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i^ychokwicsl Bulletin
1987, Vol. 102, No. 3, 357-389
In this review, we examine the oft-made claim that peer-relationship difficulties in childhood predict
serious adjustment problems in later life. The article begins with a framework for conceptualizing
and assessing children's peer difficulties and with a discussion of conceptual and methodological
issues in longitudinal risk research. Following this, three indexes of problematic peer relationships
(acceptance, aggressiveness, and shyness/withdrawal) are evaluated as predictors of three later outcomes (dropping out of school, criminality, and psychcpathology). The relation between peer difficulties and later maladjustment is examined in terms of both the consistency and strength of prediction. A review and analysis of the literature indicates general support for the hypothesis that children
with poor peer adjustment are at risk for later life difficulties. Support is clearest for the outcomes
of dropping out and criminality. It is also clearest for low acceptance and aggressiveness as predictors,
whereas a link between shyness/withdrawal and later maladjustment has not yet been adequately
tested. The article concludes with a critical discussion of the implicit models that have guided past
research in this area and a set of recommendations for the next generation of research on the risk
hypothesis.
Ritchey, 1979; Hops, 1982; Ladd & Mize, 1983; Wanlass &
Prinz, 1982), and for appeals for social skills training in schools
(e.g., Johnson & Johnson, 1981; Stocking, Arezzo, & Leavitt,
1980). The risk premise can also be found in several introductory child development textbooks (e.g., Fitch, 1985; E. Hall,
Perlmutter, & Lamb, 1982; Kopp & Krakow, 1982; Shaffer,
1985; Skolnick, 1986) and in books on friendship intended for
nonspecialists (e.g., Duck, 1983). Yet the empirical basis for the
risk premise has not been adequately evaluated to date.
Studies suggesting a link between problematic childhood
peer relationships and adult maladjustment have accumulated
slowly but more or less continuously since the early 1930s,
However, widespread acceptance of the premise that low-accepted children are at risk is relatively recent and accompanies
a rise in theoretical and empirical interest in children's peer
relationships generally (Hartup, 1983; Parke & Asher, 1983).
An emergent theme in this broader literature is the conviction
that peer interaction plays indispensable multiple causal roles
in the socialization of social competence. As Johnson (1980)
wrote, "Experiences with peers are not superficial luxuries to
be enjoyed by some students and not by others. Student-student
relationships are an absolute necessity for healthy cognitive and
social development and socialization" (p. 125).
This "necessities-not-luxuries" conviction derives in part
from rediscovery of the theories of Piaget (1932), Mead (1934),
and Sullivan (1953), each of whom accorded child-child interaction a central place in facilitating children's development (see
Damon, 1977;Denzin, 1977; Flavell, 1977;Rest, 1983;Selman,
1979;Shantz, 1983;Youniss, 1980). It also gains appeal because
of empirical work demonstrating the positive influence of peer
interaction on the socialization of aggressive impulses (see
Hartup, 1978) and on cognitive (e.g., Rardin & Moan, 1971),
social-cognitive (see Shantz, 1983), linguistic (see Bates, 1975),
357
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358
sex role (e.g., Fagot, 1977), and moral (e.g., Berndt, McCartney,
Caparulo, & Moore, 1983-1984) development.
If peers contribute substantially to the socialization of social
competence, it follows that low-accepted children might become more vulnerable to later life problems. Specifically, because low-accepted children experience limited opportunities
for positive peer interaction, it follows that they would be relatively deprived of opportunities to learn normal, adaptive
modes of social conduct and social cognition. Furthermore, because academic pursuit takes place in a social context, poor
peer relationships might undermine academic progress as well.
It is this line of reasoning that has made recent peer-relationships researchers so receptive to the premise that low-accepted
children are at risk.
However, the notion that peers contribute to socialization
and, hence, directly to children's vulnerability to later problems
need not be accepted to accept the premise that low acceptance
might foretell later disorder. Indeed, an alternative view of the
link between early peer rejection and later outcomes is that
some continuously present behavioral process, underlying pathology, or deficit is directly or indirectly responsible for problematic peer relationships in childhood and for later adult maladaptive functioning. According to this perspective, problems
with peers act as correlated "lead indicators" of future adjustment status. In fact, until very recently, it was common for authors to suggest that the form of childhood peer disturbance
may even tell something about the form of the eventual disturbed adult outcome. For example, in the literature on schizophrenia, it was long suggested that schizophrenia ought to be
preceded by social withdrawal and shyness in childhood because extreme withdrawal is an element of chronic adult schizophrenia (e.g., Fish, 1971; Kohn & Clausen, 1955).
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359
children toward one member. They address the question "Is the
child liked?" By contrast, reports about children's behavior address the question "What is the child like?" Although children's
tions of what constitutes appropriate and inappropriate behavior; and teachers lack access to all incidents or contexts of peer
and depend partly on the age of the child, the setting, and the
history of the group (Dodge, 1983; Hartup, 1983; Putallaz &
Gottman, 1983). Moreover, a child's level of acceptance may be
influenced by a number of nonbehavioral characteristics, such
acceptance.
This raises the issue of how peer- and teacher-based assessments of peer acceptance should be weighted and combined in
our review. Clearly, teacher assessments cannot ordinarily re-
1981). Therefore, knowledge of a child's characteristic behavioral style can only suggest that child's level of acceptance, and
of an abundance of well-designed studies using peer-based assessments, studies using teacher-based assessments can be infor-
mative in corroborating evidence of risk or in suggesting potential directions of findings in otherwise unresearched areas.
The distinction between acceptance and behavior and the distinction between peer- and teacher-based assessments suggest a
child and his or her peer group well. Although both approaches
are common, distinguishing them is important because peers
and teachers are not entirely redundant sources of information
concerning peer adjustment.
With regard to behavior, teacher judgments correlate moder-
ant children) and for some behavioral dimensions (e.g., aggressiveness) than for others (e.g., withdrawal). (See Hymel & Ru-
ship choices. The number of choices a child receives (often standardized within classrooms) constitutes his or her level of ac-
An issue that arises with the use of sociometric data is classipeer group unidimensionally, as a continuum of popularity
result from differential sensitivity to various behavioral dimensions. For example, there is evidence that aggression is a salient
dimension to children at all ages, but shyness/withdrawal may
be less salient to younger children than to older children (Ledingham & Younger, 1985).
The opinions of peers and teachers can often be disparate
when judgments of acceptance are involved. Correlations between peer sociometric scores and teachers' acceptance judgments rarely exceed .60 and generally are closer to .40 or .50
(e.g., Green, Forehand, Beck, & Vosk, 1980; Kleck & DeJong,
1981; La Greca, 1981; Milich, Landau, Kilby, & Whitten,
1982). The difficulty, of course, lies in the accuracy of teacher
judgments, because peer sociometric measures, when appropriately worded, are face-valid measures of how much children
like one another. The validity of teacher estimates of acceptance
is susceptible to a number of threats. Teachers may be heavily
' The rating-scale sociometric measure (e.g., Asher, Singleton, Tinsley, & Hymel, 1979; Roistacher, 1974; Semlei; I960), although widely
used in recent research on peer relations (see Asher & Hymel, 1981;
Hymel & Rubin, 1985), has not been used at all in the risk literature.
