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That is, the baptism and vision scene is one of several crucial christological recognition scenes in Mark that gives voice to an important
element of Markan theology, namely, reversal: the Jesus who humbles
himself before John is exalted as Son of God. Because they express the
Gospel writer's theological perspective so precisely, according to
Vaage, neither the baptism nor what follows can be considered historically reliable (Vaage 1996: 281-82, 286, 289-90).
Other analyses of the Gospel and the evangelist's purpose in composing it, although they differ from Vaage's, may lend support to his skepticism. One such interpretation comes from the attempt to make sense
of, and find a Sitz im Leben for, the notice in Jesus' arrest scene about a
young man dressed in a linen cloth who sheds it to avoid arrest (14.5152). If that young man is the same one who appears dressed in white at
Jesus' tomb to announce the resurrection (16.5-7), he may well represent a baptizand in the community the evangelist wrote for, who would
have shed his clothing and then been reclothed in white in the course of
the ancient baptismal rite (Scroggs and Groff 1973; Standaert 1978:
153-68, 498-540; McVann 1994: 183-90). This interlacing of the baptizand's experience entering the Jesus movement with the arrest that
leads to Jesus' death and the empty tomb that signals his resurrection
would constitute the evangelist's christological anchoring of community ritual: baptism as dying and rising with Christ (cf. Rom. 6.1-11).
The same intertwining of Christology and baptism occurs elsewhere in
Mark, in 10.35-40 and, of course, at John's baptism of Jesus. The
Gospel's steady focus on the baptismal rite, made evident by this interpretation, makes it likelier that the Gospel writer composed or strongly
shaped Mk 1.9-11. Consequently, Vaage's skepticism about the historical reliability of Mk 1.9-11 is fully justified.
To counteract skepticism about the Markan baptismal scene, defenders of a historical baptism typically offer two arguments. One is based
on how widely attested John's baptism of Jesus is in early Christian
literature. Yet disagreement over how many independent sources there
areMark may be the only oneweakens the argument (e.g. Crossan
1991: 232 versus Meier 1994: II, 100). The stronger argument relies on
the principle of embarrassment, which is similar to Gerd Theissen's
sub-criterion of 'tendency-resistance' under the criterion of 'historically
effective plausibility' (Theissen and Winter 1997: 177-80, 248). John
Dominic Crossan invokes it when he argues for the baptism of Jesus by
John: 'It [the baptism] also evinces a very large amount of what I term,
without any cynicism, theological damage control. The tradition is
clearly uneasy with the idea of John baptizing Jesus because that seems
to make John superior and Jesus sinful' (Crossan 1991: 232). The
argument goes that no scribe or writer would have added this element
to the Gospel story because the baptism carries with it implications that
are in tension with the Jesus movement's developing Christology.
Hence, the baptism by John bears the mark of the earliest and most
authentic stratum of material, too well accepted not to be included in
some fashion, but deeply troubling to the Gospel writers. Their discomfort shows in the changes they made in their accounts (Meier 1991,
1994:1, 168-71; II, 101; Theissen and Merz 1998: 207-208).
As logical as this claim is, the case is not as clear cut as scholars
would have it. Paul Hollenbach's assertion is an example of such overstatement: 'There can be no more certain fact of Jesus' life than his
baptism by John. For, considering the apologetic that surrounds the
event in all four gospels and other early Christian literature, we can be
sure that no early Christians would ever have invented it' (Hollenbach
1982: 198-99; italics added). Apologetic editing is evident in most of
the accounts, but the nature of the editing, hence the apologetic behind
it, varies considerably. The Gospel of John omits the baptism of Jesus,
although it describes the setting of the baptism and seems aware of
Jesus' baptismal vision, presenting it as (part of) a theophany or revelation to the baptist (Jn 1.29-34: Brown 1966: 55-72). Matthew records
the baptism and vision, but also reports John's hesitation to baptize
Jesus and the latter's convincing reason to proceed (Mt. 3.13-17; cf.
Gospel of the Ebionites in Epiphanius, Panarion 30.13.7). Luke avoids
10
11
12
1.
13
shaman would allow fruitful comparison between Jesus and other shamanic types in Mediterranean cultures, particularly in Greece (Burkert
1962; 1979: 88-98; Dodds 1951: 135-78; cf. Eliade 1961: 172-73).
