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NEOLIBERALISM
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SUGARMAN
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NEOLIBERALISM
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abandons the world of static states and stable ontologies for one of dynamic possibilities, risks and open
horizons. (p. 1)
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selves from other self-help advocates by proclaiming a solid scientic basis to their approach. Positive psychology, as dened in its
manifesto is: the scientic study of optimal
human functioning (Sheldon, Frederickson,
Rathunde, Csikszentmihalyi, & Haidt, 2000).
Over the past decade, positive psychology
has spawned a plethora of studies and articles,
many occurring in prominent psychological
journals (e.g., American Psychologist, Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, Psychological Bulletin) as well as specialized outlets
(e.g., The Journal of Happiness Studies), a spate
of academic and popular books (e.g., Linley,
Harrington, & Garcea, 2013; Lyubomirsky,
2007; Seligman, 2000; Sheldon, Kashdan, &
Steger, 2011), magazine features (e.g., Time
magazines 2005 cover story), an array of technical manuals, and myriad Internet articles,
blogs, and dedicated sites. There are associations and conferences dedicated to positive psychology, university programs including those at
Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania,
and two Templeton Prizes. Positive psychology
is a multibillion dollar eld of research commanding enormous attention both within and
outside of psychology. The reach of its inuence extends far beyond counseling and psychotherapy to education, economic analyses,
business, management, marketing, sports
coaching, law enforcement, corrections, and
military training.
According to Binkley (2013), positive psychology owes to the humanistic tradition initiated by those such as Rogers and Maslow in
afrming internal forces and potentials residing
within individuals that enable them to conquer
negative self-assessments and emotions, and dene and pursue their own visions of selfrealization and fulllment. In this vein, positive
psychologists conceptualize happiness as a personal potential that is cultivated by producing
and managing thoughts that bring about positive
emotions. However, positive psychology also
borrows from cognitive psychology in the assumption that feelings follow thoughts, and
thoughts can be used purposefully and willfully
to command emotional states. A fundamental
premise of positive psychology is that by orienting ones thinking positively toward ones
circumstances, negative patterns of thought and
feeling can be circumvented or replaced.
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NEOLIBERALISM
enterprising life goals, strategizing about available means, and motivating them to act in ways
to achieve their purposes. Using a mixture of
techniques adopted from counseling, business
consulting, and the human potential movement, coaching is eclectic, pragmatic, forward-looking, results oriented, and aimed at
efcient and productive living. It typically
consists of short-term, focused consultations
that address highly circumscribed personal
issues and challenges most often related to
career and business concerns. Such concerns
most often can be traced to the highly competitive climate of life in a neoliberal global
economy. However, in the paradigm of
coaching, such concerns become private individual shortcomings to be remedied by
strengthening individuals psychological resources.
Coaching is exempt from conventional licensing and professional requirements, which
according to Binkley (2013) is a freedom won
largely by being set in opposition to the dominant model of psychological expertise. Coaches
not only have little interest in their clients
pasts, and are present, future, and action oriented, but also, their expertise and authority is
formulated very differently from mainstream
psychotherapists. Coaching is nonhierarchical,
anti-institutional, and shows a preference for
credentials earned from practical experience
over academic degrees. The coach client relationship is characterized as informal and collegial, with sessions frequently conducted by teleconferencing. Coaches work as lifestyle
technicians, often employing technical means
by which clients progress is monitored, measured, charted, and compared against benchmarks of efciency and productivity. Tracing
the well-established link between coaching and
positive psychology, Binkley reveals how positive psychology lends coaching scientic legitimacy, while positive psychology benets from
coaching through increased dissemination of its
psychological platform.
However, what is perhaps most disconcerting
in Binkleys (2013) analysis is the way in which
positive psychology and coaching are reformulating our understanding of relationships in the
context of enterprise culture. The idea that happiness emerges from the depth of our moral
concerns and commitments, and the intertwining of our emotional lives with others in the
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students could acquire the psychological capabilities required to become enterprising, lifelong
learners. According to Martin and McLellan,
the psychologized image of the successful student has three key features. First, students act
and experience in ways that are expressive of
their presumed uniquely individual psychological interiors. Second, they are strategically enterprising in pursuit of self-dened goals. Third,
these features of self-expression and selfenterprise are entitlements; that is, basic rights
students can presume and demand from teachers, school administrators, and peers. Through
the lens of educational psychology, the expressive, enterprising, and entitled student is a
unique individual who is active, self-disciplined, self-directed, and self-assured; who
bears responsibility for her learning; and who is
equipped with executive skills and strategic
tools for goal-setting, progress monitoring, performance evaluation, and problem solving.
Martin and McLellan assert that these characteristics align with a very specic form of selfgovernance, one especially well suited to the
governmentality required of neoliberalism and
enterprise culture.