For this measure, children are provided with a list of classmates' names
and are asked to indicate how much they like or would like to play with
or work with each person. A Likert-like scale, usually ranging from don't
like to (I) to like to a lot (5), is provided. A child's acceptance score
consists of his or her average received rating. Rating scales offer certain
distinct advantages over nomination measures. First, rating scales provide an indication of a child's attitude toward every other child rather
than just toward those peers he or she nominates. As a result, a child's
acceptance status is based on a considerably larger number of data
points than is status based on nominations alone. An additional advantage to rating scales over nomination measures is that they exhibit relatively higher test-retest stability, especially with very young children.
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360
number of negative nominations he or she receives (e.g., Goldman, Corsini, & de Urioste, 1980; Gottman, 1977; Hartup,
Glazer, & Charlesworth, 1967) has led recently to the development of several multidimensional schemes for classifying children in terms of their peer acceptance (see Coie et al., 1982;
Newcomb&Bukowski, 1983;Peery, 1979). These schemes sep-
openly disliked (i.e., few positive and many negative nominations) and neglected children who do not have friends but are
mentions received for that item. This score is sometimes combined with the child's scores on similar items to yield an overall
1983; Dodge,
global scores can obscure important distinctions between subtypes of behavior (e.g., Coie et al., 1982).
ham et al., 1982; Pekarik et al., 1976). Other investigators prefer to analyze data at the item level on the grounds that more
here. Traditionally, 20 to 30 roles were provided with either positive connotations (e.g., "someone who is smart") or negative
connotations (e.g., "a bully who picks on smaller boys and
girls"). A score was then derived for each child on the basis of
the absolute or proportionate number of nominations for positive or negative roles. Used in this way, then, Class Play scores
a child's level of acceptance secondarily, from teachers' structured or unstructured comments in the annual or semiannual
lies (e.g., Conger & Miller, 1966) to complex systems for weight-
drawal. The practice of using teachers' ratings to assess children's behavior dates at least as far back as G. Stanley Hall
bensky, 1976).
A central concern with inferring acceptance level from teach-
most cases, data in cumulative school files are cryptic, unstandardized, and nonsystematic. Among other things, this makes it
available (see Michelson, Foster, & Richey, 1981). Unfortunately, none of the more standardized behavioral batteries have
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361
Predictive Accuracy
As we have noted, a number of students of social competence
explicitly or implicitly view low acceptance as causally related
to later maladjustment. Others have implied that low acceptance should be viewed not as causal but as a lead indicator for
later disorder that may prove valuable for screening purposes.
If one assumes the former, then any amount of later outcome
variance that is explained by childhood acceptanceno matter
how smallis interesting as long as the finding is stable. But if
one is primarily interested in low acceptance for its screening
and diagnostic value, then one needs to be concerned with its
predictive accuracy, that is, its sensitivity, specificity, and efficacy.3 These important issues have not been addressed in characterizations of the risk hypothesis to date.
2
Not included in this review are studies with retrospective interview
designs. Such studies, like follow-back studies, begin with normal and
deviant adults and attempt to gain an understanding of childhood functioning. Unlike follow-back studies, however, retrospective studies do
not make use of acceptance or behavioral data collected when the subject was a child. Instead, they rely on the recollections of the subject or
his or her close associates. The inherent unreliability of retrospective
data are well documented (see Garmezy, 1974; Kohlberg, LaCross, &
Ricks, 1972; Yarrow, Campbell, & Burton, 1970). Therefore, any portrait of childhood functioning based wholly or partly on retrospective
accounts is likely to be inaccurate, if not outright misleading.
3
We are indebted to Kenneth A. Dodge for calling our attention to
the relevance of the sensitivity and specificity constructs.
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362
cause for various reasons most disordered adults are never seen
dren who are not at risk are labeled at risk). Specificity, then, is
reduced to the extent that large numbers of low-accepted children do not develop disorder.
often as girls (Cass & Thomas, 1979), meaning that much more
is learned about the life histories of low-accepted boys than
about those of girls.
A further point concerns the heterogeneity of each sample.
School samples manifest the widest range of variability with re-
gard to acceptance and acceptance-relevant behavior. Therefore, any comparison of high- and low-accepted schoolchildren
studies because of base-rate differences and differences in selection ratios (see Loeber & Dishion, 1983). The index that Loeber
will be not only very powerful but also straightforwardly interpretable. This is not necessarily the case with clinic or high-
over chance (RIOC). It expresses the difference between the observed percentage of correct identifications (valid positives and
clinics, too, are less socially skilled and have poorer peer adjustment, lower achievement, and lower self-esteem than nonreferred children (e.g., Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1981; de Apodaca & Cowen, 1982). Accordingly, both samples are relatively
homogeneous and include few well-adjusted children. Finding
follow-up or follow-back differences within such samples may
be very difficult given their attenuated range. If most children
in these samples have peer-relationships problems, it is unlikely
that peer-relationships problems will readily differentiate children who develop later disorder from those who do not. This
can lead to the mistaken impression that peer-relationships
problems are not highly predictive of later adjustment.
impact of sample choice on the generalizability and interpretation of findings. The two most common types of samples in the
risk literature are samples of children who have been referred
to clinics for evaluation or therapy and samples of unselected
schoolchildren. In addition, a few studies have involved samples of children who are the offspring of psychiatrically disturbed parents, typically schizophrenics.
The school sample has the potential for the widest generaliz-
in the area of psychopathology, school-based studies of low-accepted children, especially follow-up studies, are virtually nonexistent. School samples, however, have been used in the prediction of problematic outcomes with higher base rates, such as
dropping out and delinquency.
In contrast to school samples, samples composed of children
of schizophrenic parents or parents with other diagnosed severe
disorders promise a much higher incidence of later psychological disorder and for this reason are usually referred to as highrisk samples. At the same time, they are much less representa-
4
Interestingly, because RIOC is a measure of relative predictive accuracy and is independent of the base rate, it is possible for RIOC accuracy
to be very high while specificity remains low. (See, e.g., the Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers, & Penniman, 1979, entry in Table 4.) Likewise, because RIOC is also independent of the selection ratio, it is possible for
RIOC to be high while sensitivity is low. The converse is not true, however: If either sensitivity or specificity is high or if both are high, RIOC
cannot be low. The three indexes are related but not wholly redundant
indexes of predictive accuracy.
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363
pert, & Sklansky, 1962). About one third of all dropouts can be
area.
In the section that follows, we review research on the relation
between early peer relationships and later life adjustment,
bringing to bear the methodological and conceptual issues discussed thus far. Thus, within each major life outcome to be re-
of dropouts are average or above average in intelligence, suggesting that most have sufficient ability to graduate (Elliott & Voss,
1974; Weiner, 1980). To explain dropping out among this group
of more capable pupils, educators and counselors have long suggested that the motivation lies in the frustrations of past and
ies that address whether the child is liked (i.e., acceptance) from
those that address what the child is like (i.e., behavioral style).
With respect to the latter, we distinguish two types of behavioral
orientation, aggressiveness and shyness/withdrawal. Aggres-
and represents a flight from something unpleasant, is an unambiguous rebuke of the school's academic and social setting. In
What makes dropping out particularly interesting when compared with other indexes of later academic maladjustment is
drawal and later dropping out does not include a single entry
that might be described as optimal in terms of sample and type
tries that deal with acceptance and involve school samples and
about one third of these before eighth grade (Weiner, 1980). Stu-
dents who drop out give various reasons for doing so. In some
cases, they leave reluctantly because of economic or family
hardships, serious illness, pregnancy, or the desire to marry
(Bowman & Matthews, 1960; Snepp, 1953). However, such "involuntary" dropouts probably make up only a very small pro-
' Clearly, other types of behavioral orientations toward peers are important to study. Virtually all the existing research, however, has been
focused on aggression or shyness/withdrawal. See the last section of this
article for recommendations on other behavioral dimensions to study.