The fullest use of anthropological models in historical Jesus research
has been John Pilch's application of altered states of consciousness
research to various episodes in the GospelsJesus' transfiguration,
walking on the sea, healing and resurrection appearancesand to
related phenomena described in the New Testament, such as John's
visionary experience reported in the book of Revelation (Pilch 1998a,
1998b, 1995, 1993). Pilch's research lies behind Bruce Malina's recent
analysis of the book of Revelation, and Philip Esler has followed Pilch
in applying the altered states of consciousness model to glossolalia in
the Jesus movement (Malina 1995: 2, 28; Esler 1992).
Altered states of consciousness research examines and compares
what could variously be described as ecstatic, trance, mystical, transcendental or visionary experiences that pervade human cultures around
the world. The rise of drug use and the introduction of meditative techniques from south and east Asia in the 1960s and 1970s fostered an
interest in such inquiry at the popular level in Europe and North
America. More important, however, was the impetus from anthropologists and other scholars who sought to counteract dismissive assessments of departures from an alert waking state as aberrant, pathological
or dysfunctional. The very wide range of conscious states researchers
have considered under the rubric of altered states of consciousness
makes it difficult to define the phenomenon with precision or to conclude with absolute certainty that we are speaking of a unified phenomenon (Tart 1980: 243; Lambek 1989: 38). Nevertheless, scholars
have little trouble identifying a range of conscious states that reasonably fall under this category: alterations in thinking, disturbed sense of
time, loss of control, change in expression of emotions, change in
bodily image, perceptual distortions, changes in meaning and significance assigned to experiences and perceptions, a sense of the ineffable,
feelings of rejuvenation and hypersuggestability (Ludwig 1968: 77-83;
cf. Krippner 1972).
Pilch, like Craffert, also applies the model of shaman to Jesus, joining it to his use of altered states of consciousness research. Pilch finds
that the Gospels' story of Jesus matches the typical shamanic biography
closely, a key feature of which is the entry into an altered state of
consciousness to allow journey to, or contact with, another reality,
14
15
16
17
18
tismal practice with a narrative about Jesus, what better place to begin
the story than with Jesus' baptism?
Again, while a social-scientific analysis of Jesus' baptism in Mark
supports the historical reliability of the basic narrative line, that is, of
ritual triggering Jesus' altered state of consciousness, details of the
story may nonetheless be unreliable, including the specific ritual that
reportedly triggered Jesus' possession trance.
c. Uncontrolled and Controlled Possession
While the ritual inducement of Jesus' possession trance is highly likely,
complete certainty in the matter eludes us, for there is a possibility that
the trance was not triggered by ritual at all. Anthropological studies of
cultures in which possession takes place note occasions when entry into
an alternate state of consciousness happens spontaneously, involuntarily
and suddenly, apart from any ritual (Goodman 1988a: 36; Bourguignon
1976: 39). Such spontaneity often occurs in an individual's initial experiences of possession (Jones 1976: 47; Heusch 1981: 158; Lewis 1989:
50). Since Jesus' baptismal vision represents the first report we have of
Jesus going into a possession trance, perhaps the Spirit fell upon Jesus
spontaneously. Support for this surmise comes from the immediate
context in Mark, at 1.12, where the Spirit seizes Jesus and casts him out
into the desert (Davies 1995: 63). No ritual prompts this occurrence of
possession.
However the possession trance actually came about, the characterization of it may have been a concern to the Jesus movement. In first-century Judean society, as in other societies where possession is common,
perceptions of it varied (Bourguignon 1968b: 13-15; Goodman 1988b:
21). Such societies prize possession when those possessed, spirit mediums and healers, for instance, bring vital information or the power to
cure illness to the community. On the other hand, societies react negatively to possession when it results in insanity or sickness (Lewis 1989:
48-49; Kiev 1968; Heusch 1981: 155-58). In contemporary Moroccan
society, for example, we find both desirable and undesirable possession:
The Hamadsha, a society of trance healers, ritually induce their own
possession by music, dance and self-mutilation, an event the public
views with approval and enthusiasm. In their role as trance healers, they
are vital to the therapeutic system of Moroccan society, for, among
other activities, they exorcize those possessed by devils or jinn
(Crapanzano 1973: xi-xiv, 1-11, 133-68). In the world of the New
19
Testament, positive possession meant being filled with Holy Spirit, but
those overtaken by an unclean spirit were negatively possessed. In
Jesus' case, it was evidently important to present his possession as
positive, because some were ready to identify Jesus' possession as a
negative instance, that is, as demon possession (Mk 3.22).
