implementation of Proclamation 2282, the Department may abandon the distribution of the
more difficult Private Agricultural Lands owned by the landed elite and the Untitled Private
Agricultural Lands (UPALs) in favor of these ancestral domains.
3. Land reconsolidation from farmer beneficiaries to former landowners or agribusinesses is
definitely becoming a growing second-generation setback of CARP. From the case in
Bukidnon, it was found that farmers are leasing their lands awarded to them under CARP to
agri-business ventures. This is basically due to the farmers lack of income for basic needs.
There are also reports that these efforts to reconsolidate land by private interest groups are
allegedly brokered by local DAR officials themselves. With their vested interests on land,
private groups can also capitalize on the tension between IPs and farmers by fanning the feud
and employing divide and rule tactics.
4. The NCIP seems to be a powerless agency in enforcing the IPRA. It receives a meager
budget which is not enough to expedite the processing of CADCs. NCIP also has difficulty in
securing the cooperation of other government agencies or branches to protect ancestral
domains. Though weak, it is still a vital mechanism to uphold IP rights in this country. Its
rehabilitation and empowerment is in order to achieve equal footing with other government
agencies, especially with the DAR.
5. The passage of a National Land Use Policy is integral in resolving present and future land
conflicts between multistakeholders. Government must have a national framework to analyze
the usage of land and other common property resources and ensure that the rights of
marginalized sectors depending on these resources are respected.
36
Annex A
Selected Philippine laws related to lands of the public domain
and ancestral lands (1902-1985)18
The following are land laws passed during the American Colonial Period:
1. 1902 Philippine Bill This upheld effectively the Spanish cadastral laws
2. 1902 Land Registration Act This required the acquisition of a Torrens title for
all land property or as proof of land ownership
3. 1905 Public Land Act All unregistered land and without Torrens title were
declared as public lands, under ownership and administration of the state.
4. 1918 Public Land Act This provided for the claiming and registration of lands
through a free patent system. However, metal and mineral deposits remain the
property of the government. Timberlands were also exempted from the free patent
ruling.
5. Mining Act 1905 This opened up the mineral resources found in the ancestral
lands of the minorities to the American prospectors as mine concessionaries. The
Mining Act of 1935 made gold panning and native mining punishable.
6. Proclamation No. 217 (1929; Governor-general Stimson) This created the
Central Cordillera Forest Reserve, which covers 81.8 percent of the land area of
the Cordillera provinces, including mountain areas of Abra, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos
Sur, Pangasinan, and Nueva Viscaya.
7. Proclamation No. 634 (Oct. 8, 1940) This created the Mount Data National Park,
covering 5,513 hectares.
Following are selected laws and administrative orders during the post-colonial period.
This first list recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples to the land they have occupied.
1. Executive Order 180 (Magsaysay Law of 1950) This prescribed rules and
regulations covering the acquisition of titles on favor[ed] lots within the Mount
Data National Park and the Central Cordillera Forest Reserve. It directed the
Bureaus of Lands, Forestry and Soils, and the Mountain Province Development
Authority to grant Igorots the right to acquire titles over lands they had occupied
and cultivated with the two reserves since July 4, 1945, provided that they
complete survey and registration of these lands.
2. R.A. 782 (Public Land Law of 1952) This grants occupants of public agricultural
lands the right to own the same, if they have been there since or before July 4,
1946.
3. R.A. 3872 (Manahan Amendment of 1964) This provides for automatic
acquisition of private, individual title by national cultural communities which have
18
Source: J.P. Brett, L.C. Mendoza, B.P. Tapang, G.A. Cruz, A.A. Colongon, V.C. Diaz, M.C. San Luis, and
A.G. Follosco. CBNRM and IP Land Rights: Issues of property rights and local collective action in the
ancestral domain of Cordillera communities of Northern Philippines. Cordillera Studies Center, University
of the Philippines Baguio. April 30, 2004.
37
4.
5.
6.
7.
for 30 years or more, since July 1935, occupied lands of public domain suitable to
agricultural purposes. This was intended to apply to ancestral lands even if these
had not yet been classified as alienable and disposable by the Bureau of Forest
Development.