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364
Table 1
Studies Predicting Later Dropping Out of School Grouped by Indicator (Acceptance and Behavioral Style)
and Assessment Source (Peers and Teachers)
Sample
Study
Analysts
Type
Sex
Age (years)
Results
Acceptance
Peer assessed
Kuhlen&Collister(1952)
Lambert (1972)
U1tmann{1957>
Bowman & Matthews ( 1960)
Gronlund & Holmlund (1958)
Barclay (1966)
Kupersmidt(1983)
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FU
FU
FU
FU
FU
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
M
F
M
F
11
11
14
14
M+F
7,10
M
F
14
14
11
14
11
11
M+F
10
FB
FB
FU
FU
FU
School
School
School
School
Clinic
M
F
M
F
M
14
14
M+F
M+F
M
F
M
F
10-14
10-14
Support
Support
No support
No support
Support"
Support
Support
No support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Teacher assessed
Amble (1967)
Barclay (1966)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers, & Penniman (1979)
10-14
10-14
4-15
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FU
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
M
F
M
F
FU
School
FB
FB
FB
FU
FU
School
School
School
School
Clinic
11
11
14
14
11
14
11-12
No support
No support
Support
No support
No support
Support
Support
M+F
10
No support6
M
M
M
M
11
14
10
8,11,14
M+F
M+F
M+F
Teacher assessed
Bowman & Matthews ( 1 960)
Lambert (1972)
Feldhusen, Thurston, & Benning (1973)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers, & Penniman (1979)
+F
+F
+F
+F
4-15
No support
Support
Support*
Support
No support
FB
FB
School
School
M+F
M+F
11
14
No support
Support
FB
FB
FB
FU
FU
School
School
School
Clinic
Clinic
M+
M+
M+
M+
11
14
10
No support
Support
Support"
No support1
No support
Teacher assessed
Bowman & Matthews (I960)
Lambert (1972)
D. P. Morris, Soroker, & Burruss (1954)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers, & Penniman (1979)
F
F
F
F
3-15
4-15
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365
(Amble,
1983), and one study involves only boys (Janes et al., 1979). In
general, there is an absence of efforts to distinguish intellectually capable dropouts from less capable dropouts. This is a limitation because, as implied earlier, it is plausible that these are
decidedly different phenomena, with potentially different relations with earlier peer acceptance.
Acceptance
were four to five times more likely to later drop out than were
other children.
back analyses and then consider follow-up analyses. Every follow-back study (Amble, 1967; Bowman & Matthews, 1960;
Kuhlen & Collister, 1952; Lambert, 1972; Ullmann, 1957) has
found some evidence that high school dropouts have more prob-
lematic peer-acceptance histories than do high school graduates, and this is true regardless of the operationalization of ac-
ceptance (teacher or peer based). What these follow-back studies typically report is that dropouts have significantly lower
mean levels of earlier acceptance than do graduates. Amble
(1967), however, provided data on the actual proportion of
dropouts with problematic levels of peer acceptance. Calculations from Amble's data indicate that 46% of later male dropouts and 14% of later female dropouts were described by ninthgrade teachers as "rejected" or "barely tolerated" by peers.
These figures compare with 7% and 4% of male and female
group of 112 fifth graders for whom positive and negative sociometric data were available and noted instances of dropping out,
truancy, and grade retention. Kupersmidt identified 24 rejected
graduates, respectively.
ple sizes. But the fact that rejected children showed an elevated
dropout rate, whereas neglected children did not, and the fact
later grade retention prompted Kupersmidt to suggest that perhaps only the rejected subset of low-accepted children is really
at risk.
Kupersmidt's (1983) follow-up analysis is noteworthy in another respect. For the most part, other work in this area has paid
scant attention to whether the relation between peer acceptance
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366
and later dropping out could be due to other confounding variables, especially academic achievement. Kupersmidt conducted a separate multiple regression analysis of children's academic adjustment (a weighted composite of dropping out plus
grade retention and truancy) and their earlier social preference
scores (positive minus negative sociometric scores), controlling
for sex, race, earlier grade point average, and behavioral reputation. The important result of this analysis was that despite controlling for early achievement, peer status accounted for significant amounts of the variance in later academic adjustment.
Whether this implies that earlier studies would have obtained a
similarly robust relation with similar controls is not clear because grade retention and truancyand not just dropping
outcould lead to high maladjustment scores for this analysis
in Kupersmidt's study.
Behavioral Style
Follow-back comparisons consistently indicate that dropouts
receive higher teacher and peer ratings of both aggressiveness
and withdrawal when they enter high school (ninth grade) than
do graduates (Bowman & Matthews, 1960; Kuhlen & Collister,
1952; Lambert, 1972). Nonetheless, several issues cloud the interpretation of this relation and stand in the way of any firm
conclusions in this regard. First, differences in behavior that are
apparent at ninth grade typically are not apparent at earlier
ages, especially differences in aggression as reported by peers
(e.g., Bowman & Matthews, 1960; Kuhlen & Collister, 1952).
This is so even when differences in sixth-grade acceptance are
evident (Kuhlen & Collister, 1952). Second, because only mean
scores have been used in such comparisons, it is impossible to
know precisely the proportion of dropouts with aggressive or
withdrawn backgrounds early in school or the extent to which
the two groups overlap in numbers of highly aggressive or withdrawn individuals. Nor is it possible in studies that include
measures of both aggression and withdrawal (e.g., Kuhlen &
Collister, 1952) to tell whether the same individuals are responsible for the higher mean scores on both measures (see Ledingharn & Schwartzman's, 1984, discussion of aggressive-withdrawn children) or whether some later dropouts show aggressive
backgrounds whereas others show withdrawal. Third, when
boys and girls are considered separately, there is no evidence
suggesting that female dropouts are any more aggressive or any
more shy/withdrawn than female graduates (Kuhlen & Collister, 1952).
Even more ambiguity surrounds potential follow-up links between behavioral style and later dropping out. Follow-up analyses of guidance clinic samples have not resulted in predictability for either aggressive (Janes et al., 1979) or shy/withdrawn
behavior (Janes et al., 1979; D. P. Morris et al,, 1954) in childhood. Whether shyness/withdrawal would predict dropping out
in school samples is not known because no such study has ever
been conducted. But aggressiveness has been studied in school
samples in at least three investigations, with somewhat contradictory results. Havighurst et al. (1962) reported that nearly
two thirds of youngsters with high sixth- and seventh-grade
peer-nominated aggressiveness scores drop out, compared with
about one fourth of all remaining children and one sixth of children with very low aggressiveness scores. Subsequently, Feldhu-
sen et al. (1973) found that teacher-nominated aggressive children were six times as likely to later drop out as a group of
matched nonaggressive controls. These rather impressive findings are in contrast to Kupersmidt's (1983) more recent report
that a child's reputation among peers for starting fights does
not contribute significantly to the prediction of later academic
maladjustment after controlling for acceptance, sex, race, and
academic achievement. Because academic maladjustment in
Kupersmidt's case meant more than dropping out per se (see
above), interpretation of this disparate result is unclear. But
Kupersmidt's finding clearly points out that more systematic
research into the follow-up links between dropping out and aggression is needed before firm conclusions can be drawn.