In detailing the historical inuence of educational psychologists on views of learners and
curricula, Martin and McLellan (2013) show
how the idea of expressive, enterprising selves
became linked to the terminology, technologies
of assessment and intervention, and authority of
psychological expertise. Under psychologys
inuence, children increasingly became understood as autonomous individual learners who
needed to be taught to recognize, value, express,
and direct their efforts toward developing, their
unique perspectives and abilities. This was promoted by educational psychologists under the
banners of self-esteem and self-concept,
whereas the terminology of self-regulation and
self-efcacy were used to conceptualize and
elevate the selfs hypothesized capacities as a
rational and strategic manager able to monitor,
strategize, reinforce, and motivate itself in pursuit of its own self-interests. According to Martin and McLellan (2013), the voluminous literature of psychological theorizing and research
on these dimensions of the self converge in a
conception of the successful enterprising student who is, in psychological terms, selfmotivated, self-regulated, and self-adapting (p.
174). Enterprising students are individuals who
NEOLIBERALISM
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What these curricular goals and their implementation demonstrate is that when psychological expertise is brought to bear in the setting of
educational values, aims, and practices, it becomes inuential in the constitution of students
as particular kinds of persons.
As Martin and McLellan (2013) recognize,
the challenge of neoliberal governmentality is
to determine ways in which individuals who
value their freedom can be taught to exercise it
in a manner consistent with certain sociopolitical arrangements. Neoliberal governmentality
does not operate through the domination and
oppression of citizens, but rather, by making
their subjectivity a target of inuence. To this
end, educational psychology has been an able
ally of neoliberalism. By promoting particular
kinds of selfhood and techniques by which they
are developed and attained, educational psychologists have intervened in the operations and
purposes of schools to help produce forms of
subjectivity suitable to neoliberal governmentality. Fundamental to these kinds of selfhood is
the belief that we are self-contained, autonomous beings who are masters of our abilities,
efforts, goals, choices, and accomplishments,
and capable of functioning largely independent
of social and cultural surrounds. By designing
and instituting educational practices and interventions that teach us to manage ourselves and
act in ways betting the neoliberal conception
of ourselves as autonomous enterprising actors,
educational psychologists are partners in preserving the neoliberal status quo.
Martin and McLellan (2013) assert that a
consequence of the kinds of selfhood promoted
by educational psychology is that they deter us
from recognizing and acknowledging our social, cultural, and historical constitution. This is
problematic, Martin and McLellan point out,
because it is only by virtue of our participation
with others within ways of life saturated with
moral and ethical values and standards that we
judge ourselves and our actions as justly deserving of praise or blame. Thus, Martin and McLellan remind us, psychological advice to esteem,
express, or regulate ourselves in aid of accom-
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NEOLIBERALISM
self-sufciency of neoliberalism denies and prevents social relatedness. Brown (2003) surmises
that the consummate neoliberal public could
hardly be said to exist as a public: The body
politic ceases to be a body, but is, rather, a
group of individual entrepreneurs and consumers (para. 15). In neoliberalism, the state does
not organize and control the market. Rather, it is
the converse. Market rationality is the regulative principle that organizes the state. Brown
goes on to argue that as a consequence, traditional democratic institutions are being dismembered as the values of enterprise, selfsufciency, cost-benet efciency, and
productivity ascend over the power of the state.
These and other features and effects of neoliberalism I have discussed bear profound implications for the interpretation of psychological
ethics.
In this article, I have drawn attention to neoliberalism and some of the ways psychology is
implicated in the neoliberal agenda. My aim has
been to broaden the context of consideration in
which psychological ethics might be examined
and more richly informed. A vital function of
governmentality is not only to produce and regulate forms of subjectivity, but also to legitimize the status quo regarding ordinary life and
what is deemed natural about it. Perhaps the
most powerful penetration of governmentality
is to be found in what passes for common sense.
This is why neoliberalism is so pervasive and, at
the same time, so difcult to detect.
In the examples I have discussed, there is
ample evidence that many psychologists are
operating in ways that sustain and promote the
globally dominant neoliberal agenda. In some
ways, this should not be surprising. Psychology
is wedded to the social, cultural, political, and
economic conditions of its times (Danziger,
1997). However, as some have long noted (e.g.,
Prilleltensky, 1994; Prilleltensky & WalshBowers, 1993), psychologists have been unwilling to admit their complicity with specic sociopolitical arrangements, for to do so would
undermine a credibility forged on value neutrality presumed to be ensured by scientic objectivity and moral indifference to its subject matter. Consequently, as the historical record
attests, in the main, psychologists have served
primarily as architects of adjustment in preserving the status quo and not as agents of
sociopolitical change (Walsh-Bowers, 2007).
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