Administrative Order No. 11 (Bureau of forestry 1970) This provides that all
forest concessions shall be subject to the private rights of cultural minorities
within the concession as evidenced by their occupation existing at the time a
license is issued.
Presidential Decree 410 (Ancestral Land decree 1974) This identifies all
agricultural lands occupied and cultivated by members of national cultural
communities since 1964 as alienable and disposable, with the exclusion of Panay,
Negros, Abra, Quezon, Benguet, and Camarines. This requires ethnic minority
citizens to acquire Land Occupancy Certificates, which can be used in
applications for free patents. It provides further that occupants of ancestral lands
have 10 years to perfect their titles, or otherwise lose their preferential right
thereto.
Presidential Decree 1529 (Property Registration Decree of 1978) This provides
for the registration of land ownership by those who by themselves or their
predecessors-in-interest have been in open, continuous, exclusive and notorious
possession and occupation of all alienable and disposable land of the public
domain under a bona fide claim of ownership since June 12, 1946 or those who
have acquired ownership of land in any other manner provided for by law.
Presidential Decree 1998 (1985) - Authorizes the classification and/or
reclassification of lands 18 percent in slope or over in the provinces of Cebu and
Benguet as alienable and disposable provided that certain conditions and criteria
are met, viz., the area is developed, planted to agricultural crops using effective
erosion control practices like terracing, and there are basic structures clearly
existing like school, church, etc.
This second list of laws asserts the states ownership of all natural resources in the
public domain.
1. Presidential Decree 389 (Forest Reform Code of 1974) and Presidential Decree 705
(Revised Forestry Code of 1975) These declare that all lands of the public domain 18
percent in slope or over as permanent forests or forest reserves. Lands 18 percent in slope
previously classified as alienable and disposable but not yet titled are reverted to the
public forest category. P.D. 705 reiterates the law that no land 18 percent in slope
shall be classified as alienable and disposable.
2. Presidential Decree 1559 (Ejectment Amendment to the Revised Code of 1978) This
declared that kaingeros (slash and burn swiddeners), squatters, cultural minorities, and
other occupants of public forests or unclassified public land shall, whenever the best land
use of the area so demands as determined by the Bureau of Forestry Development
Director, be ejected and relocated to the nearest government settlement area.
38
Annex B
Notes on Urbanization & Housing Issues in the Philippines*
The demographic situation
The Philippines has one of the highest rates of urban growth rates in the developing world,
reaching 5.1% from 1960 to 1995. These are caused by many factors, among which are: one,
a very high national birth rate of about 2.3% per year, and an even higher birth rate of 2.9% in
urban areas; two, migration from rural areas as a result of extreme rural poverty as rural
incomes average one fourth or 25% from urban incomes as well as extreme landholding
disparities between the rich and the poor: and three, the premature reclassification of rural to
urban lands as a result of the National Statistics Offices definition of urban as having
500 to a thousand residents/sq. km., the existence of basic facilities such as church, plaza,
market and public buildings. Also, reclassifying towns into cities make the LGU beneficiaries
of the Internal Revenue Allotment, profit from land conversion processes and the subsequent
rise in real estate taxes.
Below is an estimate of the countrys projected population in the next 25 years.
Estimated Urban Population, 1995 to 2030
(Philippine Statistical Yearbook, 1995)
Year
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
2020
2025
2030
Estimated Population
68,424,077
75,223,853
81,590,921
87,206,449
92,429,710
97,681,831
102,686,370
107,123,873
%Urban
45.5
48.2
50.9
53.5
56.0
58.4
60.0
62.7
This tremendous yet premature pull towards urbanization is marked by the incapacity of urban
areas to offer adequate facilities conducive to human habitation as indicated by the lack of
sufficient social services and shelter.
Economic and housing situation
In addition to tremendous population pressure, the Philippines has been transformed from a
predominantly agricultural to an increasingly industrial economy in the last four decades. The
share of GDP from industry and services rose from 28% in 1965 to 77% in 1990 and to nearly
81% in 1998. The key urban oriented sectors have increased their employment from 47% of
the total in 1986 to 63% in 1996. This means that more manpower, capital (like financial
resources and allocation) and resources (such as land and water sources) are being channeled
*
39
away from agriculture and into urban oriented industries whether for manufacturing,
commercial or leisure and entertainment purposes.