To summarize this section, there appears to be very good evidence that the decision to drop out of school in adolescence
often follows an earlier period of poor peer adjustment in middle childhood and early adolescence. The evidence for this
comes from the several follow-back analyses that have been conducted in this area. These studies indicate a link between dropout status and barometers of earlier peer-relationship difficulties
of every type (peer and teacher measures of acceptance, aggressiveness, or shyness/withdrawal). More significant from the
standpoint of risk and primary prevention is the generally clear
evidence in the existing literature of a predictive, or follow-up,
link between peer-relationship adjustment and later dropout
status. Children who were poorly accepted by their peers were
found to be more likely to drop out of school than children who
were better accepted. This was true whether acceptance was assessed sociometrically or based on teacher judgment. Aggression, too, appeared to predict later dropping out, although here
the predictive link did not appear as consistently as it did for
acceptance level. Much less can be said about the link between
shyness/withdrawal and later dropping out. This relation has
not been adequately examined.
Juvenile and Adult Crime
Juvenile crime, or delinquency, remains a critical social
problem in most Western societies, and concern over the problem of delinquency continues to motivate interest in description and especially in prediction (see Achenbach, 1982; Elliott
& Voss, 1974; Loeber & Dishion, 1983; Rutter & Oarmezy,
1983; Van Dusen & Mednick, 1983). In considering risk and
prediction, it is important to appreciate the myriad ways in
which delinquency and delinquent acts may be operationalized:
Delinquent acts themselves may range from major crimes against
persons and property (assault, theft) to relatively minor misdemeanors (public intoxication, reckless driving), and they also include behavior that is illegal only by virtue of the subject's youth
(purchasing liquor, leaving home). The outcomes of delinquency
are as variable as the behaviors that define it. The perpetrator of a
delinquent act may be brought before a court and either adjudged
delinquent or not, he may come to the attention of some agency
(police, clinic, school) that responds in a nonadjudicating manner,
he may be detected by persons that do not refer him to any agency,
or he may go completely undetected. These categories have been
formally labeled by Carr (1950, p. 90) as "adjudged," "alleged,"
"agency." "detected," and "legal" delinquency, respectivelv.
(Weinenl970,p. 289)
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367
Acceptance
against people, such as assault; it is quite another to predict relatively minor acts, such as running away or vandalism, which
fourth to one third of boys and 1 in 13 to 1 in 16 girls are offionly about one half of all such delinquents become repeat
unsuccessful studies differ in many respects, this issue is difficult to resolve. The source of assessment and type of sample do
not appear to be factors because predictive links have been
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368
Table 2
Studies Predicting Later Juvenile and Adult Crime Grouped by Indicator (Acceptance and Behavioral Style)
and Assessment Source (Peers and Teachers)
Sample
Study
Criterion
Analysis
Type
Sex
Age (years)
Results
Acceptance
Peer assessed
M.Roff, Sells, & Golden
(1972)
M. Roff(1975)
J.D.Ro(f& Win (1984)
JC (agency)
FU
School
8-10
Support
JC (agency)
JC (agency)
FU
FU
School
School
8-10
8-10
8-10
JC (alleged)
JC (detected)
FU
FU
School
School
F
M
F
M
Support
Support
Support
No support
No support
JC (alleged)
FB
School
M. Roff(1961)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers,
&Penniman{1979)
AC (adjudicated)
AC (detected)
AC (arrested)
AC (convicted)
AC (jailed)
FB
FU
FU
FU
FU
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
M+F
8
10
Teacher assessed
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
8
11
Unspecified
4-15
4-15
4-15
4-15
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
No support
No support
FU
School
11
Support
JC (alleged)
JC (adjudicated)
JC (detected)
FU
FU
FU
School
School
School
M
M
M+F
8
8
10
Support
Support
Support
Mulligan, Douglas,
Hammond, & Tizard
(1963)
J. J. Conger & Miller ( 1966)
JC (adjudicated)
JC (persistent)
FB
FB
School
School
M+F
M+F
13
13
Support
Support
JC (alleged)
FB
School
8
11
Kirkegaard-S6rensen &
Mednick(1977)
Farrington (1978)
Magnussen, Stattin, &
Duner(1983)
AC (convicted)
FB
JC (self-report)
JC (detected)
JC (severe)
JC (persistent)
AC (detected)
AC (severe)
AC (persistent)
AC (sociopathy)
JC (alleged)
FB
FU
FU
FU
FU
FU
FU
FU
FU
School
High risk
School
School
School
School
School
School
School
Clinic
School
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
JC (self-report)
FU
School
JC (detected)
JC (alleged)
JC (adjudicated)
JC (agency)
FU
FU
FU
FU
School
School
School
School
AC (detected)
AC (arrested)
AC (convicted)
AC (jailed)
FU
FU
FU
FU
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
No support
Support
Support
Support
Support
Support
No support
No support
No support
No support
Havighurst, Bowman,
Liddle, Matthews, &
Pierce (1962)
West & Farrington (1973)
Farrington (1978)
Kupersmidt(1983)
Teacher assessed
Robins (1966)
West & Farrington (1973)
F.nsminger, Kellam, &
Rubin (1983)
Feldhusen, Thurston, &
Benning(1973)
J.D. Rolf & Win (1984)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers,
&Penniman(l979)
10-20
10-20
8-10
M+F
M +F
M+F
10
10
10
10
10
10
Unspecified
8
10
6
6
8,11,14
8,11,14
8,11,14
M
F
M
M
M
M
8-10
8-10
4-15
4-15
4-15
4-15
M+F
M
M
M
F
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369
Sample
Criterion
Analysis
Type
Sex
Age (years)
Results
JC (adjudicated)
FB
School
Kirkegaard-Srtrensen &
Mednick(1977)
Ensmingcr, Kellam, &
Rubin (1983)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers,
&Penniman(I979)
AC (convicted)
FB
JC (self-report)
FU
School
High risk
School
AC (detected)
AC (arrested)
AC (convicted)
AC (jailed)
FU
FU
FU
FU
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
M
M
M
M
M
F
M
M
M
M
8
II
10-20
10-20
6
6
4-15
4-15
4-15
4-15
No support
No support
Support
No support
No support
No support
No support
No support
No support
No support
Note. JC = juvenile crime; AC = adult crime; FU = follow-up; Ffl = follow-back; M = male; F = female.
found with both teacher judgments (Janes et al., 1979) and peer
judgments (J. D. Roff & Wirt, 1984) and in both school (J. D.
boys had as high an incidence of later delinquency as did lowaccepted boys. They interpreted their findings as support for
Roff & Wirt, 1984) and clinic (Janes et al., 1979) samples. On
the other hand, the wording of the sociometric test may be important. For example, West and Farrington (1973) had children
nominate other children whom they would like to have as
friends. As West and Farrington (1973) acknowledged,
Finally, the extent to which the findings characterize both severe and minor or one-time and persistent offending is not
predictability was weakened by the fact that a number of children were labeled delinquent in her study for relatively minor
mischief.
Behavioral Style
The lower portion of Table 2 contains studies relating earlier
aggressive or shy/withdrawn behavioral style to later crime.