One key to distinguishing good from bad possession is the presence
or absence of ritual: negative spirit possession befalls individuals and is
ritually unregulated; positive spirit possession happens to individuals or
groups and is ritually controlled (Lee 1968: 36-41; Pressel 1977: 34445; Jones 1976: 35; Lewis 1989: 48-49). The regulated triggering of
spirit possession in willing subjects through ritual means stands in stark
contrast to sudden, involuntary, spontaneous possession, which is
regarded by most cultures as potentially harmful and dangerous (Pressel
1977: 345; Garrison 1977; Oesterreich 1966: 131-375). Accordingly,
proof that Jesus' possession was positive and not negative came from
its association with ritual activity. Otherwise, it would have been hard
to distinguish the demoniac from the person possessed by the Holy
Spirit. As scholars of spirit possession in patriarchal societies have
noted, among males it is those who do not fit in the social order that
typically became negatively possessed (Wilson 1967: 370-71). Jesus,
like the demon possessed, matches this profile: he exhibited aberrant
social behavior and lived outside a typical family or kinship network
(homeless, unmarried, etc.). In Israelite culture it would have been crucial, therefore, to present Jesus' possession trance not as idiosyncratic
or spontaneous but as culturally patterned and ritually structured. A
report that Jesus' vision resulted from ritual anointing at the hand of a
prophet-like figure would have counteracted any disparaging interpretation of Jesus' possession.
If Jesus entered an altered state of consciousness without any ritual
prompting, then apologetic motivations probably lie behind the introduction of baptism to the possession report. Because the charge that
Jesus was demon possessed was evidently a viable way of interpreting
Jesus' possession (Mk 3.22), it would have been in the best interests of
the Jesus movement to attribute the possession to ritual activity. Of
course, it is possible that Jesus actually did undergo baptism and enter
an altered state of consciousness as a consequence. Uncertainty in this
matter means, however, that a social-scientific approach reaches the
following conclusions regarding the historicity of the Markan account
of Jesus' baptism: while Jesus' visionary experience is historically very
20
likely, the baptismal rite (or any other rite) in conjunction with it is
less so.
3. Jesus' Baptism in Mark 1.9-11 and its 'Sitz im Leben'
This new approach to and perspective on Jesus' baptism and vision
could assist in answering the question that conventionally has guided
historical-critical research, that of Sitz im Leben. As John Gager notes,
it is the type of questionwhat is the specific setting and function of a
passage in the concrete life of the community that preserved and used
it?best answered by an approach informed by the social sciences
(Gager 1975: 10). Yet the historical-critical approach has generally
given limited attention to the social dimension of communities and has
shown little social-scientific sophistication (Smith 1975: 19).
This study has already pointed to a situation of controversy behind
the joining of Jesus' baptism to his experience of spirit possession. If
the two elements were joined by a community preserving the record of
Jesus' entry into an altered state of consciousness, it would have been
in response to a demon possession accusation leveled at Jesus. Yet a
charge of this sort could have arisen at any time in the history of the
Jesus movement and even within Jesus' own lifetime. So it is difficult
to pinpoint when and where this joining happened.
The embarrassment that the historical-critical approach found at work
in the editing of the baptismal account would lead one to conclude that
a christological dispute or concern lay behind the redaction, but this
study found no evidence of such embarrassment working in the Markan
version. Besides, exclusive attention to Christology overlooks another
prominent element of the story, the baptism itself, which points to concern about community ritual. Perhaps we need not dismiss the issue of
Christology if we allow ourselves to broaden that category. In this case,
Christology may be at issue if we understand Jesus as the model for the
ritual life of the community. We would, therefore, view the paradox
that Vaage found expressed in the Markan baptismal storyJesus'
exaltation as Son of God follows his humbling before Johnthrough a
ritual rather than a christological lens (Vaage 1996: 283).
Baptism, because it is a rite of passage or entry into a group, draws
attention to the formation and structure of community, or, in theological
terms, ecclesiology. Ritual theory underscores this linkage, and
explains why one leads inevitably to the other: The baptismal rite, like
21
all rites, has consequences for the individuals and communities performing it. Prominent among these consequences is the defining role
rites play in establishing and reinforcing a social order (Leach 1968:
524; Bell 1992: 42; Rappaport 1979: 192-94; Driver 1991: 131-51;
Geertz 1973: 118). The importance of the baptismal scene to the
Markan community may lie, therefore, in what it conveyed about group
formation.