At the same time, there is a great housing backlog that must be addressed by government.
From 1993 to 1998, the estimated housing shortage in the Philippines was placed at 3.72
million housing units. The countrys housing shortage can be attributed to the following
factors: one, the rapid increase in the growth rate of family formation - 2.4% at the national
level and 5% in the urban areas and compounded with a growing rural to urban migration;
two, lack of funds due to hesitancy of lending institutions to finance housing on account of
low-yield, long-term amortization nature of housing loans, prohibitive cost of lands especially
in urban areas and governments neglect of housing concerns on account that it is only
allotted less than 1% of the annual national budget.
Another problematic as far as the study is concerned is that of the Balanced Housing
Provision (Sec. 18) of the Urban Development and Housing Act (as discussed below). In its
desire to make housing more affordable for the urban poor, the law required private
developers to allot 20% of their housing projects for socialized housing. Note that many
developers prefer housing projects that range from the simple subdivision (mid~range) to the
condominium and open market (upscale) because of less government regulations or
restrictions. For example, developers complain that socialized housing is defined by price as a
150,000 peso house and lot and loaned that is subject to only 6% interest. To get away from
this predicament, the developers lobbied for the revision of the law by building this 20%
requirement from the metropolis to the adjacent region (Regions 3 and 4 in the case of
Manila). Thus, what started out as a noble intention to provide shelter to the poor ended up in
land conversions to the detriment of the agricultural sector.
To illustrate this point, Region 4 was the most affected in terms of complying with this
requirement. In 1998, this region accounted for 59.83% of the national total, 48.66% in 1999,
36.3% in 2000, 57% in 2001 and 39.41% in 2002. The same trend could also be said of the
open market scheme.
40
Annex C
Stakeholder Perspectives on Land Issues
A workshop conducted by LAMP with the seven basic sectors of NAPC identified the pervading
issues on the implementation of programs that address the poors access to land.19 More
specifically, the farmers, fishers, urban poor and informal sector, and the indigenous communities
raised the following problems and issues:
(a) Farmers and Fishers
On land titling and land valuation processes
Multiple/overlapping land titles of same lands
Slow, unclear and expensive land titling procedures
Slow approval of survey plans
Non-existent of land but with title; with CLOA but no land
Unclear procedures for land title transfer (transfer of rights)
Illegal issuances of titles
Land titling process does not have a time-frame
Disorganized/unsystematic processes
Overlapping land surveys
Marshlands and swamps are titled to private individuals
Illegal titling of foreshore lands
Land valuations are issued without the actual investigation of the LBP
DAR is slow in issuing CLOAs
On land records and information
Disorganized/unsystematic land records
No clear land information
Inconsistent NAMRIA technical description and cadastral survey
Inconsistent land description and boundaries
On land classification and land conversion
Irrigated and irrigable lands have been converted into residential subdivisions
Foreshore land conversion
Anomalies in land conversion favored influential few
Conversion of ISF are into alienable and disposable lands
Unclear boundary between foreshore lands and marshlands
On settlement areas and fishing grounds of small fishers
Provision of RA 8550 on the settlement areas for the fishers is not implemented
DENR does not have a settlement program for the fishers
Settlement disputes between small fishers and resort/fishpond owners
Conversion of mangrove areas to fishponds
Prioritization of aquaculture is not for small fishers
Marine lots occupants came from non-fishing sectors
19
From A Report on LAMP Consensus Building Activities With Civil Society Organizations, Philippines-Australia Land
Administration Project, August 2003, pp. 1-43
41
On government performance
Lack of support services for the fishers
Establishment of marine sanctuaries without consultation with concerned LGUs
DARAB is slow in resolving land conflicts
(b) Urban Poor and Workers In the Informal Sector
On land titling and land registration procedures
Slow land titling and land registration process
Expensive land surveys, land taxes and land expropriation
Long judicial process to correct errors in titles and difficulty in resolving land-related
conflicts
No clear process for cancellation of titles