With regard to aggressiveness, Table 2 shows a clear and consistent tendency across at least three follow-back studies for teachers to describe future juvenile or adult offenders as more aggressive than future nonoffenders (J. J, Conger & Miller, 1966;
age, the earliest age at which they have been examined (J. J.
these studies differ notably in their sample types and their oper-
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370
and adult crime accords with other evidence indicating a consistency between early and later antisocial behavior in general
(e.g., Craig & Click, 1963; Mitchell & Rosa, 1981; Robins,
seldom, if ever, had more than one later offense, compared with
over 20% of the very aggressive boys. When only serious^ffenses
are considered, 1 out of every 4 of the one-third most aggressive
deed, many years ago, Hewitt and Jenkins (1946) pointed out
that some antisocial individuals have adequate relationships
directly to so-called "predelinquent" behavior (stealing, running away, trouble with the law, lying, and truancy), although
only among male subjects.
1973), or to both (J. J. Conger & Miller, 1966; J. D. Roff & Wirt,
1984). J. D. Roff and Wirt recently examined this issue in a
pared with only about 13% of all the remaining boys and 9.9%
of the boys in the bottom third in aggressiveness. When only
at least one adult offense, compared with less than 2% of all the
remaining boys. This is a significant finding because two prior
cantly positive correlation between aggressiveness and later delinquency for both disliked boys and disliked girls. That is, for
attempts to link aggressiveness to adult criminality relied exclusively on clinic samples and produced different results. Janes et
al. (1979) found no link between aggression and postjuvenile
both boys and girls, the added knowledge that a disliked child
was aggressive made it more certain that the child was at risk
for criminal behavior. J. D. Roff and Wirt's data could be used
one third of her sample of clinic boys and girls with indications
criminality is interesting in the light of the fact that many factor-analytic models of delinquency continue to identify a type
dicts beyond the knowledge that the child was aggressive. This
The question of whether shyness/withdrawal relates to later
of passive, neurotic delinquent described as anxious, shy, seclusive, sensitive, and timid (e.g., Quay, 1979), and this nosological
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371
Acceptance
from the few follow-up studies that have been conducted that
are anecdotal, based on impressions culled from teachers' comments in child guidance clinic records and with no comparison
with a control group. But, as Table 3 indicates, subsequent,
than for boys (Dodge & Feldman, in press; Rutter & Garmezy,
men.ForM.Roff(1957, 1960,1963) poor peer adjustment consisted of pervasive, persistent, and openly hostile peer-group re-
relationships problems can, in the follow-up sense, predict future crime, the evidence for aggressiveness is strongly supportive; the evidence for low acceptance per se is somewhat mixed,
ping out, for which acceptance per se was more consistently related to later outcome than was aggressiveness. Prediction from
ceived mental health services. Cowen et al. found that individuals with mental health problems had received more negative
Adult Psychopathology
chopathology show differing levels of premorbid peer acceptance: Rolf, Knight, and Wertheim (1976) found a positive cor-
relation (r = .39) between summary ratings of early peer adjustment and later clinical judgments of a favorable schizophrenic
prognosis. This is an impressive finding given that peer acceptance has an attenuated range within disordered populations.
by researchers and simple archival measures of psychiatric service usage or psychiatric hospitalization. Note that Table 3 indi-
known. Likewise, very little attention has been paid to developmental issues within samples. Samples sometimes have in-
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372
Table 3
Studies Predicting Adult Psychopathology Grouped by Indicator (Acceptance and Behavioral Style)
and Assessment Source (Peers and Teachers)
Sample
Study
Criterion
Analysis
Type
Sex
Age (years)
Results
Acceptance
Peer assessed
Cowen, Pederson, Babijian, [zzo, &
Trost(I973)
J.D.Roff&Wirt<1984)
Receiving psychiatric
services
Hospitalization
FB
School
M+F
Support
FU
School
M
F
8-10
8-10
Support
Support
Schizophrenia
Neurosis
Psychosis
Hospitalization
Schizophrenia
Schizophrenia
Conduct disorder
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FB
FU
FU
School
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
M
M
M
Unspecified
Unspecified
Unspecified
Unspecified
5-16
13 (mean)
13 (mean)
1 3 (mean)
1 1 (mean)
4-15
4-15
Support
Support
Support
Support1
Support
Support
Support
No support
Support
Support
Support
Unspecified
Unspecified
Unspecified
9-20
9-20
9-20
9-20
No support
No support
No support
Support
Support
Support
No support
Support
No support
Support
Teacher assessed
Wamken&Siess(l965)
M.Roff( 1957,1960)
M,Roff(1963)
Friedlander(1945)
Frazee(1953)
Judge Baker studies (Flernming &
Ricks, 1970; Ricks & Berry, 1970)
Rolf, Knight, & Wertheim (1976)
Janes & Hesselbrock (1978)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers, &
Penniman(1979)
Robins < 1966)
Alcoholism
Schizophrenia prognosis
Adjustment rating
Hospitalization
M+F
M
M
M
M
M
M +F
Schizophrenia
Neurosis
Alcoholism
Schizophrenia
FU
FU
FU
FU
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
High risk
Borderline schizophrenia
FU
High risk
M+F
M +F
M+F
M
F
M
F
Adjustment rating
FB
FB
FU
School
School
School
M
F
M +F
11
11
11
Schizophrenia
Schizophrenia
FB
FB
Clinic
Clinic
M
M
5-16
13 (mean)
No support
Support
Hospitalization
FU
Clinic
4-15
No support
Adjustment rating
FU
M
F
Schizophrenia
Neurosis
Alcoholism
FU
FU
FU
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
M+F
M+F
M+F
4-15
4-15
Unspecified
Unspecified
Unspecified
Support
No support
No support
No support
No support
M
M
M+F
M
Unspecified
5-16
Unspecified
13 (mean)
Support
Support
No support
Support
Adjustment rating
Teacher assessed
Frazee(1953)
Judge Baker studies (Hemming &
Ricks, 1970; Ricks & Berry, 1970)
Janes, Hesselbrock, Myers, &
Penniman(1979)
Janes & Hesselbrock ( 1 978)
Robins(1966)
Schizophrenia
Schizophrenia
Schizophrenia
Schizophrenia
FB
FB
FB
FB
School
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
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373
Criterion
Analysis
Type
Sex
Age (years)
Results
Adjustment rating
FU
Clinic
M+F
3-15
No support"
Schizophrenia
Adjustment rating
FU
FU
Clinic
Clinic
Hospitalization
FU
Clinic
M
M
F
M
2-18
4-15
4-15
4-15
No support
No support
Support
No support
Alcoholism
Schizophrenia
Neurosis
Schizophrenia
FU
FU
FU
FU
Clinic
Clinic
Clinic
High risk
M+F
M+F
M+F
Borderline schizophrenia
FU
High risk
Unspecified
Unspecified
Unspecified
9-20
9-20
9-20
9-20
No
supportNo
support
No support
No support
No support
No support
Support
M
F
M
F
which differences become apparent or the ages at which differences are greatest.
A second set of studies in Table 3 (Janes & Hesselbrock, 1978;
Janes etal., 1979; John, Mednick, & Schulsinger, 1982; Robins,
1966; J. D. Roff& Wirt, 1984) indicates whether low acceptance relates to adult psychopathology in the follow-up, or prospective, sense. Most of these studies were with special populations of children (clinic children or children of schizophrenic
parents). Most used ad hoc teacher measures of acceptance of
unknown reliability or validity. Also, most were carried out by
investigators primarily concerned with other, larger issues of
prediction. As a group, then, these studies are not particularly
adult crime, J. D. Roffand Wirt used statewide public psychiatric hospitalization records to detect the incidence of later psychiatric disorder among a subset (n = 2,453) of the longitudinal
cases first assessed by M. Roffet al. (1972). J. D. Roffand Wirt
found a significant but very low negative correlation between
childhood sociometric status and later hospitalization both for
boys (r . 17) and for girls (r = . 10). Perhaps stronger effects
would have been obtained had J. D. Roff and Wirt compared
the most unpopular children with all others rather than correlating adjustment with the entire range of sociometric status.
