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183-202
CHRISTOPHER PARE 1
The traditional definition of a Furstensitz, outlined in I969 by W. Kimmig, is in need of modification. Greater
precision is needed in the interpretation of imported and imitated Mediterranean pottery and elite burials. From
our discussion, it becomes clear that both rich settlements and burials underwent crucial changes within the late
Hallstatt period: the elite burial rite was becoming increasingly exclusive, and imported or imitated Mediterranean
pottery generally appeared on hillforts only after the end of Hallstatt D I. Clearly, a model for the West Hallstatt
culture should take account of its dynamic nature. Some important trends are described: (I) the spread of elite
burial practices, (2) the foundation of the Furstensitze, and (3) the 'concentration of power' in the late Hallstatt
culture north-west of the Alps.
The emergence of an elite during the Hallstatt period had an internal logic which did not necessarily require a
Mediterranean instigator. The foundation of Massalia in 600 BC has traditionally been seen as providing the
impulse for the emergence of the 'princely' culture of Hallstatt D. But neither the internal developments of the
Hallstatt culture, nor the degree of contact with the Greek colonies in Hallstatt DI, can support this view.
Previous emphasis on influence from the Greek colonies in the South of France has obscured the effects of
contacts and trade with Italy, although it is certain that the increasing acquaintance with the civilized neighbours
across the Alps led to events ofhistoric importance: the Celtic invasion ofItaly and the start ofthe Celtic diaspora.
This process of acquaintance must be assigned to the late Hallstatt period (Hallstatt D2/3), when Italic imports
became frequent north of the Alps. In fact, the transalpine areas which in the late Hallstatt period had especially
close trading relations with Italy (particularly east central France) seem to have been the origin of most of the
important contingents of Celtic invaders. The imported or imitated Italic objects in Hallstatt D2/3 and La Tene A
reflect the changed political situation before and after the Celtic invasion. Whereas in both phases the Celts
imported luxurious feasting equipment, only in the Early La Tene period is Italic influence apparent in Celtic
weaponry.
2,
THE FURSTENSITZ
11. C. Pare.
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Fig. I
Examples of grooved wheel-made pottery from the
Heuneburg (after Lang 1974)
FURSTENSITZE
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Fig. 2
Distribution map of grooved wheel-made pottery (after
Lang 1974; additions: Mont Vully, Chatillon-sur-Glane,
Uetliberg, Bragny-sur-Saone, Montmorot; for the pottery
from Gergy, see Gallia Informations 19 87-88/ 2, 43,
fig. 35)
Chatillon/Clane
2 Heuneburg
3 Breisach
4 Mt. Lassois
5 Chateau/Salins
6 Uetliberg
7 Montmorot
8 Camp-de-Chassey
9 Britzgyberg
10 Wiirzburg
11 Ipf/Bopfingen
12 Mt. Cuerin
13 Hohenasperg
14 Hohennagold
15 Mt. Vully
18 5
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186
11.
C. Pare.
FURSTENSITZE
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Saraz
Ins VI/upper
Foret-des-Moidons
Bell
Hundheim I
Niederweiler
Hundersingen IV
Grandvillars
Sainte-Colombe, La G.
Apremont I
Chatonnaye
Hochdorf
Hundersingen 1/1
Kappel I
Ludwigsburg I
Apremont 2
Hatten
Savoyeux
Diidingen
Hermrigen
Asperg
Bad Cannstatt I
Mercey/Saone
Vix
Adiswil
Ins VIII
Urtenen
Sainte-Colombe, La B.
Allenluften
Payerne
Ihringen
Ludwigsburg 2
Hundersingen 1/2
Bad Cannstatt 2
Duiilingen
Baisingen
Ensisheim
Hundersingen 1/3
Hundersingen 1/5
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188
11.
C. Pare.
FURSTENSITZE
Fig. 4
Distribution map of the elite burials (circles) and settlements (stars) of the ,Vest Hallstatt culture in Ha D2-3
(see tables I and 3), of the Greek colonies (triangles), and of the Etruscan towns (black squares) and
inscriptions (empty squares) in north Italy
rr. C. Pare.
But after Ha Dr they were abandoned, leaving only
the Breisach 'Miinsterberg' settlement, defined by
Kimmig's model as a Furstensitz.?
Thus the dense network of small 'centres of power' in
the core area, characterized by hillforts and elite burials,
which emerged during Ha C and Ha Dr, was thinned
out at the transition from Ha Dr to D2. In Ha D2-3
there remained fewer hillforts associated with richer
elite burials, namely the Furstensitze.
This 'concentration of power' was presumably not
entirely peaceful. On the Heuneburg, for example, the
transition from Ha Dr to D2 is marked by a violent
destruction (between Heuneburg phases IV and Ill).
While the suburban settlement was totally abandoned,
never to be used again, the defences of the hillfort were
rebuilt with earth and timber, in traditional central
European manner, over the ruins of the famous mudbrick fortifications. Indeed, the four large tumuli housing the elite burials of Ha D2-3 now built on top of the
levelled suburban settlement might suggest that the
hillfort had passed into the hands of a new elite, which
paid no heed to the memory of the destroyed
suburbium.