Many types of land titles
Unclear policies on tax incentives for social housing
On Land Conversion
The processing of application for Community Mortgage Program and land conversion is
centralized in Manila
Problems in the implementation of zoning ordinances and land use policies
On land information/records
Problems in land information/records such as missing land titles, fake titles, overlapping
surveys, overlapping claims, no land records, typographical errors in land titles, surveying
is done only in tables and not on the ground/field
On Conflicting laws and policies
Conflicting laws such as RA 730 and EO 131
The Implementing Rules and Regulation (IRR) of UDHA conflicts with UDHA
On the performance of government agencies in land administration and local government
units
Most often, DENR-LMB favors the rich over the poor in awarding foreshore lands
Register of Deeds (ROD) increased their fees without consultation
No coordination among government agencies in the resolution of land0related problems
Non-inventory of lands by the LGUs such as in Gen. Santos City
Lack of knowledge of DENR, ROD and even the courts on the Urban Development and
Housing Act (UDHA)
Lack or weak capability of LGU in land administration
Titling of public lands through unscrupulous officials most public lands are owned by
relatives of government officials
Lack of information on land administration processes (no flowcharts in concerned
government agencies)
DENR and ROD are not updated on the status of lands in their respective areas. For
instance, DENR cannot provide maps of pasture lands with expired contracts
Corruption in government agencies providing land administration services. For instance,
fixers are rampant in DENR and ROD and many DENR, ROD and LRA people connive
with syndicates
42
There are multiple government agencies doing land administration functions and there is
no clear coordination with them
Reclassification of lands without conversion approval
43
Lack of political will to implement pro-poor policies (specific case: DENR awarded
ancestral land to DACON /David Consunji)
44
Annex D
Table 3. Summary of Mechanisms on Land Issues
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
1. Philippine
Council on
Sustainable
Development
(PCSD)
PCSD
Secretariat
at the
NEDA
a. Cross-Sectoral
Led the making of
Philippine Agenda 21, a
multistakeholder
document which is
intended as the countrys
blueprint for sustainable
development. It roots
from a long and
extensive consultation
process across sectors
and regions. PA21
discusses the issue on
land access under the
Action Agenda for
Ecosystems.
45
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
the UNCED;
5. To require any and all government
agencies for assistance in the form of
personnel, facilities and other resources
which is essential for the performance of
the duties of the Council;
6. To create sub-committees that it may
deem fit in the performance of its duties
7. To perform other acts necessary to
carry out its mandated functions and
responsibilities.
Social reform initiative of
the Ramos administration
and its institutionalization
through RA 8425
2. National Anti
Poverty
Commission
NAPC as
the
Secretariat
3. Presidential
Agrarian Reform
Council (PARC)
DAR
22 Members
President of the Philippines
(Chairperson), Heads of DAR, DA,
DENR (Vice-chairpersons), Members:
Executive Secretary, Heads of DBM,
DOF, DOJ, DOLE, DILG, DPWH, DTI,
DOTC, NEDA , LBP, PCGG
Members from Private Sector:
NGO/Po Representatives (3 reps)
Landowner Representative (3 reps)
b. CARP
Existing Mechanisms
CARL (RA 6657)
provides the legal
framework for the
implementation of CARP.
EO No. 299 Providing
Mechanisms for CARP
implementation
Strengths
Presence of all government
agencies which can identify
problems associated with the
coordination of CARP activities
Presence of private sector
representatives which can raise
their sectoral problems, issues
and concerns
Willingness of PARC ExeCom to
listen to the views of other
groups who are not even
46
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
4. Provincial
Agrarian Reform
Coordinating
Committee
(PARCCOM)
.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
DAR
Strength
To some extent, the PARCCOM
usually presided by the Provincial
Agrarian Reform Officer (PARO), has
leverage on the disposition of the
mobilization of resources (human,
technical and financial) to fully support
the operations of provincial and
municipal CARP Implementing Teams
(CITs) composed of DAR along with
other government line agencies.
Weakness
Lack of Budget
Difficulty to convene due to hectic
schedule of members and
different program priorities
47
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
5. Barangay
Agrarian Reform
Council (BARC)
1.
2.
3.