Behavioral Style
tance and risk have been mixed and generally inconclusive. For
example, data from Robins (1966) indicate that clinic children
who had "difficulties with contemporaries" had no greater incidence of later psychosis, neurosis, or alcoholism than did other
clinic children. Yet Janes et al. (1979) reported that clinic boys
and girls whose teachers indicated that they "fail to get along
with other children" had significantly poorer mental health ratings as adults than did other clinic children. Moreover, the Janes
et al. data indicate that a failure to get along with peers accord-
1959). Consistent with this expectation, follow-back comparisons have sometimes found that shyness or withdrawal is more
ing to teachers also predicted subsequent psychiatric hospitalization among boys. (They did not examine the incidence
characteristic of the backgrounds of schizophrenic than nonschizophrenic adults. For example, Warnken and Siess (1965),
ords, found that the terms shy and withdrawn appear much
teacher that a child had difficulty making friends and was lonely
ior was characteristic of the histories of 78% of the 23 schizophrenic adults whom she studied, compared with 44% of the 23
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374
tions for aggressiveness and "initial adult adjustment." Poor initial adult adjustment meant poor mental health as judged by
interviewers, as well as signs of irresponsibility, an unstable
with other people (e.g., they were more likely to be library aides
than members of student government or members of specialinterest ciubs).
It has yet to be consistently established, however, that shyness
psychiatric interviews) than did nonaggressive clinic girls. Aggressive clinic boys did have poorer later mental health than did
nonaggressive boys, but these apparent differences disappeared
after socioeconomic and intelligence differences were controlled for. Moreover, aggressive boys were not different from
ratings made later by psychiatrists. This was true only for girls,
however. In another study, John et al. (1982) found that among
girls (but not boys) with schizophrenic parents, an indication
from the teacher that the child was "shy, reserved, and silent"
was related to increased risk of later schizophrenia or borderline schizophrenia, relative to nonschizophrenic forms of disorder.
Further, if we take a second look at the follow-back comparisons discussed above, several problems are apparent. No study
used peer-assessed shyness or withdrawal. Those based on clinic
samples generally did not include information on how shyness
or withdrawal was assessed (e.g., Flemming & Ricks, 1970;
Frazee, 1953; Ricks & Berry, 1970). It is particularly critical for
clinic studies to include information on how shyness/withdrawal is operationalized, because analyses of clinic case files
allow enormous latitude in coding and interpretation. Studies
using school samples have generally been better at stating measurement criteria but have sometimes used measures of questionable reliability and validity (e.g., Barthell & Holmes, 1968,
assessed withdrawal by using activities reported in high school
yearbooks).
A second concern is that not all follow-back analyses have
found evidence of greater shyness or withdrawal in the backgrounds of schizophrenics relative to controls (Robins, 1966) or
of chronic schizophrenics relative to schizophrenics with more
favorable prognoses (Rolf et al., 1976). Yet there are no obvious
differences that help explain the discrepancies between these
latter studies and the studies finding relations discussed above.
The second aspect of behavioral style that is of interest here is
aggressiveness. Some of those follow-back analyses that indicate
that emotionally disturbed adults show a history of greater shyness/withdrawal also indicate that many impaired adults show
histories of aggressiveness (Flemming & Ricks, 1970; Ricks &
Berry, 1970). Moreover, other studies also indicate a followback link between later disorder and earlier aggressiveness toward peers (Havighurst et al., 1962; Robins, 1966). Accord-
research is needed.
Perhaps, as Ledmgham and Schwartzman (1984) recently argued, shyness/withdrawal is most problematic when individuals also show deviant levels of aggressive behavior.
Follow-up analyses, too, provide evidence of a predictive link
Predictive Accuracy
In this section, we examine the predictive accuracy of measures of poor peer adjustment in terms of predictive efficacy,
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375
Study
Focal
Remaining
1,729 (male)
6,676 (female)
1,224 (male)
1,224 (female)
55 (male)
47 (female)
308 (female)
356 (male)
25.30
11.40
35.30
10.34
54.20
36.00
15.40
13.80
9.90
6.96
17.78
6.14
19.40
4.50
7.60
4.10
10.48
4.72
33.03
24.39
44.10
78.50
16.55
42.86
380 (female)
356 (male)
127 (male)
138 (male)
135 (male)
137 (male)
20.80
13.40
25.00
53.30
34.10
8.90
6.90
4.60
12.60
34.40
14.30
0.00
28.85
33.33
23.45
22.00
31.42
100,00
57.00
83,30
37.50
26.30
15.60
13,90
37.50
78.99
25,30
Table 15
Table 19
Appendix A
18.20
47.90
23.90
9.90
35.30
26.00
22.70
30.00
14.00
18.00
41.00
38.40
38.10
3.00
22.30
3.10
1.00
10.70
5.70
2.70
13.00
1.90
5.30
13.80
14.70
11.90
42.13
36.36
76.87
79.63
45.82
56.02
73.60
32.37
70.00
46.03
32.14
27.97
41.61
p. 346
p. 344
p. 344
p. 344
Table 16.3
Table 16.3
Table 16.3
Table 16.5
Table 16.5
Table 16.5
Appendix A ( 8 years)
Appendix A ( 1 0 years)
Appendix A (8 4- 10
years)
Outcome
RIOC
Source
Acceptance
Peer assessed
M. Roff, Sells, & Golden (1972)
M.Roff(1975)
J.D.Roff& Win (1984)
JC (agency)
JC (agency)
JC (agency)
Dropping out
Barclay (1966)
Dropping out
Table 25
Figure 2
Table 2
Table3
Table 2
Table 2
Table 1
Table 1
Teacher assessed
Barclay (1966)
Dropping out
Dropping out
AC (detected)
AC (arrest)
Psychiatric
hospitalization
Table 1
Table 1
Personal communication
Personal communication
Personal communication
Personal communication
Dropping out
JC (detected)
JC (alleged)
352
Dropping out
JC (detected)
JC (alleged)
JC (adjudicated)
JC (detected)
JC (severe)
JC (persistent)
AC (detected)
AC (severe)
AC (persistent)
JC (alleged)
384
384
384
384
242 (male)
353 (male)
Teacher assessed
Feldhusen, Thurston, & Beaning
(1973)
412 (male)
412(malel
4 12 (male)
4 12 (male)
4 12 (male)
412 (male)
41 1 (male)
411 (male)
411 (male)
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376
(percentages and sample sizes) for calculating R1OC. It is important, then, to avoid drawing conclusions from Table 4 about
important questions about the strength of prediction in instances in which predictive relations have been found. These
ping out, criminality, or adult psychopathology). These percentages indicate the specificity of peer relationships as a predictor.
include the accuracy of overall prediction, the differential predictive accuracy of various peer-relationship measures, the
prediction occurred, and poor peer relationships was a relatively specific predictor of maladjustment. When these percent-
differential predictability to various outcomes, and potential interactions between peer-relationship measures and later out-
ages are small, there were many false positives; that is, using the
With respect to the overall accuracy of prediction, the 30 entries in the RIOC column of Table 4 yield an average value of
of children as at risk.