To summarize: in south-west Germany there was in
Ha Dr (probably also in Ha C) a network of numerous
hillforts, with unremarkable finds, associated with a
relatively dense scatter of elite burials. Comparing Ha
D2-3 with Ha Dr, we can detect a tendency towards
fewer, richer hillfort settlements (now with imports and
other above-average finds) and fewer elite burials (often
with luxurious furnishings). This tendency, characterized here as a 'concentration of power', involved the
abandonment of both hillforts and elite burial traditions in parts of south-west Germany. At the same time,
in Ha D 2-3, the distribution of elite burials expanded
from the core area to include the whole West Hallstatt
culture. And these graves are again associated with
hillforts, now often with imported pottery.
In short, our conclusions show the gradual emergence of an elite life style, and its geographical expansion, during a period of more than two hundred years,
spanning the whole of the Hallstatt period. In each
phase, it seems possible to recognize an association
between hillforts and elite burials. But these 'centres of
power' decreased in number. Eventually, only a small
number of hillforts survived, having been able to concentrate political power at the expense of their
neighbours.
It is within this dynamic context that we should
consider contact and trade with the Mediterranean
FURSTENSITZE
11. C. Pare.
FURSTENSITZE
Fig. 5
The city of Como (Lombardy) and its cemeteries in the yth century BC. Squares: settlement finds.
Circles: cemeteries. (After De Marinis 19 84, 39)
193
Fig. 6
Distribution map of the arched fibula with notched bow and bent-up foot
occupied by the Etruscan settlers (fig. 4), in 'cities well map). At the time of the colonization, the Golasecca
equipped for profitable commerce and for sumptuous culture experienced a peak in its fortunes - perhaps in
living' (Plutarch, Camillus XVI). Today, as a result of part caused by the proximity of the advanced Etruscan
archaeological discoveries, the previous hypercritical settlements. Commerce with the Etruscans certainly
approach to the historical version of the Etruscan colo- intensified from the end of the 6th century, and the 5th
nization (e.g. Mansuelli 1959) no longer seems century saw the floruit of Como, which now formed the
appropriate.
major centre of the culture (fig. 5). In the yth century,
To the north-west, the Etruscan colonists had as Como attained true urban proportions, with a settled
neighbours a people whose material remains are known area of more than 150 hectares and probably with an
archaeologically as the Golasecca culture. In the area of urban design (e.g. uniform house orientation, a street
the Golasecca culture, around Lakes Maggiore and plan, drainage system, etc., see De Marinis 1986).
Como, a language related to Celtic was spoken Clearly, the story told both by historical and archaeonamed Lepontic by philologists (Risch 1970, 133, logical sources speaks for the late 6th and yth centuries
194
I I.
C. Pare.
FURSTENSITZE
Fig. 7
Distribution map of three types of bronze pendant
195
I I.
C. Pare.
FURSTENSITZE
A3
4
~-0
Fig. 9
Bronze wagon fittings from Como, Ca'Morta (2,4,6), Vix (I, 3) and Savigne (5).
Scale 1:2
197
Duria passes; (3) the Cenomani led by Etitovius crossing over the same passes; (4) the Libui and Salluvii; (S)
the Boii and Lingones, who crossed over the Poenine
pass; and (6) the Senones, lead by Brennus.
The areas settled by the invading tribes can only be
located in a few cases (for the Insubres, Cenomani,
Anari, Boii, Lingones and Senones: fig. 10), but the
position of their original homelands seems to be reflected by the territories occupied by the ancestral tribes in
the I st century BC, encountered and described by Julius
Caesar (fig. 10). While there is every reason to expect
that the political map of France did not remain perfectly
constant between the 4th and r st centuries BC, it is likely
that the general area inhabited by the tribes described
by Caesar, central and eastern France, corresponds
approximately with the homeland of many of the tribes
which invaded Italy. Thus in the Celtic invasions, the
tribes generally did not move en bloc, but divided, one
part remaining in the home territory, the other, predominantly made up of young men, setting out in search
of new land to settle. The best account of this process is
found in the story of Ambigatus, king of the Bituriges
who sent his nephews Bellovesus and Segovesus to
invade Italy and the Hercynian highlands. Moreover
the tribes involved, located in r st century Gaul by
Caesar, occupied a coherent region of central and
eastern France, strongly suggesting that Livy's list of
invading tribes was not fortuitous.
Archaeology has a decisive role to play in testing the
historical version of the Celtic invasion, particularly the
origin of the tribes involved. V. Kruta's research has
been able to recognize regional differences among the
Celtic material of north Italy, corresponding to the
territories of different tribes (Kruta 1980; 1983). Thus
the graves in the territory of the Boii, often cremations,
lacked ankle-rings and torcs. And the arm-rings in the
graves of this area are also characteristic: the burials
were often provided with at least one iron arm-ring, and
the arrangement of the rings was asymmetric, with
more being worn on the left arm than on the right. All
these characteristics find parallels in the central-east
area of the La Tene culture, in the region where the Boii
were reported to have dwelt in the r st century BC. In the
area of the Senones and Cenomani, by contrast, the
female burials were torcs, indicating an origin for the
tribes in the western part of the La Tene culture. And the
exclusive use of the inhumation burial rite, and the
symmetrical arrangement of the arm-rings in the graves
of the territory settled by the Senones, find good parallels in the Marnian group of the La Tene culture, close
11. C. Pare.
FURSTENSITZE
Fig. 10
The Celtic tribes which invaded Italy, mentioned by Livy and Polybius (italic script), and by Julius Caesar
(normal script). The arrows show the routes taken by the Celts over the Great St Bernard
and Mont Cenis passes
199
BIBLIOGRAPHY
200
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C. Pare.
FURSTENSITZE
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