The way people arrange and move themselves in relation to others
during ritual activity betokens their social relationship (Bourdieu 1990:
71-72). Eric Reinders, for instance, has explored the ritual expression of
social order in the Buddhist rite of bowing. Bowing lowers the junior
monk's body in relation to the senior monk and thus represents and
embodies the social distinction between them (Reinders 1997: 245-47).
The correspondence between spatial and social relationship finds
expression in the biblical world, too, when John the baptizer articulates
his inferiority to the one coming after him in the language of spatial
location and bodily movement: ' "The one who is more powerful than I
is coming after me; I am not worthy to stoop down and untie the thong
of his sandals'" (Mk 1.7 NRSV).
In the case of baptism, baptizands do not baptize themselves but
rather submit themselves to baptism at the hand of another, the one who
conducts or guides the rite. We see this subordination reinforced in the
movement the baptizand makes along a vertical axis in the course of the
rite, going down into the water and coming up out of it (Acts 8.38-39).
Jesus, likewise, comes up out of the water at the conclusion of his baptism in Mark, evidently following this same pattern (Mk 1.10). The
contrast between passive (being baptized) and active (baptizing) participation in the rite combined with the baptizand's downward movement
in approaching the baptizer express and establish a ranking between
baptizand and baptizer. Thus, a community structure emerges.
Baptism was well suited for building and maintaining a hierarchical
group, but the Gospel of Mark evidently prized a rather different social
structure. This alternate way of organizing and governing comes to
clearest expression in 9.33-37 and 10.41-45, two passages that scholars
identify as directions for community life (Pesch 1977: II, 101-105, 16162). In them, existing hierarchies serve as foils to the way the Jesus
community should be organized:
So Jesus called them and said to them, 'You know that among the Gentiles those whom they recognize as their rulers lord it over them, and
22
The role reversal called for in these texts counteracts hierarchy, which
has prompted scholars to conclude that the Markan ideal was an egalitarian social structure (Mack 1988: 340-49; Schussler Fiorenza 1983:
318; Myers 1988: 277-81, 434-35; Waetjen 1989: 158-76; HamertonKelly 1994: 106-111; Pesch 1971a: 138-39; 1971b: 166; but see Liew
1999).
If egalitarianism was sought, baptism would have hindered it, unless
the community undertook ways of altering or nullifying the rite's consequences. The baptismal narrative in Mark may have been just such an
attempt, undoing the social consequences of the baptismal rite through
the element of reversal. First, it placed Jesus, whom the community
knew was superior to John, in the inferior position of baptizand. At the
same time, the inferior John found himself in the superior position as
the administrator of the rite. This positioning anticipated and thus
counteracted the hierarchy expected to emerge between baptizer and
baptizand. Second, the act of submitting to John caused what follows,
the baptismal vision that elevated Jesus' status; a humbling act produced exaltation. This paradoxical scene thus dramatically expressed
the community structure called for in Mark 9 and 10, in which the
greatest is least, the servant leads and hierarchy finds no footing. From
the standpoint of the Markan Sitz im Leben, therefore, the function of
Mk 1.9-11 is clear: it reconciled Markan community ritual to the
desired community organization.
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ABSTRACT
This study challenges the longstanding and solid consensus among scholars that
Jesus' baptism is historically certain but the vision (or theophany) that follows has
little or no claim to historicity (Mk 1.9-11). Such visions and related phenomena are
commonplace, however, in the many cultures that sanction entry into altered states
of consciousness, which include Mediterranean culture, ancient and modern. From
a cross-cultural perspective, what happens to Jesus at his baptism has the character
of an altered state of consciousness anthropologists call possession trance.
Possession trances can be positive or negative and are usually distinguished by
the presence or absence of ritual activity. The followers of Jesus may have introduced the baptismal rite into the story of his possession, therefore, in order to identify what happened to him as positive rather than negative, that is, as possession by
Holy Spirit and not by a demon. Because of this possibility, Jesus' baptism has less
claim to historicity than what follows, a conclusion that reverses the current scholarly consensus.
30
As it closes, this study considers the Sitz im Leben of Mk 19-11 and suggests a
second reason for joining baptism to vision The second evangelist may have juxtaposed the two as a way of counteracting undesirable consequences the baptismal
nte had for the early Jesus movement
^ s
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