Column 5 contains the percentages of nonfocal, or remain-
43.2, and several entries have values greater than 70. An RIOC
value of 43.2 indicates an improvement over chance accuracy
that is about 43% of its theoretical maximum given the base rate
was large.
On the basis of these percentages, we calculated the values
of Loeber and Dishion*s( 1983) RIOC index. These values are
presented in column 6 of Table 4. Recall that RIOC is a sum-
who are not actually at risk (i.e., sensitivity is high, but specificity is low).
These overall values mask a slight imbalance, however, beconsider just the 16 entries that concern aggressiveness, the average RIOC increases slightly (to 50,3). If we consider only the
14 entries that involve acceptance, RIOC drops off notably (to
25.5). Aggression and acceptance show the same pattern, however, of sensitivity and specificity: Few children destined for
difficulties escape detection (column 5 means are 10.6% for aggression and 10.3% for acceptance), but most children with
poor peer adjustment do not develop difficulties (see column 4).
Dropping out and criminality seem equally well predicted by
early peer-adjustment measures (mean RIOCs = 40.5 and 41.5,
respectively). Only one finding in Table 4 includes information
about predictability of adult psychopathology (Janes et al.,
1979), making comparisons with other outcomes questionable.
However, in this single case, predictive efficacy was perfect
(RIOC = 100).
tance rather than aggression (8 vs. 3). When peers and teachers
sures in Table 4 are measures of aggression rather than acceptance (13 vs. 6), and most peer measures are measures of accep-
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377
Conclusions
IB the introduction, we noted that the belief that low-accepted children constitute a population at risk is widespread in
both the popular and professional literature on social development and that it is essential to assess whether this assertion has
empirical support. At this point, we are in a position to offer
certain conclusions regarding this at-risk premise.
With regard to follow-back comparisons, our review indicates that it is indeed not difficult to find differences suggesting
greater childhood peer-relationship difficulties for maladjusted
individuals. Depending on the type of analysis, group differences existed either in childhood average acceptance, aggressiveness, or shyness/withdrawal or in the proportion of individuals labeled low accepted, aggressive, or shy/withdrawn. With
regard to proportions, from 28% to 70% of disordered adults
showed a history of problematic peer relationships (see Tables
1 -3). Differences were found in every outcome area considered.
In fact, they were sometimes observed even in comparisons of
disordered and nondisordered adults referred to clinics as chil-
and low peer acceptance in that shyness/withdrawal was episodic, not cumulative in nature, and lacked a developmentaladaptational basis. They argued that for this reason, predictions
based on shyness/withdrawal could never be as precise as predictions based on either aggressiveness or poor peer relationships themselves. Although our conclusions are consistent with
Kohlberg et al.'s formulation, an alternative explanation may lie
in the methodological rigor with which shyness/withdrawal has
been operationalized and studied to date. Recall from the discussion of Tables 1 through 3 that shyness/withdrawal has almost always been studied by using nonschool samples and follow-back methods of data analysis. Thus, from an interpretation and generalizability standpoint, most existing research on
this issue is of questionable utility. Indeed, inspection of Tables
1 through 3 reveals only one study (Ensminger et al., 1983; see
Table 2) that examines shyness/withdrawal and meets our criteria for an optimal study (i.e., school sample and follow-up
data). Thus, it is perhaps fairest to say that the ideal study of
shyness/withdrawal has not yet been done and that firm conclusions about this aspect of the literature would be premature.
predictive of later criminality than of dropping out. One cautionary note is that the less consistent predictor in each case is
also the one that has been studied less often, and for both outcomes, acceptance and aggressiveness are not independent of
the source of assessment (teacher vs. peers) and the type of sample (school vs. clinic). Nevertheless, the pattern is intriguing and
suggests different pathways to different outcomes.
The second qualifying conclusion from our review is that although predictive efficacy was high overall, peer-relationship
6
Looking ahead, we suggest that when using teacher measures, researchers would do well to explicitly train teachers to observe children's
behavioral style to avoid the ambiguity that currently surrounds the
validity of teacher ratings (Coie, Dodge, & Kupersmidt, in press). The
current practice of having teachers rate behavior without much preparation or time for focused observations seems unnecessarily handicapping.
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378
ships and adjustment than there has been in the pasta conceptualization that indicates not only how various forms of
peer-relationships disturbance relate to various later disordered
outcomes but also why. Toward this end, in the next, concluding
section, we discuss the two implicit models that have guided
risk research to date and suggest several important ways in
which both models are limited. We conclude with a discussion
of critical components that any new model of the risk premise
must contain. Our goal is to give direction to the next generation of risk studies.
Toward the Next Generation of Risk Research
Current Models and Their Limitations
At the beginning of this article, we noted that researchers who
have done work on the risk premise have proceeded from one
of two implicit models. The first model, shown at the top of
Figure 1, might be termed a causal model and stems from the
growing evidence that peer interaction ordinarily plays multiple
indispensable roles in the socialization of social, cognitive, and
moral developmentthe necessity-not-luxury view of peer interaction that we outlined earlier. Here the assumption seems
to be that because they are excluded from normal patterns of
peer interaction, low-accepted children are also systematically
excluded from normal socialization experiences and deprived
of important sources of support. As a result, these children become more extreme and more idiosyncratic in their modes of
thought and behavior over time and are made more vulnerable
to stress and breakdown.
The alternative belief, shown at the bottom of Figure 1, might
be termed an incidental model because it makes no assumption
that peer-relationship problems cause later maladjustment. Instead, this model assumes that early forms of the disorders that
will emerge fully in adulthood have a negative influence on interpersonal relationships in childhood. Accordingly, in this view
it is the early forms of disorder that are responsible for both the
early disturbances in peer-group adjustment and the ultimate
maladaptive outcomes. Put differently, the assumption is that
peer-relationship problems are tangential and epiphenomenal
to later maladjustment, though potentially useful for screening
purposes. There is no assumption that poor peer relationships
make any independent contribution to later maladjustment and
no prediction that children who are rejected by peers for reasons other than an underlying disorder will have later maladjustment.
These two models lead to somewhat different research objectives. Research conducted from an incidental perspective focuses on the relative predictive utility of poor peer relationships,
compared with other potential diagnostic measures, such as
neurological functioning, adjustment to parents or teachers, or
academic success. Studies of this type (e.g., John et al., 1982;
West & Farrington, 1973) typically sample a broad range of
childhood variables in the hope of finding a small subset that is
highly predictive of a specific adult outcome of interest (e.g.,
schizophrenia). By contrast, research from a causal perspective
(e.g., Feldhusen et al., 1973; Havighurst et al., 1962; Kupersmidt, 1983) focuses on a more circumscribed set of childhood
peer-adjustment variables but includes a broader array of po-
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379
a) Causal Model
Deviant Behavior
e.g., aggressiveness,
shyness/withdrawal
Low Peer
Acceptance
Deviant
Socialization
Experiences/
Opportunities
Maladjusted
Outcomes
e.g., dropping out,
crime,
psychopathology
b) Incidental Model
Underlying
Disturbance
Deviant Behavior
e.g., aggressiveness,
shyness/withdrawal
Maladjusted Outcomes
e.g., dropping out,
crime, psychopathology
Low Peer
Acceptance
Figure 1. Implicit models concerning the link between peer-relationship problems and later maladjustment.
tential adult outcomes in the hope of finding those that are related to earlier peer functioning. Otherwise, the two models focus on the same three classes of variables: characteristics of the
child (i.e., the child's deviant behavior), characteristics of the
child's social relationships (i.e., the child's peer acceptance),
and the child's eventual adult adjustment status (e.g., dropping
out, criminality, and psychopathology).