SPECIAL CONCERNS
There are implementing
6. Quick Reaction
Operation (QRO)
DAR
DAR
48
Context
Name of
mechanism
mechanisms internal to
DAR which provide
venues for dialogue for
NGOs/POs concerns.
7. Special Concerns
Action Team
(SCAT) later
replaced by the High
Impact Priority
Cases
Objective / mandate
Composition / structure
2.
3.
4.
Lead
Agency
5.
6.
7.
8.
DAR
1.
2.
3.
49
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
To strengthen the
working relationship
between DAR and
POs/NGOs pursuing a
shared strategy towards
completing the LTI
component and
addressing policy gaps
in CARP
implementation, the LTI
Working Group was
created and
complemented by the
internal mechanism by
DAR creating the
Special Operations and
Legal Services Action
Teams.
8. DAR-NGO-PO LTI
Implementation
Working Group
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
DAR
1.
2.
3.
PO Representatives
Representatives from national
federations such as AMA, AMMA
Katipunan, KASAMA KA,
KASAMA-FPO, KAMMPIL,
50
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
9. CARP-Special
Legal and
Operations Team
(SLOT)
Composition / structure
4.
DAR
MAKABAYAN, PAKISAMA,
PKSK, Task Force Mapalad and
UNORKA
Representatives from regional or
local formation such as AADC,
AMKB, DKMP-PARAGOS,
KASAKA-TK, and NMGL
NGO Representatives
AR Now, CARET, COIR,
KAISAHAN, PARFUND,
PARDDS, PBSP, PEACE, PDI,
PHILNET, PPI, PRRM and
SALIGAN
51
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
DAR
Special projects,
taskforces and NGO or
PO-led (demand side)
initiatives as better
mechanisms for DAR to
deal with NGO/PO
issues.
DAR
Composition / structure
1.
2.
52
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
5.
IPRA
NAPC and
PMS and
later by
NCIP
1.
2.
3.
53
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
16. Technical
Working Group on
the Harmonization
of Law
DENR/
NCIP
NCIP facilitated the drafting of Joint DARNCIP Special Order 807. Series of 2003
for the Creation of DAR-NCIP Composite
Policy Review and Formulation Group.
NCIP /
DAR
1.
2.
3.
4.
NCIP
DAR
DA
DENR
1. NCIP Representatives
DAR Representatives
54
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
A Memorandum of
Agreement was signed
by former DAR Secretary
Roberto Pagdanganan
and NCIP Chairperson
Atty. Reuben Lingating
last May 16, 2003 for the
implementation of
ARCDP2 in some ARCs
where ICCs/IPs exist.
DARARCDP2
55
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
6.
C. UDHA
UDHA implementation
and completion of its
provisions by LGUs
Devolution of national
government functions to
LGUs as brought about
by the Local Government
Code
International campaign of 20. Philippine Urban
Forum
the UNCHS (Habitat) for
Good Urban Governance
and Security of Tenure
Campaign in 2002 to
2003
D. Land administration reform
Recognizing the need for
immediate reforms that
guarantee efficiency,
effectiveness, equity,
user-focus, transparency,
accountability and
21. Land
Administration
Management
Project (LAMP)
The Land
Administration and
LGUs at
city or
municipal
level
UNCHS initiated
Housing
and Urban
Devt.
Coordinating Council
(HUDCC)
DENRLAMP
1.
2.
UDHA, LGC
To draw up plans, policies, inventory of
sites at the local level for socialized
housing sites
56
Context
Name of
mechanism
gender-responsiveness
of land administration
and public land
management services
Management
Program (LAMP) was
designed to identify
and test possible
implements to land
reform administration
in the Philippines and
develop new
directions in laws and
policies to reform
land administration
services.
Objective / mandate
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
NAPC
Basic
Sectors
urban poor
workers in the informal
sectors,
women and
NGOs
57
Context
Name of
mechanism
Objective / mandate
5.
E.
Lead
Agency
Composition / structure
DENR
F. NGO-led Initiatives
24. TriPARRD, an
NGO-led initiative in
4 provinces focused
on organizing of
ARBs, capability
building, support
services, research &
devt., and advocacy.
TriPARRD
program
led by the
national/pro
vincial
secretariat
based with
PhilDHRRA
58
59