In our view, both models are deficient in terras of the range
of issues they consider and the sophistication with which they
reason about both the nature of peer-relationships disturbance
and the course and etiology of deviant development. The extreme incidental model seemingly denies the very real possibility that the experience of peer rejection, especially prolonged
peer rejection, leads a child to view the world and him- or herself
negatively (see Dodge & Feldraan, in press; Hymel & Franke,
1985). Ongoing rejection by peers must negatively affect many
aspects of the child's subsequent social, academic, affective, and
moral development. Perhaps it is appropriate to think of peerrelationship disturbances as incidental to outcomes that are relatively chronic and include a large genetic or biological component, such as schizophrenia; but it seems to us ill-advised to
ignore the potential contribution of peer rejection to such developmental-adaptational outcomes as dropping out and delinquency.
Alternatively, an extreme causal view ignores the fact that fac-
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380
are socially unacceptable" (p. 160). The acceptability of aggressive behaviors may be influenced by whether the act is instru-
that assesses children's behavioral functioning, peer adjustment, and later adult adjustment in a more sophisticated manner and incorporates in its design and analyses broader ques-
athletically, and academically competent behaviors may be evaluated differently from an aggressive child who generally behaves
tion has often been overlooked, both within and outside the
long-term-risk area. Research within the past decade suggests
ries.
Apart from aggression and shy or withdrawn behavior, many
friends and associates. These core questions are (a) Is this child
search. To begin with, the terms shy and withdrawn have been
treated in the existing literature as interchangeable descriptors.
each other in ways I like? (d) Does this child facilitate and not
a), is not trustworthy (Question b), and attempts to have influence in unacceptable ways (Question c).
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381
tant to assess in long-term-risk projects. Support for this suggestion comes from West and Farrington (1973), who found that
the boys considered the most dishonest by their peers were more
likely to become delinquent.
are such behaviors as helpfulness, disruptiveness, and impulsiveness. The question "Is this child similar to me?" suggests the
relevance of respect for peer and adult conventions. Finally, the
other classes whom they see only at lunchtime or recess or during extracurricular activities. They may have friends in their
assessed only among classmates, it is possible that some children identified as unpopular do, in fact, have friends in other
skills.
to be different.
Extraclassroom friendships. At all ages but especially as chil-
found that unpopular children who also have few friends out-
liked by peers (i.e., rejected children) and children who are not
liked but not especially disliked either (i.e., neglected children).
side the classroom show poorer concurrent academic adjustment than unpopular children with more nonclass friends.
1985; Furman & Buhrmester, 1985). Even pets may play some
role in providing emotional support (Bryant, 1985). In addition
Clearly, more studies in which children of different ages are subclassified into different status groups are needed for studying
to providing emotional support, these other relationships provide alternative sources for the acquisition of social skills. By
A concern that is sometimes raised regarding the assessment of neglected and rejected status is the use of negative (dislike) nominations
with some populations of children. Available data suggest that asking
children to nominate children whom they dislike does not pose ethical
problems(see Havyren & Hymel, 1983). Nonetheless, alternative multidimensional classification systems that do not require negative nominations are available (Asher & Dodge, 1986) and might be exploited for
this purpose.
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382
closer to the level now possible for dropping out and criminality.
withdrawal. We add here three more adjustment outcomes worthy of greater attention in the risk literature.
question "Is the child liked?" and the question "What is the
child like?" Answering these questions involves sociometric
the risk literature, most studies contain information on sociometric status or behavioral style but rarely both. Even when
both types of information are collected, the data are rarely used
sion. Rubin et al.'s {in press) view was that focusing on particular subgroups of rejected children leads to more plausible con-
between early peer-relationship difficulties and later suicidal behavior is far from settled. The existing literature is based on
interviews with suicide attempters (e.g., Schrut, 1968; Topal &
Rezmkoff, 1982) or, in the case of completed suicide, on interviews with relatives of the victim (e.g., Schaffer, 1974), on victims' suicide notes (Jacobs, 1971), or on "psychological autopsies" done by coroners or caseworkers (e.g., Jan-Tausch, cited
in Trout, 1980). The available literature is entirely retrospective
and rarely quantitative. Whether measures of acceptance and
behavior obtained in childhood bear any follow-back or followup relation to suicidal behavior later in life remains to be seen.
Finally, it is worth noting that proponents of the risk hypothesis have rarely made strong claims for predictability of specific
outcomes. Instead, they have tended to assert that problematic
peer relationships represent an important nonspecific predictor
of later disorder (e.g., Kohlberg et al., 1972). This suggests two
further possibilities. First, perhaps we should be asking how accurately poor peer relationships foretell disturbance of any
type, not just specific negative outcomes. Very few studies have
examined this question directly or even permitted such a determination from the data presented. Second, perhaps we should
ask whether peer-relationship difficulties in childhood are most
predictive of multiple negative outcomes; that is, they may be
most predictive of that subset of later disordered individuals
who experience disorder in two or more areas of personal adjustment (e.g., academic, societal, or psychiatric). Kupersmidt's (1983) finding that sociometrically rejected children
had more cumulative problems (dropping out, grade retention,
truancy, and juvenile court contacts) than sociometrically average, neglected, and popular children is consistent with this pos-
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383
tion of reliable sociometric rating scales (Asher, Singleton, Tinsley, & Hymel, 1979) and paired comparison techniques (A. S.
Developmental Considerations
Cohen & Van Tassel, 1978; Vaughn & Waters, 1981) for use
with preschoolers.
The child's perceptions and beliefs about his or her peer relationships have been ignored in the risk literature. The child's
context for social interaction with age-mates changes in accordance with the salient developmental goals of the period. In
nated, dyadic play, because it is this context that offers the most
opportunities for emotional and cognitive growth. Later, in
middle childhood, the most significant opportunities for affec-
accessibility and convenience, without offering strong conceptual arguments for choosing to study one age over another. In-
place. These alternative possibilities suggest that the role of children's perspectives on their own rejection could prove to be
deed, except for guidance clinic studies, almost all studies have
involved populations of fifth or sixth graders. Researchers who
Process-Oriented Research
developmental trends.
In addition, researchers should more systematically examine
the separate and combined effects of age of peer rejection and
disorder? Is predictability better at some ages as opposed to others or for different behaviors at different ages? Addressing these
questions will require, among other things, that assessment of
out. Yet authors who have reported these findings have rarely
offered an explanation of why this relation holds. One possibil-
dren to do poorly academically and, therefore, to drop out. Because students often study together for tests, collaborate on
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384
homework, and informally tutor one another, unpopular students may miss important opportunities to learn school material and may surfer academically. Furthermore, because school
is likely to be a stressful experience for children who are rejected, they may not be as able to concentrate on their reading
material and lectures. An alternate possibility is that for lowaccepted children, schools are aversive, with few of the social
rewards that constitute much of school's holding power for adolescents. To go to school each day without looking forward to
seeing anyone or participating in group activities might give
sufficient
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Manuscript submission patterns for Professional Psychology: Research and Practice make the
precise date of completion of the 1988 volume uncertain. The current editor, Norman Abeles,
will receive and consider manuscripts until December 31, 1987. Should the 1988 volume be
completed before that date, manuscripts will be redirected to Delworth for consideration in the
1989 volume.